IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Photographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WIST  MAIN  STRHT 

WeSSTER.N.Y.  MStO 

(716)  S73-4503 


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CIHM/ICMH 

Microfiche 

Series. 


CIHIVI/ICMH 
Collection  de 
microfiches. 


Canadian  Institute  for  Historical  Microreproductions  /  Institut  Canadian  de  microreproductions  historiques 


Technical  and  Bibliographic  Notes/Notes  techniques  et  bibliographiques 


The  Institute  has  attempted  to  obtain  the  best 
original  copy  available  for  filming.  Features  of  this 
copy  which  may  be  bibliographically  unique, 
which  may  alter  any  of  the  images  in  the 
reproduction,  or  which  may  significantly  change 
the  usual  method  of  filming,  are  checked  below. 


n 


n 


D 


n 


D 


n 


Coloured  covers/ 
Couverture  de  couleur 


I      I    Covers  damaged/ 


Couverture  endommag^e 


Covers  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Couverture  restaur^  et/ou  peiliculAe 


I      I    Cover  title  missing/ 


Le  titre  de  couverture  manque 


I      I    Coloured  maps/ 


Cartes  gdographiques  en  couleur 

Coloured  init  (i.e.  other  than  blue  or  black)/ 
Encre  de  couleur  (i.e.  autre  qua  bleue  ou  noire) 


r~~|    Coloured  plates  and/or  illustrations/ 


Planches  et/ou  illustrations  en  couleur 

Bound  with  other  material/ 
Reiii  avec  d'autres  documents 

Tight  binding  may  cause  shadows  or  distortion 
along  interior  margin/ 

Lareliure  serr6e  peut  causer  de  I'ombre  ou  de  la 
distortion  le  long  de  la  marge  int^rieure 

Blank  leaves  added  during  restoration  may 
appear  within  the  text.  Whenever  possible,  these 
have  been  omitted  from  filming/ 
II  se  peut  que  certaines  pages  blanches  ajouties 
lors  d'une  restauration  apparaissent  dans  le  texte. 
mais,  lorsque  cela  6tait  possible,  ces  pages  n'ont 
pas  6t6  fiim^es. 

Additional  comments:/ 
Commentaires  suppl6mentalres; 


L'Institut  a  microfilm6  le  meilleur  exemplaire 
qu'il  lui  a  Ati  possible  de  se  procurer.  Les  details 
de  cet  exeiTipiaire  qui  sont  peut-Atre  uniques  du 
point  de  vue  bibliographique,  qui  peuvent  modifier 
une  image  repioduite,  ou  qui  peuvent  exiger  une 
modification  dans  la  m6thode  normale  de  filmage 
sont  indiqu6s  ci-dessous. 


I      I    Coloured  pages/ 


D 
D 
0 
D 
0 


D 


Pages  de  couleur 

Pages  damaged/ 
Pages  endommag^es 

Pages  restored  and/or  laminated/ 
Pages  restaurdes  et/ou  pellicul6es 

Pages  discoloured,  stained  or  foxed/ 
Pages  dicoiories,  tachetdes  ou  piqudes 

Pages  detached/ 
Pages  ditachdes 

Showthrough/ 
Transparence 


I      I    Quality  of  print  varies/ 


Quality  inigaie  de  I'impression 

Includes  supplementary  material/ 
Comprend  du  materiel  suppi^mentaire 

Only  edition  available/ 
Seule  Edition  disponible 


Pages  wholly  or  partially  obscured  by  errata 
slips,  tisrvtcs,  etc.,  have  been  refilmed  to 
ensure  the  oest  possible  image/ 
Les  pages  totalement  ou  partiellement 
obscurcies  par  un  feuillet  d'errata,  une  pelure, 
etc.,  ont  6t^  fiim^es  d  nouveau  de  fapon  A 
obtenir  la  meilleure  image  possible. 


This  item  is  filmed  at  the  reduction  ratio  checked  below/ 

Ce  document  est  filmd  au  taux  de  reduction  indiqu6  ci-dessous. 


10X 

14X 

18X 

22X 

26X 

30X 

12X 

16X 

20X 

24X 

28X 

32X 

laire 
I  details 
lues  du 
t  modifier 
iger  una 
B  filmage 


The  copy  filmed  here  has  been  reproduced  thanks 
to  the  generosity  of: 

Library  of  the  Public 
Archives  of  Canada 

The  imeges  appearing  here  are  the  best  quality 
possible  considering  the  condition  and  legibility 
of  the  original  copy  and  In  keeping  with  the 
filming  contract  specifications. 


L'exemplaire  film*  fut  reproduit  grAce  A  la 
g^nArosit*  de: 

La  bibliothdque  des  Archives 
publiques  du  Canada 

Les  images  suivantes  ont  6t4  reprodultes  avec  le 
plus  grand  soin,  compte  tenu  de  la  condition  at 
de  la  nettet*  de  l'exemplaire  film*,  et  en 
conformity  avec  les  conditions  du  contrat  de 
filmage. 


1/ 
\i6tts 


Original  copies  in  printed  paper  covers  are  filmed 
beginning  with  the  front  cover  and  ending  on 
the  last  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, or  the  back  cover  when  appropriate.  All 
other  original  copies  are  filmed  beginning  on  the 
first  page  with  a  printed  or  illustrated  impres- 
sion, and  ending  on  the  last  page  with  a  printed 
or  illustrated  impression. 


Les  exempleires  originaux  dont  la  couverture  en 
papier  est  imprimte  sont  fiimis  en  commen9ant 
par  le  premier  plat  et  en  terminent  soit  par  la 
derniire  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration,  soit  par  le  second 
plat,  salon  le  cas.  Tous  les  autres  exempleires 
originaux  sont  film6s  en  commen^ant  par  la 
premlAre  page  qui  comporte  une  empreinte 
d'impression  ou  d'illustration  et  en  terminent  par 
la  derniAre  page  qui  comporte  une  telle 
empreinte. 


The  last  recorded  frame  on  each  microfiche 
shall  contain  the  symbol  — ^  (meaning  "CON- 
TINUED"), or  the  symbol  V  (meaning  "END"), 
whichever  epplies. 


Un  des  symboles  suivants  apparaTtra  sur  la 
dernlAre  imege  de  cheque  microfiche,  selon  le 
cas:  le  symbols  —►  signifie  "A  SUIVRE",  le 
symbols  V  signifie  "FIN". 


ire 


Maps,  plates,  charts,  etc.,  mey  be  filmed  at 
different  reduction  retios.  Those  too  large  to  be 
entirely  included  in  one  exposure  are  filmed 
beginning  in  the  upper  left  hend  corner,  left  to 
right  and  top  to  bottom,  as  many  frames  as 
required.  The  following  diagrams  illustrate  the 
method: 


Les  cartes,  planches,  tableaux,  etc.,  peuvent  dtre 
filmAs  A  dss  oiux  de  reduction  i"ff6rents. 
Lorsque  le  document  est  trop  grend  pour  Atre 
reproduit  en  un  seul  ciich6, 11  est  film*  A  partir 
de  I'angle  supArleur  gauche,  de  geuche  A  droite, 
et  de  heut  en  bes,  en  prenant  le  nombre 
d'images  n6cessaire.  lies  diagrammes  suivents 
illustrent  le  mAthode. 


ly  errata 
ed  to 

int 

ine  pelure, 

apon  A 


12  3 


32X 


1 

2 

3 

4 

5 

6 

3 


/*? 


r 


HIOGRAIMIY   AND   UISTOUY 


or   THB 


.-1 

r  •^ 


r  1 


INDIANS   OF   NORTH   AMERICA, 


PROM    ITS    FIRHT    DISCOVERY. 


Iliftory  makolli  t  young  intn  to  Ixt  olH,  wilhoiil  nilhor  wrinklni  or  irajr  haira  \  privlllrd(in(  him 
with  the  i<i|ii-tiniino  orngn,  without  ailhar  thn  Inllrmitiai  or  inconvanianeisi  tharauC 

Fuixaa'i  //aty  Ww. 
I'hajr  waita  iii ;   ay,  like  April  anow 
In  thn  warm  ncMiii  wn  ihrink  away  ; 
And  fast  thny  Tolluw  aa  we  gu 

Towardi  thn  inttitig  day, 
Till  thoy  ahall  nil  thn  land,  and  wn 
Arc  drivan  into  tha  wnitorii  aaa. — llarAiiT. 


SI 


BY    SAMUEL    O.    DRAKE. 


\ 


KBIXOW    or   THE    ROTAL  fOCIKTT    or    HoaTH«aN    AltTIHu^aiKI    AT  OOrERHAOrN,   MORnaA«T   MIMSt* 

or  THE    KEW    H4MPIHIRC    ■  to    NEW    TORE   HlfTURICAL  aociETIEt,   AND  CoaBEIPONOina 

•  ECRETARV   or   THE    MEW    ENQLANO   HIITORIC,   OBKEALOaiOAL  •OCIBTT. 


f    1 
.1 


ll 


/ 


TENTH   EDITION. 


BOSTON: 
BENJAMIN    B.    MUSSEY,    &    Co. 


M.DCCC.XLVIII. 


/  fl. 


6-J  '■/ 


■m»^»  I  ^»    p— < 


EnteTed,according  to  Act  of  Congress,  in  the  year  1841, 

Br  The  Author, 

In  the  Clerk  a  Office  of  the  District  Court  of  Massachusetts. 


PREFACE. 


The  study  of  Amcriran  History  in  general,  and  of  Indian  History  in  particular,  has  lonr 
been  the  favorite  employment  of  many  ol  my  hours ;  I  cannot  say  "  leisure  hour:*,"  lor  such 
are  unknown  to  nie ;  but  time  amidst  a  variety  of  cares  and  business,  and  before  and  aAer 
"  business  hours."  My  lirst  publication  upon  the  subject  of  the  Indians  was  an  edition  of 
Church's  History  of  Philip's  VVar,  a  duodecimo,  with  holes  and  an  appond'x.  This  was  in 
the  summer  of  18^;  and,  in  18^,  it  was  considerably  enlarged,  and  issued  in  a  second 
edition,  the  copyright  of  which,  not  long  after,  passed  out  of  my  hands,  and  the  number  of 
editions  since  issued  is  unknown  to  me ;  but,  about  two  years  since,  one  of  the  proprietors 
told  me  liiey  amounted  to  some  thirty  or  forty;  yet  "second  edition"  is  continued  in  the  title- 
page  to  this  day.  In  this  rcpublicaiion  I  intimated  my  design  of  a  work  upon  Indian  Bi- 
ooRaPHv,  and  in  1832,  a  small  duodecimo  of  348  pages,  bearing  that  title,  was  published. 
In  that  eilition,the  chiefs  and  others  noticed  were  arranged  alphabetically.  In  1833,  a  second 
edition  was  issued,  with  The  IIook  or  the  Iniii.\ns  superadded  to  the  title.  The  volume 
now  contained  three  times  as  much  as  before,  and  yet  my  materials  were  scarcely  half  ex- 
hausted. It  was  in  octavo,  and  under  an  entirely  new  arrangement,  namely,  in  books  and 
chapters ;  each  book  being  paged  by  itself,  for  the  purpose  of  adding  new  matter  at  some 
future  time.  This  arrangement  was  continued  through  all  the  editions  to  the  present.  A 
Mrd  e<lition,*  also  considerably  enlarged,  was  publi.^hed  in  1834,  which  extended  to  54S 
pages,  108  more  than  the  second.  The  same  year  produced  &  fourth,  with  a  few  corrections, 
but  without  altering  \.\\e  , lumber  of  the  edition  in  the  title-page.  A ^y</i,  which  stands  num- 
bered as  the  fourth,  ap[>eared  in  1835,  with  the  addition  of  a  catalogue  of  all  the  principal 
Indian  tribes,  arranged  alphabetically.  This  was  ''  iwn,  at  great  expense  of  time,  from  an 
incredible  number  ot  sources.  The  second  edition  .>&A  been  stereotyped,  to  the  original  cost 
of  which  great  expense  had  been  added  in  corrections  and  additions,  coMsidcrably  exceedipf^ 
the  profits  which  had  accrued,  and  I  was  now  beginning  to  console  myself  that  very  little,  it 
any  thing,  more  would  b';  required  by  way  of  additions  or  corrections,  and  that  I  should 
soon  be^in  to  derive  some  small  advantage  from  it,  as  it  had  been  tolerably  well  re- 
ceived; but  I  found  I  had  "reckoned  without  my  host;"  for,  on  the  night  of  the  30th  of 
September,  1833,  the  whole  was  consumed  by  fire.  This  was  quite  discouraging.  However, 
I  soon  determined  to  stereotyjie  it  anew.  Tnus  taking  advantage  of  what  I  nau  considered  a 
great  misfortune,  I  began  to  revise  the  whole  througlioul.  Parts  were  rewritten,  and  addi- 
tions made  in  almost  every  page,  and  the  page  itself  was  enlarged,  although  one  of  the  pages 
of  the  former  editions  contained  as  much  reading  as  two  octavo  pages  in  the  common  type. 
Besides  this  enlargemeut  of  the  pages,  their  number  was  extenuetf  to  six  hundred,  buch 
were  the  preparations  for  the  sixth  (though  printed  as  the  fifth)  edition,  an  impression  of 
which  was  issued  in  1836.  The  next  year  produced  a  ser.enth.  This  was  the  same  as  the 
preceding,  excepting  a  few  important  corrections.  I  come  now  to  the  eighth  and  present 
edition,  which  has  received  very  important  enlargements  in  the  three  la.st  books,  amounting  to 
more  than  one  hundred  pages;  and  it  may  be  proper  to  no!c,  that  all  after  pages  l-w  of 
Book  III.,  96  of  Book  IV.,  168  of  Book  V.,  are  additions  to  what  has  been  before  published. 
And  the  catalogue  of  the  tribes  has  been  enlarged  to  more  than  twice  its  original  amount. 
It  is  now  submitted  with  all  its  imperfections;  and,  although  I  hope  to  multiply  the  number 
of  editions,  I  have  no  intention  of  Turther  enlarging  the  worK. 

This  edition  has  been  delayed  many  months  in  consequence  of  a  hope  I  had  entertained  of 
living  to  be  assured  that  the  Florida  war  was  at  an  end.  That  time  may  now  be  considered 
to  have  arrived.  On  the  events  of  that  war,  as  will  be  seen,  I  have  been  full  and  particular; 
and,  if  events  of  importance  have  escaped  me,  it  was  not  because  I  had  not  used  great  ex- 
ertions to  possess  myself  of  them.  If,  however,  a  doubt  should  be  raised  upon  this  head,  I 
would  refer  the  skeptical  reader  to  a  document  published  by  order  of  the  U.  S.  Senate  in 
1840,  purporting  to  be  a  report  of  the  secretary  of  war,  "  showing  the  massacres  committed 
and  the  property  destroyed  by  the  hostile  Indians  in  Florida"  since  1835,  where  a  comparison 
may  be  maJe  between  what  I  have  published,  and  the  amount  of  information  in  the  possession 
of  the  war  department. 

The  history  of  the  wrongs  and  suflcrings  of  the  Cherokees  has  been  an  important  addition 
to  this  edition  ;  and,  whatever  judgments  may  be  pronounced  upon  it  by  the  present  genera- 
tion, I  shall  remain  silent,  under  the  consciousness  that  I  have  done  no  injustice  to  the  partiei 
concerned.  I  have  been  an  observer  through  the  whole  course  of  it,  and  registered  events  as 
they  passed.  I  have  not  used  a  dirk  in  the  dark,  but  the  broadsword  in  open  day,  with  fair 
warning  to  the  adversary.    "  Let  those  who  undertake  prepare  to  undergo." 

*  Ai  the  word  fdition  in  the  title-pace  uf  a  book  now-a-dnys  may  mean  any  tbin;  or  nothing,  when 
a  number  atandi  before  it,  I  will  just  oMerve  that  my  first  edition  conai«ted  of  1,500  copied,  the  se«ODd 
of  9,000,  the  third  uf  500,  tli<  fourth,  fifth,  and  sixth  of  1,000  each,  and  the  levenlh  of  500. 


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Ada. 
Adii 


AN 

ALPHABETICAL    ENUMERATION 

or 
THE   INDIAN   TRIBES   AND   NATIONS, 


An  attempt  is  made,  in  the  following  Table,  to  locate  the  various  bands 
of  Aborigines,  at.cient  and  modem,  and  to  convey  the  best  intbriiiHtion 
respecting  their  numbers  our  multitiirious  sourCv;8  will  warrant.  Mod- 
em writers  have  been,  for  several  years,  endeavoring  to  divide  North 
America  into  certain  districts,  each  of  which  should  include  all  the  In- 
dians speaking  the  some,  or  dialects  of  the  same,  language ;  but  whoever 
has  paid  any  attention  to  the  subject,  must  undoubtedly  have  been  con- 
vinced that  it  can  never  be  done  with  any  degree  of  accuracy.  This  ha» 
been  undertaken  in  referel^?e  to  an  approximation  of  the  great  question 
of  the  origin  of  this  people,  from  a  comparison  of  the  various  languages 
used  among  them.  An  unwritten  language  is  easily  varied,  and  there 
can  be  no  barrier  to  innovation.  A  continual  intermixing  of  trilies  has 
gone  on  from  the  period  of  their  origin  to  the  present  time,  judging  from 
what  we  have  daily  seen ;  and  when  any  two  tribes  unite,  speaking  dif- 
ferent langua^res,  or  dialects  of  the  same,  a  new  dialect  is  produced  by 
such  amalgamation.  Hence  the  accumulation  of  vocabularies  would  be 
like  the  pursuit  of  an  infinite  series  in  mathematics ;  with  this  difference, 
however  —  in  the  one  we  recede  from  the  object  in  pursuit,  while  in  the 
other  we  approach  it.  But  I  would  not  be  understood  to  speak  dispar- 
agingly of  this  attempt  at  classification ;  for,  if  it  be  unimportant  in  the 
main  design,  it  will  be  of  considerable  service  to  the  student  in  Indian 
history  on  other  accounts.  Thus,  the  Uchus  are  said  to  speak  a  primitive 
language,  and  they  wert  districted  in  &  small  territory  south  of  the  Chero- 
kees ;  but,  some  200  years  ag  ',  —  if  they  then  existed  as  a  tribe,  and  their 
tradition  be  tme,  —  they  were  bounded  on  the  north  by  one  of  the  great 
lakes.  And  ^hey  are  said  to  be  descended  from  the  Shawanees  by  some 
of  themselves.  We  know  an  important  cominunity  of  them  is  still  in 
existence  in  Florida.  Have  they  created  a  new  language  in  the  course 
of  their  wanderings?  or  have  those  firom  whom  they  8e|»arated  done  so? 
Such  are  the  difficulties  we  meet  with  at  every  step  of  a  classification. 
But  a  dissertation  upon  these  matters  cannot  now  be  attempted. 

In  the  following  analysis,  the  names  of  the  tribes  have  been  genv;rally  given 
in  the  singular  number,  for  the  rjake  of  brevity ;  and  the  word  InSiatu, 
after  such  names,  is  omitted  from  the  same  cause.  Few  abbreviations 
have  been  used :  —  W.  IL,  west  of  the  Rocky  Mountains ;  m.,  miUa ;  r., 
river ;  1.,  iake ;  and  perhaps  a  few  oth'^rs.  In  some  instances,  reference 
is  made  to  the  body  of  the  work,  where  a  more  extended  account  of  a 
tribe  is  to  be  found.  Such  references  are  \o  the  Book  and  Page,  the  same 
as  in  the  Index. 

Abekas,  probably  MuBkoirees,  under  the  French  at  Tombeckbee  in  1750. 
Abbrakikb,  over  Maine  till  1754,  then  went  to  Canada;  200  in  1689;  150  in  1780. 
Absoroka,  (MinetaiA,)  S.  branch  Tellowstone;  lat.  4&>,  Ion.  IQBP.  45,000  in  1834 
AccoKEBAw,  W.  side  Colorado,  about  200  m.  S.  W.  Nacogdoches. 
Aco¥AK,  one  of  thie  lix  tribea  in  Virginia  when  settled  by  the  English  in  1607. 
AoAiEE,  4  m.  fVom  Nachitoches,  on  Lake  Macdon ;  40  men  in  18w. 
Adirordaks,  (Algonkin,)  along  the  N.  shore  St.  Lawrence ;  100  in  1 786. 

A* 


vi 


INDIAN  TRIBES   AND  NATIONS. 


APFAOonr.A,  •mnll  clan  in  17S3,  on  Mi8HiB«ippi  r  ,  8  m.  above  Point  Coup£. 
AflAWoM,  (VVninpanoairs,)  nt  S.indwicli,  Muhh.  ;  otlicrH  at  Ipxwich      ii.  46. 
AiiWAiiAWAV,  (Minctnri-,)  S.  W.  MisHoori  IHWO,  ;\  m.  iil)i>vc  Mandana;  200  in  1806k 
Ajoiikh,  S.  of  the  MiHsouri,  and  N.  of  the  Padoucns ;   1,I(H)  in  I7()<). 
Ai.ANHAR,  (Fall,)  licad  branches  8.  fork  SawkRHbawan ;  '.^,.'>()U  in  1604. 
Ai.fioNKiN.  over  l^anad'. ;  from  low  down  thi*  St.  Lawrence  to  Lake  of  titc  Woodi. 
Ai.iATAN,  tliri'o  tribi'H  in  IHO.'>  ainonfj  the  Rocky  MoiintainH,  on  hc.ulH  I'latte. 
Ai.iciiK,  near  .Nacocrdochi-H  in  IHd.'i,  tlicn  nearly  extinct;  itpoke  Caddo. 
Ai.i.AKAWK.Aii,  (I'auncli,)  both  Hidt-H  Ytllowatone,  heads  IJiir  Horn  r. ;  li,300  in  1805. 
Ar.i.iiiAMA,  forrnerly  on  that  r.,  but  removed  to  Red  River  In  17tJ4. 
AMAi.iitTKM,  (Alironkins.)  once  on  St.  Lawrence;  r)00  in  I7G0. 
ANASACii'NTAKDOK,  (Abenaki.)  on  HoiirceH  Androscoggin,  in  Maine,     iii.  13G,  ir>2. 
A.M)\sTK'<,  once  on  S,  shore  l^ake  Krie,  S.  VV.  Senecas,  who  ilegtroyed  tho:n  in  l»)72. 
Al'Ai  HIS,  (Lii|iani',)  between  Rio  del  Norte  and  sources  of  Nuaces  r. ;  ',\,M)H  in  lal7. 
Apai.aciiicoi.a,  once  on  that  r.  in  VV.  Florida  ;  removed  to  Red  River  in  I7ll4. 
Ai'PAiorsA,  .'ihoriginal  in  the  country  of  their  name;  but  40  men  in  1H05. 
AQtiANiisniKiM,  llii-  name  by  which  the  Inxpioia  knew  themselves,     v.  3,  &c. 
Ak^paiias,  S.  side  main  ('anada  River;  4,0(K)  in  183(),  on  Kanzas  River. 
AKMoiMiimrois,  or  Mahaciiitk,  (.\benaki,)  on  River  St.  Johns,  New  Brunswick. 
Ahiiknamiisk,  on  St.  Antonio  River,  near  its  mouth,  in  Texas;   120  in  1818. 
AssiNN  »BoiN,  (Sioux,)  betw.  Assinn.  and  Missouri  r. ;  1,000  on  Ottawa  r.  in  1830. 
Atknas,  in  a  village  with  the  FacuUi  in  1830,  west  of  the  Rocky  Muuntaini. 
Athapa.scow.  about  the  shores  of  the  great  lake  of  thuir  name. 
Atnas,  next  S.  of  the  Alhapascow,  about  lat.  57°  N. 
Aitacapas,  in  a  district  of  their  name  in  Louisiana;  but  .'iO  men  in  1805. 
Attapiii.oas,  (Seminoles,)  on  Little  r.,  a  branch  ofOloklikana,  1820,  and  220  souls. 
Attikamioik..,  in  N.  of  Canada,  destroyed  by  pestilence  in  1070. 
Aucosiseo,  (Abenaki,)  between  the  Saoo  and  Androscoggin  River,     ii.  48  ;  iii.  93. 
AuGHqrAGA,  on  K.  branch  Sn.squehannah  River;  150  in  17(>8;  since  extinct. 
AvAUAis,  40  leagues  up  the  Des  Moines,  8.  E.  side;  800  in  ]805. 
AvuTANs,  8,000  in  1820,  S.  W.  the  Missouri,  near  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

BAVAaoui.A,  W.  bank  Mississippi,  opprtsite  the  Colipasa;  important  in  1609. 

BeniF.g,  on  Trinity  River,  La.,  about 60  m.  S.  of  Nacogdoches;  100  in  1805. 

BiG-i>Kvii.s,  ^Yonktons.)  2,.')00  in  ISJW;  about  the  heads  of  Red  River. 

BiLoxi,  at  Biloxi,  Gulf  Mex.,  16!>9;  a  few  on  Red  r.,  1804,  where  they  had  removed. 

Bi.ACKFK.F.T,  sources  Missouri ;  30,000  in  1834  ;  nearly  destroyed  by  small-pox,  1838. 

Blanciif.,  (Ilearded,  or  White,)  upper  S.  branches  of  the  Missouri. 

Bi.iiE-Mun,  VV.,  and  in  the  vicinity,  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

Broth ERTOH,  near  Oneida  Lake  ;  composed  of  various  tribes;  350  in  1836. 

Caddo,  on  Red  River  in  1717,  powerful ;  on  Sodo  Bay  in  1800;  in  1804, 100  men. 
Cadodaciif,  (Nacogdochet,)  on  Angelina  r.,  100  m.  above  the  Nechez;  60  in  1820. 
Caiwas,  or  Kaiwa,  on  main  Canada  River,  and  S.  of  it  in  1830. 
OALA.STIIOCI.E,  N.  Columbia.  ;n  the  Pacific,  next  N.  the  Chillates;  200  in  1820. 
Cali.imix,  coast  of  the  Pacific,  40  m.  N.  Columbia  River;  1,200  in  1820. 
Camanciies,  (Shoshone,)  worlike  and  numerous;  in  interior  of  Texas. 
Canarsee,  on  Long  Island,  N.  Y.,  in  1610,  from  the  W.  end  to  Jamaica. 
Cances,  (Kansas,)  1805,  from  Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  over  Grand  r.,  toward  Vera  Cruz. 
Canibas.  (.\benaki,)  numerous  in  1607,  and  afler;  on  both  sides  Kennebeck  River 
Carankoija,  on  peninsula  of  Bay  of  St.  Bernard,  Louisiana;  1,500  in  1805. 
Caree,  on  the  coast  between  the  Nuaces  and  Rio  del  Norte ;  2,600  in  1817. 
Carrieiis,  (Nateotetains,)  a  name  given  the  natives  of  N.  Caledonia  by  traders. 
Castahana,  between  sources  Padouca  fork  and  Yellowstone;  5,000  in  1805. 
Cataka,  between  N.  and  S.  forks  of  Chien  River;  about  3,000  in  1804. 
Catawba,  till  late,  on  their  river  in  S.  Carolina;  1,500  in  1743,  and  450  in  1764. 
Cathlacumups,  on  main  shore  Columbia  River,  S.  W.  Wappatoo  i.;  450  in  1820. 
Cathi./.kahikit,  at  the  rapids  of  the  Columbia,  IfiO  n..  up;  900  in  1820. 
Cathi.akamaps,  80  m.  up  Columbia  River  ;  about  700  in  1820. 
Cathlamat,  on  the  Pacific,  30  m.  S.  mouth  of  Columbia  River;  600  in  1820. 
Cathi.anamf.namen,  on  an  island  in  mouth  of  Wallaumi  t  River;  400  in  1820. 
Cathi.anaquiah,  (VVappatoo,)  S.  W.  side  Wappatoo  Island;  400  in  1820. 
Cathi.apootle,  on  Columbia  River,  opposite  the  Cathlakainaps ;  1,100  in  1820. 
Catiii.apoova,  500  in  1820,  on  the  Wallaumut  River,  60  m.  fromits  mouth. 
Cathlasko,  900  in  1820,  on  Columbia  River,  opposite  the  Cbippanchikchiks. 
Cathlathi.a,  900  in  1820,  on  Columbia  River,  opposite  the  Cathlakahikits. 
Catiii.ath,  .500  in  1820,  on  the  Wallaumut  Ri\er,  60  m.  from  its  mouth. 
Cattanahaw,  b.:tween  the  Saskashawan  and  Missouri  Rivers,  in  1805. 


INDIAN  TRI    .;S  AND   NATIONH. 


tU 


Cacohnewaoa,  pUcM  where  Chrintiani  lived  wore  in  called,     v.  Ilo. 
Ohactoo,  on  Red  River;  in  IHD'i,  but  1(H),  in(li|renou8  nf  thnt  [ilacc,  it  ii  uid. 
(/HAut)ANO.H'<,  the  French  80  called  the  SliawnneHC ;  ((.'linwaniir) 
(JiiREnr.E,  (Cherokees,)  50  tu  HO  ni.  H.  ut'  them  ;  called  aUo  Mid.  Settlement,  I7ti0. 
('iiKiiAWS,  ainnll  trilie  nn  Flint  River,  destroyed  by  (ieortfia  militia  in  |H|7. 
<  "iiKPKVA^,  clnim  from  lut.  ()0«  to  G.')",  Ion.  I(M)^  to  1 10°  W. ;  7,r>00  in  18HJ. 
('iiK.HoKKK,  in  Georiria,  8.  Carolina,  &.e.,  till  I8:M>;  then  forced  beyond  the  MiniM. 
<;ii»!SKiT\i.o\vA,  (Seininoles,)  5H0  in  le'20,  W.  Hide  ChattalicKM^hee. 
TiiiKN,  (l)o>x.)  near  the  soiircex  Chien  River;  :MM)  in  1^05;  'JOO  in  1620. 
('iiiiiKKi.KKitii,  40  in.  N.  of  Columbia  River;  1,400  in  l&M. 

(^iiiKAKAW,  between  heads  of  Mobilt!  River  in  1740;  once  10,000;  now  in  Arkanua. 
('iiipPANciiiKciiiK!!,  GO  in  I'^'JO,  N.  Hide  Coliiinbiu  River,  '2\Hi  in.  from  its  mouth. 
CiiiKAiioMiNi,  on  M.itnpony  River,  Va.,  in  IO«il ;  but  It  or  4  in  I7!I0;  now  extinrt. 
<'uiK  AM  \i'«iAS,  on  TemieHsee  River,  'M)  in.  Ih'Iow  the  ('hi-rokeeii,  in  171(0. 
^'llll.l.ArK«,  ir>0  in  IS'M,  on  the  I'acifie,  N.  Columbia  River,  b«-yond  tln!  Quiectsoa. 
('iiii.f.rKirrFfirAi;,  on  the  Columbia,  next  below  the  Narrows;  1,400  in  Icj'JO. 
(-'iiii.T/.,  N.  of  Columbia  River,  on  the  I'acilic,  next  N.  of  the  Killaxthmilea. 
(!iiiiiNAUi'i'M,  on  Lewis  River,  N.  \V.  side  of  the  Columbia;  1,H(M)  in  l&M. 
OiiiNNooK,  on  N.  side  Columbia  River;  in  14'iO,  about  400  in  IM  lod;ri>s. 
CiiiPi'KWAs,  about  Lake  Superior,  and  other  vast  regions  of  the  N.,  very  numerouf 
(JiiiTiMiciiA,  on  VV.  bank  Miss    River  in  1722;  once  powerful,  then  slaves. 
(yiioKTAW,  S.  of  the  Creeks;  15,000  in  1H12;  now  in  Arkansnd.     iv.  lio. 
CiiopuNNisii,  on  Kooikooskee  River  ;  4,'.M)0  in  IdOG,  in  711  lodges. 
CiiovvANOK,  (Shawanese  f)  m  N.  Carolina, on  Rennet's  Creek,  in  I70S;  11,000  in  1G30. 
CiiowANs,  E.  of  the  Tiiscaroras  in  N.  Carolina;  GO  join  the  Tuacaroras  in  17:i0. 
Christknaux,  only  another  spelling  of  KNisrcNArx,  which  see. 
Ci.AHcLKi.i.AH,  700  in  18'20,  on  the  Columbia  River,  below  the  rapids. 
('i.AKSTAii,  W.  R.,  on  a  river  flowing  into  the  Columbia    ..  Wappntoo  Island. 
Ci.AMocTOMicii,  on  the  Pacific,  next  N.  of  the  Chiltz;  *2G0  in  \t*'M. 
Cla.simatas,  on  the  S.  VV.  side  of  Woppatoo  Island;  200  in  l&M,  VV.  R. 
CLAN.fAiniiNiMU.Ns,  S.  VV.  side  of  Wappaioo  Island;  2d0  in  1820,  VV.  R. 
Cr.ATSops,  about  2  in.  N.  of  the  mouth  of  Columbia  River ;  1,300  in  1H20. 
('i.ARKAMFS,  on  a  river  of  their  name  flowing  into  the  VVallaumut ;   1,800  in  1820. 
(IsKis,oii  a  river  flowing  into  S:ibi!ie  Lake,  ItiSK);  theCor.Nis  of  Hennepin,  probably 
CoiiAKiKS,  nearly  destroyed  in  I'oiitiak's  time  ;  in  181)0,  a  few  near  Lake  Wiiinebago. 
Coi.APissAS,  on  1*1    banii  Misnissippi  in  1721),  opposite  head  of  Lake  I'ontchartrain. 
CoNciiATTAS  came  to  Appnlous.is  iii  171I4,  from  E.  the  Mississ. ;  in  1801,  on  Sabine. 
CoNOAKKKs,  a  small  tribe  on  Coii:r;iree  River,  S.  Carolina,  in  1701  ;  long  since  gone. 
CoNOVS,  perhaps  Kanlmwas,  b;'ini^  ouee  on  that  river ;  (Canais,  and  variations.) 
CooKKOo-oosK,  l,.50i)  in  I80ii,  coast  of  I'acilic,  S.  of  Columbia  r.,and  S.  of  Killawats 
CoopspEi.LAii,  on  a  river  falling  into  the  Columbia,  N.  of  Clark's  ;   1,GOO  in  lUOG. 
CoosADAS,  (Creeks,)  once  resided  near  t!ie  River  Tallapoosie. 

Copper,  so  called  froiu  their  co|iper  ornaments,  on  Coppermine  River,  in  the  north. 
CoREES,  (Tuscaroras,)  on  Neus  River,  N.  Carolina,  in  1700,  and  subsequently. 
CoRONKAWA,  on  St.  Jacintlio  River,  between  Trinity  and  Brazos;  ooO  in  1820. 
CowMTSicK,  on  Columbia  River,  ti2  iii.  from  its  mouth,  in  3  villages  ;  2,400  in  1820. 
CREEKd,  (Muscogeea,)  Savannsh  r.  to  St.  Augustine,  thence  to  Flint  r.,  1730.  iv.  54. 
Crees,  (Lynx,  or  Cat,)  anothi^r  name  of  the  Knistcnaux,  or  a  part  of  them. 
Crows.  (.Absorokas,)  S.  branohes  of  the  Yellowstone  River;  45,000  in  1834. 
CuTSAHNiM,  on  both  sides  Columbia  River,  above  the  Sokulks  ;  1,200  in  1820. 

Dahcota,  or  DocoTA,  the  name  by  which  the  Sioux  know  themselves. 

Delaware,  (Lenna-lenape,)  those  once  on  Delaware  River  and  Bay  ;  500  in  1750. 

DiNONDADiEs,  (Hurons,)  same  called  by  the  French  'I'ionontaties. 

DoEos,  small  tribe  on  the  Maryland  side  Potomac  River,  in  1G75. 

DoQRiRS,  (Blackfeet,)  but  speak  a  ditferent  language. 

Does,  the  Chiens  of  the  French.     See  Ciiien. 

DoTAME,  120  in  1805;  about  the  heads  of  Chien  River,  in  the  open  country. 


See  Emcsas. 
,  (Canoe-men,)  on  R.  St.  Johns ;  include  Passamaquoddies  and  St.  Johns. 


Eamuses. 

FcHEMINS, 

£distoes,  in  S.  Carolina  in  1G70;  a  place  still  bears  their  name  there. 
Emusas,  (Seminoles,)  W.  side  Chattahoochee,  2  m.  above  the  Wekisas;  20  in  1820 
Eneshures,  at  the  great  Narrows  of  the  Columbia  ;  1,200  in  1820,  in  41  lodges. 
Eries,  along  E.  aide  of  Lake  Erie,  destroyed  by  the  Iroquois  about  1G54. 
EsAws,  on  River  Pedee,  S.  Carolina,  in  1701 ;  then  powerful ;  Catawbas,  probably 
EsKELooTS,  about  1,000  in  1820,  in  21  lodges,  or  clans,  on  the  Columbia. 
Es(tuiMAUx,  all  along  the  northern  coasts  of  the  frozen  ocean,  N.  of  G0°  N.  lat. 
Etohusskwakkes,  (Semin.,)  on  Chattahoochee, 3  m.  above  Ft.  Gaines;  100  in  1830 


few 


vih 


INDIAN   TRIBES   AND  NATIONU. 


Facvlliis,  100  in  1890 ;  on  Stuart  Lake,  W.  Rocky  Mount. ;  lat.  M",  Ion.  I2b^  W. 
Fai.1.,  10  called  from  their  reiidence  at  the  falls  of  the  Kooakooakue.    See  Alahiari. 
FiVB  Nations,  Mohawka,  Senecaa,  Cayugaa,  Onondagaa,  and  Oneidaai  whirk  aee. 
Fi.at-IIkadb,  (Tutaeewaa,)  on  a  larffe  river  W.  K. ;  on  8.  fork  Columbia  r.     iv.  8&. 
Foi.LBB  AvoiNEt,  the  French  m  called  the  Menominiea. 
Fond  dv  Lac,  roam  fVom  Snake  River  to  the  Sandy  Lakea. 
FowL-TowKS,  (Seminolea,)  I'i  m.  E.  Fort  Scott;  about  300  in  1890. 
Foxes,  (Otlagatniei,)  called  Kcnardiby  the  French;  diipoaaeiaed  by  B.  Hawk's  war. 

Ganawksf,,  on  the  heads  of  Potomac  River;  same  as  Kanhaways,  probably. 
Gavhcai),  Martha's  Vineyard;  900  in  1800;  in  \im,  MO. 

Grand  River,  on  Grand  r.,  N.  side  L.  Ontario ;  Mohawks,  Senecaa,  and  oth. ;  9,000. 
Groi  Ventrks,  W.  Mississippi,  on  Maria  River,  in  180();  in  1834,  3,000. 

Hark-foot,  next  S.  of  the  Esquimaux,  und  in  perpetual  war  with  them. 
Halmbeer,  a  tribe  of  Creeks,  destroyed  in  1813.     iv.  57. 

Hannaeai.i.al,  coo  in  1890,  on  Pacihc,  S.  Columbia,  next  beyond  the  Luckkarso. 
Hassan AMESiTS,  a  tribe  of  Nipmuks,  embraced  Christianity  in  164)0.     ii.  &1,  115. 
Hihioiienimmo,  1,:K)0  in  1890,  from  mouth  of  Laataw  River,  up  it  to  the  forks. 
Hellwits,  100  m.  along  the  Columbia,  from  the  falls  upward,  on  the  N-  side. 
HERRino  Pond,  a  remnant  of  Wampanoags,  in  Sandwich,  Mass. ;  about  40. 
Hietans,  ^Camanches,)  erratic  bands;  from  Trinity  to  Brazos,  and  Red  River. 
HiNi,  (Cacodache,)  900  in  1890,  on  Angelina  r.,  between  Red  r.  and  Rio  del  Norte. 
HiTCHiTTBES,  once on  Chattahoochee  r. ;  (iOO  now  in  Arkansas;  speak  Muskogee. 
HoHiLPOs,  (Tushepahas,)  300  in  1890,  above  great  fali^^  on  Clark's  River. 
HuMAS,  (Oumas,^  "  Red  nation,"  in  Ixsussees  Parish,  L.\.,  in  IBOG,  below  Manchak. 
Hurons,  (Wyanaots,  Quatoghies,)  adjacent,  and  N.  gt.  likes;  subd.  by  iroq.,  IG&O. 

Illinois,  '<■  the  lake  of  men,"  both  sides  Illinois  r. ;  19,000  in  1670;  CO  towns  in  1700. 
Inies,  or  Tachies,  rTexasP]  branch  Sabine;  80  nen  in  1806;  speak  Caddo. 
lowAvs,  on  loway  iliver  before  Black  Hawk'i*  v;ar;  1,100  beyond  the  Mississippi. 
lRo«tuois,  IGOC,  on  St.  Lawrence,  below  Quebec  ;  1687,  both  sides  Ohio,  to  Miss.  v.  3. 
IsATis,  sometimes  a  name  of  the  Sioux  before  1753, 
Ithktemamits,  600  in  1890,  on  N.  side  Columbia,  near  the  Cathlaskos. 

Jblan,  one  of  three  tribes  of  Camanches,  on  sources  Brazos,  del  Norte,  &c. 

Kadapaus,  a  tribe  in  N.  Carolina  in  1707. 

Kahunkles,  400  in  1890,  W.  Rocky  Mountains ;  abode  unknown. 

Kaloosas,  a  tribe  found  early  in  Florida,  long  since  extinct. 

Kanenavish,  on  the  Padoucas'  fork  of  the  Platte;  400  in  1805. 

Kanhawas,  Ganawese  or  Canhaways;  on  the  River  Kanhawa,  formerly. 

Kansas,  on  the  Arkansas  River;  about  1,000  in  1836;  in  1890, 1,850. 

Kaskaskias,  (Illin.,)  on  a  river  of  same  name  flowing  into  the  Mississ. ;  950  in  1797. 

Kaskavas,  between  80urci?a  of  the  Platte  and  Rocky  Mountains;  3,000  in  1836. 

Katteka,  (Padoucas,)  not  located  by  travellers.     See  Padodcas. 

Keek atsa,  (Crows,)  both  sides  Yellowstone,  above  mouth  Big  Horn  r. ;  3,500  in  1805. 

Keyche,  E.  branch  Trinity  River  in  1806;  once  on  the  Sabine;  960  in  1890. 

KiAWAS,  on  Padonca  River,  beyond  the  Kites;  1,000  in  1806. 

Kioene,  on  the  shore  of  Pacific  Ocean  in  1891,  under  the  chief  Skittegates. 

KiKAPOo,  formerly  in  Illinois;  now  about  300,  chiefly  beyond  the  Mississippi. 

Killamhk,  a  branch  of  the  Clatsops,  on  the  coast  of  Ute  Pacific  Ocean ;  about  1,000. 

KiLLAWAT,  in  a  large  town  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  £.  of  the  Luktons. 

Killaxthocles,  100  in  1890,  at  the  mouth  of  Columbia  River,  on  N.  side. 

KiMOENiMs,  a  band  of  the  Chopunnish,  on  Lewis's  River;  800  ',n  1890,  in  33  clana. 

Kinai,  about  Cook's  Inlet,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific  Ocean. 

Kites,  (Staetans,)  between  sources  Platte  and  Rocky  Mountains;  about  500  in  1890. 

KisKAKONs  inhabited  Michilimakinak  in  1680;  a  Huron  tribe. 

Knistenaux,  on  Assinnaboin  River;  5,000  in  1819;  numerous;  women  comely. 

KoNAGENS,  Esquimaux,  inhabiting  Kadjak  Island,  lat.  58°,  Ion.  159"  W. 

KooK-KOO-oosE,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  S.  of  the  Killawats;  1,500  in  1835. 

KusKARAWAOKs,  One  of  six  tribes  on  E.  shore  of  Chesapeak  in  1607;  (Tuscaroras .') 

Labanna,  9,000  in  1890,  both  sides  Columbia,  above  the  month  of  Clark's  River. 

Lapanne.    See  Apaches. 

Lartiblo,  600  in  1890,  at  the  falls  of  Lastaw  River,  below  Wayton  Lake. 

Lbaf,  (Sioux,)  600  in  1890,  on  the  Missouri,  above  Prairie  du  Chien. 

Lbbcb  Ritxr,  about  350  in  1890,  near  Sandy  Lake,  lat.  46°  9'  N. 

Luif  A  Lcnapb,  once  from  Hudson  to  Delaware  River ;  now  scattered  in  the  Wett. 


INDIAN   TKIIU'.S   AND   NATIONS.  |g 

LirAMif ,  900  in  IdIG,  from  Kio  Grande  to  the  interior  of  Trxuf ;  light  hair. 
LoucHEUi,  npit  N.  of  the  ti^nquiiiiaiix,  ur  •:)   of  lat  GT"  l-V  N. 
LuK«wi»,  M)<l  in  l&M,  W.  of  the  Km^ky  Mountaiim;  abixlc  unknown. 
LuKKAHfo,  iyUM  1 1  IH'.A),  citut  of  I'acilic,  H.  of  Culuiiibia  r.,  In-yimd  the  Shallalali 
LvKTuM,  iM  in  ?.y.tO,  W.  of  the  Kocky  iMouiitttias;  abode  unknown. 

Maciiapunoas,  in  N.  Carolina  in  1700;  practiaed  circuniciaion. 
Manuani,  I,250  in  IrHKt,  VMi  m.  fin.  iiioulli  of  Miaao. ;  Iti'Ati,  reduced  to  21  b^  «ni.  pox. 
Ma.mouaui,  or  TuTRLOKi,  (Iroquois,)  Nottoway  Uivcr,  fiirinerly  ;  now  extinct. 
Manhattan*,  (Mohicans,)  once  on  the  island  where  New  York  city  now  atunda. 
Mannahoaks,  once  on  the  upper  watera  of  the  Kappahunnock  r. ;  extinct  lonjj  ago 
Mahaciiitcs,  (Abenakitia^  on  the  St.  John*  ;  a  remnant  remains. 
Marsapkaguks,  once  on  Long  Island,  ti.  aide  of  Oyater  Day;  extinct. 
Makshpeks,  (Wampanongs,)  :1|3  in  Ih:{2;  Unrnstable  Co.,  Mass. ;  mixed  with  blacks. 
Mascoutins,  or  Fikb  Inil,  betw.  Misaisa.  and  L.  Michigan,  It'Aiii ;  (Sacs  and  Foxea .') 
Massaciiusetts,  the  atate  |H-rpetuate8  their  name.     ii.  42. 
Massa WOMBS,  (Iroquois,)  once  spread  over  Kentucky. 

Mathlanobs,  500  in  lH'M,  on  an  island  in  the  mouth  of  Wallaumut  River,  W.  K. 
Mavp,»,  6(M)  in  IH05,  St.  Gabriel  Creek,  mouth  of  Guadalnupe  Kiver,  Louisiana. 
Menomi.iikj,  (Algonkins,)  once  on  Illinois  r. ;  now  liOO,  W.  Misaisa.    v.  142-4, 171. 
Messassaonks,  2,000  in  17i>4,N.  of,  and  adjacent  to,  L.  Huron  and  Superior,    v. 4,  n. 
MiA.tiis,  (Algonkins,)  once  on  the  r.  of  their  name;  now  1,500,  beyond  the  Miasiss. 
MiKASAUBiKs,  (Seniinoles,)  about  l.OIK)  in  1821 ;  very  warlike,     iv.  y.i,  128. 
MiKMAKS,  (Algonkins,)  3,000  in  17liO,  in  Nova  Scotia;  the  Suriquois  of  the  French. 
MiKsuKSEALToK,  (Tushepaha,)  300  in  1-420,  (Mark's  lliver,  above  great  falls,  W.  R. 
Mia<:takes,  2,500  in  18(k>,  5  m.  above  tlie  Mandana,  on  both  aides  Knife  River. 
Mini  AWAHCAiiTON,  in  1803,  on  b<  th  sides  MiHsisitippi,  from  St.  Peters  upward. 
MiNooES,  once  such  of  the  Iroquois  were  so  culled  us  resided  upon  the  Scioto  River. 
MiN&i,  Wolf  tribe  of  the  Leiina  Lena|)e,  once  over  New  Jersey  and  part  of  Fenn. 
MissouRiES,  once  on  that  part  of  the  lliver  just  below  Grand  River. 
MiTCHiGAMiES,  one  of  Uie  five  tribes  of  the  Illinois;  location  uncertain. 
Mohawks,  head  of  Five  Nations;  formerly  on  Mohawk  r. ;  a  few  now  in  Canada. 
MoHEOANS,  or  MoHCAKUNNUKS,  in  IGIO,  Hudson  r.  from  Esopua  to  Albany,   ii.  87, U7. 
MonacaN!),  (Tuscaroras,)  once  near  where  Richmond,  Virginia,  now  is. 
MoNoouLATciiES,  on  the  W.  aide  of  the  Mississippi.     See  uavaooulas. 
MoNTAONEs,  (Algonkina,)  N.  side  St.  Lawr.,  betw.  Saguenuy  and  Tadousac,  in  1609. 
MoNTADKS,  on  E.  end  of  Long  Island,  formerly  ;  head  of  13  tribes  of  that  iaiand. 
MoRATOKS,  80  in  1607 ;  40  in  1G6D,  in  Lancaster  and  Richmond  counties,  Virginia. 
Mos<ioiT08,  once  a  numerous  race  on  tlie  E.  side  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien. 
MuLTROMAHS,  (Wappatoo,)  800  in  1820,  mouth  of  Multnomah  River,  W.  R. 
MuNsEvs,  (Delawares,)  in  1780,  N.  branch  Susquchannah  r. ;  to  the  Wabaah  in  1808. 
MusKooEES,  17,000  in  1775,  on  Alabama  and  Apaluchicola  Rivera.     See  B.  iv.  24. 

Nabbdaches,  (Caddo,)  on  branch  Sabine,  15  m.  above  the  Inies;  400  in  1805. 
Naouos,  betw.  N.  Mexico  and  the  Pacific;  live  in  stone  houses,  and  manufacture. 
Nandakoes,  120  in  1805,  on  Sabine,  (JO  m.  W..of  the  Yattassecs;  (Caddo.) 
Nantikokes,  1711, on  Nantikoke  River;  1755,  at  Wyoming;  same  year  went  west. 
Narcotah,  the  name  by  which  the  Sioux  know  themselves. 

Narraoansets,  S.  side  of  the  ba^  which  perpetuates  theit  name.     ii.  21,  23,  38,  53. 
Nasiiuays,  (Nipmuks,)  on  that  river  from  its  mouth,  in  Massachusetts. 
Natchez,  at  Natchez;  discovered,  1701 ;  chiefly  destroyed  by  French,  1720.   iv.  43. 
Natchitoches,  once  at  that  place ;  100  in  1804 ;  now  upon  Red  River. 
Nateotetains,  200  in  1820,  W.  R.,  on  a  liver  of  their  name,  W.  of  the  Facullies. 
Natiks,  (Nipmuks,)  in  Massachusetts,  in  a  town  now  called  at\er  them. 
Nechacokb,  (Wappatoo,)  100  in  1820,  S.  side  Columbia,  neni  Quicksand  r.,  W.  R. 
Neekeetoo,  700  in  1820,  on  the  Pacific,  S.  of  the  Columbia,  beyond  the  Youicone. 
NEMALquiNNER,  (Wappatoo,)  200  in  1820,  N.  aide  Wallaumut  River,  3  m.  np. 
Niantiks,  a  tribe  of  the  Narraoansets,  and  in  alliance  with  them.     ii.  67. 
NicARiAGAS,  once  about  Michiliinakinak  ;  joined  Iroquois  in  1723,  as  seventh  nation. 
NiPissiNS,  (original  Algonkins,)  400  in  1704,  near  the  source  of  Ottoway  River. 
Nipmuks,  eastern  interior  of  Moss. ;  1,500  in  1775;  extinct,    ii.  18,  40, 100;  iii.  91. 
NoRRiDGEWoKS,  (Abenakies,)  on  Penobscot  River.     See  Book  iii.  ll!>,  127. 
NoTTowAvs,  on  Nottoway  River,  in  Virginia;  but  2  of  clear  blood  in  1817. 
NvACKs,  (Mohicans,)  or  Manhattans,  once  about  the  Narrows,  in  New  York. 

OAKMnLGES,  (Muskogees,)  to  the  E.  of  Flint  River;  about  200  in  1834. 
Ocameches,  in  Virginia  in  1607;  had  before  been  powerful;  then  reduced. 
OcHEEs.    See  Uchees. — Perhaps  Ochesoa;  230  in  Florida  in  1826,  at  Ochee  Bloff. 
OooMAS,  (Creeka.)    See  Book  iv.  29. 


INDIAN  TRIBES  AND  NATIONS. 


Ojibwas,  (Chippeways,)  H0,000  in  1836,  about  the  great  lakes,  and  N.  of  them. 
Okatiokinans,  (StMuinoles,)  580  in  iSW,  near  Fori  Gaines,  E.  Hide  Mississippi. 
Omaiias,  a,'.iOO  in  1820,  on  Elkhorn  River,  80  m.  from  Council  Bluffs,     v.  136,  137. 
Oneidas,  one  of  tiie  Five  Nations;  chief  seat  near  Oneida  Lake,  New  York.     v.  4. 
Ononuaoas,  one  of  the  Five  Nations;  formerly  in  New  York;  300  in  1840.     v.  4. 
OoTLASHooTs,  (Tusliepahas,)  400  in  1820,  on  Clark's  River,  W.  Rocky  Mountains. 
Osaubs,  4,U00  in  1830,  about  Arkansas  and  Osage  Rivers;  many  tribes. 
Otagamiks,  (VVinnebagoes,)  300  in  1780,  betw.  Lake  of  the  Woods  and  the  Missis. 
Otoes,  1,&00  in  1820;  m  lcl05,  500;  15  leagues  up  the  River  Platte,  on  S.  side. 
Otta WAS,  1070,  ri'nioved  from  L.  Superior  to  Michilimakinak ;  2,800  in  1820.    v.  41. 
OuiATANoNs.  or  Waas,  (Kikupoos,)  mouth  of  Eel  r.,Ind.,  1791,  in  a  village  3  m.  long. 
OuMAS,  E.  'jank  Mississippi  in  17'<S,  in  2  villages,  quarter  of  a  mile  from  the  river. 
Owass'SjAs,  (Scminoles,)  100  in  1820,  on  E.  waters  of  St.  Mark's  River. 
OzAS,  2,000  ill  1700;  on  Ozaw  River  in  1780,  which  flows  into  the  Mississippi. 
0/.IMIES,  one  of  the  six  tribf/s  on  E.  shore  of  Maryland  and  Virginia  in  1C07. 

Pacanas,  on  Quelquechose  River,  La. ;  30  men  in  1805;  40  m.  S.  W.  Natchitoches. 
Pauodcas,  2,000  warriors  in  1724,  on  the  Kansas;  dispersed  before  1805. 
Padowaoas,  by  some  the  tienecas  were  so  called;  uncertain. 
Pailsh,  200  in  1820,  on  coast  of  the  Pacific,  N.  Columbia  r.,  beyond  the  Potoashs. 
Pai.aciies,  a  tribe  found  early  in  Florida,  but  long  since  extinct. 
Pamlico,  but  15  in  1708,  about  Pamlico  Sound,  in  N.  Cnrolina;  extinct. 
Pancas,  once  on  Red  River,  of  Winnipec  1. ;  afterwvirdw  joined  the  Omahas. 
Panis,  (Tonicas.)  40  vill.  in  1750,  S.  br.  Missouri;  70  vill.  on  Red  r.,  1755.   ii.  36. 
Panneh.     See  Ali.akaweaii,  2,300  in  1805,  on  heads  Big  Horn  River. 
Pascatawavs,  once  a  considerable  trila;  on  the  Maryland  side  Potomac  River. 
Pascagoulas,  25  men  in  1805,  on  Red  r.,  (iO  m.  below  Natchitoches;  from  Florida. 
Tassamaquoddie,  on  Schoodak  r..  Me.,  in  Periy  Pleasant  Point,  a  small  number. 
Paunee,  10,000  in  1820,  on  the  Platte  and  Kansas;  Republicans,  Loupes,  and  Picts. 
Pawistucienemuk,  500  in  1820;  small,  brave  tribe,  in  the  prairies  of  Missouri. 
Pawtuckkt.s,  (Nipmuks,)  on  Merrimac  River,  where  Chelmsford  now  is ;  extinct. 
Pecans,  (Nipmuks^  10  in  1793,  in  Dudley,  Mnss.,  on  a  reservation  of  200  acres. 
Pelloatpam.ah,  (Chopannish,)  1,600  inl8'^0,  on  Kooskooskee  r., above  forks,  W.  R. 
Penobscots,  (Abenakies,)  33((,  on  an  island  in  Penobscot  r.,  12  ni.  above  Bangor. 
Pennakooks,  (Nipmuks,)  on  Merrimac  r.,  where  is  now  Concord,  N.  H.    iii.  94,  95. 
Peorias,  97  in  1820,  on  Current  River;  one  of  the  five  tribes  of  the  Illinois. 
PE»iUAKET9,  (Abenakies,)  on  sources  Saco  River;  destroyed  by  English  in  1725. 
Pequots,  about  the  mouth  of  Connecticut  River;  subdued  in  1637.     ii.  101 — 110. 
Pmi.i.iMEES,  (Seniinoles,)  on  or  near  the  Suane  River,  Florida,  in  1817. 
PiANKASHAWs,  3,000  ouce,  on  the  Wabash;  in  1780,  but  950;  since  driven  west. 
PiANKATANK,  a  tribe  in  Virginia  when  first  settled  ;  unlocated. 
PiNESiiow,  (Sioux.)  150  in  1820,  on  the  St.  Peter's,  15  m.  from  its  mouth. 
PiSHQuiTPAH,  2,600  in  1815,  N.  side  Columbia  Piver,  nt  Muscleshell  Rapids,  W.  R. 
PoioASH,  200  in  1820,  coast  Pacific,  N.  mouth  Columbia,  beyond  Clamoctomichs. 
PoTTOWATTOMiE,  1671,  ou  Noquet  i.,  L.  Michigan  ;  1681,  at  Chicago,     v.  141,  M'2. 
PowHATANs,  32  tribes  spread  over  Virginia  when  first  discovered  by  the  English. .     t. 
Pdans,  the  Winnebagoes  were  so  called  by  the  French  at  one  period. 

QuABAOGS,  (Nipmuks,)  at  a  place  of  the  same  name,  now  Brookfield,  Mass. 
Qdapa  w,  700  in  1820,  on  Arkansas  r.,  opp.  Little  Rock  ;  reduced  by  sm.  pox  in  1720 
Qoathlahpohti.es,  on  S.  W.  side  Columbia,  above  mouth  Tahwahnahiook  River. 
QuATOGiiiE,  (Wyandots,)  once,  S.  side  L.  Michigan ;  sold  their  lands  to  Eng.  in  1707. 
QuESADAs.    See  Coosadas. 

QuiEETSos,  on  the  Pacific;  250  in  1820  ;  N.  Columbia  r.,  next  N.  of  the  Quiniilta. 
QuiNiiLTS,  on  coast  of  the  Pacific,  N.  of  Columbia  r. ;  250  in  1820 ;  next  the  Pailsha. 
QuiNNECHART,  coast  Pacific,  next  N.  Calasthocles,  N.  Columbia  r. ;  2,000  in  1820. 
QoiNN.PissA  are  those  called  Bayagoulas  by  the  Chevalier  Tonti. 
Quoi4Dii.s.     See  Passamaquoodie.  —  3  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  181. 

Rapids.     See  Pawistucienemuks. 

Redground,  (Seminoles,)  100  in  1620,  on  Chattahoochie  r.,  12  m.  above  Florida  line. 
Redknife,  so  called  from  tlieir  copper  knives;  roam  in  the  region  of  Slave  Lake. 
Reu-stick,  (Seminoles,)  the  Baton  Rouge  of  the  French,     iv.  64. 
RKD-wf^!G,  (Sioux,)  on  Lake  Pepin,  under  a  chief  of  .heir  name  ;  100  in  1820. 
RicAREE,  (Paunees,)  before  1805,  10  large  vill.  on  Missouri  r. ;  reduced  hy  sm.  pox. 
River,  (Mohegans,)  S.  of  the  Iroquois,  down  the  N.  side  of  Hudson  r.  iii. 97;  v.  14. 
Round-heads,  (Hurons,)  E.  side  Lake  Superior;  2,500  in  1764. 
Ryawas,  on  the  Padouca  fork  of  the  Missouri ;  900  in  1820. 


INDIAN  TRIBES  AND  NATIONS 


SI 


fatchitoches. 


e  Potoas)i3. 


iven  west. 


Sachdagdghs,  (Powhatans,)  per''  ps  the  true  name  of  the  Powhatans. 
Sankhikans,  the  Deiawares  krw?\^  the  Mohawks  by  that  name. 
Santees,  a  small  tribe  in  N.  Carolina  in  1701,  on  a  river  perpetuating  their  name. 
Saponies,  (Wanamies,)  Sapona  River,  Carolina,  in  1700;  joined  Tuscaroros,  1720. 
Satanas,  a  name,  it  is  said,  given  the  Shawanees  by  the       quois. 
Saike,  or  Sac,  united  with  Fox  before  1W()5;  then  on  Mi^     -s.,  above  Illinois,    v.142. 
Sal'teurs,  or  Fall  Indians  of  the  French,  about  the  fills  of  St.  Mary. 
Savan.vahs,  so  called  from  the  river,  or  the  river  from  them ;  perhaps  Yamasees. 
ScATTAK00K3,  Upper  part  of  Troy,  N.  Y. ;  went  from  New  England  about  l(i72. 
Seminoles  have  been  establishecf  in  Florida  a  hundred  years,     iv.  vM  supra. 
Senecas,  one  of  thn  Five  Nations;  "ranged  many  thousand  miles"  in  1700.     v.  4. 
Sepones,  in  Virginia  in  1775,  but  a  remnant.     Sec  Saponies. 

Sekrasna,  (Savannahs?)  in  Georgia;  nearly  destroyed  by  the  Westoes  about  1670. 
Sewees,  a  small  tribe  in  N.  Carolina,  mentioned  by  Laweon  in  1710. 
Shallalah,  1,200  in  1816,  on  the  Pacific,  S.  Columbia  r.,  next  the  Cookkoo-oosee. 
Siiallattoos,  on  Columbia  River,  above  the  Skaddals;  100  in  1820. 
SiiA.NWAPPo.vE,  400  in  1820,  on  the  heads  of  Cataract  and  TaptuI  Rivers. 
SiiAWANE,  once  over  Ohio;  1672,  subdued  by  Iroquois ;  l,ttei3  near  St.  Louis  in  1820. 
SiiEAsruKLK,  900  in  1820,  on  the  Pacific,  S.  Columbia  r.,  next  beyond  the  Youitz. 
Siii.NiKooKS,  a  tribe  of  Long  Island,  about  what  is  now  South  Hampton. 
Shoshone E,  30,000  in  1820,  on  plains  N.  Missouri ;  at  war  with  the  Blackfeet. 
Shoto,  ( Wappatoo,)  460  in  1820,  on  Columbia  River,  opposite  mouth  of  Wallaumut 
SicAU.MES,  1,000  in  1820,  among  the  spurs  of  the  Rocky  Mounts.,  W.  of  the  Rapids. 
Sioux,  discovered  by  French,  1060 ;  33,000  in  1820,  St.  Peter's,  Missis.,  and  Misso.  r. 
SissATONES,  upper  portions  of  Red  r.,  of  L.  Winnipec  and  St.  Peter's,  in  1820.     ^ 
SiTi.MACHA.     See  Chitimicha. 

Sitka,  on  King  George  HI.  Islands,  on  the  coast  of  the  Pacific,  about  lat.  57°  N. 
Six  Nations,  (Iroquois,)  Mohawk,  Seneca,  Onondaga,  Oneida,  Cayuga,  Shawane. 
Skaddals,  on  Cataract  River,  2.')  m.  N.  of  the  Big  Narrows;  200  in  1820. 
Skeetsomisii,  2.000  in  1820,  on  a  river  of  their  name  flowing  into  the  Lastaw. 
Skilloot,  on  Columbia  River,  from  Sturgeon  Island  upwaro ;  2,500  in  1820. 
Skunnemoke,  or  Tuckapas,  on  Vermilion  River,  La.,  6  leagues  W.  of  N.  Iberia. 
Smoksiiop,  on  Columbia  r.,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Labiche ;  800  in  1820,  in  24  clans. 
Snake.     See  Aliatans,  or  Shosiionf.es. 

SoKOKiE,  on  Saco  River,  Maine,  until  1725,  when  they  withdrew  to  Canada. 
Sokulk,  on  the  Columbia,  above  mouth  of  Lewis's  River;  2,400  in  1820. 
SocRKiuois,  (Mikmaks,)  once  so  called  by  the  early  French. 
SouTiES,  (Ottowas,)  a  band  probably  mistaken  for  a  tribe  by  the  French, 
SovENNOM,  (Chopunnish,)  on  N.  side  E.  fork  of  Lewis's  River;  400  in  1820;  W.  R. 
Spokain,  on  sources  Lewis's  River,  over  a  large  tract  of  country,  W.  Rocky  Mt«. 
Sq,dannaroo,  on  Cataract  r.,  below  the  Skaddals:  120  in  1820;  W.  Rocky  Mts. 
Staetans,  on  heads  Chien  r.,  with  the  Kanenavish  ;  400  in  1805;  resemble  Kiawas. 
Stockbridge,  New,  (Moliegans  and  Iroquois,)  collected  in  N.  Y.,  1786;  400  in  1820, 
Stockbridge,  Mass.,  (Mohegans,)  settled  there  in  1734  ;  went  to  Oneida  in  1786. 
St.  John's,  (Abenakies,)  about  300  still  remain  on  that  river. 
Sust^uEiiANNOK,  on  W.  shore  of  Md.  in  1607;  that  river  perpetuates  their  name. 
SussEES,  near  sources  of  a  branch  of  the  Saskashawan,  W.  Rocky  Mountains. 
Symerons,  a  numerous  race,  on  the  L.  side  of  the  Isthmus  of  Darien. 

Tacullies,  "  people  who  go  upon  water;"  on  head  waters  of  Frazier's  River,  La. 
Tahsagroudie,  about  Detroit  in  1723;  probably  Tsonothouans. 
Tahuacana,  on  River  Brazos;  3  tril)es;  180  m.  up;  1,200  in  1820. 
Tallahasse,  (Seminoles.)  15  in  1820,  between  Oloklikana  and  Mikasaukie. 
Tali.ewheana,  (Seminoles,)  210  in  1820,  on  E.  side  Flint  River,  near  the  Chehaws. 
Tamaronas,  a  trioe  of  the  Illinois;  perhaps  Peorias  afterwards. 
Tamatles,  (Seminoles,)  7  m.  above  th*»  Ocheeses,  and  numbered  220  in  1820. 
Tarratines,  E.  of  Pascataqna  River  ;  the  Nipmuks  so  called  the  Abenakies. 
Tattowhehallys,  (Seminoles,)  l.JO  in  1820;  since  scattered  emong  ether  towns. 
Taukaways,  on  the  sources  of  Trinity,  Brazos,  De  Uios,  and  Colorado  Rivers. 
Tawakenoe,  "Three  Canes,"  W.  side  Brazos  r.,  200  m.  W.  of  Nacogdoches,  1804. 
Tavvaws,  (Hurons,)  on  the  Mawmo  in  !7S0,  18  m.  from  Lake  Erie. 
Telmocresse,  (Seminoles,)  W.  side  Chattahoochee,  15  m.  above  fork ;  100  in  1820. 
Tenisaw,  once  on  that  river  which  flows  into  Mobile  Bay ;  went  U>  Red  r.  in  1765 
Tetons,  (Sioux,)  "  vile  miscreants,"  on  Mississ.,  Misso.,  St.  Peter's;  "  real  pirates.' 
Tionontatiks,  or  Dinondadies,  a  tribe  of  Hurons,  or  their  general  name. 
Tockwoghs,  one  of  the  six  tribes  on  the  Chesapeak  in  1607. 
Tonicas,  20  warriors  in  1784,  on  Mississippi,  opp.  Point  Coup6;  once  numerous. 
ToNKAUANS,  a  nation  or  tribe  of  Texans,  said  to  be  cannibals. 


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ni 


INDIAN  TRIBES  AND  NATIONS. 


ToiTKAWA,  700  in  1890,  emtio,  abont  Bay  St  Bernardo. 

ToTEROS,  on  the  mountain!  N.  of  the  Saponea,  in  N.  Carolina,  in  170O. 

ToTO>K«r«.    See  Mobatoki. 

TowACAifRO,  or  T0WOA8H,  one  of  three  tribes  on  the  Brazoi.    See  Tahvaoara. 

TsoMOHTHODARS,  Hennepin  ao  called  the  Senecas ;  by  Coz,  called  Sonnontovana. 

TnKABATCHS,  OH  Tallapoosie  Rirer,  30  m.  abore  Fort  Alabama,  in  1775. 

Tunica,  HMobilian,)  on  Red  River,  90  m.  above  ita  mouth ;  but  ?0  in  1820. 

Tdrxib,  (Mohegana.)  once  in  Farmington,  Conn. ;  monument  erected  to  them,  1840. 

TusHEPAHAS,  and  Ootla»hoot»,  5,(^  in  1820,  on  Clark's  and  Missouri  Rivers. 

T08CARORA,  on  NeuB  r.,  N.  Carolina,  till  1712;  a  few  now  in  Lewiston,  Niagara  r. 

Tdteloes.     See  Mahooaks,  or  Mahooaos. 

T0T8EEWA,  on  a  river  Yf.  Rocky  Mts.,  Bupposed  to  be  a  branch  of  the  Colambia. 

TwiOHTWEES,  (Miamies,)  in  1780,  on  the  Great  Miami ;  so  called  by  the  Iroquois. 

UcRKx,  once  on  Chattauchee  r.,  4  towns ;  some  went  to  Florida,  some  west.  iv.  141. 

Uf ALLAH,  (Seminoles,)  670  in  1820, 12  m.  above  Fort  Gaines,  on  Chattahoochee  r. 

UoALjACHMUTZi,  a  tribe  abont  Prince  William's  Sound,  N.  W.  coast. 

Ulseah,  on  coast  of  the  Pacific,  S.  Columbia,  beyond  the  Neekeetoos ;  150  in  1820. 

Uralaohtoo,  one  of  the  three  tribes  once  composing  the  Lenna  Lenape. 

Un AMIES,  the  head  tribe  of  Lenna  Lenape. 

Unchaooos,  a  tribe  anciently  on  Long  Island,  New  York. 

Upsaroka,  (Minetare,)  commonly  called  Crows. 

Waakicum,  3C  m.  np  Columbia  River,  opposite  the  Cathlamats ;  400  in  1836. 
Wabinoa,  (Iroquois,)  between  W.  branch  of  Delaware  and  Hudson  r.  B.  iii.  97,  n. 
Waco,  (Panis,)  800  in  1820,  on  Brazos  River,  24  m.  from  its  month. 
WiHowpuHS,  on  N.  branch  Columbia  River,  from  Lapage  r.  upward;  700  in  1806. 
Wahpatone,  (Sioux,)  rove  in  the  country  on  N.  W.  side  St.  Peter's  River. 
Wahpacoota,  (Sioux?)  in  the  country  S.  W.  St.  Peter's  in  1805;  never  stationary. 
Wahesits,  (Nipmuks,)  once  on  Memmac  River,  where  Lowell,  Mass.,  now  is. 
Wamparoag,  p<!rhaps  the  3d  nation  in  importance  in  N.  E.  when  settled  by  the  Eng. 
Wappirgs,  at  and  about  Esopus  in  1758 ;  also  across  the  Hudson  to  the  Minsi. 
Waranarcorguins,  supposed  to  be  the  same  as  tlie  Wappings. 
Washaws,  on  Barratana  Island  in  1660,  considerable;  1805,  at  Bay  St.  Fosb,  5  only. 
Watarors,  or  Wbas.     See  Ociatinons. 

Wat*ree8,  onee  on  the  river  of  that  name  in  S.  Carolina,  but  long  since  extinct. 
Watepareto,  on  the  Padouca  fork  of  the  Platte,  near  Rocky  Mts. ;  900  in  1820. 
Wawenoks,  (Abenakies,)  once  from  Sagadahock  to  St.  C  .3orge  River,  in  Maine. 
Waxsaw,  once  in  S.  Carolina,  45  m.  above  Camden ;  name  still  continues. 
Weas,  or  Waas,  (KikapoM^  See  Ouiatarons. 

Wrkiba,  (Semin.,)  250  in  1820,  W.  side  CL  vttahoochee,  4  m.  above  the  Cheskitaloas. 
Welch,  said  to  be  on  a  southern  branch  of  the  Missoui '.    Book  i.  36,  37,  W. 
Westoes,  in  1670,  on  Ashley  and  Edisto  Rivers,  in  S.  Carolina. 
WxTEPAHATo,  with  the  Kiawas,  in  70  lodges  in  1805,  Padouca  fork  of  Platte  River. 
Wheelpo,  on  Clark's  River,  from  the  mouth  of  the  Lastaw ;  2,500  in  1820 ;  W.  R. 
Whirlpools,  (Chikamaugas,)  so  called  from  the  place  of  their  residence. 
White.  W.  of  Mississippi  River;  mentioned  by  many  travellers.     See  Book  i.  38. 
Wiohcomocos,  one  of  the  six  tribes  in  Virginia  in  1607,  mentioned  by  Smith. 
Willewahs,  ^Chopunnish,)  500  in  1890,  on  Willewah  r.,  which  falls  into  Lewis'd. 
Winnebago,  on  S.  side  Lake  Michigan  until  1832 ;  Ottagamies,  &.c.    v.  141 — 143. 
Wolf,  Loupa  of  the  French;  several  nations  had  tribes  so  called. 
WoKKON,  2  leagues  from  the  Tuscarorss  in  1701 ;  long  since  extinct. 
WoLLAWALLA,  ou  Columbia  r.,  from  above  Muscleshell  Rapids,  W.  Rocky  Mts. 
WvARDOTS,  (Hurons,)  a  great  seat  at  Sandusky  in  1780 ;  warlike. 
Wtcomxs,  on  the  Susquehannah  in  1648,  with  some  Oneidas,  250. 
Wtniaws,  a  small  tribe  in  N.  Carolina  in  1701. 

Yamacraw,  at  the  blnfF  of  their  name  in  1732,  near  Savannah,  about  140  men. 
Yamasee,  S.  border  of  S.  Carolina ;  nearly  destroyed  in  1715  by  English,    iv.  138. 
Yamperack,  (Camanches,)  3  tribes  abont  sources  Brazos,  del  Norte,  &c. ;  181?,30/)00. 
Yanktons,  in  the  plane  country  adjacent  to  E.  side  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 
Yattassee,  in  Louisiana,  50  m.  from  Natchitoches,  on  a  creek  falling  into  Red  r. 
Yazoos,  formerly  upon  the  river  of  their  name ,  extinct  in  1770.    iv.  25. 
YiABTXRTArEE,  ou  bauks  St.  Joseph's  r.,  which  flows  into  L.  Michigan,  in  1760. 
Yehah,  above  the  rapids  of  the  Columbia  in  1820;  2,800,  with  some  others. 
Yelbtpoo,  (Chopunnish,)  250  in  1820,  on  Weancum  r.,  under  S.  W.  Mountain. 
YO01CORI,  on  the  Pacific,  next  N.  of  the  mouth  of  Columbia  River ;  700  in  1890. 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


or  THE 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  I. 


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BOOK    I. 


ORIGIN,    ANTIQUITIES,    MANNERS    AND    CUSTOMS, 
&c.   OF  THE   AMERICAN  INDIANS. 


O  eonid  their  ancient  Incus  tii«  aijiin, 

How  would  they  take  up  [sraol'a  taunting  i train  t 

Art  thou  loo  rnllen,  Iberia  ?  Do  we  fice 

The  rohber  iind  llie  murderer  weak  as  wo  ' 

Thou,  that  haot  wasted  earth,  iind  dared  de«piie 

Aliiie  the  wrath  and  mercy  ui^  the  gkieii. 

Thy  pomp  is  in  the  grave,  thy  glory  laid 

Low  i."!  the  pits  thine  uvarico  has  made. 

Wo  come  with  joy  from  our  eternal  rest, 

To  see  the  oppressor  in  his  turn  oppressed. 

Art  thou  the  (rod,  the  thunder  of  whose  band 

Uolled  over  aU    -.-  desolated  land, 

Sjhook  principuluies  aid  kingdoms  down. 

And  made  the  mountoins  tremble  at  his  frown? 

The  sword  shiill  light  upon  thy  lioasied  powers, 

And  waste  tliem  as  thev  wasted  ours 

Tis  thus  Omnipotence  his  law  fulfils. 

And  vengeance  executes  what  justice  wills.- -Co wria 


CHAPTER  I 

Origin  of  the  name  Indian. — Why  applied  to  the  people  found  in  America. — Ancient 
auihoTS  supposed  to  have  referred  to  America  in  their  writings — Theopompus — 
Voyage  of  Hanno — Diodorus  Siculus — Plato — .Aristotle — Seneca. 

The  name  Indian  was  erroneously  applied  to  the  original  man  of  America* 
by  its  first  discoverers.  The  attempt  to  arrive  at  the  Enst  Indies  by  sailing 
west,  caused  the  discovery  of  the  islands  and  continent  of  America.  Wlien 
they  were  at  first  discovered,  Columhiis,  and  many  after  him,  su)>|)oscd  they 
had  arrived  at  the  eastern  shore  of  the  continent  of  India,  and  hence  tlie  peo- 
ple they  found  there  were  called  Indians.  The  error  was  not  discovered  until 
the  name  had  so  obtained,  that  it  could  not  well  be  changed.  It  is  true,  that  it 
matters  but  little  to  us  by  what  name  the  indigenes  of  a  country  are  known, 
and  especially  those  of  America,  in  as  far  as  the  name  is  seldom  used  amoiig 
us  but  in  application  to  the  aboriginal  Americans.  But  with  the  people  of 
Europe  it  was  not  so  unimportant.  Situated  between  the  two  countries,  India 
and  America,  the  same  name  for  the  inhabitants  of  both  must,  at  first,  have 
produced  considerable  inconvenience,  if  not  confusion  ;  because,  in  speaking 
of  an  Indian,  no  one  would  know  whether  an  American  or  a  Zealander  was 
meant,  unless  by  the  context  of  the  discourse.  Therefore,  in  a  historical  point 
of  view,  the  error  is,  at  least,  as  much  to  be  deplored  as  that  the  name  of  the 
continent  itself  should  have  been  derived  from  Americus  instead  of  Columbus.. 

*  So  named  from  VesptUiiu  Americus,  a  Florentine,  who  maclR  a  discovery  of  some  part 
of  tho  coast  of  South  America  in  1499,  two  years  after  Cabot  had  explored  the  coast  of  North 
America;  but  Americus  had  the  fortune  to  confer  his  name  upon  both. 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS, 


[Book  L 


■t 


It  has  been  the  praoice  of  ahnost  every  writer,  who  has  written  about  the 
primitive  inhabitants  ot  a  country,  to  give  some  wild  tiieories  of  others,  con- 
cerning their  origin,  and  to  clost;  the  account  with  his  own ;  which  generally 
has  been  niore  visionary,  if  possible,  than  those  of  his  predecessors.  Long, 
laborious,  and,  we  may  odd,  useless  disquisitions  have  been  daily  laid  before 
the  world,  from  the  discovery  of  America  by  Columbus  tc  the  present  time,  to 
endeavor  to  explain  by  what  means  the  inhabitants  got  from  the  old  to  tiie 
new  world.  To  act,  therefore,  in  unison  with  many  of  our  predecessors,  we 
will  begin  as  far  back  as  they  have  done,  and  so  shall  commence  with  Theo- 
potnpus  und  others,  from  intimations  in  whose  writings  it  is  alleged  the  an- 
fients  lia<l  knowledge  of  America,  and  therefore  peopled  it. 

Thtopomjms,  a  learned  historian  and  orator,  who  flourished  in  the  time  of 
Alexander  the  Great,  in  a  book  entitled  Thaumasioj  gives  a  sort  of  dialogue 
lietween  Midas  the  Phi-ygian  and  Silenus.  The  book  itself  is  lost,  but  Strabo 
refers  to  it,  and  Planus  naa  given  us  the  substance  of  the  dialogue  which  fol- 
lows. After  much  conversation,  Silenua  said  to  Midas,  that  Europe,  Asia  and 
Africa  were  but  islands  surrounded  on  all  sides  by  the  sea ;  but  that  there  was 
a  continent  situated  lM>yond  these,  which  was  of  immense  dimensions,  even 
without  limits ;  and  that  it  was  so  luxuriant,  as  to  produce  luiimals  of  prodi- 
gious magnitude,  and  men  grew  to  double  the  height  of  themselves,  and  that 
they  lived  to  a  far  greater  age  ;*  that  they  had  many  great  cities  ;  and  their 
usages  and  laws  were  different  from  ours ;  that  in  one  city  there  was  more 
than  a  million  of  inhabitants ;  that  gold  nnd  silver  were  there  in  vas»  quanti- 
tie8.f  This  is  but  an  abstract  from  JEiianus's  extract,  but  contains  all  of  it  that 
can  be  said  to  refer  to  a  country  west  of  Europe  and  Africa4  Mlian  or  ^i- 
anu»  lived  about  A.  D.  200. 

Hanno  flourished  when  the  Carthaginians  were  in  their  greatest  prosperity, 
but  the  exact  time  is  unknown.  Some  place  his  times  40.  and  others  140, 
years  Ixifore  the  founding  of  Rome,  which  would  be  about  800  years  before 
our  era.§  He  was  an  oflicer  of  great  enter{>rise,  having  sailed  around  and  ex- 
plored the  coast  of  Africa,  set  out  from  the  Pillars  of  Hercules,  now  called 
the  Straits  of  Gibraltar,  and  sailed  westward  30  days.  Hence  it  is  inferred  by 
many,  that  \  e  must  have  visited  America,  or  some  of  its  islands.  He  wrote  a 
book,  which  i.e  entitled  Periplus,  giving  an  account  of  his  voyagas,  which  was 
translated  and  published  about  1533,  in  Greet''. || 

Many,  and  not  without  tolerably  good  reaiM)n8,  believe  that  an  island  or  con- 
tinent existed  in  the  Atlantic  Ocean  about  this  period,  but  which  disappeared 
afterwards. 

*  Buffon  and  Raynal  either  had  not  read  this  story,  or  they  did  not  believe  it  to  have  been 
America  ;  for  they  taught  that  ull  animals  degenerated  here.  Many  of  the  first  adventurers 
to  the  coasts  of  unknown  countries  reported  them  inhabited  by  giants.  Sviijl  wrote  Chtllivtr'$ 
Travels  to  bring  such  accounts  into  ridicule.  How  well  he  succeeded  is  eviiient  from  a 
Komparison  of  books  of  voyages  and  iravel:!  before  and  aAer  bis  lime.  Dtibwria*  has  this 
jiassagc : — 

Our  fearless  sailors,  in  far  voyases 
(More  led  by  gain's  hope  than  their  compasses), 
On  th'  Indian  shore  have  sometime  noted  some 
Whose  bodies  covered  two  broad  acres  room  5 
And  in  the  South  Sea  they  have  also  seen 
Some  like  high-topped  and  huge-armed  treen  ; 
And  other  some,  whose  monstrous  backs  did  bear 
Two  mighty  wheels,  with  whirling  spokes,  that  were 
Much  like  the  winged  and  wide-spreading  sails 
Of  any  wind-mill  turned  with  merry  gales. ' 

JHvim  Wttk;  p.  117,  ed.  4to,  1613. 

t  yElian,  Variar.  Historiar.  lib.  iii.  chap.  viii. 

X  Since  the  text  was  written,  there  has  come  into  my  hands  a  copy  of  a  translation  of  iEli- 
aiys  work,  "  in  En^lishe  (as  well  according  to  the  (rutn  of  the  Greeke  texte,  as  of  the  Latine), 
by  Abraham  Fleming."  London,  1576,  4to.  It  differs  not  materially  from  the  above,  which 
is  given  from  a  French  version  of  it. 

6  Encyclopaedia  Perthensis. 

II  The  best  account  of  Hanno  and  his  voyages,  with  which  we  are  acquainted,  is  to_be 
found  in  Mariana's  Hist,  of  Spain,  vol.  i.  93,  109,  119,  VOt,  133,  and  160,  ed, 
6  vols.  4to. 


.  Paris,  VTtb, 


[Book  L 

about  the 
•there,  con- 
h  generally 
)rs.    Long, 

laid  before 
ent  time,  to 
e  old  to  tiie 
iCGBBors,  we 
with  Tfceo- 
[ed  the  an- 

the  time  of 
of  dialogue 
t,  but  Strabo 
e  which  fol- 
>e,  Asia  and 
at  there  was 
nsions,  even 
als  of  prodi- 
ves,  and  that 
!s ;  and  their 
re  was  more 
vast  quanti- 
all  of  it  that 
Elian  or  ^t- 

Bt  prosperity, 
d  oth«ir8  140, 
I  years  before 
ound  and  ex- 
8,  now  called 
is  inferred  by 
1  He  wrote  a 
8,  which  was 

and  or  con- 
disappeared 


it  to  have  been 
rst  adventurers 
vrole  Gtillwtr't 
evkiienl  from  a 
tbsurUu  has  this 


Thap.  1] 


ON  THE  ORUJIN  OF  THE  INDIANS 


ed.  4to,  161S. 


islalion  of  MX\- 
of  the  Latine), 
le  above,  which 


^nted,  is  to  be 
' ,  Paris,  17M, 


( 


^udorus  Siridua  bhvb  that  Rome  "  Phwiiicians  were  cast  upon  a  most  f>-rtile 
i  111  u|)|)OHite  to  Ati'icii."  Of  tiiiH,  he  tuiyo,  they  kttpt  the  niont  Mtiidie «1  8tH'r(;cy, 
Wiiicli  was  doubtless  occaHion<>d  by  their  jeulutisy  of  the  nitviuitugu  the  discnv- 
ery  ii«  'rlit  i)c  to  tliu  nei^li.«oriiig  natioiiH,  and  which  tli<>y  wi^iitni  tu  iiecure 
wlioliy  to  tlieiTisclves.  IModonu  Siculru  lived  about  100  years  before  Christ. 
IhIiiikih  lying  wost  of  Kuropu  antl  Africa  are  curtuiiily  nieiitiuned  by  Homer 
and  Hornet.  Tlicy  were  culled  Atlanlides,  and  were  supposed  to  bo  about 
10,000  lurlongs  from  AlVicu.  ll»'re  existed  the  iwt'is'  fabled  Elysiun  Helds. 
Itut  to  be  more  pnilirulur  with  Diodorus,  we  will  let  hiu)  speak  fur  himself. 
"AtU'r  huviiig  pusswl  the  islands  which  lie  beyond  the  Herculean  Strait,  we 
will  speak  of  those  which  lit!  much  further  into  the  ocean.  Towards  Africa, 
and  to  the  west  of  it,  is  an  iuimc>iL-M  island  in  the  broad  sea,  many  days'  soil 
frout  '.ybia.  Its  soil  is  very  fertiie,  and  its  surface  variegated  with  mountains 
and  valleys.  Its  coasts  are  indented  with  many  navigable  rivers,  und  its  lields 
are  well  cultivated:  delicious  gardens,  and  various  kinds  of  plants  atid  trees." 
He  tinuDy  sets  it  down  us  the  fiiif'St  coiaitry  .  own,  where  the  inhabitants 
have  spacious  dwellings,  and  every  thing  in  the  greatest  plenty.  To  say  the 
l(!ast  of  this  accoimt  of  Diodoriut,  it  corresponds  very  well  with  that  given  of 
the  Mexicans  when  first  known  to  the  Spaniards,  but  perhaps  it  will  compare 
as  well  with  the  Canaries. 

Plato's  account  has  more  weight,  perhaps,  than  any  of  the  ancients.  He 
lived  about  400  years  before  the  Christian  era.  A  port  of  his  account  is  as 
follows : — "  In  those  firs^  times  [time  of  its  being  first  known],  the  Atlantic 
was  a  in  ..St  broad  inland,  and  there  were  extant  most  powerful  kings  in  it, 
who,  with  joint  forces,  appointed  to  occimy  Asia  and  Europe :  And  so  a  most 
grievous  war  was  earned  on ;  in  which  the  Athenians,  with  the  common 
"onsent  of  the  Greeks,  opposed  themselves,  and  they  became  the  conquerore 
Itut  that  x^tlantic  island,  by  a  flood  and  earthquake,  was  indeed  suddenly 
destroyed,  and  so  that  warlike  people  were  swallowed  up."  He  adds,  in  an- 
otiier  place,  "  An  island  in  the  mouth  of  the  sea,  in  the  passage  to  those  straits, 
called  the  Pillars  oi'  Hercules,  did  e.\I.st ;  and  that  island  was  greater  and  larger 
than  Lybia  and  Asia ;  from  which  there  was  an  easy  passage  over  to  other 
islands,  and  from  those  islands  to  that  continent,  which  is  situated  out  of  that 
region."  *  "  JVeptune  settled  in  this  island,  froii'  whose  son,  ^tlaa,  its  name 
was  derived,  and  divided  it  among  his  ten  sous.  To  the  youngest  fell  the 
extremity  of  the  island,  called  Gadir,  whicl.,  in  the  language  of  the  country, 
signifies  fertile  or  abounding  in  sheep.  The  descendants  of  Neptune  reigned 
here,  from  father  to  son,  lor  a  great  number  of  generations  in  the  order  of 
primogeniture,  during  the  space  of  9000  years.  They  also  i)ossessed  several 
other  islands ;  and,  [Hissing  into  Europe  and  Africa,  subdued  all  Lybia  as  far 
as  Egypt,  and  all  Europe  to  Asia  Minor.  At  length  the  island  sunk  under 
water;  and  for  a  long  time  afterwards  the  sea  thereabouts  was  full  of 
rocks  and  shelves."  t  This  account,  although  mixed  with  fiible,  cannot,  we 
think,  be  entirely  rejected;  and  that  the  ancients  had  knowledge  of  countries 
westward  of  Europe  appears  as  plain  and  as  well  authenticated  as  any  [mssage 
of  history  of  that  period. 

Aristotle,  or  the  author  of  a  hook  which  is  generally  attributed  to  him,}; 
•peaks  of  an  island  l)eyoiid  the  Straits  of  Gibraltar ;  but  the  passage  savors 
something  of  hearsay,  and  is  as  follows : — "  Some  say  that,  beyond  the  Pillars 
of  Hercules,  the  Carthaginians  have  found  a  very  fertile  island,  but  without 
inhabitants,  full  of  forests,  navigable  rivers,  and  fruit  in  abundance.  It  is 
several  days'  voyage  from  the  main  land.  Some  Carthaj,"-'ians,  charmed  by 
the  fertility  of  the  countiy,  thought  to  marry  and  settle  there ;  but  some  say 
that  the  government  of  Carthage  forbid  the  settlement  upon  pain  of  death, 
from  the  fear  that  it  would  increase  in  power  so  as  to  dfiprive  the  mother- 
country  r>f  her  possessions  there."    If  Aristotle  had  uttered  this  as  a  prediction, 

*  America  known  to  the  Ancients,  10,  8vo.  Boston,  1773. 

t  Encyclopaedia  Perlhcnsis,  art.  Atlantis. 

i  De  inirahil.  auscultat.  Opera,  vol.  i.  VoUaire  says  of  this  book,  "  On  en  fesait  honneur 
aux  Cart)ia|;inois,  et  on  citait  un  livre  d'Aristote  qu'il  n'a  pas  compost."  Esiai  sur  U* 
Hours  et  i'tsprit  des  natioiu,  chap.  cxlv.  p.  703.  vol.  iv.  of  iiis  works.  Edit.  Paris,  1817, 
inSvo, 

!• 


u 


ON  TIIK  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[OooR  L 


I 


¥< 


that  Biich  a  thing  would  tnke  pincn  in  n'gard  to  Homo  future  nation,  no  one, 

u  tiilBc  |iri)|i|i<;t,  for  tlio  Amcrioan  revolution 
This  pliilotM        •■  lived  ubout3):J4  yeare  buforo 

(jur  era.    He  wrote  truge- 


pt^rhnpH,  would  have  called  l>iin  u  tidnc  |iro|i|i<;t,  lor  tlio  Amerioan  revolution 

would  have  been  its  lultilinent 

Christ. 

Seneca  lived  about  the  commcnrement  of  tl 
dies,  and  in  one  of  them  occurs  this  imssago : — 


-"  Venit'nl  aniiis 


Sacrula  seris,  quiouii  occiiium 
Vincula  rpriim  Inxi'l,  ct  iiij^ons 
PalcHt  tclliii,  Typliis(]iie  nnvos 
Delcf^at  nrhes  ;  nee  sit  tcrris 
Ultima  Thule." 

Mtdea,  Act  3.  v.  375. 

TliiH  is  nearer  prophecy,  and  may  bo  rendered  in  Englisii  tlms: — "Tim 
time  will  come  when  the  ocean  will  looHcn  the  chaitiH  of  nature,  uiid  we  shall 
behold  a  vast  country.  A  new  Typhis  nhall  discover  new  worlds :  Thule 
ihall  no  longer  be  considered  the  last  country  of  the  known  world." 

Not  only  these  passages  from  the  ancient  authors  have  l)een  cited  and  re- 
cited by  modems,  but  many  more,  though  less  to  the  point,  to  show  that,  in 
some  way  or  other,  America  mtist  have  btjtm  peopled  from  some  of  the  eastern 
continents.  Almost  every  country  has  claimed  the  honor  of  having  been  its 
first  discoverer,  and  hence  the  progenitor  of  the  Indians.  liut  since  the  recent 
discoveries  in  the  north,  writers  upon  the  subject  say  btit  little  about  getting 
over  inhabitants  from  Europe,  Asia,  or  Africa,  through  the  difficult  woy  of  the 
Atlantic  seus  and  islands,  as  it  is  much  cosier  to  pass  them  over  the  narrow  chan- 
nels of  the  north  in  canoes,  or  upon  the  ice.  Grotiiu,  C.Mather,  Hubbard,  and 
after  them  Robertson,  are  glad  to  meet  with  so  cnsy  a  tnethod  of  solving  a 
question  which  they  consider  as  having  pu/.zled  their  predecessors  so  nmcli. 


»###e»" 


CHAPTER  H. 

Of  mndem  theorists  upon  the  jtcop^n^  oj  Jlmericn — St.  Gregorij — Herrera — T. 
Morton —  Williamson —  Wood  —  Jossrhjn  —  Thormegoud  — Jldair — R.  Williatiis — C. 
Mather  —  Hubbard  —  Robertson  —  Smith  —  P'oltaire  —  Mitchill  — M'  CuUoch — Lord 
Kaim — SwiiUon — Cabrera. 

St.  Gregory,  who  flourished  in  the  7th  century,  in  an  epistle  to  St.  Clemettt, 
said  that  beyond  the  ocean  there  was  another  world.* 

Herrera  argues,  that  the  new  world  could  not  have  been  known  to  the 
ancients ;  and  that  what  Seneca  has  said  was  not  true.  For  that  God  had  kept 
it  hid  from  the  old  world,  giving  them  no  certain  knowledge  of  it ;  and  that, 
in  the  secrecy  and  incomprehensibility  of  his  providence,  he  has  been  pleased 
to  give  it  to  the  Castilian  nation.  That  Seneca's  prediction  (if  so  it  may  be 
considered)  was  a  false  one,  because  he  said  that  u  new  world  wotdd  be  dis- 
covered in  the  north,  and  that  it  was  found  in  the  west.t  Herrera  wrote 
about  1598,  t  before  which  time  little  knowledge  was  obtained  of  North 
America.    This  may  account  for  his  iinpeachment  of  Seneca's  prophecy. 

Thomas  Mortor.,  who  came  to  New  England  in  1622,  published  in  1()37  an 
account  of  its  natural  history,  with  much  other  cuiiotis  matter.  In  speaking 
upon  the  peopling  of  America,  ho  thinks  it  altogether  out  of  the  question  to 

*  "  S.  Gr^oire  sur  I'epistre  ile  S.  Clement,  dit  que  passe  I'ocean,  il  y  a  vn  autre  mond." 
'  Herrera,  I  Decade,  2.)    This  is  the  whole  passage. 

t  Ihid.  3. 

I  He  died  27  March,  1G26,  at  the  age  of  about  66  years.  His  name  was  Tordesillas  Antonio 
dt  Herrera— one  of  the  best  Spanish  nislorians.  His  history  of  the  voyages  to,  and  settlement 
of  America  is  very  minute,  and  very  valuable.  The  original  in  Spanish  is  very  rare.  Acqs' 
ta's  translation  (into  French)  3  v.  4to.,  1660,  is  also  scarce  and  valuable.    It  is  this  we  cite. 


[OooK  L 


Chap.  II] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


ion,  no  one, 
I  rcvciliition 
years  bulbro 

»rote  triij^e- 


lus :— "  TIiP 

iiul  wo  nlmll 

•Ids:   Thule 
n 

ited  nnd  re- 
how  titut,  ill 
ftlieenstcrii 
iiig  been  its 
;e  tiie  recent 
bout  getting 
It  way  of  tlio 
larrow  cliun- 
lubbarJ,  and 
of  solving  a 
ors  80  niucii. 


Hrrrera — T. 
Williams— C. 
bullock — Lord 


St.  Gement, 

own  to  tho 
•od  bad  lce})t 

;  and  that, 
teen  pleased 

it  may  bo 
)uld  be  dis- 
rrera  wrote 
of  North 

ihecy. 

in  1637  an 

n  speai^ing 
Iquestion  to 

I  autre  moad." 


Isillas  Antonio 
nd  seltlemeDt 
I  rare.  Acos^ 
Vis  we  cite. 


8ii|)pose  tlint  it  was  peopled  l»y  tiie  Tartars  from  tho  north,  l>ccaiiAP  "ft  people, 
oiict^  scttb'd,  must  lie  removed  by  rompnlHioii,  or  olr««  tempted  thereimtt)  in 
lioptH  (if  better  fortin-vH,  upon  coiiimeiidatioiin  of  the  |)luce  iiiito  whieli  (hey 
(ibdiild  be  drawn  to  remnve.  And  if  it  may  lie  thoii^dit  that  tiiese  people  ramn 
over  the  froziii  sea,  then  would  it  be  by  compulsion.  If  so,  then  by  whom, 
orwhi'ii?  Or  what  part  of  this  main  continent  may  bo  tlioiight  to  iKirder 
upon  the  country  of  the  Tartars?  It  is  yet  unknown ;  and  it  is  not  like  that  n 
people  well  enough  at  ease,  will,  of  their  own  accord,  tmdertako  to  travel  over 
a  sea  of  ice,  considering  how  many  ditticulties  they  shall  encounter  with.  Ah, 
1st,  whetlHT  there  Im  any  land  at  the  end  of  their  unknown  way,  no  laiuj 
being  in  view;  then  want  of  food  to  sustain  lit';  in  the  mean  time  upon  that 
sea  of  ice.  Or  how  shall  they  do  for  fuel,  to  keen  them  at  night  from  freezing 
to  death .'  which  will  not  Ix^  had  in  such  a  place,  lint  it  may  {KTliaps  Iw 
grante<l,  that  the  natives  of  this  country  might  originally  come  of  the  scattered 
Trojans;  for  aller  that  flrM/iw,  who  was  the  fourth  from  Eneas,  left  LHtiiim 
n|KUi  the  ^uiidict  hehl  with  the  liatins  (vvliero  although  be  gave  them  a  great 
overthrow,  to  tho  slaughter  of  their  grand  captain  and  many  others  of  tho 
heroes  of  Lalium,  yet  Jie  held  it  more  safely  to  depart  unto  some  other  place 
and  people,  than,  by  staying,  to  run  the  hazard  of  an  urupiiet  life  or  doubtful 
conquest;  which,  as  history  maketh  mention,  he  performed.)  This  jieople 
was  dispersed,  there  is  no  «piestioii,  hut  the  people  that  lived  with  him,  by 
reason  of  their  conversation  with  tht- (ireciatis  and  Latins,  had  u  mixed  lan- 
guage, that  participated  of  both."*  This  is  the  main  ground  of  Morton,  but 
lie  says  much  mort;  upon  the  subject;  as  that  the  similarity  of  the  languages 
of  the  Indians  to  the  Greek  and  Roman  is  very  great.  From  the  examples  he 
gives,  we  presume  he  knew  as  little  about  the  It.'iian  laiigiiag(^s  as  Dr.  Mathrr, 
Jlilinr,  and  Boudinot,  who  thought  them  almost  to  coincide  with  tho  Hebrew. 
Though  Morion  thinks  it  very  improbable  that  the  Tartars  came  over  by  the 
north  from  Asia,  l)ecause  they  could  not  see  land  beyond  the  ice,  yet  lie  finds 
no  (liDiculty  in  getting  them  across  the  wide  Atlantic,  uhhough  he  allows  them 
no  compass.  That  the  Indians  have  a  Latin  origin  he  thinks  evident,  because 
he  fancied  he  heard  among  their  words  Pasco-pan,  and  hence  thinks,  w"  hout 
doubt,  their  ancestors  were  acquainted  with  the  god  Pan.\ 

Dr.  H'illiamsonl  says,  "It  can  hardly  bo  questioned  that  the  Indians  of  South 
America  are  descended  from  o  class  of  the  Hindoos,  in  the  southern  parts  of 
Asia."  That  they  could  not  have  come  from  the  north,  because  the  South 
American  Indians  are  unlike  those  of  the  north.  This  seems  to  clash  with 
the  more  rational  views  of  Father  Venc^a.i.§  He  writes  as  follows :  "  Of  all 
the  parts  of  America  hitherto  discovered,  the  Caiifijrnians  lie  nean-st  to  Asia. 
We  are  acquainted  with  the  mode  of  writing  in  all  tho  eastern  nations.  We 
can  distinguish  between  the  characters  ot  the  .lajianese,  tho  Chinese,  the 
Chinese  Tartars,  the  Mogid  Tartars,  and  other  nations  extending  as  far  as  the 
Bay  of  Kamschathka ;  and  learned  dissertations  on  them,  by  Mr.  Boyer,  are 
to  be  found  in  the  octs  of  the  imperial  academy  of  sciences  at  Pet(>rshurg. 
What  discovery  would  it  be  to  meet  with  any  of  these  characters,  or  others 
like  them,  among  the  American  Indians  nearest  to  Asia !  But  as  to  the  Cali- 
fornians,  if  ever  they  were  possessed  of  any  invention  to  pe  -petuate  their  me- 
moirs, they  have  entirely  lost  it ;  and  all  that  is  now  foi  nd  among  them, 
amounts  to  no  more  than  some  obscure  oral  traditions,  [  robably  more  and 
more  adulterated  by  a  long  succession  of  time.  They  have  not  so  much  as 
retained  any  knowledge  of  the  particular  country  from  which  they  emi- 
grated." This  is  the  account  of  one  who  lived  many  years  among  the  Indians 
of  California. 

IMr.  William  Wood,^  who  left  New  Englai  d  in  1633,11  after  o  short  stay,  says, 
"Of  their  language,  which  is  only  peculiar  to  themselves,  not  inclining  to  any 
of  the  refined  tongues :  Some  have  thought  they  might  be  of  the  dispersed 

*  New  Canaan,  book  i,  pages  17  and  18.  t  Iljid-  18. 

X  In  his  Hist.  N.  Carolina,  i.  216. 

J  Hist.  Califoniia,  i.  60.     His  work  was  published  at  Madrid,  in  1758. 
The  author  of  a  work  entitled  New  England's  Prospect    published  in  London,  16S1-,  iu 
4to.    It  is  a  very  rare,  and,  in  some  respects,  a  curious  and  valuable  work. 
IT  Prospect,  61. 


ON  THE  Oftiorisr  op  THF  INDIA  Nff. 


(Book  f. 


it! 


i 


Jews,  IwcaiiHc  noiiio  nf  tli*!tr  wohIh  \m'  near  unto  the  Ih'hn'W  ;  f>iit  by  tFie  mme 
ruin,  lli**y  iiiny  coiirliMl*!  tlitiiii  U  \m  Hriiiiu  of  tlit;  kI''UI>>»8"  "^  ^11  iiutiuiiii,  l»e- 
caiiHo  th<>y  Imvu  wonU  wliich  sound  hAvt  tliu  Grevk,  Liilin,  French,  and  other 
tonjnieK."* 

Mr.  John  Jogsehfn,  who  n^sided  wiriie  tiino  hi  New  Kngland,  from  the  year 
KKJH,  wiVH,  "The"  Mohawkn  are  alM)Ut  r>00:  tlioir  »|M'erh  a  dialect  of  the  I'ar- 
tarn  (im  altto  iu  the  Turkmli  tongu<')."f  In  niinther  work,^  he  HavR,  "  N.  Kng- 
huid  iH  l>y  Home  aflirmed  to  In;  an  ittlaiiH,  iMiomli'd  on  the  north  witji  the  Kiver 
of  Canada  (ho  calUnl  from  Moni«ienr  Cam),  on  th<'  iH>iith  with  the  River  Mon^ 
hef(an  or  HudtntCa  River,  mi  called  iHicauM-  he  wim  the  first  that  discovered  it« 
Home  will  have  America  to  l>e  an  iNland,  which  ont  of  )|ueHtion  miift  needs  he, 
if  then)  he  a  north-east  passai^  found  out  into  the  South  Hea.  It  contains 
l,ir)'2,4U<),0(X)  acres.  The  diticovery  of  the  north-weHt  |iai<Ka){e  (which  lies  with* 
in  th<;  River  of  C'anada)  was  nnderuiken  with  the  help  of  Honie  ProtcNtant 
Frenchmen,  which  l(;ft  Canada,  and  retired  to  HoKton  ahout  the  year  IGtil). 
The  north-east  |H;ople  of  America,  that  in,  N.  F.n<rland,  &c.,  are  judged  to  he 
Tartai-H,  called  Samowles,  U-ing  aliki;  in  coninlc.xion,  shape,  hahit  anil  man- 
ners." We  have  given  here  a  larger  extract  tiiaii  the  immediate  sidnect  re- 
quired, because  we  would  let  the  reader  enjoy  his  curiosity,  as  well  as  wo 
ours,  in  seeing  how  peo|)lu  understood  things  in  that  day.  Barlow,  lookitif 
but  a  small  distance  beyond  those  times,  with  great  elegance  says, — 

"  In  those  biniik  pcriodn,  whrrc  no  mnn  rnn  Irofc 
Tlie  Klcams  of  thought  (hat  tirsi  illunicd  his  rare, 
His  errors,  twined  with  sciciire,  took  their  l>irth, 
And  forgod  lli«ir  futlcrs  fur  this  rhild  of  earth, 
And  whrn,  as  oft,  he  dared  expand  his  view, 
And  work  with  nature  on  the  hne  she  drew. 
Some  monster,  rendered  in  his  fears,  unmanned 
His  o|>eiiin^  soul,  and  marred  the  works  he  planned. 
Fear,  the  first  passion  of  his  helpless  stale. 
Redoubles  all  the  woes  that  round  him  wait, 
niorks  nature's  path,  and  sends  him  wandering  wide, 
Without  u  guarJiaii,  and  without  a  guide." 

Columinad,  ix.  137,  &.e. 

Reverend  Thomas  Tliormvgood  published  a  small  quarto,  in  1652,§  to  prove 
that  the  Indians  were  the  Jews,  who  had  been  "  lost  in  the  world  for  the  space 
of  near  2000  years."  But  whoever  has  read  Adair  or  Bovdinot,  has,  beside  a 
good  deal  that  is  irrational,  read  all  that  in  Thorowgood  can  be  termed  rational. 

Reverend  Rogtr  Williams  wa",  at  one  time,  as  appears  from  Tliorowgood's 
work,||  of  the  same  opinion.  Being  written  to  for  his  opinion  of  the  origin  of 
the  natives,  "ho  kindly  answers  to  those  letters  from  Salem  in  N.  Eng.  20tli 
of  the  lOtb  month,  more  than  10  yeers  since,  in  hate  verba."  That  they  did 
not  come  into  America  from  the  north-east,  as  some  had  imagined,  he  thought 
evident  for  these  reasons :  1.  their  ancestors  affirm  they  came  from  the  south- 
west, and  return  thence  when  they  die :  2.  because  they  "  separate  their  wo- 
men in  a  little  wigwam  by  themselves  in  their  feminine  seasons:"  and  3.  "be- 
side their  god  Kutiand  to  the  S.  West,  they  hold  that  JVanatoitnatoit}]  (a  god 
over  head)  made  the  heavens  and  the  earth  ;  and  some  last  of  affinity  with 
the  Hebrew  I  have  found." 

Doctor  Cotton  Mather  is  an  author  of  such  singular  qualities,  that  we  almost 
hesitate  to  name  him,  lest  we  be  thought  without  seriousness  in  so  weighty  a 
matter.  But  we  will  assure  the  reader,  that  he  is  an  author  with  whom  we 
would  in  no  wise  part ;  and  if  sometimes  we  aj)pear  not  serious  in  our  intro- 
duction of  him,  what  is  of  more  importance,  we  believe  him  really  to  be  so. 
And  sve  are  persuaded  that  we  should  not  be  pardoned  did  we  not  allow  him 
to  6peak  upon  the  matter  before  us. 


Ibid,  112,  ed.  1764, 

His  arcount  of  two  voyages  to  New  England,  printed  London;  1673,  page  124. 
New  England  Rarities,  4,  5,  printed  London,  1672. 

Its  title  commences,  "  DigUtu  Dei :  New  DUcmeritt,  with  ture  Argummtt  to prcve,"  Slc, 
Pages  5  and  6, 
Getannitowit  is  irod  in  Vvlayrm^—Heckeweldtr. 


Chap.  U.] 


on  THE  ORIGIN  OF  TllE  INDIANS. 


He  «yi, "  h  ahoiild  yot  paM  witboiit  rotiiark,  that  thrte  mMt  memorabla 
tltiiiga  which  liave  bornn  a  v«ry  grciot  uN|)««'t  iiiioii  hunum  affiiirt,  did,  near  the 
wiiiic  time,  iianii'ly,  at  the  coiickiHioii  of  iUt3  M/tttiUh,  and  the  tH>|(iniiiiig  of  the 
ttijcletntk,  century,  aritte  unto  th«  world  :  the  tirHt  wiw  the  Uttitrrection  qf 
LUtrnture ;  tlie  MM-oiid  wua  the  n|MMiiiif^  (if  Jlmerica;  the  thirl  wiw  the 
HeJ'ormniion  of  Relif^on."  TIi»ih  fiu-  we  have  an  iimtnictive  %'icw  of  the  huIi 
ject,  euli'ulalitu  tu  lead  tu  the  eoiirluxion  that,iu  the  dark  ajreH,  when  literature 
waM  neffli'Cted  and  forgotten,  <liMcoverieH  niif{ht  iiave  Imm'ii  alMo,  and  henrc  tho 
knowkidge  of  America  lost  Ibr  a  time.  The  reader  niii«t  now  Humnion  hi« 
j^ivity.  "  Ikit,"  thii*  author  contiuueH,  "as  prohably  the  />r»i/,  8e<lueinK  the 
first  inhahiuuits  of  Atiierii-a  into  it,  tlien'ia  aimetl  at  the  having  of  thcni  and 
their  jNtHterity  out  of  the  wtund  of  the  silver  tritmpeti  of  the  go8|M>l,  theu  to  bo 
heard  through  tlie  Roman  empire.*  If  the  Deirii  hud  anv  expt'ctation,  tiiat,  by 
the  peopling  of  Anierioa,  he  Hlionid  utterly  de|)rive  any  kiiropeaiiH  of  the  two 
ItenetitM,  literalure  and  re/ig'Mit,  which  dawned  uihiu  the  miHcraye  world,  (one 
jniit  before,  the  other  jiiMt  iif^erA  tln^  first  famed  uuvigatiou  hither,  'tia  to  be 
hoped  he  will  be  disappointetl  of  tJiat  expectation."!  The  learned  doctor, 
having  forgotten  what  he  iiad  written  in  liin  tirxt  ImhiIc,  or  wiMhin|:  to  ineulrato 
liiH  doctrine  more  firmly,  nearly  repeatH  a  iMMoage  which  he  had  at  tinit  given, 
in  a  distant  part  of  hix  work  ;  {  but,  there  being  considenibie  addition,  we  re- 
rite  it:  "TIte  uativea  of  the  country  now  pomeased  by  the  Newenglandertj, 
bad  b<>en  tbrlorn  and  wn;tchcd  heaihen  ever  since  their  ArHt  Iterding  here ;  an(i 
though  we  know  not  token  or  how  these  IiMliana  first  became  iiduibitaiits  of 
this  mighty  continent,  yet  vrit  may  gtu'ss  that  prohaldy  the  Deinl  decoyed  those 
miserable  salvagtss  hither,  in  hopes  that  the  gospel  of  the  Lord  Jeeus  Christ 
would  never  come  liero  to  destroy  or  disturb  his  absolute  empire  over  thetiL 
But  our  Eliot  was  in  such  ill  terms  with  the  Devit,  as  to  alarm  hiiu  with 
tMunding  tlie  tUver  trumpets  of  heaven  in  his  territories,  and  make  some  noble 
and  zealous  attempts  towards  outing  him  of  ancient  itosscssions  here.  There 
were,  I  think,  20  several  natmu  (if  I  may  call  them  so)  of  Indians  upon  that 
fipot  of  ground  which  fell  under  the  iiifiuenco  of  our  Three  Vniied  Colonies; 
and  our  Eliol  was  willing  to  rescue  as  many  of  them  as  he  could  from  that 
old  usurping  landlord  of  America,  who  is,  bv  the  wrath  of  God,  the  |M-ince  if 
this  woriiL**  In  8<;veral  places  be  is  decidcu  in  the  opinion  that  Indians  are 
Scythians,  and  is  confirmed  in  tlie  opinion,  on  meeting  with  this  puniage  of 
Jidius  Cresar:  "  DijKcUius  Invenire  quam  interfuxre^  which  lie  thus  renders, 
''  It  is  harder  to  find  tliem  than  to  foil  them.''  At  least,  this  is  a  happy  appli- 
cation of  the  passage.  Catsar  was  speaking  of  the  Scythians,  and  our  histo- 
rian applies  the  passage  in  speaking  of  the  sudden  attacks  of  the  Indians,  and 
their  agility  in  bkliiig  themselves  from  {lursiiit.^  Doctor  Mather  wrote  at  the 
close  of  the  seventeenth  centmy,  and  his  famous  book,  Magnolia  C.jHsti 
Americana,  was  published  in  1702. 

Adair,  who  resided  40  years  (he  says)  among  the  southern  Indians,  previ- 
ous to  l??.*),  published  a  huge  quarto  upon  their  origin,  history,  &c.  lie  tor- 
tures every  custom  and  usage  into  a  like  one  of  the  Jews,  and  almost  every 
word  °m  their  language  into  a  Hebrew  one  of  the  came  meaning. 

Doctor  Boxulinol,  in  his  Itook  called  "The  Star  in  the  West,"  has  followed 
lip  the  theory  of  Adair,  with  such  certainty,  as  he  thinks,  as  that  the  "long 
lost  ten  tribes  of  Israel"  are  cleaiiy  identified  in  the  American  Indians.  Such 


*  This,  we  ap|>rel*end,  is  no!  entirely  ori<;lnal  with  o«r  aulbor,  but  borders  upon  nlagiarism. 

Ward,  tUe  celebrated   author  of  the  "  Simple  Cohler   of   Aggawam,"  sayg  of  the  Irish, 

■"  These  Irish  (aiioieatly  called  anthropophagi,  man-eaters)  have  a  tradition  ainon"f  rticnu.  that 

when  tlie  Devil  showed  our  Saviour  all  the  kingdoms  of  the  earth,  and  thehr  glory,  that  ho 

^  would  ivrt  showfcim  freland,  but  reserved  it  for  himself.     It  is,  probably,  true ;  (or  he  hath 

H  kept  it  e\er  since  for  his  own  pectiliar:  the  old  fox  foresaw  it  would  eclipse  the  glory  of  all 

S  the  rest :  he  thought  it  wiidom  to  keep  the  land  (or  a  Boggards  (or  his  ui»clean  spirits  employed 

in  this  hemisphere,  and  the  peojlle  to  do  his  son  and  fieir  (the  Pope)  that  service  (or  which 

Lems  the  Xl  kept  his  Bari)or  Oliver,  whicli  makes  them  so  bloodthirsty." — Siimple  Cobler, 

86,  87.     V.'  hy  so  mtidi  gall  !s  poilrcd  out  upon  the  poor  Irish,  we  cannot  &ntisfactorilv  account 

The  circtimstance  of  liis  writing  in  the  time  of  Cromwell  will  explain  a  part,  if  not  the  whole, 

of  the  enigma.     He  was  the  first  minister  of  Ipswich,  Massachusetts,  but  was  burn  and  dietl 

III  England. 

t  MafuaJia  Ckriit.  Amer.  b.  L  i  Ibid,  b,  iiL  $  Sec  Magnalia,  bu  viL 


n 


^iH 


n 


10 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I 


: 


i! 


Ill  1.1 


theories  have  gained  many  supportera.  It  is  of  much  liigher  antiquity  than 
Adair,  and  was  treated  as  sucli  vic^ionary  speculations  siioiiid  be  i)y  autliors  as 
far  back  as  the  historian  Hubbard,  who  wrote  about  1G80,  and  has  tiiis  among 
other  passages:  "If  any  observation  be  made  of  their  manners  and  dis|)08i- 
tions,  it's  easier  to  say  from  wliat  nations  they  did  not,  than  from  wliom  tliey 
did,  derive  their  original.  Doubtless  their  conjecture  who  fancy  them  to  be 
descended  from  the  ten  trilws  of  the  Israelites,  carried  captive  l)y  Salamaneser 
and  Esarhaddon,  hath  the  least  show  of  reason  of  any  other,  there  being  no 
footsteps  to  be  observed  of  their  propinquity  to  them  more  than  to  any  otlier  of 
the  tribes  of  the  earth,  either  as  to  their  language  or  manners."*  This  antiior 
was  one  of  the  best  historians  of  his  times ;  and,  generally,  he  writes  with  as 
much  discenunent  upon  other  matters  as  upon  this. 

That  because  the  natives  of  one  country  and  those  of  another,  and  each  un- 
known to  the  other,  have  some  customs  and  practices  in  common,  it  has  been 
urged  by  some,  and  not  a  few,  that  they  must  have  had  a  common  origin  ;  but 
this,  in  our  apprehension,  does  not  necessarily  follow.  Who  will  pretend  that 
different  peoi)le^  vvhen  placed  under  similar  circumstances,  will  not  have  simi- 
lar wants,  and  hence  similar  actions?  that  like  wants  will  not  prompt  like  ex- 
ertions? and  like  causes  produce  not  like  effects?  This  mode  of  reasoning 
we  think  sufficient  to  show,  that,  although  the  Indians  may  have  some  customs 
in  common  with  the  Scythians,  the  Tartai-s,  Chinese,  Hindoos,  Welsh,  and 
indeed  every  other  nation,  still,  the  former,  for  any  reason  we  can  see  to  the 
contrary,  have  as  good  right  to  claim  to  themselves  priority  of  origin  as  either 
or  all  of  the  latter. 

Doctor  Robertson  should  have  proved  that  people  of  color  i)rr.duce  others 
of  no  color,  and  the  contrary,  before  he  said,  "  We  know  with  infallible 
certainty,  that  all  the  human  race  spring  froui  the  8an)e  source,"!  meaning 
Adam.  He  founds  this  broad  assertion  upon  the  false  notion  that,  to  admit 
any  other  would  be  an  inroad  upon  the  verity  of  the  holy  Scriptures.  Now, 
in  our  view  of  the  subject,  we  leave  them  equally  inviolate  in  assuming  a  very 
different  ground  \\  namely,  that  all  habitable  parts  of  the  world  may  have  Imjcd 
peopled  at  tim  sjmie  time,  and  by  different  races  of  men.  That  it  is  so  peo- 
pled, we  knoic :  that  it  icas  so  peo})led  as  far  back  as  we  have  any  account, 
we  see  no  reason  to  disbelieve.  Hence,  when  it  was  not  so  is  as  futile  to 
inquire,  as  it  would  be  impossible  to  conceive  of  the  annihilation  of  space. 
When  a  new  country  was  discovered,  much  inquiry  was  made  to  ascertain 
from  whence  came  the  inhabitants  found  upon  it — not  even  asking  whence 
came  the  other  animals.  The  onswer  to  us  is  plain.  Man,  the  other  animals, 
trees  and  plants  of  every  kind,  were  placed  there  by  the  supreme  directing 
hand,  which  carries  on  every  operation  of  natui-e  by  fixed  and  undeviating 
laws.  Thip,  it  must  be  plain  to  every  reader,  is,  at  least,  as  reconcilable  to  the 
Bible  history  as  the  theory  oi Robertson,  which  is  that  of  Grotius,  and  all  those 
who  have  followed  them. 

When  it  has  been  given  in,  at  least  by  all  who  have  thought  upon  the  sul)- 
ject,  that  climate  does  not  change  the  complexion  of  the  human  race,  to  hold 
up  the  idea  still  that  all  must  have  sjjrung  from  the  same  source,  [Adam,)  only 
reminds  us  of  our  grandmothers,  who  to  this  day  laugh  at  us  when  we  tell 
them  that  the  earth  is  a  globe.  Who,  we  ask,  will  argue  that  the  nejrro 
changes  his  color  by  living  among  us,  or  by  changing  his  latitude?  Who 
have  ever  become  negi'oes  by  living  in  their  country,  or  among  them  ?  Has  the 
Indian  ever  changed  liis  complexion  by  living  in  London?  Do  those  change 
which  adopt  our  manners  and  customs,  and  are  siuTounded  by  us  ?  Until 
these  questions  can  be  answered  in  the  affirmative,  we  discard  altogetiier  that 
unitarian  system  of  peopling  the  Avorld.  We  would  indeed  prefer  Quid's 
method : — 

"  Ponere  durilicm  coeperc,  suumque  rigornm  ; 
Molliricjue  mora,  mollitaqiie  duccro  fnrmam. 
Mox  ubi  prevcrunl,  naturaque  milior  illis 
Contigit,"  &c.  dec. 

Metamor.  lib  i.  fab.  xi. 


Hist.  New  England,  27. 
,  Why  talk  of  a 
teienees  of  geogra 


—.ft. »....,  ...  f  Hist.  Amerira,  book  iv. 

X  Why  talk  of  a  theory's  clashing  with  lioly  writ,  and  say  nothing  of  the  cerlaiuly  of  tha 
'  iphy>  astronomy,  geology,  ic.  7 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


11 


That  is,  Deucalion  and  Pyrrha  performed  the  office  by  travelling  over  the 
country  and  picking  up  stones,  which,  as  they  cast  tiieni  over  their  heads, 
became  young  people  as  they  struck  the  earth. 

We  mean  not  to  be  understood  that  the  exterior  of  the  skin  of  people  is  not 
changed  by  climate,  for  this  is  very  evident:  but  that  the  children  of  pei-sons 
would  be  any  lighter  or  darker,  whose  residence  is  in  a  climate  different  from 
that  ill  which  they  were  bom,  is  what  we  deny,  as  in  the  former  case.  As 
astonishing  as  it  may  appear  to  the  succinct  reasoner,  it  is  no  less  true,  that 
Dr.  Samuel  Stanhope  Smith  has  put  forth  an  octavo  book  of  more  than  400 
pages  to  prove  the  tmitif,  as  he  expresses  it,  '  of  the  human  race,'  that  is,  that 
all  were  originally  descended  from  one  man.  His  reasoning  is  of  this  tenor: 
"The  American  and  European  sailor  reside  equally  at  the  pole,  and  under  the 
ef|uator."  Then,  in  a  triumphant  air,  he  demands — "Why  then  should  we, 
without  necessity,  assume  the  hypothesis  that  originally  there  existed  diiferent 
species  of  the  human  kind.'"*  What  kind  of  argument  is  contained  here  we 
leave  the  reader  to  make  out ;  and  again,  when  he  would  prove  that  all  the 
human  family  are  of  the  same  tribe,  he  says  that  negro  slaves  at  the  suuth, 
who  live  in  wliite  families,  are  gradually  found  to  conform  in  features  to  the 
wiiites  with  whom  they  live  If  Astonishing!  and  we  wonder  who,  if  any, 
knew  this,  beside  the  author.  Again,  and  we  have  done  with  our  extraordi- 
nary philosopher.  He  is  positive  that  deformed  or  disfigured  persons  will,  in 
process  of  time,  produce  offspring  marked  in  the  same  way.  That  is,  if  a 
man  practise  flattening  his  nose,  his  oflTspring  will  have  a  flatter  nose  than  he 
would  have  had,  had  his  progenitor  not  flattened  his  ;  and  so,  if  this  offspring 
repeat  the  process,  his  ofts|)ring  will  have  a  less  prominent  nose ;  and  so  on, 
until  the  nose  be  driven  entirely  off*  the  face!  In  this,  certainly,  our  author 
has  taken  quite  a  roundabout  way  to  vanquish  or  put  to  flight  a  nose.  We 
wish  he  could  tell  ns  how  many  ages  or  generations  it  would  take  to  make 
this  formidable  conquest.  Now,  for  any  reason  we  can  see  to  the  contrary,  it 
would  be  a  much  less  tedious  business  to  cut  oflT  a  memi)er  at  once,  and  thus 
accomplish  the  object  in  a  short  period;  for  to  wait  several  generations  lor 
a  fjishion  seems  absurd  in  the  extreme.  A  man  must  be  monstrously  blind 
to  hi.s  prejudices,  to  maintain  a  doctrine  like  this.  As  well  might  he  nrgiie 
that  colts  would  be  tailless  because  it  has  long  been  the  practice  to  shcien 
the  tails  of  hoi-ses,  of  both  sexes  ;  but  we  have  never  heard  that  colts'  tails  are 
in  the  least  afiected  by  this  practice  which  has  been  performed  on  tlie  horse 
.so  long.  I  Ccrtainh',  if  ever,  we  should  think  it  time  to  discover  something 
of  it !  Nor  liave  we  ever  heanl  that  a  female  child  has  ever  been  born  with 
its  ears  bored,  although  its  ancestore  have  endured  the  painful  operation  for 
many  generations — and  here  we  shall  close  our  examination  of  Mr.  Smiih^s 
400  pages.  § 

Peo|)le  d(>light  in  new  theories,  and  often  hazard  a  tolerable  reputation  for 
the  sak(!  of  exhibiting  their  abilities  upon  a  subject  on  which  they  have  very 
vague,  or  no  clear  conceptions.  Had  Dr.  Smith  read  the  writings  of  Sir 
Thomas  Broicn^  he  could  hardly  have  advanced  such  absiinl  opinions  as  we 
liave  before  noticed;  ifj  indeed,  lie  were  poi^sessed  of  a  s-me  mind.  Dr. 
Brown  w-as  of  the  age  previous  to  that  in  which  Bvjfon  lived.  In  speaking 
of  complexion,  he  says,  "If  the  fervor  of  the  sun  were  the  so'e  caiiS!  hereof, 
iri_  Kthiopia,  or  any  land  of  negroes,  it  were  also  reasonable  tiiat  inhabitants 
of  the  same  latitude,  subjected  unto  the  same  vicinity  of  the  sun,  the  same 
diiiriial  arch  and  direction  of  its  rays,  should  also  partake  of  the  same  hue 
aiul  coMiplexion,  which,  notwiths'ai'iding,  they  do  not.  For  the  inhabitants 
of  the  same  latitude  in  Asia  are  of  a  different  complexion,  as  are  the  inhabit- 
ants of  Cand)ogia  and  .lava;  insomuch  that  some  conceive  the  negro  is 
properly  a  native  of  Africa  ;  and  that  those  places  in  Asia,  inhabited  now  by 


*  .Smlili  on  Complexion,  N.  Rrunwiok,  N.  J.  1810,  p.  11.  f  H'i''.  HO,  171. 

t  Tlic  autlior  pleads  not  piiiliy  to  liie  rliarge  of  plngiarism  ;  for  il  was  not  until  some  nionlln 
aner  the  text  was  written,  tliat  lie  knew  tlini  even  lliis  idea  had  occurred  to  any  one.  He  has 
iinre  rca<l  an  extract  very  similar,  in  Dr.  Lawrence's  vaUinhle  Lecltires  on  Znologv,  iVc. 

&  On  reflection,  wo  have  thought  our  remarks  rather  pointed,  as  Mr.  Smith  is  iiol  a  living 
author ;  but  what  called  them  forth  must  be  their  apology. 


r 


12 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


14: 


Moors,  are  but  tlie  intrusions  of  nej^roes,  arriving  first  from  Africa,  as  we 
generally  conceive  of  Madagascar,  and  the  adjoining  islands,  who  retain  the 
same  complexion  unto  this  day.  But  this  defect  [of  latitude  upon  complex- 
ion] is  more  remarkable  in  America,  which,  although  subjected  unto  botli  the 
tropics,  yet  are  not  the  inhabitants  black  between,  or  near,  or  under  either : 
neither  to  the  southward  in  Brazil,  Chili,  or  Peru  ;  nor  yet  to  the  northward 
in  Hispaniola,  Castilia,  del  Oro,  or  Nicaragua.  And  althougli  in  many  parts 
thereof,  there  Ik;  at  present,  swarms  of  negroes,  serving  under  the  Spaniard, 
yet  were  they  all  transported  from  Africa,  since  the  discovery  of  Columbus, 
and  ai-n  not  indige.ious,  or  r"oper  natives  of  America."* 

Hence  it  is  eviJent,  that  200  years  before  Dr.  Smith  wrote,  the  notion  that 
situation  of  place  affected  materially  the  color  of  the  hutnan  species,  was 
very  justly  set  down  among  the  "vul^'ar  and  common  errors"  of  the  times. 

Anotlier  theory,  almost  as  wild,  and  quite  as  ridiculous,  respecting  the 
animals  of  America,  as  that  advanced  by  Dr.  S.  S.  Smith,  seems  here  to  pre- 
sent itself.  We  have  reference  to  the  well-kno\vn  assertions  of  Buffon  and 
Rniinal,\  two  philosophers,  who  were  an  honor  to  the  times  of  Franklin, 
which  are,  that  man  and  other  animals  in  America  degenerate.  J  This  has 
been  met  in  such  a  masterly  manner  by  Mr.  Je^erson,§  that  to  repeat  any 
thing  hero  would  be  entirely  out  of  place,  since  it  has  been  so  often  copied 
into  works  on  botli  sides  of  the  Atlantic.  It  may  even  be  found  in  some  of 
the  best  English  Encyclopaedias.  || 

Smith  If  do'  s  not  deal  fairly  with  a  passage  of  Voltaire,  relating  to  the  peo- 
jding  of  America  ;  as  he  takes  only  a  part  of  a  sentence  to  comment  upon. 
Perhaps  he  thought  it  as  much  as  he  was  capable  of  managing.  **  The  com- 
plete sentence  to  which  we  refer  we  translate  as  follows: — "There are  found 
men  and  animals  all  over  the  habitable  earth:  who  has  put  them  upon  it? 
We  have  already  said,  it  is  he  who  has  made  the  grass  grow  in  the  fields ; 
and  we  should  be  no  more  surprised  to  find  in  America  men,  than  we  should 
to  find  flies."  It  We  can  discover  no  contradiction  between  this  passage  and 
another  in  a  distant  part  of  the  same  work ;  and  which  seems  more  like  the 
pnssagc  Mr.  Smith  luis  cited: — "Some  do  not  wish  to  believe  that  the  cater- 
pilliirs  and  the  suiiils  of  one  part  of  the  world  should  be  orig  nally  from  an- 
other part :  wherefore  be  astonished,  then,  that  there  should  be  in  America 
some  kitids  of  animals,  and  some  races  of  men  like  our  own?"j:t 

Voltaire  has  written  upon  the  subject  in  a  manner  that  will  always  be 
attnicting,  however  much  or  little  credence  may  be  allowed  to  what  he  has 
written.  We  will,  therefore,  extract  an  entire  nrtiele  wherein  he  engages 
more  profijssedly  upon  the  question  than  in  other  parts  of  his  works,  in  which 
he  has  rather  incidentally  spoken  upon  it.  The  chapter  is  as  follows  :§§  — 
"Since  iriany  (till  not  to  make  systems  upon  the  manner  in  which  America 
has  been  jieoph  d,  it  is  left  only  for  us  to  say,  that  he  who  created  flies  in 
those  regions,  created  man  there  nlso.  However  pleasant  it  may  be  to  dis- 
])uto,  it  cannot  be  denied  that  the  Supreme  Being,  who  lives  in  all  nature,  ||{| 
lias  created  about  the  48°  two-legged  animals  without  feathers,  the  color  of 
whose  skin  is  a  mixture  of  white  and  carnation,  with  long  beards  approaching 
to  red  ;  about  the  line,  in  Africa  and  its  islands,  negroes  without  beards  ;  and 

*  ■'  Pspiiilodo.xia  Epidcmha  :  or  Inquiries  into  very  many  Received  Tcnenls,  nnfl  common- 
Iv  received  Triiilis;  logellicr  with  tlie  Kkliuiu  Medici.  By  Thotnas  BrotBn,Kt.  M.  D." 
Page  .'373,  G  edition,  4to.     London,  IfiTS. 

t  Afler  speaking  of  the  effed  of  the  climate  of  the  old  world  in  producing  man  and  other 
animals  in  perfection,  he  adds,  "  ComMen,  au  contraire,  la  nature  paroil  avoir  n^o;|ig'f. 
nouvcaii  moml !  l.cs  hommes  y  sent  mnins  forts,  moins  courageux  ;  sans  barbe  el  sans  poll," 
ic. —  llistoire  Philns.  des  deux  Jndts,  viii.  210.     Ed.  Geneva,  1781.  12  vols.  8vo. 

X  Voltaire  does  not  nay  quite  as  much,  hut  says  (his: — "La  nature  enfin  avail  donne  aux 
Amcrieniics  beaucoiip  moins  d'indiislrie  qu'aux  hommes  de  I'ancien  monde.  Toutes  ces  causes 
enseml)lo  out  pu  niiire  heaucoup  k  la  popi'lalion," — [CEuvres,  iv.  19.]  This  is,  however,  only 
in  reference  to  the  Indians. 

^  III  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  Quer.  vii.  ||  Perthcnsis,  i.  fi37.  (Art.  Amf.r.  $  38.) 

IT   Snmnrl  Smith,  who  published  a  history  of  New  .Jersey,  in  176.5,  printed  at  Rurlinsfton. 

♦»  See  Hist.  N.  J.  8.        tt  Kssai  siir  les'Moeurs  et  I'Esprit  dcs  Nalioas.    (CEuvres,  iv.  18.) 

It  Ibid.  708.  $«  CEuvres,  t.  vii.  197,  198. 

Iljj  Will  the  reader  of  this  call  Voltaire  an  atheist  1 


^. 


[Book  I. 

rica,  as  we 

0  retain  the 
n  eomplex- 
ito  both  the 
ider  either : 
!  nortliward 

many  parts 
le  Spaniard, 
rColunibiis, 

',  notion  that 
species,  was 
the  times, 
ipeeting  the 
liere  to  pre- 
Buffon  and 
of  Franklin, 
t    Tills  has 

>  rejjeat  any 
often  copied 

1  in  some  of 

^  to  the  peo- 
fiment  upon. 
*  The  com- 
;re  are  found 
em  upon  it  ? 
a  the  fields; 
m  we  should 

>  pai^sat^e  and 
nore  like  the 
at  the  cater- 
lally  from  an- 
s  in  America 

1  always  be 
what  he  has 

he  engages 
ks,  in  which 
bllows:§§  — 
ieh  America 
lated  flies  in 
ay  be  to  dis- 
ill  nature,  |||| 
the  color  of 
approaching 

leards ;  and 


I,  nnH  commoii- 
vn,  Kt.  M.  I). ' 

nan  and  other 
avoir  n^sflip'^ 
i  et  sans  poil," 
|vo. 

vail  donne  aux 
uies  CCS  causes 
I  however,  only 

(mf.r.  $38.) 
Riirtinsfton. 
buvres,  iv.  18.) 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


13 


in  the  same  latitude,  other  negroes  with  beards,  bome  of  them  having  wool 
and  some  hair  on  their  heads  ;  and  among  them  other  animals  quite  white, 
havin"  neither  hair  nor  wool,  but  a  kind  of  while  silk.     It  does  Udt  very 
clearly  appear  what  should  have  prevented  God  from  placing  on  another 
continent  animals  of  the  same  species,  of  a  copper  color,  in  the  same  hititude 
in  which,  in  Africa  and  Asia,  they  are  found  black  ;  or  even  from  nmking  tliem 
without  beards  in  the  very  same  latitude  in  which  others  jjoi^si'ss  them.    To 
what  lengths  are  we  carried  by  the  rage  for  systems  joined  with  the  tyranny 
of  prejudice!    We  see  these  animals;  it  is  agreed  that   God  has  had  the 
power  to  place  them  where  they  are ;  yet  it  is  not  agreed  that  he  has  so 
placed  them.    The  same  persons  who  readily  admit  that  the  beavers  of  Canada 
are  of  Canadian  origin,  assert  that  the  men  must  have  cotne  there  in  boats, 
and  that  Mexico  must  have  been  peopled  by  some  of  the  descendants  of 
Magog,    As  well  might  it  be  said,  that,  if  there  be  men  in  the  moon,  they 
must  have  been  taken  there  by  Astolpho  on  his  hipjiogriff,  when  he  went  to 
fetch  Roland's  senses,  which  were  corked  up  in  a  bottle.     If  America  had 
been  discovered  in  his  time,  and  there  had  then  been  men  in  Europe  si/stem- 
atic  enough  to  have  advanced,  with  the  Jesuit  Lajitau,*  that  the  Caril)bees 
descended  from  the  inhabitants  of  Caria,  and  the  Hurons  from  the  Jews,  he 
would  have  done  well  to  have  brought  back  the  bottle  containing  the  wits  of 
these  reasoners,  which  he  would  doubtless  have  found  in  the  moon,  along 
with  those  oWlngelicd's  lover.     The  first  thing  done  when  an  inhabited  island 
is  discovered  in  the  Indian  Ocean,  or  in  the  South  Sea,  is  to  inquire,  Whence 
came  these  people  ?  but  as  for  the  trees  and  the  tortoises,  thejf  are,  without 
any  hesitation,  pronounced  to  be  indigenous ;  as  if  it  were  more  difticult  for 
nature  to  make  men  than  to  make  tortoises.    One  thing,  however,  which 
seems  to  comitenance  this  system,  is,  that  there  is  scarcely  an  island  in  the 
eastern  or  western  ocean,  which  does  not  contain  juggleix,  quacks,  knaves, 
and  fools.     This,  it  is  probable,  gave  rise  to  the  opinion,  thai  these  animals 
are  of  the  same  race  with  ourselves." 

Some  account  of  what  the  Indians  themselves  have  said  upon  the  subject 
of  their  origin  may  be  very  naturally  looked  for  in  this  place.  Their  notions 
in  this  respect  can  no  more  be  relied  upon  than  the  fiibled  stories  of  the  gods 
in  ancient  mythology.  Indeed,  their  accounts  of  ])rimitive  inhabitants  do  not 
agree  beyond  their  own  neighborhood,  ami  often  disagree  with  themselves  at 
different  limes.  Some  say  their  ancestors  came  from  the  north,  others  from 
the  north-west,  others  from  the  east,  and  othera  from  the  west;  some  frouj 
the  regions  of  the  air,  and  some  from  under  the  earth.  Hence  to  raise  any 
theory  upon  any  thing  coming  from  them  upon  the  subject,  would  show 
only  that  the  theorist  himself  was  as  ignorant  as  his  informants.  We  might 
as  well  ask  the  forest  trees  how  they  came  planted  upon  the  soil  in  which 
they  grow.  Not  that  the  Indians  are  unmtelligent  in  other  affairs,  any  further 
than  the  necessary  consequence  growing  out  of  their  situation  implies;  nor 
are  they  less  so  than  many  who  have  written  upon  their  history. 

"  In  one  grave  maxim  lot  iis  all  agree — 
Nature  ne'er  meant  her  .secrets  should  be  fonnd, 
And  man's  a  riddle,  which  man  can'l  expound  !  " 

Paine's  Rut.iNG  1'.\ssion. 

The  different  notions  of  the  Indians  will  be  best  gathered  from  their  lives 
in  their  proper  places  in  the  following  work. 

Dr.  S.  L.  Miichill,  of  New  York,  a  man  who  wrote  learnedly,  if  not  wisely, 
on  almost  every  subject,  has,  in  his  opinion,  like  hundreds  before  him,  set  tlit; 
great  question,  Hoto  was  America  peopled')  at  rest.  lie  has  no  doulit  but  the 
Indians,  in  the  first  i)lace,  are  of  the  same  color  originally  as  the  north-eiistern 
nations  of  Asia,  and  hence  sprung  from  them.  What  time  he  settles  them  in 
the  country  he  does  not  tell  tis,  but  gets  them  into  Greenland  about  tin;  year  8 
or  !K)0.  Thinks  he  saw  the  Scandinavians  as  far  as  the  shores  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  but  what  time  this  was  lie  does  not  say.     He  must  of  course  make 

*  He  wr  te  a  history  of  the  savages  ol  America,  and  mainlaiued  that  the  Caribbee  lan- 
guage was  radicnlly  Hebrew. 


./a 


^i^'\ 


m 


m 


14 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I. 


n 


these  pooplc  tlic  builderd  of  the  mounds  scattered  all  over  the  western  coun- 
try. Aller  all,  we  apprehend  the  doctor  would  have  short  time  for  his  emi- 
grants to  do  all  that  nature  and  ait  have  done  touching  these  matters.  In  the 
fii-st  place,  it  is  evident  that  many  ages  passed  aAvuy  from  the  time  these 
tumuli  were  begun  until  they  were  finished:  2d,  a  multitude  of  ages  must 
liavc  passed  since  the  use  for  which  they  were  reared  has  been  known  ;  for 
trees  of  the  age  of  200  yeai-s  gi-ow  fro.n  the  ruins  of  others  which  must  have 
had  us  great  age:  and,  3d,  no  Indian  nation  or  tribe  has  the  least  tradition 
concerning  them.*  Tliis  could  not  have  happened  had  the  ancestors  of  the 
present  Indians  been  the  erectors  of  them,  in  the  nature  of  things.! 

The  observation  of  an  author  in  Dr.  iZecs'a  Encyclopedia,  J  although  saying 
no  more  than  has  been  already  said  in  our  synopsis,  is,  nevertheless,  so  hajtpy, 
that  we  should  not  feel  clear  to  omit  it: — "As  to  those  who  pretend  that  the 
human  race  has  only  of  late  found  its  way  into  America,  by  crossing  the  sea 
at  Kanjschutka,  or  the  Straits  of  Tschutski,  either  upon  the  fields  of  ice  or  in 
canoes,  they  do  not  consider  that  this  opinion,  besides  that  it  is  extremely 
(liilieuit  of  comprehension,  has  not  the  least  tendency  to  diminish  the  i)rodi- 
gy ;  for  it  would  be  siu'prising  indeed  that  one  half  of  our  planet  should  have 
remained  without  inhabitants  during  thousands  of  years,  while  the  other  half 
Wiis  peo|)led.  What  renders  this  opinion  less  probable  is,  that  America  is 
su|)|)oso(l  in  it  to  have  had  animals,  since  we  cannot  bring  those  species  of 
animals  from  the  old  world  which  do  not  exist  in  it,  as  those  of  the  tapir,  the 
glama,  and  the  tnjactu.  Neither  can  we  admit  of  the  recent  organization  of 
mutter  for  the  western  hemisphere ;  because,  independently  of  the  accuuni- 
lated  difficulties  in  this  hyj)othesis,  and  which  can  by  no  means  be  solved, 
we  shall  observe,  that  the  fossil  bones  discovered  in  so  many  parts  of  Ameri- 
ca, and  at  such  emull  depths,  prove  that  certain  species  of  animals,  so  far  from 
having  been  rectiutly  organized,  havo  been  annihilated  a  long  while  ago." 

Before  we  had  known,  that,  if  we  were  in  error,  it  was  in  the  company  of 
philosophers,  such  as  we  have  in  this  chapter  introduced  to  our  readers,  we 
felt  a  hesitancy  in  avowing  jiir  opinions  upon  a  matter  of  so  great  moment. 
IJiif,  after  all,  as  it  is  only  matter  of  honest  opinion,  no  one  should  be  intoler- 
ant, although  he  may  be  allowed  to  make  himself  and  even  his  friends  merry 
at  our  ex|)ense.  When,  in  the  days  of  Chrysoatom,  some  ventured  to  assert  their 
opinions  of  the  rotundity  of  the  earth,  that  learned  father  "did  laugh  at  them."  § 
And,  when  science  shall  have  progressed  sufficiently,  (if  it  be  possible,)  to  set- 
tle this  question,  there  is  a  possibility  that  the  Chrysostoms  of  these  days  will 
not  have  the  sume  excuse  for  their  infidelity.  Hut  as  it  is  a  day  of  prodigies, 
there  is  some  danger  of  treating  lightly  even  tlie  most  seemingly  absurd  con- 
jectures. We  therefore  feel  very  safe,  and  more  especially  as  it  required  con- 
eideraitle  hardihood  to  laugh  even  at  the  theory  of  the  late  Mr.  Symmes. 

When  we  lately  took  up  a  book  entitled  "Researches,  Philosophical  and  Anti- 
quanan,  concemins^  the  Moriffinal  History  of  America,  by  J.  H.  M'Culloh,  Jr. 
M.  D."  II  we  did  think,  from  the  imposing  appearance  of  it,  that  some  new 
matters  on  the  subject  had  been  discovered;  and  nioreparticulmly  wnen  we 
read  in  the  preface,  that  "his  fii*st  object  was  to  explain  the  origin  of  the  men 
and  animals  of  America,  so  far  as  that  question  is  involved  with  the  apparent 
physical  iuipedinieiUs  that  have  so  long  kept  the  subject  in  total  obscurity." 
Now,  with  what  success  this  has  heen  done,  to  do  the  author  justice,  he  shall 
speak  for  himself,  and  the  reader  then  may  judge  for  himself. 

"Before  we  attempt  to  explain  in  what  manner  the  men  and  animals  of 
America  reached  this  continent,  it  is  necessi  ry  to  ascertain,  if  possible,  the 
circumstances  of  their  original  creation  ;  for  upon  this  essential  partieidar  de- 
j)ends  the  great  interest  of  om*  present  investigation.  [We  are  not  able  to 
discover  that  he  has  said  any  thing  fcnther  upon  it.]  It  must  be  evident  that 
we  can  arrive  at  no  satisfactory  conclusion,  if  it  be  doubtful  whether  the  Crea- 
tor of  the  universe  made  man  and  the  animals  but  in  one  locality,  from 


wi 
ea 
thi 
th( 
m( 
wl 
nil 

8p( 


*  Or  none  but  such  as  nre  at  variance  wi.h  all  history  and  rationalily. 
+  Arcliipologia  Americana,  i.  325,  32(),  S'il,  &,c. 

See  Acosta's  Hist.  E.  and  \V.  Indies,  p.  1,  ed.  London,  1604. 

Published  at  Oaltimore,  1829,  in  8vo. 


X  Art.  AxfRicA. 


!.i' 


[Book  I. 

vestern  coun- 
e  for  ills  emi- 
tters. In  the 
le  time  these 
of  ages  iiiiist 

I  known ;  for 
ch  must  liave 
east  tradition 
ccstors  of  the 

hough  saying 
ess,  so  iiappy, 
3ten(l  that  tiie 
)ssing  the  sea 
Is  of  ice  or  in 
is  extremely 
ish  the  i)rodi- 
it  should  have 
the  other  half 
at  America  is 
ose  species  of 
'  the  tapir,  the 
•ganization  of 
'  the  accumu- 
uis  be  solved, 
irts  of  Ameri- 
Is,  so  far  from 
hile  ago." 
e  company  of 
ir  readers,  we 
»rcat  moment. 

II  Id  be  intoler- 
fricnds  merry 
to  assert  their 
gh  at  them."  § 
ssible,)  to  set- 

se  days  will 
of  prodigies, 

absurd  con- 
equired  con- 
•)}immes. 
ical  and  Anti- 

CULLOH,  Jr. 

at  some  new 
Oily  wnen  we 
of  the  men 
the  apparent 
til  obscurity." 
stice,  he  shall 

animals  of 

possible,  the 

)artieular  de- 

not  able  to 

evident  that 

her  the  Crea- 

ocality,  from 


t.  A\£RICA. 


Chap.  II.] 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


16 


whence  they  were  dispersed  over  the  earth  ;  or  whether  he  created  them  in 
each  of  those  various  situations  where  wo  now  find  them  living.  So  far  as 
this  inquiry  respects  mankind,  there  can  be  no  reasonable  ground  to  doubt 
the  one  origin  of  the  species.  This  fact  may  be  proved  both  physically  and 
morally.  [If  the  reader  can  discover  any  thing  that  amounts  to  jjroof  in 
what  follows,  he  will  have  made  a  discovery  that  we  could  not]  That 
man,  notwithstanding  all  the  diversities  of  their  appearance,  are  but  of  one 
species,  is  a  truth  now  universally  admitted  by  every  physiological  nutimilist. 
[That  is,  notwithstanding  a  negro  be  black,  an  Indian  brown,  a  Europi.-aii 
white,  still,  they  are  all  men.  And  then  fellows  a  quotation  from  Doctor 
Lawrence*  to  (!orroboiate  the  fact  that  men  are  all  of  one  species.j  It  is  true, 
this  i)iiysiologist  does  not  admit  that  the  human  species  had  their  origin  but 
from  one  pair;  for  ho  observes,  the  same  species  might  have  bcjn  created  at 
the  same  time  in  veiy  different  parts  of  the  earth.  But  when  wo  have 
anaiyzcul  tiie  moral  hisitory  of  mankind,  to  which  Mr.  Laivrence  seems  to  have 
paiillittlo  atti'iition,  [and  if  our  author  has  done  it,  we  would  thank  liini  to 
show  us  where  we  can  find  it,]  we  find  such  strongly- marked  analogies  in 
abstract  matters  existing  among  nations  the  most  widely  separated  from  each 
other,  that  we  cannot  doubt  there  has  been  a  time,  when  the  whole  human 
family  hav(!  intimately  participated  in  one  conmion  system  of  thirigs,  whether 
it  he  of  truth  or  of  error,  of  science  or  of  prejudice.  [This  does  not  at  all 
agree  with  what  he  says  afterwards,  'We  have  been  unable  to  discern  any 
trac"«:  of  Asiatic  or  of  European  civilization  in  America  prior  to  the  discovery 
of  Columbus.'  And  again  :  'In  comparing  the  barbarian  nations  of  America 
with  those  of  the  eastern  continent,  we  perceive  no  j)oints  of  resemblance 
between  them,  in  their  moral  institutions  or  in  their  hal)its,  that  are  not  appar- 
ently founded  in  the  necessities  of  human  life.'  If,  then,  there  is  no  affinity, 
other  than  what  would  accidentally  happen  from  similar  circumstances,  where- 
fore tills  prating  about ' s/rong"/^-»iarA:e</ anaZog"ics,'  &c.  just  copied?]  As  re- 
speet.s  the  origin  of  animals,  [we  have  given  his  l)est  proofs  of  the  origin  of  man 
and  tlK^ir  transportation  to  America,]  the  subject  is  much  more  refractory. 
We  find  thetn  living  all  over  the  surface  of  the  earth,  and  suited  by  their  phys- 
ical conformity  to  a  great  variety  of  climates  and  peculiar  localities.  Every 
one  will  admit  the  impossibility  of  ascertaining  the  history  of  their  original 
creation  from  the  mere  natural  history  of  the  animals  themselves."  Now, 
as  "  refractory "  as  this  subject  is,  we  did  not  expect  to  see  it  fathered  off 
upon  a  miracle,  because  this  was  the  easy  and  convenient  manner  in  which 
the  superstitious  of  every  age  accounted  for  evciy  thing  w  ,ich  they  at  once 
could  not  comprehend.  And  we  do  not  expect,  when  it  is  gravely  announced, 
that  a  discovery  in  any  science  is  to  be  shown,  that  the  undertaker  is  going 
to  tell  us  it  is  accomplished  by  a  miracle,  and  that,  therefore,  "  he  knows  not 
why  he  should  be  called  upon  to  answer  ohjections,"  &c. 

As  it  would  be  tedious  to  the  reader,  as  well  as  incompatible  with  our  jilan, 
to  quote  larger  from  Mr.  JWCtUloWs  book,  we  shall  finish  with  him  after  a  few 
remarks. 

We  do  not  object  to  the  capacity  of  the  ark  for  all  animals,  but  we  do 
object  to  its  introduction  in  the  question  undertaken  by  Mr.  MCulloh;  for 
every  child  knows  that  affair  to  have  been  miraculous  ;  and  if  any  i)art  of  the 
question  de|)ended  upon  the  truth  or  falsity  of  a  miracle,  why  plague  the  world 
with  a  book  of  some  500  pages,  merely  to  promulgate  such  a  belief,  when 
a  sentence  would  be  all  that  is  required  ?  No  one,  that  admits  an  overruling 
power,  or  the  existence  of  God,  will  doubt  of  his  ability  to  create  a  myriad  of 
men,  animals,  and  all  matter,  by  a  breath  ;  or  that  an  ark  ten  lt;et  square  could 
contain,  comfortably,  ten  thousand  men,  as  well  as  one  of  the  dimensions 
given  in  Scripture  to  contain  what  that  did.  Therefore,  if  one  in  these  days 
should  make  a  book  expressly  to  exjilain  the  cause  of  the  different  lengths  of 
days,  or  the  clinnges  of  the  seasons,  and  find,  afler  he  had  written  a  vast  deal, 
that  he  could  in  no  wise  unravel  the  lUystery,  and,  to  close  his  account,  de- 
clares it  was  all  a  miracle,  such  an  author  would  be  precisely  in  the  predica- 
ment  of  Mr.  MCulloh. 

*  Tlie  celebrated  uutlior  of  Lectures  on  Physiology,  Zoology,  and  the  Natural  History  of 
Man. 


|:p 


i 


::iT 


L'J 


CI 


ON  THE  ORIGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  I 


We  do  not  pretend  that  the  subject  can  be  pursued  with  the  certainty  of 
niathrtiir ileal  calculations;  and  so  long  as  it  is  contended  that  the  wliole  spe- 
cies .it'  'nun  spring  from  one  pair,  so  long  will  tlie  subject  admit  of  contro- 
vnsy :  therefore  it  makes  but  little  or  no  difference  v.hether  the  inhabitants 
are  got  into  America  by  the  north  or  the  south,  the  east  or  the  v/est,  as  it 
rr<rar(ls  the  main  question.  For  it  is  very  certain  that,  if  there  were  but  one 
fiair  originally,  and  these  placed  upon  a  certain  spot,  all  other  places  where 
people  arc  now  found  must  have  been  settled  by  people  from  the  primitive 
spot,  wlio  found  their  way  thither,  some  how  or  other,  and  it  is  very  unimpor- 
tjiiit  how,  ns  we  have  just  observed. 

I^ord  Kttimes,  a  writer  of  great  good  sense,  has  not  omitted  to  say  some- 
tbinir  upon  this  subject.*  He  very  judiciously  asks  those  who  maintain  that 
Ami'rifa  was  peopled  from  Kamskntka,  whether  the  inhabitants  of  that  region 
speak  the  same  language  with  their  American  neighbors  on  the  opposite 
shores.  That  they  do  not,  he  observes,  is  fully  confirmed  by  recent  accounts 
Iroin  tlience;  and  "whence  we  may  conclude,  with  great  certainty,  that  the 
latter  are  not  i'  colony  of  the  former."!  ^^  have  confirmation  upon  confirma* 
tion,  that  these  nations  speak  languages  entirely  different ;  and  for  the  satisfac- 
tion of  the  curious,  we  will  give  a  short  vocabulary  of  words  in  both,  with 
the  English  against  them. 

Enf^lwh.  Kamskadale.  ^lioutean.X 

God Nionstichtchitch Aghogoch. 

Father. Iskli Athan. 

Mother Nas-kh Anaan. 

Son Pa-atch L'laan. 

Daughter Souguing Aschkinn. 

Brother Ktchidsch Koyota. 

Sister Kos-Kliou Angiin. 

Husband Skoch Ougiinn. 

Woman Skoua-aou Ai-yagar. 

Girl Kh-tchitchou Ougeghilikinn. 

Young  boy Pahatch Auckthok. 

Child Pahatchitch Ouskolik. 

A  man Ouskaams Toyoch. 

The  people Kouaskou. 

Pei-sons Ouskaamsit 

The  head T-Khousa Kamgha. 

The  face Koua-agh Soghitnaginn. 

The  nose Kaankang Aughosinu. 

The  nostrils Kaanga Gouakik. 

The  eye Nanit Thack. 

After  observing  that  "there  are  several  cogent  arguments  to  evince  that  the 
Americans  arc  not  descended  from  any  people  in  the  north  of  Asia,  or  in  the 
noith  of  Euroj)e,"  Lord  Kaimts  continues, — "  I  venture  still  further ;  w  hich  is, 
to  conjecture,  that  America  has  not  been  iwopled  from  any  })art  of  the  old 
world."  But  although  this  last  conjecture  is  in  tmison  with  those  of  many 
others,  yet  his  lordship  is  greatly  out  in  sonte  of  the  proofs  which  he  adduces 
in  its  support.  As  we  have  no  ground  on  which  to  controvert  this  opinion, 
wc  may  be  excused  from  examining  its  proofs ;  but  this  we  will  observe,  that 
Lord  Kaimes  is  in  the  same  error  about  the  beardlessness  of  tlie  Americans  as 
some  other  learned  Europeans. 

The  learned  Doctor  Swinton,§  in  a  dissertation  upon  the  peopling  of  Ameri- 

■ 

*  Sec  Ills  "  Sketches  of  the  History  of  Man,"  a  work  whicli  lie  published  in  1774,  ai  Edin- 
kurgli,  in  2  vnls.  4to. 

t  Vol.  ii.  71. 

X  The  AI<H)nicans  inhabit  the  chain  of  i<:lands  which  stretch  from  the  north-west  point  of 
America  into  the  neighborhood  of  Kamskatka.  It  must  be  remembered  lh.?t  these  names  are 
in  the  French  orlhogrnpliy,  being  taken  from  a  French  translation  of  Billings's  voyage  into 
those  regions,  from  1785  to  17!)4. 

$  Doctor  John  Siriiiton,  the  eminent  author  of  many  parts  of  the  Ancient  Universal  Hit* 
lory.     He  died  in  1777.  aged  74. 


Cm 

ca, 

in 

«bs 

son 

and 

coll 

nor 

(•i:il 

wli 

COIl^ 


wa,, 
son 
tiling 
froii 


m 


Chap.  11] 


ON  THE  oniGIN  OF  THE  INDIANS. 


17 


v.a,*  uftrr  stating  the  different  opinions'  of  vnrinus  antlior.s  wlio  have  ndvornted 
in  favor  of  the  "dispersed  p'ople,"  tlie  I'liuMiicians,  und  olht'r  easlern  nations, 
obatrvcs,  "that,  therefore,  the  Anu'ricans  in  general  were  deseended  from 
some  ]ieople  who  inliahited  a  ronntry  not  so  fur  distant  from  them  as  I'^gypt 
and  Pii(Pincia,  onr  readiTw  will,  as  we  H(»|)r('hend,  readily  admit.  Now,  no 
eonntry  ran  be  pitched  npon  so  projier  and  convenient  llir  liiis  purpose  as  the 
north  'astern  |mi-t  of  Asia,  purlicniarly  (Jrent  Tarlary,  Siberia,  and  mon'  espe- 
eially  liie  peninsula  of  Kamtsehatka.  That  i)rol)ably  was  the  tract  thronj{h 
which  many  Tartarian  colonies  passed  into  Auicricji,  and  peopled  the  most 
consideral)l(!  part  of  the  now  world." 

This,  it  is  not  to  he  denied,  is  the  most  rational  way  of  getting  inhabitants 
into  Aineri.-a,  if  it  most  be  allowed  that  it  was  peopled  from  the  "old  world." 
IJiit  it  is  not  quite  so  easy  to  account  for  the  existence  of  o(piatorial  animals 
in  America,  when  all  authors  agree  that  tliey  never  could  have  passed  that 
wa,, ,  as  they  could  not  have  survived  the  colilne.>'8  of  the  climate,  at  any  sea- 
son of  tho  year.  3Ioreover,  the  vocabulary  we  have  given,  if  it  prove  any 
thing,  |)roves  that  either  the  inhabitants  of  North  America  did  not  come  in 
from  the  north-west,  or  that,  if  they  did,  some  unknown  cause  nnist  have,  for 
ages,  suspended  all  conuniniication  between  the  emigrants  and  their  anc(;slorH 
upon  the  neighboring  shores  of  Asia. 

In  1822,  there  apj)eared  in  London  a  work  which  attracted  some  attention, 
as  most  works  have  upon  similar  subjects.  It  was  entitled,  "  Description  of 
the  ruins  of  an  ancient  city,  discovered  near  Pulen(pie,  in  the  kingdom  of 
Guatemala,  in  Spanish  America:  traiislate<l  from  the  original  inanuserii)t  re- 
port of  Capt.  Don  Jlntonio  Del  Rio:  followed  by  a  critical  invesiigation  and 
research  into  the  History  of  the  Americans,  by  Dr.  Paul  Fdir  Cabrera,  of  the 
city  of  New  Guatemala." 

Cajnain  Del  Rio  was  ordered  by  the  Spanish  king,  in  the  year  1786,  to 
make  an  examination  of  whatever  ruins  he  might  fiiid,  which  he  accordingly 
did.  From  the  manuscript  he  left,  which  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of 
Doctor  Cabrera,  his  work  was  composed,  and  is  that  part  of  the  work  which 
concerns  us  in  our  view  of  systems  or  conjectures  concerning  the  peopling  of 
America.  We  shall  be  short  with  this  author,  as  his  system  ditlers  very  little 
from  some  which  we  have  already  sketched.  lie  is  very  confident  that  he 
has  settled  the  question  how  South  America  received  its  inhabitants,  namely, 
from  the  Phcenicians,  who  sailed  across  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  that  the  ruined 
city  described  by  Captain  Del  Rio  was  built  by  the  first  adventurers. 

Doctor  Cabrera  calls  fny  system,  which,  in  his  view,  does  not  harmonize  with 
the  Scriptures,  an  innovation  upon  the  " holy  Catholic  religion;"  and  rather 
than  resort  to  any  such,  he  says,  "It  is  better  to  believe  his  [God's]  works 
iniracidous,  than  endeavor  to  n:ake  an  ostentatious  display  of  our  talents  by 
the  cunning  invention  of  new  systems,  in  attributing  them  to  natural  causes."f 
The  same  reasoning  will  apply  in  this  case  as  in  a  former.  If  we  are  to  at- 
tribute every  thing  to  miracles,  wherefore  the  necessity  of  investigation? 
Those  authors  are  fond  of  investigating  matters  in  their  way,  but  are  dis- 
pleased if  others  take  the  same  liberty.  And  should  we  follow  an  author  in 
his  theories,  who  cuts  the  whole  business  short  by  declaring  all  to  be  a  mira- 
cle, when  he  can  no  longer  grope  in  the  labyrinth  of  his  own  forming,  our 
reader  would  be  just  in  condemning  such  waste  of  time.  When  every  thing 
which  we  cannot  at  first  sight  understand  or  comprehend  must  not  be  in- 
qtiired  into,  from  superstitious  doubts,  then  and  there  will  be  fixed  the  bounds 
of  all  science  ;  but,  as  Lord  Byron  said  upon  another  occasion,  not  till  then. 

"If  it  he  allowed  (says  Dr.  Lawrence) J  that  all  men  are  of  the  same 
species,  it  does  not  follow  that  they  are  all  descended  from  the  same  family. 
We  have  no  data  for  determining  this  point :  it  could  indeed  only  be  settled 
by  a  knowledge  of  facta,  which  have  long  ago  been  involved  in  the  impene- 
trable darkness  of  antiquity."  That  climate  has  nothing  to  do  with  tlie  com- 
plexion, he  offers  the  following  in  proof: — 


fniversal  Hit' 


*  Universal  History,  xx.  162,  163.— See  Malone's  edition  of  BosweU'i  Life  Dr.  Johnson, 
y.  271.  ed.  in  5  v.  12mo.  London,  1821. 
t  Page  30.  \  Lectures  on  Zoology,  Slc.  442.  ed.  8vo.  Salem,  1828. 

m 


I  ",:■ 


Ml-P 


i^il 


;  ;i~  '•'. 


ti;'^ 


16 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


[Book  I, 


"Tlie  establishments  of  the  Europeans  hi  Asia  and  America  hare  now  snb- 
BJsted  about  three  centuries.  Vasqmz  de  Gama  landed  at  Calicut  in  1498 ; 
Btid  tlic  Portuguese  emtiire  in  Inclin  was  founded  in  the  beginnine  of  the  fol- 
ic wnijjf  century.  Brazil  was  discovered  and  taken  possession  of  by  the  same 
nation  in  the  very  first  year  of  the  KJth  century.  Towards  the  end  of  the 
i.lth,  and  the  beginning  of  the  lUth  century,  Columbus,  Cortex,  and  Pizarro, 
siihjiigiited  for  the  Spaniards  the  West  Indian  islands,  with  the  empires  of 
Jlexi(to  and  Peru.  Sir  fyalte'  Ralegh yhiitcd  an  English  colony  in  Virginia 
in  158 1 ;  and  the  French  settlement  of  Canada  has  rather  a  later  date.  The 
colimisiis  liavc,  in  no  in^^tallce,  approached  to  the  natives  of  these  countries: 
ar.ii  tlirir  <|iscendants,  where  the  blood  has  been  kept  pure,  have,  at  this  time, 
«li(!  «iine  characters  as  native  Europeans."* 

The  eminent  anti(|uary  De  fViU  Clinton\  supposed  that  the  ancient  works 
found  ill  tliisccnintry  were  similar  to  those  supposed  to  be  Roman  by  Pennant 
in  Wulis.  lie  adds,  "The  Danes,  as  well  as  the  nations  which  erected  our 
Ibrtificatioiis,  wen;  in  all  |)robahility  of  Scythian  origin.  According  to  Pliny, 
the  iiitiiie  of  Scythian  was  common  to  all  the  nations  living  in  the  north  of 
Asia  and  Europe."  f 


9ei0e 


CHAPTER  III. 

'Anecdotes,  Karratites,  4'C.  illustrative  of  the  Manners  and  Customs,  Jlntiquitiea  and 

Traditions,  of  the  Indians. 

IVit. — An  Ottaway  chief,  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  of  JfTiitejohn, 
was  a  great  drunkard.  Count  Frontenac  asked  him  what  he  thought  brandy 
to  lie  made  of;  he  replied,  that  it  must  be  made  of  hearts  and  tongues — 
"  F'or,"  said  he,  "  when  I  have  drunken  plentifully  of  it,  my  heart  is  a  thousand 
strong,  and  I  can  talk,  too,  with  astonishing  freedom  and  rapidity."  | 

Honor. — A  chief  of  the  Five  Nations,  who  fought  on  the  side  of  the  English 
in  the  French  wars,  chanced  to  meet  in  battle  his  own  father,  Avho  was  fight- 
ing on  the  side  of  the  French.  Just  as  he  was  about  to  deal  a  deadly  blow 
upon  his  head,  he  discovered  who  he  was,  and  said  to  him,  "You  have  once 
gi\  en  ine  life,  and  now  I  give  it  to  you.  Let  me  meet  you  no  more ;  for  I 
have  paid  the  debt  I  owed  you."  § 

Recldessncss. — In  Connecticut  River,  about  "  200  miles  from  Long  Island 
Sound,  is  a  narrow  of  5  yards  only,  formed  by  two  shelving  mountains  of 
solid  rock.  Through  this  chasm  are  compelled  to  pass  all  the  waters  which 
in  the  time  of  the  floods  bury  the  northern  country.  It  is  a  frightful  passage 
of  aiiout  400  yards  in  length.  No  boat,  or,  as  my  author  expresses  it,  "  no 
living  creature,  was  ever  known  to  pass  through  this  narrow,  except  an  Indian 
woman."  This  woman  had  undertaken  to  cross  the  river  just  above,  and 
although  she  had  the  god  Bacchus  by  her  side,  yet  Neptune  prevailed  in  spite 
of  their  united  efforts,  and  the  canoe  was  hurried  down  the  frightful  gulf. 
While  this  Indian  woman  was  thus  hurrying  to  certain  destruction,  as  she  had 
eveiy  reason  to  expect,  she  seized  upon  her  bottle  of  rum,  and  did  not  take  it 
from  her  mouth  until  the  last  drop  was  quaffed.  She  was  marvellously  pre- 
served, and  was  actually  picked  up  several  miles  below,  floating  in  the  canoe, 
siill  quite  drunk.  When  it  was  known  what  she  had  done,  and  being  asked 
how  she  dared  to  drink  so  much  rum  with  the  prospect  of  certain  death  before 
her,  she  answered  that  she  knew  it  was  too  much  for  one  time,  but  she  was 
unwilling  that  any  of  it  should  be  lost.  1| 

•  Lectures  on  Zooloey,  &c.  46i,  465.  ed.  8vo.    Salem,  1828. 

t  A  Memoir  on  the  Antiquities  of  the  Western  Parts  of  the  State  of  N.  York,  pages  9,  lOl 
8vo.    Albany,  1818. 
i  Universal  Museum  for  1763.  $  Ibid.  ||  Pettrt's  Hist.  Cooneclicut. 


(Jl 


yon 


[Book  I, 


Chap.  HI] 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


19 


e  now  sub- 
Lit  in  1498; 

of  the  fol- 
ly the  same 
end  of  the 
nd  Pizarro, 
empires  of 
in  Virginia 
date.    The 

countries : 
at  this  time, 

cient  works 
by  Pennant 
erected  our 
ng  to  Pliny, 
he  nortli  of 


ntiquitiet  and 

)f  JfTiilejohn, 
ught  brandy 
d  tongues — 
s  a  tliou8ond 

'the  English 
lo  was  fight- 
leadly  blow 
lU  have  once 
more ;  for  I 

jong  Island 
fountains  of 
[aters  which 
itful  passage 
|sses  it,  "  no 
)t  an  Indian 
above,  and 
[iled  in  spite 
Eghtful  gulf. 
|,  as  she  had 
not  take  it 
[llously  pre- 
the  canoe, 
>ing  asked 
leath  before 
mt  she  waa 


I,  pages  9,  lOl 
lonneclicut. 


Justice. — A  missionary  residing  among  a  certain  tril)e  of  Indians,  w.'S  one 
day,  after  he  had  been  preacliing  to  tiicni,  hivitcd  by  their  chief  to  viait  hiii 
wigwam.  After  having  been  kindly  entertained,  aii»l  lieing  ulujut  to  depart, 
th  "cliii'f  took  him  by  the  hand  and  .siiid,  "  I  have  very  bad  squaw.  She  had 
two  little  children.  One  hUv.  loved  well,  the  other  she  hated.  In  a  cold  night, 
when  I  was  gone  hunting  in  the  woo(ls,  she  shut  it  out  of  the  wigwam,  and 
it  iVo/e  to  death.  What  mii.st  Im!  done  with  her?"  The  missionary  replied, 
".<lie  must  he  hanged."  "Ah!"  said  the  chief,  "go,  then,  and  hang  youi 
(«o(l,  whom  you  make  just  like  her." 

Mafjcnanimity. — A  hunter,  in  liis  wanderings  for  game,  fell  among  the  bark 
si'tih'ments  of  Virginia,  and  by  reason  of  the  inelemeiicy  of  the  weather,  was 
indiiei'd  to  seek  refuge  at  the  house  of  a  planter,  whom  he  met  at  his  door. 
Admission  was  refused  him.  IJeing  both  himgry  and  thirsty,  he  asked  for  a 
mors(!l  of  bread  and  a  cup  of  water,  but  was  answered  in  every  case,  »  iVo! 
von  shall  have  nothing  here!  Gd  you  f^one,  yon  hvlutn  dos^!"  It  happened, 
in  process  of  time,  that  this  same  planter  lost  himself  in  the  woods,  and,  alter 
a  fatiguing  day's  travel,  he  cumn  to  an  Indian's  cabin,  into  which  lie  wa>j 
welcomed.  On  inquiring  the  way,  and  the  distance  to  the  white  settlements, 
l)eing  told  by  the  Indian  that  he  could  not  go  in  the  night,  and  being  kindly 
oft'ered  lodging  and  victuals,  ho  gladly  n'freshed  and  repos<3d  himself  in  the 
Indian's  cabin.  Jn  the  morning,  he  conducted  him  through  the  wilderness, 
agreeably  to  liis  promise  the  night  bi'fr»c,  until  they  came  in  sight  of  tho 
habitations  of  the  whites.  As  he  was  about  to  take  his  leave  of  the  planter, 
he  looked  him  full  in  the  face,  and  asked  him  if  he  did  not  know  him. 
Horror-struck  at  finding  himself  thus  in  the  power  of  a  man  he  had  so 
inhumanly  treated,  and  d'lmb  with  shame  on  thinking  of  the  manner  it  was 
requited,  he  began  at  lenj,th  to  make  excuses,  and  beg  a  thousand  pardons, 
wlu!n  the  Indian  interrupted  liiin,  and  said,  "  When  you  see  poor  Iiidiaiis 
fiiinting  for  a  cup  of  cold  Water,  don't  say  again,  'Get  you  gone,  you  Indian 
dog!'"  He  then  dismissed  him  to  return  to  his  fiiends.  Aly  author  adds, 
"It  is  not  difficult  to  say,  wiiich  of  these  two  had  the  best  claim  to  the  name 
of  Christian."* 

Deception. — Tho  captain  of  a  vessel,  having  a  desin;  to  make  a  present  to  a 
lady  of^snme  fine  oranges  which  iie  had  just  broiiidit  from  "the  sugar  islands," 
gave  tliem  to  an  Indian  in  his  employ  to  carry  to  her.  Lest  he  should  not 
])crf()rin  the  office  punctually,  he  wroto  a  l-it  r  to  her,  to  bo  taken  alon^f  with 
th;;  present,  that  she  might  detect  the  bearer,  if  he  sliould  fail  to  dclivi  r  the 
whole  of  what  ho  was  intrusted  wiih.  Tlic  Indian,  during  tiic  joiuney, 
reflected  how  he  should  refresh  liiiiiself  with  the  rtiarige.-<,  aiut  not  rie  fouiul 
out.  Not  having  any  apprehension  of  the  manner  of  coimniinication  ny 
writing,  he  concluded  that  it  was  only  necessary  to  keep  his  design  secret 
froni'tlie  letter  itself,  supposing  that  would  tell  of  him  if  he  did  not;  lie  tlicre- 
fbre  laid  it  upon  the  ground,  and  rollcil  a  large  stone  upon  it,  and  retired  to 
some  distance,  where  he  regaled  himself  with  several  of  the  oranges,  and  then 
proceeded  on  his  journey.  On  delivering  the  remainder  and  the  letter  to  the 
lady,  she  asked  him  where  the  rest  of  the  oranges  witc  ;  he  said  he  had 
delivered  all ;  she  told  him  that  the  letter  said  there  were  several  more  sent ; 
to  which  he  answered  that  the  letter  lied,  and  she  must  not  believe  it.  But  he 
was  soon  confronted  in  his  falsehood,  and,  begging  forgiveness  of  the  offence, 
was  pardoned,  f 

Shrewdness. — As  Governor  Joseph  Dudln/  of  Massachusetts  was  siiperin 
tending  some  of  his  workmen,  he  took  notice  of  an  able-bodied  Indian,  who, 
half-naked,  would  come  and  look  on,  as  a  pastime,  to  see  his  men  work.  The 
governor  took  occasion  one  day  to  ask  him  why  he  did  not  work  rind  s:et  some 
clothes,  loherewith  to  cover  himself.  The  Indian  answered  by  asking  liim  tohy 
he  did  not  work.  The  governor,  pointing  with  his  finger  to  his  head,  said,  "/ 
work  head  work,  and  so  have  no  need  to  work  with  my  hands  as  you  should." 
The  Indian  then  said  he  would  work  if  any  one  would  employ  him.    The 


?•-•  ii 


>r 


*  Carey's  Museum,  vi.  40. 

t  Uring's  Voyage  to  N.  England  in  1709,  8vo.    London,  1726. 


■1 


M 


if 


1 


90 


INDIAN  ANF.CDOTi:S  AND  NARRATIVES. 


[Book  I 


l^ovprrior  told  liim  liu  wniitcd  n  calf  killed,  nnd  tliat,  if  )ie  would  ^o  nnd  do  it, 
lie  would  ^Mvc  liiiii  a  Hhilliii^r.  IIu  acooptiid  tlio  od'cr,  mid  went  iniincdiutvly 
and  killed  tliu  cult',  and  then  went  Huiintcring  about  oh  hcforc.  Tho  governor, 
on  ol)»fer\  ing  wliut  he  hud  done,  asked  him  why  he  i)id  not  dress  the  calf 
before  he  left  it.  The  Indian  answered,  ".\b,  no,  Coponoh;  that  was  not  in 
llie  biirgain  :  I  was  to  have  a  shilling  for  killing  him.  Jim  he  no  dead,  Copon- 
oA?"  [i,'overnor.]  The  governor,  seeing  himself  thus  outwitted,  told  him  to 
dress  it,  and  he  would  give  him  auoiher  shilling. 

This  done,  and  in  |)ossession  of  two  shillings,  the  Indian  goes  dircrtly  to  n 
grog-shop  for  rum.  After  a  slir)rt  stay,  he  returned  to  the  governor,  and  told 
him  he  liad  iriven  him  a  bad  shilling-piece,  and  pres«;nted  a  brass  oik;  to  be 
exchanged.  The  governor,  thinking  possibly  it  might  have  been  the  case, 
gave  him  another.  It  was  not  long  before  lie  returned  a  second  time  with 
another  brass  shilling  to  be  exchanged  ;  the  governor  was  now  convinced  of 
bis  knavery,  but,  not  caring  to  make  words  at  the  time,  gave  him  another ; 
and  thus  the  fellow  got  lour  shillings  for  one. 

The  governor  determined  to  have  tho  rogue  corrected  for  his  abuse,  and, 
meeting  with  liim  soon  after,  told  him  he  must  take  a  letter  to  Boston  for  him 
[and  gave  him  a  halfa  crown  for  the  servici;.]  *  The  letter  was  directed  to  the 
keeper  of  bridewell,  ordering  him  to  give  the  bearer  so  many  lashes ;  but, 
mistrusting  that  all  was  not  exactly  agreeable,  and  meeting  a  servant  of  the 
governor  on  the  road,  ordered  him,  in  the  name  of  his  master,  to  carry  the 
letter  iimnediately,  ns  he  was  in  haste  to  return.  The  consequence  was,  this 
servant  got  egregiously  whipped.  When  the  governor  learned  what  had 
taken  place,  he  felt  no  little  chagrin  at  being  thus  twice  outwitted  by  the 
Indian. 

He  did  not  see  the  follow  for  some  time  after  this,  but  at  length,  falling  in 
with  him,  asked  him  by  what  means  he  had  cheated  and  deceived  him  so 
many  times.  Taking  the  governor  again  in  his  own  play,  ho  answered, 
pointing  with  his  finger  to  his  head,  "  Head  work,  Coponoh,  head  work ! "  The 
governor  was  now  so  well  pleased  that  he  forgave  the  whole  offence.f 

Equality. — An  Indian  chief,  on  being  asked  whether  his  people  were  free, 
answered,  "Why  not,  since  I  myself  am  free,  although  their  king.'"! 

Matrimony. — "  An  aged  Indian,  who  for  many  years  had  spent  much  time 
among  the  white  people,  both  in  Pennsylvania  and  New  Jersey,  one  day, 
about  the  yet  1770,  observed  that  the  Indians  had  not  only  a  much  easier 
way  of  getting  a  wife  than  the  whites,  but  also  a  more  ccitain  way  of  getting 
a  good  one.  'For,'  said  he  in  broken  English,  'white  man  court — court — 
may  be  one  whole  year ! — may  be  two  years  betbre  he  marry !  Well — may 
be  then  he  get  very  good  wife — but  may  be  not — may  be  very  cross !  Well, 
now  suppose  cross!  scold  so  soon  as  get  awake  in  the  morning!  scold  all 
day ! — scold  until  sleej) ! — all  one — he  must  keep  liim ! — White  people  have 
law  forbidding  throw  away  wife  he  be  ever  so  cross — must  keep  him  always ! 
Well,  how  docs  Indian  do?  Indian,  when  he  see  industrious  squaw,  he 
go  to  him,  place  his  two  fore-fingers  close  aside  each  other,  mako  two  like 
one — then  look  squaw  in  the  face — see  him  smile — this  is  all  one  he  say 
yes ! — so  he  take  him  home — no  danger  he  be  cross  I  No,  no — squaw  know 
too  well  what  Indian  do  if  he  cross!  throw  him  away  and  take  another  I — 
Squaw  love  to  eat  meat — no  husband  no  meat.  Squaw  do  every  thing  to 
please  husband,  he  do  every  thing  to  please  squaw — live  happy.'  "  § 

Toleration. — In  the  year  1791,  two  Creek  chiefs  accompanied  an  American 
to  England,  where,  as  usual,  they  attracted  great  attention,  and  many  flocked 
around  them,  as  well  to  learn  their  ideas  of  certain  things  as  to  behold  "  the 
savages."  Bteing  asked  their  opinion  of  religion,  or  of  what  religion  they  were, 
one  made  answer,  that  they  had  no  priests  in  their  country,  or  established 
religion,  for  they  thought,  that,  upon  a  subject  where  there  was  no  possibility 
of  people's  agreeing  m  opinion,  and  as  it  was  altogether  matter  of  mere 

*  A  sentence  added  in  a  version  of  this  anecdote  in  Carey's  Museum,  vi.  204. 
t  Uring,  tit  supra.  120.  ^  Carey's  Museum,  vi.  482. 

{i  HecktModder'i  Hist.  Ind.  Nations. 


'] 


Tha 


Chap.  Ill] 


INDIAN   ANi:CIK>TE.S  AND   NARRATIVES. 


31 


oi)iiiinn,  "  it  was  l>eHt  tlint  nvrry  one  hIiouI«1  paddle  his  canoe  }ii0  own  way." 
Hero  irt  a  voliitne  uf  iiihtnictioii  in  a  Hliort  answer  ot'a  suvagu! 

Justice. — A  white  trader  sold  a  qnantity  uf  |)owder  to  an  Indian,  id  im 
powd  ii|ion  liini  by  ninivin^  liitn  hcliove  it  was  a  grain  which  grew  like  wheat, 
hy  ."owing  it  noon  the  ground,  lie  wan  greatly  elated  hy  the  pro8|)ect,  not 
only  oi'  raising  iiiii  own  powder,  hut  of  being  able  to  supply  others,  and  there- 
by Itecotning  iniineiidely  rieh.  Having  prtipared  his  ground  with  great  cans 
lie  sowed  his  powder  with  the  utmost  exactness  in  the  spring.  Motith  atler 
month  passed  away,  but  his  powder  did  not  even  sprout,  and  winter  came 
before  he  was  satisfied  that  lie  had  lieen  deceived.  He  said  nothing;  hut 
some  time  after,  when  the  trader  had  forgotten  the  trick,  the  same  Indian  suc- 
ceeded in  getting  credit  of  him  to  a  large  amount.  The  time  set  for  payment 
having  expired,  he  sought  out  the  Indian  at  his  residence, and  demanded  pay- 
ment ibr  his  goods.  The  Indian  heard  his  demand  with  great  complaisance  ; 
then,  looking  him  shrewdly  in  the  eye,  said,  "  A7e  pay  you  when  my  powder 
prrow."  This  was  enough.  The  guilty  white  man  (luickly  retraced  his  steps, 
Kutistied,  we  apprehend,  to  balance  his  account  with  the  chagrin  he  had  re 
ceived. 

Hiinling. — The  Indiana  had  methods  to  catch  game  which  served  them  ex- 
tremely well.  The  same  month  in  which  the  Mayflower  brought  over  the 
forefathers,  November,  1G20,  to  the  shores  of  Plimouth,  several  of  the/ii 
ranged  about  the  woods  near  by  to  leani  what  the  country  contained.  Having 
wandered  farther  than  they  were  a|)prized,  in  their  endeavor  to  return,  they 
say,  "We  were  shrewdly  puzzled,  and  lo.st  our  way.  As  we  wandered,  we 
came  to  a  tree,  where  a  yomig  sprit  was  bowed  down  over  a  bow,  and  some 
acorns  strewed  underneath.  Stephen  Hopkins  said,  it  had  been  to  catch  some 
deer.  So,  as  we  wen;  looking  at  it,  fViUiam  Bradford  being  in  the  rear,  when 
he  came  looking  also  upon  it,  and  as  he  went  about,  it  gave  a  sudden  jerk  up, 
and  he  was  immediately  caught  up  by  the  legs.  It  was  (they  continue)  a  very 
pretty  device,  made  with  a  rope  of  their  own  making,  [of  bark  or  some  kind 
of  roots  probably,]  and  having  a  noose  as  artificially  made  as  any  roper  in 
England  can  make,  and  as  like  ours  as  can  be;  which  we  brought  away 
with  us."* 

Preaching  against  Practice. — Johk  Simon  was  a  Sogkonate,  who,  about  the 
year  1700,  was  a  settled  minister  to  that  tribe.  He  was  a  man  of  strong  mind, 
generally  temperate,  but  sometimes  remiss  in  the  latter  particular.  The  fol- 
lowing anecdote  is  told  as  characteristic  of  his  notions  of  justice.  Simon, 
on  account  of  his  deportment,  w^as  created  justice  of  the  peace,  and  when  dif- 
ficulties occurred  involving  any  of  his  people,  he  sat  with  the  English  justice 
to  aid  in  making  up  judgment.  It  happened  that  Simon^s  squaw,  with  some 
others,  had  committed  some  offence.  Justice  Mmy  and  ■S'tmmt,  ir  making  up 
their  riiinds,  estimated  the  amount  of  the  offence  differently ;  Mmy  thought 
each  should  receive  eight  or  ten  8trij)e3,  but  Simon  said,  "No,  jour  or  Jive  are 
enotigh — Poor  Indians  are  ignorant,  and  it  is  not  Christian-like  to  punish  so 
harmy  thjse  who  are  ignorant,  as  those  who  have  knowledge."  Siman^s  jude- 
pient  prevailed.  When  Mr.  Jllmy  asked  John  how  many  his  wife  should 
receive,  he  said,  ^^ Double,  because  she  had  knowledge  to  have  done  tetter,*"  but 
Colonel  Almy,  out  of  regard  to  Jchn^s  feelings,  wholly  remitted  his  wife's 
punishment.  John  looked  very  serious,  and  made  no  reply  while  in  presence 
of  the  court,  but,  on  the  first  fit  opportunity,  remonstrated  very  severely 
against  his  judgment,  and  said  to  him,  "  To  xehai  purvose  do  toe  preach  a  relx- 
gwn  of  justice,  if  we  do  unrighteousness  in  judgment 'i 

Sam  Hide. — There  are  few,  we  imagine,  who  have  not  heard  of  this  per- 
sonage ;  but,  notwithstanding  his  great  notoriety,  we  might  not  be  thought 
serious  in  the  rest  of  our  work,  were  we  to  enter  seriously  into  his  biography; 
for  the  reason,  that  from  his  day  to  this,  his  name  has  been  a  by-word  in  all 
New  England,  and  means  as  much  as  to  say  the  greatest  of  liars.  It  is  on 
account  of  the  following  anecdote  that  he  is  noticed. 

*  Mourt's  Relation. 


-iiM 


■i 


U 


INDIAN  ANECDOTES  AND  NARRATIVES. 


[Rook  I, 


Sam  Hi/fe  ubh  n  ntttorioiis  cidnMjriiikrr  ns  wril  iw*  liiir,  iind  iiwd  to  travel  (he 
^•oiinlry  to  niiil  fro  bi'gpiti^  it  from  door  to  door.  At  ono  tirrio  he  hnpprru-d 
til  a  rt'j^iori  ot'  fouiitry  whrns  cider  wiw  very  hard  to  Ik-  procured,  eith»'r  from 
itH  Hcnrcity,  or  frotii  Sam'a  frequent  viNilH.  However,  cider  lie  was  deteriiiiiied 
to  have,  il'  lying,  in  any  shape  or  color,  would  tfain  it.  liein^  not  far  from 
th(!  hoiim;  of  aii  acipiaintance,  who  he  knew  had  cider,  hut  hi.'  knew,  or  wun 
Well  HatiHfied,  that,  in  the  ordinary  way  of  hugt'in^',  h(!  could  not  get  it,  he  MCt 
his  wits  at  work  to  lay  a  plan  to  insure  it.  This  did  not  occupy  him  long. 
On  arriving  at  tin;  house  of  the  gentleman,  instead  of  asking  for  cider,  he  in- 
quired for  the  man  of  the  house,  whom,  on  appearing,  <SVim  iTqucHted  to  go 
aside  with  him,  as  iin  had  soniething  of  im|>ortanct«  to  communicate  to  him. 
When  they  were  by  themsi'ves,  Sttm  told  him  he  had  that  morning  shot  a  fuic 
deer,  and  that,  if  ho  would  give  him  a  crown,  he  would  tell  him  where  it  was. 
Tlu;  gentleman  did  not  incline  to  do  this,  hut  offered  half  ii  crown.  Finally, 
Sam  said,  ns  he  had  walked  a  great  distance  that  morning,  and  was  veiy  diy, 
for  a  lialf  a  crown  and  a  nnig  of  cider  he  would  tell  him.  This  was  agreed 
upon,  and  the  i)rice  paid.  Now  Sam  was  re(|nin'd  to  point  out  the  sjiot  where 
the  deer  was  to  he  found,  which  he  did  in  this  manner.  IFe  said  to  his  friend, 
Yoii  know  of  such  a  memlotc,  describing  it — Yt's — You  know  a  higasli  tree,  witli 
a  bis!  top  hif  the  little  brov^ — Yes — ff'ell,  under  that  tree  lie.i  the  deer.  This  was 
satisfactory,  and  Sam  departed.  It  is  unnecessai^  to  mention  that  the  meadow 
was  foimd,  and  the  tree  by  the  brook,  but  no  deer.  The  duped  man  could 
hardly  contain  himself  on  considering  what  he  had  been  doing.  To  look 
after  Sam  for  satisfaction  vvoidd  be  worse  than  looking  after  the  deer ,  so  the 
farmer  concluded  to  go  home  contented.  Some  years  after,  ho  happened  to 
fall  in  with  the  Indian  ;  and  he  immediately  Ijegon  to  rally  liim  for  deceiving 
him  so,  and  demanded  back  his  money  and  pay  for  his  cider  and  trouble. 
ffhy,  said  Sam,  would  you  find  faxdl  if  Indian  told  tndh  half  the  time  ? — No 
— tVell,  mys  Sam,  you  find  him  meadow'? — Yes — You  find  him  tree'^ — Yes — 
What  for  then  you  find  faxdt  Sam  Hide,  loAen  he  told  you  tico  truth  to  one  lie'? 
The  affair  ended  here.     Sam  heard  no  more  from  the  farmer. 

This  is  but  one  of  the  numerous  anecdotes  of  Sam  Hide,  -vhich,  could  they 
he  collected,  would  fill  many  pages.  He  died  in  Dedham,  5  January,  173^, 
at  the  great  age  of  105  years.  He  was  a  gnat  jester,  and  passed  for  an  un- 
common wit.  In  oil  the  wars  apainst  the  Indi.nns  during  his  lifetime,  he 
served  the  English  faithfully,  and  had  the  name  of  a  brave  soldier.  lie  had 
himself  killed  19  of  the  enemy,  and  tried  hard  to  make  up  the  20th,  but  wos 
imable. 

Characters  contrasted. — "An  Indian  of  the  Kenncbeck  tribe,  remarka- 
ble for  his  good  conduct,  received  a  grant  of  land  from  the  state,  and  fixed 
himself  in  a  new  township  where  a  number  of  families  kvere  settled.  Though 
not  ill  treated,  yet  the  common  prejudice  against  Indians  j)revented  any  sym- 
pathy with  him.  This  was  shown  at  the  death  of  his  only  child,  when  none 
of  the  people  came  near  him.  Shortly  afterwards  he  went  to  some  of  the 
inhabitants  and  said  to  them,  IVhen  tohite  man^a  child  die,  Indian  man  he  smry 
— he  help  bun/  him. — Wnen  my  child  die,  no  one  speak  to  me — /  make  his  gjavc 
alone.  I  can  no  live  here.  He  gave  up  his  farm,  dug  up  the  body  of  his  child, 
and  carried  it  with  him  200  miles  through  the  forests,  to  join  the  Conada 
Indians !  "* 

A  ludicrous  Error. — There  was  published  in  London,  in  1762,  "The 
American  Gazetteer,"  &c.t  in  which  is  the  following  account  of  Bristol, 
R.  I.  "  A  county  and  town  in  N.  England.  The  capital  is  remarkable  for  the 
King  of  Spain^s  having  a  palace  in  it,  and  being  killed  there ;  and  also  for 
Crown  the  poet's  begging  it  of  Charles  II."  The  blunder  did  not  rest  here, 
but  is  found  in  "The  N.  American  and  the  West  Indian  Gazetteer,"  J  &c. 
Thus  Philip  of  Spain  seems  to  have  liad  the  misfortune  of  being  mistaken  for 
Philip  of  the  Wampanoags,  alias  Pometacom  of  Pokanoket. 


*  Tudor's  Letters  on  the  Eastern  States,  294. 

t  2d  edition,  12nio,  London,  1788,  also  anonymous. 


t  3  vols.  12mo.  without  name. 


ker 


[Rook  1. 

o  trav«'l  the 
0  liappt'iicd 
oitlitT  from 
(letrriiiiiH'il 
not  fur  from 
[it'W,  or  wun 
got  it,  \u'  Mrt 
>y  liiiu  lon^. 
c-iiltT,  lie  iii- 
ucsted  to  go 
icato  to  liini. 
fr  shot  a  lilK! 
vlicrc  it  was. 
m.    Fiiiully, 
vi\H  very  dry, 
S  WUH  HirrtMil 
«•  Hiiot  wiiore 
to  liis  iVi«'ii(l, 
f  rt,«/i  tref,  with 
■r.     TiiiH  was 
t  tlio  iTipatlow 
od  man  cmild 
iijr.    To  look 
;  deer ,  so  the 
e  happpiK'd  to 

for  deceiving 
•  and  trouble. 
Ihe  time?— No 

free  ■?— Yes— 
ruth  to  one  lie  ? 

ich,  could  they 
(January,  1732, 
sed  for  an  un- 
its lifetime,  he 
dier.     lie  had 
20tli,  but  waa 

[ihe,  remnrka- 
tate,  and  fixed 
Jttled.  Though 
Inted  any  sym- 
]1d,  when  none 
pome  of  the 
.  man  he  sorry 
lake  his  grave 
X  of  his  child, 
[n  the  Canada 

1769,  "The 
ht  of  Bristol, 
Vrkable  for  the 

and  also  for 
Inot  rest  here, 
|ttf.er,"  X  &c. 

mistaken  for 


Chaf.  Ill] 


OP  CUSTOMS  ANO  MANNERS. 


23 


vilhoul  name. 


Oripin  or  .Xtrnninff  of  Ihe  .Yame  Cttnadn.—h  is  said,  that  Canada  wns  diwov- 
i-red  liy  the  S|mniard»s  iM'f'ore  the  time  of  ('artier,  and  that  the  |{«y  of  Cha- 
Ifurs  was  diwroverofl  Itv  them,  and  is  the  sairie  as  the  Hnife  ilea  h]x])atci\ole» ; 
and  that  the  S|KUiianU,  not  meeting  with  any  apfM-anuices  of  mines  of  lh« 
precious  tnetals,  said  to  one  another,  nr.n  nadn,  which  in  their  language  signi- 
licd,  mlhinsr  here,  and  forthwith  dc|»arted  liom  the  eoimtry.  The  Indiuns, 
having  heard  these  wonls,  retained  them  in  their  memories,  and,  when  the 
h'rench  came  among  them,  made  use  of  tln'm,  probably  by  way  of  salutation, 
not  understanding  their  import;  and  they  >vere  supposed  by  the  voyagers  t<» 
be  tlie  name  of  the  i-ountry.  It  was  only  necessary  to  dn»p  the  first  letter, 
and  us»i  the  two  wonis  as  two  syllublcH,  and  the  word  Ciinndn  was  complete.' 

JliU  as  long  ago  ns  when  Father  Charlevoix  wrote  his  admirable  llrsToar 
OF  Xrw  Francf,  he  added  a  note  u|ion  the  derivaticm  of  the  name  Vanaila^ 
in  which  he  sjiid  some  derived  it  from  an  Inxpiois  word  meaning  an  assem- 
blage of  houses.f  Doctor  /  R.  Forxter  has  a  learned  note  upon  it  idso,  in  his 
valualiii;  account  of  Voyae;ts  and  Dismverivs  in  the  jYorlh.  He  objects  to  the 
,1ra  .Vrt'/rt  origin,  becau'se,  in  Spanish,  the  wonl  for  here  is  not  aca,  but  amii, 
and  that  to  form  Canada  from  .Iqninada  woidd  he  forced  and  uimatural.  Yet 
lie  says,  "  III  ancient  maps  we  often  tind  Ca:  daJVaila"  that  is,  Cape  Nothing. 
"  liiit'liom  a  (.'aiiadian  niidiau]  vocabulary,  annexed  to  the  original  edition 
of  the  second  voyage  of  Jtuiiies  Curlier,  Paris,  1545,  it  appears,  that  an  assem- 
blage of  houses,  or  habitations,  i.  e.  a  town,  was  by  the  natives  called  Canada. 
Curlier  s;iys,  Ilz  appellent  une  Ville— Canada"  Mr.  Heckewelder  is  of  much 
the  same  opinion  iw  Charlevoix  and  Forster.  He  says,  that  in  a  iiraycT-book 
in  th(!  Mohawk  language,  he  read  ".Ve  KA.vADA-g-ong/i  Konwayatsk  J^'azareth^'' 
which  was  a  translation  of  "in  a  citv  called  Nazareth." 

Origin  of  the  .Varne  Yankee. — Anbury,  an  author  who  did  not  respect  the 
Americans,  any  more  than  many  others  who  have  Iweii  led  captive  by  them,  has 
the  following  jiaragraph  ujion  this  word  | — "The  lower  class  of  these  Yan- 
kees— apro|)os,  it  may  not  be  amiss  here  just  to  observe  to  you  the  etymology 
of  this  term :  it  is  derived  from  a  Cherokee  word,  eankke,  which  signifies 
coward  i-nd  slave.  This  epithet  of  yank ee  was  liestowed  uj)on  the  inhal)itants 
of  N.  England  by  the  Virginians,  for  not  assisting  them  in  a  war  with  the 
Cherokees,  and  they  have  always  been  held  in  derision  by  it.  But  the  name 
has  been  more  prevalent  since  [1775]  the  commencement  of  hostilities;  the 
soldiery  at  Boston  used  it  as  a  term  of  reproach  ;  but  afler  the  afliiir  at  Bun- 
ker's Hill,  the  Americans  gloried  in  it.  Yankee-doodle  is  now  their  pa)an,  a 
favorite  of  favorites,  played  in  their  army,  esteemed  as  warlike  as  the  grena- 
dier's march — it  is  the  lover's  spell,  the  nurse's  lullaby.  After  our  rapid  suc- 
cesses, we  held  the  yankees  in  great  contempt ;  but  it  was  not  a  little  morti- 
fying to  hear  them  play  this  tune,  when  their  luiny  marched  down  to  our  sur- 
render." § 

But  Mr.  Hecketcelder  thinks  that  the  Indians,  in  endeavoring  to  pronounce 
the  name  English,  could  get  that  sound  no  nearer  than  these  letters  give  it, 
yengees.    This  was  perhaps  the  true  origin  of  Yankee. 

A  singidar  Stratagem  to  escape  Torture. — "Some  years  ago  the  Shawano 
Indians,  being  obliged  to  remove  from  their  habitations,  in  their  way  took  a 
Muskohge  warrior,  known  by  the  name  of  old  Scmnr/,  prisoner ;  they  bas- 
tinadoed him  severely,  and  condemned  him  to  the  fiei7  torture.    He  under- 

*  The  autliors  who  have  adopted  this  opinion,  arc  Doctor  Matlter,  [iMnj^nalia,  B.  viii.  71  ;1 
Harris.  [Voyasjes,  ii.349  ;]  Moll,  f(5cog.  li.  191-,]  J.  Long,  [Vo^ajjes  and  Travels,  2  j]  Doz- 
rnan,  [Maryland,  35;]  Moulton,  [N.  York,  i.  131  ;]  Martin,  [Louisiana,  i.  7.] 

Josselyn  and  Jetfrys  seem  to  be  without  company  as  well  as  authorities  tor  their  dsrivalid.is. 
The  former  [i\.  England  Rarities,  .5]  says,  Canada  was  "  so  called  from  Monsieur  Cane." 
The  latter  [Ifist.  America,  1]  says,  "  Canada,  in  the  Indian  language,  signifies  the  Mouth  of 
thu  Country,  from  can,  mouth,  and  ada,  the  country." 

t  Quelques-unes  derivent  ce  nom  du  mot  Iroquois  Kannata,  qui  se  prononce  Canada,  et  sig- 
nifie  un  amas  de  cabannes.     Hist.  Nouv.  France,  i.  9. 

t  Travels  through  the  Interior  Parts  of  North  America,  1776,  &c.  vol.  ii.  46,47.  Anbury 
was  an  officer  in  General  Burgmjne's  army,  and  was  among  the  captives  surrendered  at 
Saratoga. 

$  This  derivation  is  almost  as  ludicrous  as  thai  given  by  Irviiig  in  his  Knickerbocker. 


:( 


24 


ANECDOTES,  &c.,  ILLUSTRATIVE 


[Book  1. 


went  n  gi'ont  deal  without  Hliowing  any  con  "em  ;  liis  conntcnance  and  beha- 
vior woie  U8  if  he  suffered  not  the  least  pain.  He  told  his  pereecutora  with  a 
bold  voire,  that  he  was  a  warrior ;  that  he  had  gained  most  of  his  martial 
reputation  at  the  expense  of  their  nation,  and  was  desirous  of  showing  them, 
in  the  act  of  dying,  that  he  was  still  as  much  their  sui>erior,  as  when  he  headed 
his  gallant  countrymen  :  that  although  he  had  fallen  into  their  hands,  and  for- 
feited the  protection  of  the  divine  power  by  some  impurity  or  other,  when 
carrying  the  holy  ark  of  war  against  his  devoted  enemies,  yet  he  had  so  much 
remaining  virtue  as  would  enable  him  to  punish  himself  more  exquisitely  than 
all  their  despicable,  ignorant  crowd  possibly  could  ;  and  that  he  would  do  so, 
if  they  gave  him  liberty  by  untying  him,  and  handing  him  one  of  the  red-hot 
gun-barrels  out  of  the  fire.  The  proposal,  and  his  method  of  address,  ap])eared 
HO  exceedingly  bold  and  uncommon,  that  his  request  was  granted.  Then 
suddenly  seizing  one  end  of  the  red-hot  barrel,  and  brandishing  it  from  side 
to  side,  leaped  down  a  prodigious  steep  and  high  bank  into  a  branch  of  tlie 
river,  dived  through  it,  ran  over  a  small  island,  and  passed  the  other  branch, 
amidst  a  shower  of  bullets ;  and  though  numbi^rs  of  his  enemies  were  in  close 
pursuit  of  him,  he  got  into  a  bramble-swamp,  through  which,  though  naked 
and  in  a  mangled  condition,  he  reached  his  own  country." 

.^n  unparalleled  Case  of  Suffering. — "The  Shawano  Indians  captured  a 
warrior  of  the  Anantoocah  nation,  and  put  him  to  the  stake,  according  to  their 
usual  cruel  solemnities :  having  unconcernedly  suffered  much  torture,  he  told 
them,  with  scorn,  they  did  not  know  how  to  punish  a  noted  enemy;  therefore 
he  was  willing  to  teach  them,  and  would  confirm  the  truth  of  his  assertion  if 
they  allowed  him  the  opportunity.  Accordingly  he  requested  of  them  a  pipe 
and  some  tobacco,  which  was  given  him  ;  as  soon  as  he  had  lighted  it,  he  sat 
down,  naked  as  he  was,  on  the  women's  burning  torches,  that  were  within  his 
circle,  and  continued  smoking  his  pipe  without  the  least  discomposure :  On 
this  a  head  warrior  lea[)ed  up,  and  said,  they  saw  plain  enough  that  he  was  a 
warrior,  and  not  afraid  of  dying,  nor  should  he  have  died,  only  that  he  was 
both  spoiled  by  the  fire,  and  devoted  to  it  by  their  laws ;  however,  though  he 
was  a  very  dangerous  enemy,  and  his  nation  a  treacherous  people,  it  should 
be  seen  that  they  paid  a  regard  to  bravery,  even  in  one  who  was  marked  with 
war  streaks  at  the  cost  of  many  of  the  lives  of  their  l)eloved  kindred  ;  and  then 
by  way  of  favor,  he  with  his  friendly  tomahawk  instantly  put  an  end  to  all  hia 
pains."  * 

Ignorance  lite  Offspring  of  absurd  Opinions. — The  resolution  and  courage  of 
the  Lidians,  says  Colonel  Jlogers,  "  untlcr  sickness  and  pain,  is  truly  surpris- 
ing. A  young  woman  Avill  be  in  labor  a  whole  day  without  uttering  one 
groan  or  cry ;  should  she  betray  such  a  weakness,  they  would  immediately 
say,  that  she  was  unworthy  to  l>e  a  mother,  and  that  her  offspring  could  not 
fail  of  being  cowards."  f 

Jl  JVorthem  Custom. — When  Mr.  Heame  was  on  the  Coppermine  River,  in 
1771,  some  of  the  Copper  Indians  in  his  company  killed  a  number  of  p^squi- 
manx,  by  v.hich  act  they  considered  themselves  unclean  ;  and  all  concerned 
in  the  minder  were  not  allowed  to  cook  any  provisions,  either  for  themselves 
or  others.  They  were,  however,  allowed  to  vnt  of  others'  cooking,  but  not 
until  they  had  painted,  with  a  kind  of  red  earth,  all  the  si)ace  between  their 
nose  and  chin,  as  well  as  a  greater  part  of  their  cheeks,  almost  to  their  cars. 
Neither  would  they  use  any  other  dish  or  pipe,  than  their  own.  | 

Jlnotlwr  Pocahontas. — While  Lewis  und  Clarke  were  on  the  shore  of  the 
Pacific  Ocean,  in  1805,  one  of  their  men  went  one  evening  into  a  village  of 
the  Killutnuk  Indians,  alone,  a  small  distance  from  his  party,  and  on  the 
opposite  side  of  a  creek  from  that  of  the  encampment.  A  strange  Indian 
happened  to  be  there  also,  who  expressed  great  respect  and  love  for  the  white 


•  Tliu  Iwo  preceding  rolalinns  are  from  Lover's  Voynges  and  Travels,  72  and  73,  a  book  of 
small  prctciisiniH,  but  one  of  ilie  best  on  Indian  history.  Its  author  lived  among  the  Indiaiu 
of  the  North-Wcst,  as  an  Indian  trader,  about  Id  years. 

t  Concii*  Account  of  N.  America,  S12.  t  Journey  to  tht  Northtm  Ocean,  205. 


[Book  1. 


Chap.  Ill] 


OP  MANNERS  AND  CUSTOMS. 


25 


e  and  beha- 
Litors  with  a 
hia  martial 
)wing  them, 
sn  he  headed 
ids,  and  for- 
otlicr,  when 
lad  so  much 
[uisitely  than 
would  do  so, 
r  the  red-hot 
BBS,  upi)earcd 
nted.     Then 
•  it  from  side 
•ranch  of  the 
Bther  branch, 
were  in  close 
iiough  naked 

3  captured  a 
rding  to  their 
)rt«rc,  he  told 
ny;  therefore 
lis  assertion  if 
f  them  a  pipe 
hted  it,  he  sat 
ere  within  his 
mposure:   On 
that  he  was  a 
,y  that  he  wob 
ver,  iliouffh  he 
lople,  it  should 
i  marked  with 
red ;  and  then 
end  to  all  his 

nd  courage  of 

truly  surpris- 

uttcring  one 

immediately 

fing  could  not 

iiine  River,  in 
[ber  of  Esqui- 
lall  concerned 
lor  themselves 
iking,  but  not 
Ibetween  their 
to  their  cars. 

shore  of  the 

|to  a  village  of 

and  on  the 

|trango  Indian 

for  the  white 


jid  73,  a  book  of 
Long  (lie  Indiani 

Ocean,  206. 


man  ;  but  in  reality  he  meant  to  murder  him  for  the  articles  he  had  about  him. 
This  happened  to  come  to  the  knowledge  of  a  Ciiinnook  woman,  and  she 
determined  at  once  to  save  his  life :  therefore,  when  the  white  man  was  about 
to  return  to  his  companions,  the  Indian  was  going  to  accompany  him,  and  kill 
him  in  the  way.  As  they  were  about  to  sot  out,  the  woman  caught  the  white 
man  by  the  clothes,  to  prevent  his  going  with  the  Indian.  He,  not  under- 
standing her  intention,  pulled  away  Irom  her ;  but  as  a  last  resort,  she  ran  out 
and  shrieked,  which  raised  the  men  in  every  direction  ;  and  the  Indian 
became  alarmed  for  his  own  safety,  and  made  his  escape  before  the  white 
man  knew  he  had  been  in  danger. 

Self-command  m  Time  of  Danger. — There  was  in  Carolina  a  noted  chief  of 
the  Yunioisees,  who,  in  the  year  1702,  with  about  GOO  of  his  countrymen, 
went  with  Colonel  Daniel  and  Colonel  Moore  against  the  Spaniards  in  Flori- 
da. His  naiii^  was  Jlrratommakaw.  When  the  English  were  obliged  to 
ubaudun  their  undertaking,  and  as  they  were  retreating  to  tlieir  boats,  they 
became  alarmed,  supposing  the  Spaniards  were  u|)on  them.  Jlrratommakaw, 
having  arrived  ut  the  boats,  was  reposing  himself  upon  his  oars,  and  was  fast 
asleep.  The  soldiers  rallied  him  for  being  so  slow  m  his  retreat,  and  ordered 
him  to  make  more  haste:     "Hut  he  replied,  'No — though  your  governor 

LEAVES  YOU,  I  WItL  NOT  STIR  TILL  I  HAVE  SEEN  ALL  MY  MEN  BEFORE  ME.'  " 

Indifference. — ^rehihau  was  a^  suchem  of  Maryland,  whose  residence  was 
upon  tlie  Potomack,  when  that  country  was  settled  by  the  English  in  1(533-4. 
The  place  of  his  residence  was  named,  like  the  river,  Potomack.  As  usual 
with  the  Indians,  he  received  the  English  under  Governor  Calvert  with  great 
attention.  It  should  be  noted,  that  Archikati  was  not  head  sachem  of  the 
Potomaeks,  but  governed  instead  of  his  nejihew,  who  was  a  child,  and  who, 
like  the  head  men  of  Virginia,  was  called  uteroioance.  From  this  place  the 
colonists  sailed  20  leagues  farther  up  the  river,  to  a  place  called  Piscattaway. 
Here  a  werowance  went  on  board  the  governor's  pinnace,  to  treot  widi  him. 
On  being  asked  whether  he  was  willing  the  English  should  settle  in  his 
country,  in  cose  they  found  a  place  convenient  for  them,  he  made  answer, 
"  /  will  not  bid  you  go,  neither  will  i  bid  you  stay,  but  you  may  use  your  own 
discretion."  * 

Tkeir  JVoliona  of  the  Learning  of  the  Whiles. — At  the  congress  at  Lancaster, 
in  1744,  between  the  government  of  Virginia  and  tlie  Five  Nations,  the 
Indians  were  told  that,  if  they  would  send  some  of  their  young  men  to  Vir- 
ginia, the  English  would  give  them  an  education  at  their  college.  An  orator 
replied  to  this  offer  as  follows: — "We  know  that  you  highly  esteem  the  kind 
of  learning  taught  in  those  colleges,  and  that  the  maintenance  of  our  younr 
men,  while  with  you,  would  be  very  expensive  to  you.  We  are  convinced, 
therefore,  that  you  mean  to  do  us  good  by  your  proposal,  and  we  thank  you 
heartily.  Ilut  you  who  are  wise  must  know,  that  different  nations  have  differ- 
ent conct'irtions  of  things ;  ond  you  will  therefore  not  take  it  amiss,  if  our  ideas 
of  this  kind  of  education  happen  not  to  be  the  same  with  yours.  We  have 
had  some  experience  of  it:  several  of  our  young  peo|)le  were  formerly  brought 
ii|)  at  the  colioges  of  the  northern  provinces ;  tTiey  were  instructed  in  all  your 
sciciMrcH  ;  but  when  they  came  back  to  us,  they  were  bad  runners ;  ignorant 
of  every  means  of  living  in  the  woods;  unable  to  bear  either  cold  or  hmiger ; 
knew  neither  how  to  build  a  cabiti,  take  a  deer,  or  kill  an  enemy ;  spoke  our 
Ian;  iiaj/e  imperfectly;  were  therefore  ncMther  fit  for  hunters,' warriors,  or 
counsellors;  tluiy  were  totally  good  for  nothing.  We  are,  however,  not  the 
lew  o!)liged  by  your  kind  offi-r,  though  we  diiclme  accepting  it :  and  to  show 
mw  grateful  sen.«  of  it,  if  the  geiitltjmen  of  Virginia  will  send  us  u  <lozen  of 
their  sons,  we  will  take  great  cure  of  their  eduaition,  instruct  them  in  all  we 
know,  and  make  men  of  them."  f 

Success  of  a  Missionary.— TImsh  who  have  attempted  to  Christianize  the 
Indians  complain  that  they  are  too  silent,  and  thut  their  tociturnity  was  the 
greatest  difficulty  with  which  they  have  to  contend.    Their  notions  of  pro- 


I 


rt 


*  Oldmixnn,  [Hist.  Maryland.] 


t  Franklin's  Esunv!). 


if; 


i   -:  I 


1  .' i 


It 
I 

ri 

i; 


36 


ANECDOTES,  &c.,  ILLUSTRATIVE 


[Book  I 


priety  upon  mattcra  of  conversation  are  so  nice,  that  they  deem  it  improper, 
in  tiie  highest  degree,  even  to  deny  or  contradict  any  tiling  tliat  is  said,  a:  the 
tune;  and  lience  the  difficulty  of  knowing  what  ett'ect  any  thing  has  upon 
their  minds  at  the  time  of  delivery.  In  this  they  have  a  pro[jer  advantage ; 
for  how  often  does  it  happen  that  people  would  answer  very  dift'erently  upon 
a  matter,  were  they  to  consider  upon  it  hut  a  short  time !  The  Indians  seldom 
answer  a  matter  of  importance  tlie  same  day,  lest,  in  so  doing,  they  should  he 
thought  to  have  treated  it  as  though  it  was  of  small  consequence.  We  oftener 
repent  of  a  hasty  decision,  than  that  we  have  lost  time  in  maturing  our  judg- 
ments. Now  for  the  anecdote :  and  as  it  is  from  the  Essays  of  Dr.  Franklin, 
it  shall  he  told  in  his  own  way. 

"A  Swedish  minister,  having  assemhled  the  chiefs  of  the  Susquehannah 
Indians,  made  a  sermon  to  them,  acquainting  them  with  the  principal  historical 
fM"ts  on  which  our  religion  is  founded  ;  such  as  the  fall  of  our  first  parents  hy 
eating  an  apple;  the  coming  of  Christ  to  repair  the  mischief;  his  miracles 
and  sufferings,  &c. — When  he  had  finished,  an  Indian  orator  stood  up  to 
thank  him.  '  What  you  have  told  tw,'  said  he,  'ts  all  very  ^ood.  It  is  indeed 
bad  to  eat  apples.  It  is  better  to  make  them  all  into  cider,  ffe  are  much  obliged 
by  your  kv'^ness  in  coming  so  Jar  to  tell  us  those  things,  which  you  have  heard 
from  your  mothers.' 

"When  the  Indian  had  told  the  missionary  one  of  the  legends  of  his  nation, 
how  they  had  heen  supplied  with  maize  or  corn,  heans,  and  tobacco,*  he 
treated  it  with  contempt,  and  said,  '  What  1  delivered  to  you  were  sacred 
truths ;  but  what  you  tell  me  is  mere  fable,  fiction,  and  falsehood.'  The 
Indian  felt  indignapt,  and  replied,  ^My  brother,  it  seems  your  friends  have  not 
done  you  justice  in  your  education ;  they  have  not  well  instructed  you  in  the  ndea 
of  common  civility.  You  see  thai  we,  who  understand  and  practise  those  rules, 
believe  all  your  stories :  why  do  you  refuse  to  believe  ours  ? '  " 

Curiosity. — "When  any  of  the  Indians  come  into  our  towns,  our  people  are 
apt  to  crowd  round  them,  gaze  upon  them,  and  incommode  them  where  they 
debire  to  be  private ;  this  they  esteem  great  rudeness,  and  the  effect  of  the 
want  of  instruction  in  the  rules  of  civility  and  good  manners.  '  We  have,'  say 
they,  *  as  much  curiosity  as  you,  and  when  you  come  into  our  towns,  we  wish  for 
opportunities  of  looking  at  you ;  but  for  this  purpose  ice  hide  ourselves  behind 
bushes  where  you  are  to  pass,  and  never  intrude  ourselves  into  your  company.'' " 

Rules  of  Conversation. — "The  business  of  the  women  is  to  take  exact  notice 
of  what  passes,  imprint  it  in  their  memories,  (for  they  have  no  writing,)  and 
communicate  it  to  their  children.  They  are  the  reconls  of  the  council,  and 
they  preserve  tradition  of  the  stipulations  in  treaties  a  hundred  years  back ; 
which,  when  wo  compare  with  our  writings,  we  always  find  exact.  He  that 
would  speak  rises.  The  rest  observe  a  profound  silence.  When  he  has 
finished,  and  sits  down,  they  leave  him  five  or  six  minutes  to  recollect,  that,  if 
he  has  omitted  any  thing  he  intended  to  say,  or  has  any  thing  to  arid,  he  may 
rise  again,  and  deliver  it.  To  interrupt  another,  even  in  common  conversa- 
tion, is  reckoned  highly  indecent.  How  difforent  this  is  fi-om  the  conduct  of 
a  polite  British  House  of  Commons,  where  scarce  a  day  passes  wiihont  some 
confusion,  that  makes  the  speaker  hoarse  in  calling  to  order ;  and  how  difft  n^nt 
from  the  mode  of  conversation  in  many  polite  compani«!S  of  Europe,  ^\  hero, 
if  you  do  not  deliver  your  sentence  with  great  rapidity,  you  are  cut  oft"  in  the 
middle  of  it  by  the  impatient  loquacity  of  those  you  converec  Avith,  and  never 
suffered  to  finish  it!" — Instead  of  being  better  since  the  days  of  Franklin,  wo 
apprehend  it  has  grown  worse.  The  modest  and  imassiuning  often  finfl  it 
exceeding  difficult  to  gain  a  hearing  at  all.  Ladies,  and  many  who  consider 
themselves  examples  of  good  manners,  transgress  to  an  insuflTorable  degi-ec,  in 
breaking  in  upon  the  conversations  of  others.     Some  of  these,  like  a  ship 

*  The  story  of  the  beautiful  womnn,  who  descended  to  li.e  earth,  and  wss  fed  by  the 
Indians,  lilack-Hawk  is  made  to  tell,  in  his  life,  page  7f>.  It  is  the  same  often  toM,  and 
alluded  to  by  Franklin,  in  the  text.  To  reward  the  Iiulians  for  their  kindness,  she  rauscd 
corn  to  (rrow  where  her  right  hand  touched  the  earth,  beans  where  the  left  rested,  aud  tobacco 
where  she  was  seated. 


[Book  I 

it  iinpro|)er, 
3  said,  a:  the 
g  lioH  upon 
advantage; 
Breutly  upon 
liaas  seldom 
By  should  be 
We oftener 
ig  oin-  jndg- 
Dr.  Franklin, 

isqiichnnnah 
pal  liistorical 
3t  parents  by 
his  miracles 
stood  up  to 
It  is  indeed 
much  obliged 
m  have  heard 

of  his  nation, 
tobacco,*  he 
were  sacred 
chood.'  The 
lends  luive  not 
m  in  the  ndes 
ie  those  rules, 

lur  people  are 
m  where  they 
3  effect  of  the 
;  fVe  have,^  say 
Is,  tve  wish  jfbr 
rselves  behind 
company.^ " 

3  exact  notice 
writing,)  and 
council,  and 
years  hack ; 
act.  He  that 
hen  ho  has 
licet,  that,  if 
add,  he  may 
on  convcrsn- 
e  conduct  of 

ithont  some 
|how  (liffrrcnt 
u-op<',  Mhere, 
Mit  oft"  in  the 
1),  and  never 
FranMin,  we 

often  finrl  it 
vho  consider 
lie  dcgi-oe,  in 
',  like  0  ship 


v-ns  fed  hy  the 
I  often  told,  and 
\ss,  site  raugcd 
Id,  and  tobacco 


Chap.  III.] 


OF  CUSTOMS  AND  MANNERS. 


27 


'5 


I 


driven  by  a  north-wester,  bearing  down  the  small  craft  in  her  course,  come 
upon  us  by  surprise,  and  if  we  attempt  to  proceed  by  raising  our  voices  a 
little,  we  are  sure  to  be  drowned  by  a  much  greater  elevation  ou  their  |)art. 
It  is  a  want  of  good  breeding,  which,  it  is  hoped,  every  young  person  vvliose 
eye  this  may  meet,  will  not  be  guilty  of  through  life.  There  is  great  oppor- 
tunity for  niany  of  n)ature  years  to  profit  by  it. 

Lost  Confidence. — An  Indian  runner,  arriving  in  a  village  of  his  country  men» 
requested  the  immediate  attendance  of  its  iidiabitauts  in  council,  as  he  wanted 
their  answer  to  important  information.  The  |)eo|)le  accordingly  assembled, 
but  when  the  messenger  had  with  great  anxiety  delivered  his  message,  and 
waited  lor  an  answer,  none  was  given,  and  he  soon  observed  that  he  was  like- 
ly to  be  left  alone  in  his  place.  A  stranger  present  asked  a  principal  chief  the 
meaning  of  this  strange  proceeding,  who  gave  this  answer,  "  He  once  told 
us  a  lie." 

Comic. — An  Indian  having  been  found  frozen  to  death,  an  inquest  of  his 
countrymen  was  convened  to  determine  by  what  means  he  came  to  such  u 
death.  Their  verdict  was,  "Death  from  the  freezing  of  a  great  quantity  of 
water  inside  of  him,  whicli  they  were  of  opinion  he  had  drunken  for  rum." 

Jl  serious  (^tiestion. — About  1794,  an  officer  presented  a  western  chief  with 
a  medal,  on  one  side  of  which  President  Washington  was  represented  as  armed 
with  a  sword,  and  on  the  other  an  Indian  was  seen  in  the  act  of  burying  the 
hatchet.  The  chief  at  once  saw  the  wrong  done  his  countrymen,  and  very 
wisely  asked,  "  Why  does  not  the  President  bury  his  sword  too"?"* 

Self-esteem. — A  white  man,  meeting  an  Indian,  accosted  him  as  brother.  The 
red  man,  with  a  great  expression  of  meaning  in  his  countenance,  in(|uired 
how  they  came  to  be  brothel's;  the  white  man  replied,  O,  by  way  of  Adam,  I 
suppose.   The  Indian  added,  ".We  thank  him  Great  Spirit  we  no  nearer  brothers.''^ 

A  Preacher  taken  at  his  Word. — A  certain  clergyman  had  for  his  text  on  a 
time,  "  Vow  and  paif  unto  the  Lord  thy  vows,"  An  Indian  happemxl  to  he 
present,  who  stepped  up  to  the  priest  as  soon  as  he  had  tinished,  and  saiil  to 
him,  "Now  me  t>ow  me  go  home  with  you,  Mr.  Minister."  The  priest,  having 
uo  language  of  evasion  at  couunand,  sitid,  "  You  must  go  then."  When  he  had 
arrived  at  the  home  of  the  minister,  the  Indian  vowed  again,  saying,  "Now 
me  vou>  me  have  supper."  When  tJiis  was  finished  he  said,  "  Me  vow  me  stay 
all  night."  The  prie.-^t,  by  this  time,  thinking  himself  sufficiently  taxed,  re- 
plied, "It  may  be  so,  but  I  vow  you  sliall  go  in  the  morning."  Tiie  Itulian, 
judging  from  the  tone  of  his  host,  that  more  vows  would  be  useless,  departed 
in  the  morning  sans  cMmonie. 

A  case  of  sy^al  Barbarity. — It  is  related  by  Black  Hawk,  in  his  life,  that 
some  tinte  before  the  war  of  1812,  one  of  the  Indians  had  kille<l  a  French- 
man at  Prairie  des  Chiens.  "  The  British  soon  a;>er  took  him  [»risoner,  and 
scid  they  woidd  shoot  him  next  day!  His  family  v/ere  encamped  a  short  dis- 
tance below  the  mouth  of  the  Ouisconsin.  He  b^^gged  pertnis^ion  to  go  and 
see  them  that  night,  as  he  was  to  die  the  next  day !  They  permitted  him  to  go, 
after  promisiuf^-  to  return  the  next  morning  by  sunrise.  He  visited  his  fiunily, 
which  consisted  of  a  wiie  and  six  eliildren.  I  cannot  deseriite  their  meeting 
and  parting,  to  be  tmderstood  by  tlie  whites ;  as  it  appears  t!iat  their  leelings 
are  acted  u|)on  by  certain  ndes  laid  down  by  their  preachers! — whilst  ours  are 
governed  only  by  the  monitor  within  us.  He  i)arted  from  his  wife  and  eliil- 
dreti,  hurried  through  the  |)rairie  to  tiie  fort,  and  arrived  in  time!  The  sol- 
diers were  ready,  and  inniiediutely  marched  out  and  shot  him  down !! " — If  this 
were  not  cold-hloodtul,  deliberate  nmrder,  on  the  part  of  the  whites,  1  have 
no  conception  of  what  constitutes  that  cri/ne.  What  were  the  circumstances 
of  tiie  nnnder  we  are  not  informed ;  but  whatever  they  may  hav(!  been,  they 
cannot  excuse  a  still  greater  Imrbarity.  1  would  not  by  any  means  he  inider- 
stood  to  advocate  the  cause  of  a  munlerer;  but  I  will  ask,  whether  crime  is 
to  be  prevented  by  crime  :  nntrder  for  minder  is  oidy  a  brutal  retaliation,  ex- 
cept whore  the  safety  of  a  comnumity  requires  the  sacrifice. 

»  Elliot's  Works,  178. 


I  ■', 


P 


:^:& 


if:, 

m 

I- 


^i 


NARRATIVES,  &e.,  ILLUSTRATIVE 


[Book  I 


Mourning  tmu:h  in  a  short  Time. — "  A  young  widow,  whose  husband  had 
been  dead  aliout  eight  days,  was  hastening  to  finish  her  grief,  in  order  that 
she  might  be  married  to  a  young  warrior:  she  was  determined,  therefore,  to 
grievu  much  in  a  short  time  ;  to  this  end  she  tore  lier  hair,  dranli  spirits,  and 
beat  her  breast,  to  make  tlie  tears  flow  abundantly,  by  whicli  means,  on  the 
evening  of  the  eighth  day,  she  was  ready  again  to  marry,  having  grieved  suf- 
ficiently." * 

How  to  evade  a  hard  Question. — "  When  Mr.  Gist  went  over  the  Alieganies, 
in  Feb.  1751,  on  a  tour  of  discovery  for  the  Ohio  Company,  'an  Irviian,  who 
spoifc  good  English,  came  to  him,  and  said  that  their  great  man,  the  Beavfr,\  and 
Captain  Oppamyluah,  (two  chiefs  of  the  Delawares,)  desired  to  know  where 
the  Indians  land  Iny;  for  the  French  o'uimed  all  the  land  on  one  side  of  the 
Ohio  Kivor,  and  the  English  on  the  other.'  This  question  Mr.  Gist  found  it 
hard  to  answer,  and  ho  evaded  it  by  saying,  that  the  Indians  and  white  men 
were  ul!  subjects  to  the  same  king,  and  all  had  an  equal  privilege  of  taking 
up  and  possessing  the  land  in  conformity  with  the  conditions  prescribed  by 
the  king."  I 

Credulity  its  own  Punishment. — The  traveller  Wcmsey,  according  to  his  own 
account,  would  not  enter  into  conversation  with  an  eminent  chief,  because  he 
had  heard  that  it  had  been  said  of  him,  that  he  had,  in  his  time,  "shed  blood 
enough  to  swim  in."  He  had  a  great  desire  to  become  acquainted  with  the 
Indian  character,  but  his  credulity  debarred  him  effectually  from  the  gratifi- 
cation. The  chief  was  a  Creek,  named  Flamingo,  who,  in  company  with 
another  called  Double-head,  visited  Philadelphia  as  ambassadors,  in  the  sum- 
mer of  1794.  Few  travellers  discover  such  scrupulousness,  especially  those 
who  come  to  America.  That  Flamingo  was  more  bloody  than  other  Indian 
warriors,  is  in  no  wise  probable;  but  a  mere  report  of  his  being  a  great  shed- 
der  of  blood  kept  Mr.  fVansey  from  saying  any  more  about  him. 

Just  Indignation. — Hatuat,  a  powerful  chief  of  Hispaniola,  having  fled 
from  thence  to  avoid  slavery  or  death  when  that  island  was  ravaged  by  the 
Spaniards,  was  taken  in  1511,  when  they  conquered  Cuba,  and  burnt  at  the 
stake.  Afier  being  bound  to  the  stake,  a  Franciscan  friar  labored  to  convert 
him  to  the  Catholic  faith,  by  ])romises  of  immediate  and  eternal  bliss  in  the 
world  to  come  if  lie  would  believe ;  and  that,  if  he  would  not,  eternal  tor- 
ments were  his  only  portion.  The  cuzique,  with  seeming  composure,  asked 
if  there  were  any  Spaniards  in  those  regions  of  bliss.  On  being  answered 
that  there  were,  he  replied,  "  Then  I  ttnll  n<d  go  to  a  place  ivhert  1  may  meet 
unth  one  of  thai  accursed  race." 

Harmless  Deception. — In  a  time  of  Indian  troubles,  an  Indian  visited  the 
house  of  Governor  Jenks,  of  Rhode  Island,  when  the  governor  took  occasion 
to  request  liim,  that,  if  any  strange  Indian  should  come  to  his  wigwam,  to  let 
him  know  it,  which  the  Indian  promised  to  do;  but  to  secure  his  fidelity,  the 
governor  told  him  that  when  he  should  give  him  such  information,  he  would 
give  him  a  m  -g  of  flip.  Some  time  after  the  Indian  came  again :  "  Well,  Mr. 
Gubeiior,  strange  Indian  come  my  house  last  night! "  "Ah,"  says  the  govern- 
or, "  and  what  did  he  say  ?  "  "  He  no  speak,"  replied  the  Indian.  "  What,  no 
H|>eak  nt  all  ?"  added  the  governor.  "  No,  he  no  speak  at  all."  "That  certainly 
looks  susmcious,"  said  his  excellency,  and  inquired  if  he  were  still  there,  and 
being  told  that  he  was,  ordered  the  promised  mug  of  flip.  When  this  ivas 
disposed  of,  and  the  Indian  was  about  to  depart,  he  mildly  said,  "Mr.  ^iube- 
nor,  my  squaw  have  child  last  night;"  and  thus  the  governor's  alann  was 
suddenly  «;hanged  into  disappointment,  and  the  strange  Indian  into  a  new- 
born pap[)oo8e. 

Mammoth  Bones. — ^The  followmg  very  interesting  tradition  concerning 
lljese  bones,  among  the  Indians,  will  always  be  read  with  interest.  The  ani- 
mal to  which  they  once  belonged,  they  called  the  Big  Buffalo ;  and  on  the 

Account  of  the  United  Slates  by  Mr.  f.iaiic  Holmes,  3(; 

l^rrkKnKlir    ilia     cnmA   lUA   tiaUA   jmlmAil       in       M/u^lf       V        ao      i 


t  Probably  ibe  same  we  have  noticed 
I  Sparks's  Washington,  ii,  16. 


in  Book  V.  as  King  Beavtr. 


[Book  I. 

lusband  had 
In  order  that 

therefore,  lO 
k  epu-its,  aud 
leans,  on  the 

grieved  suf- 

e  Alieganies, 
Irvclian,  who 
!  Beaver,\  and 
know  where 
le  side  of  the 
Gist  found  it 
id  wliite  men 
ege  of  taking 
prescribed  by 

ig  to  bis  own 
:f,  because  he 
,  "shed  blood 
inted  with  the 
im  the  gnitifi- 
jompany  with 
s,  in  the  sum- 
pecially  those 
1  other  Indian 
a  great  shed- 
t. 

J,  having  fled 
ivaged  by  the 
burnt  at  the 


Chap.  HI.] 


EXPLOIT  OF  HANNAH   DUSTON. 


29 


t 


I  to  convert 

bliss  in  the 

eternal  tor- 

iposure,  asked 

II  g  answered 

ere  1  may  meet 


an  visited  the 
took  occasion 


ifigwani 


to  let 


is  fidelity,  the 
ion,  he  would 

"  Well,  Mr. 
8  the  govern- 

"  What,  no 
That  certainly 
till  there,  and 
^hen  this  was 

"Mr.  ' tube- 
's alarm  was 

into  a  new- 


concerning 

The  ani- 

:  and  on  the 


I''- 


early  maps  of  the  country  of  the  Ohio,  we  see  marked,  "  Elephants'  bones  said 
to  be  found  here."  They  were,  for  some  time,  by  many  supposed  to  have  heea 
the  bones  of  that  animal ;  but  they  are  pretty  generally  now  believed  to  have 
belonged  to  a  6i)ecies  of  animal  long  since  extinct.  They  have  been  found 
in  various  parts  of  the  country ;  but  in  the  greatest  abundance  about  tlu>  salt 
licks  or  springs  in  Kentucky  and  Ohio.  There  has  never  been  an  entire 
skeleton  found,  although  the  one  in  Peale's  museum,  in  Philadelphia,  was  so 
near  perfect,  that,  by  a  little  ingenuity  in  supplying  its  defects  with  wood- 
work, it  passes  extremely  well  for  such. 

The  tradition  of  the  Indians  concerning  this  animal  is,  that  he  was  carniv- 
orous, and  existed,  as  late  as  1780,  in  the  northern  |)arts  of  America.  Some 
Delawares,  in  the  time  of  the  revolutionary  war,  visited  the  governor  of  Vir- 
ginia on  business,  which  having  been  finished,  some  questions  were  put  to 
them  concerning  their  country,  and  especially  what  they  knew  or  had  heard 
respecting  the  animals  whose  bones  had  been  found  about  the  salt  licks  r-: 
the  Ohio  River.  " The  chief  speaker,"  continues  our  author,  Mr.  Jefftraon, 
"  immediately  put  himself  into  an  altitude  of  oratory,  and,  with  a  p«  unfi  suited 
to  what  he  conceived  the  elevation  of  his  subject,"  began  and  rupeated  as 
follows : — "  In  ancient  times,  a  herd  of  these  tremendous  animals  came  to  the 
Big-bone  Licks,  and  began  an  universal  destruction  of  the  bear,  deer,  elks,  buffa- 
loes, and  other  animals,  which  had  been  created  for  the  I'^s  of  the  Indians :  the 
great  man  above,  looking  down  and  seeing  this,  was  so  enrajed,  that  he  seized  his 
liglUning,  descended  to  the  earth,  and  seated  himself  o^  a  neighboring  mountain, 
on  a  rock  of  which  his  seat  and  the  print  of  his  feet  are  stiU  to  be  seen,  and  hurled 
his  bolts  among  them  till  the  whole  were  slaughtered,  except  the  big  bull,  who, 
presenting  his  forehead  to  the  shafts,  shook  them  off  as  they  fell ;  but  missiiig  one 
ai  length,  it  wounded  him  in  the  side ;  whereon,  springing  round,  he  bounded  over 
the  Ohio,  over  the  Wabash,  the  Illinois,  and,  finally,  over  the  great  lakes,  where  he 
is  living  at  this  day^ 

Such,  say  the  Indians,  is  the  account  handed  down  to  them  from  their 
ancestors,  and  they  could  furnish  no  other  information. 

JVarrative  of  the  Captivity  and  bold  Exploit  of  Hannah  Duston. — The  rela- 
tion of  this  affair  forms  the  XXV.  article  in  the  Decennium  Luctuosiim  of  the 
Magnalia  Christi  Americana,  by  Dr.  Cotton  Mather,  and  is  one  of  the  best- 
written  articles  of  all  we  have  read  from  his  pen.  At  its  head  is  this  signifi- 
cant sentence — Dux  Foemina  Facti. 

On  the  15  March,  1697,  a  band  of  about  20  Indians  came  unexpectedly 
upon  Haverhill,  in  Massachusetts  ;  and,  as  their  numbers  were  small,  they 
made  their  attack  with  the  swiftness  of  the  whirlwind,  and  as  suddenly  disap- 
peared. The  war,  of  which  this  irruption  was  a  part,  had  continued  nearly 
ten  years,  and  soon  afterwards  it  came  to  a  close.  The  house  which  this 
party  of  Indians  had  singled  out  as  their  object  of  attack,  belonged  to  one  Mr. 
Thomas  *  Duston  or  Dunatan,^  in  the  outskirts  of  the  town.  I  >Ir.  Duston  was 
at  work,  at  some  distance  from  his  house,  at  the  time,  and  whether  he  was 
alarmed  for  the  safety  of  his  family  by  the  shouts  of  the  Indians,  or  other 
cause,  we  are  not  informed ;  but  he  seems  to  have  arrived  there  time  enough 
before  the  arrival  of  the  Indians,  to  make  some  arrangements  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  his  children ;  but  his  wife,  who,  but  about  a  week  before,  had  been 
confined  by  a  child,  was  unable  to  rise  from  her  bed,  to  the  distraction  of  her 
agonized  husband.  No  time  was  to  be  lost ;  Mr.  Duston  had  only  time  to 
direct  his  children's  flight,  (seven  in  numlier,)  the  extremes  of  whose  uges  were 
two  and  seventeen,  and  the  Indians  were  upon  them.  With  his  gun,  the 
distressed  father  mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  away  in  the  direction  of  the 
childi-en,  whom  he  overtook  but  about  40  rods  from  the  house.  His  first 
intention  was  to  take  up  one,  if  possible,  and  escape  with  it.  He  had  no 
sooner  overtaken  them,  than  this  resolution  was  destroyed ;  for  to  rescue  either 
to  the  exclusion  of  the  rest,  was  worae  than  death  itself  to  him.  He  therefore 
faced  about  and  met  the  enemy,  who  had  closely  pureued  him  ;  each  fired 

*  ^r-  Mynck's  Hist.  Haverhill,  86.  f  Hutchinson. 

{  Eighi  houses  were  destroyed  at  this  time,  27  persons  killed,  and  13  carried  away  captive. 
In  Mr.  B.  L.  Myrick's  History  of  Haverhill,  are  the  names  of  the  slaiu,  &c. 

a*  ' 


i-lA 


'    I'-J 
i     T 


•^'v 

$> 
;«>>• 


ao 


EXPLOIT  OF  HANNAH  DUSTON. 


;.j:u; 


[Book  I. 


upon  the  other,  and  it  is  almost  a  miracle  that  none  of  the  little  retreating 
party  were  hurt.  The  Inditms  did  not  pursue  long,  from  fear  of  raising  tlie 
neighhoring  English  before  they  could  complete  their  object,  and  hence  this 
part  of  the  family  escaped  to  a  place  of  safety. 

We  are  now  to  enter  fully  into  the  relation  of  this  verj'  tragedy.  There 
was  living  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Duslon,  as  nurse,  Mrs.  Mary  JVeff,*  a  widow, 
whose  heroic  conduct  in  sliaring  the  fate  of  her  mistress,  when  escape  was 
in  her  power,  will  always  be  viewed  with  admiration.  The  Indians  were 
now  in  the  undisturbed  possession  of  tiie  house,  and  having  driven  the 
sick  woman  from  her  bed,  cojnpelled  her  to  sit  quietly  in  the  corner  of  the 
fire-place,  while  they  completed  the  pillage  of  the  house.  This  business 
being  finished,  it  was  set  on  fire,  and  Mrs.  Duaton,  who  before  considered 
herself  unable  to  walk,  was,  at  the  approach  of  night,  obliged  to  march 
into  the  wilderness,  and  take  her  bed  upon  the  cold  ground.  Mrs.  JVeff  too 
late  attempted  to  escape  with  the  infant  child,  but  was  intercepted,  the  child 
taken  from  her,  and  its  brains  beat  out  against  a  neighboring  apple-tree,  while 
its  nurse  was  compelled  to  accompany  her  new  and  frightful  masters  also. 
The  captives  amounted  in  all  to  13,  some  of  whom,  as  they  became  unable  to 
travel,  were  murdered,  and  left  exposed  upon  the  way.  Although  it  was  near 
night  when  they  quitted  Haverhill,  they  travelled,  as  they  judged,  12  miles 
before  encamping;  "and  then,"  says  Dr.  Mather,  "kept  up  with  their  new 
masters  in  a  long  travel  of  an  hundred  and  fifty  miles,  more  or  less,  within  a 
few  days  ensuing."  f 

After  journeying  awhile,  according  to  their  custom,  the  Indians  divided  their 
prisoners.  Mre.  Duston,  Mrs.  J^eff,  and  a  boy  named  Samuel  Leonardson,  I  who 
had  been  captivated  at  Worcester,  about  18  months  before,  fell  to  the  lot  of 
an  Indian  fannly,  consisting  of  twelve  persons, — two  men,  three  women,  and 
seven  children.  These,  so  far  as  our  accounts  go,  were  very  kind  to  their 
prisoners,  but  told  them  there  was  one  ceremony  which  tjiey  could  not  avoid, 
and  to  which  they  would  be  subjected  when  they  should  arrive  at  their  place 
of  destination,  which  was  to  run  the  gantlet.  TJie  place  where  this  was  to  be 
pertbrmed,  was  at  an  Indian  village,  250  miles  from  Haverhill,  according  to 
the  reckoning  of  the  Indians.  In  their  meandering  couree,  they  at  length 
arrived  at  an  island  in  the  mouth  of  Contookook  River,  about  six  miles  above 
Concord,  in  New  Hampshire.  Here  one  of  the  Indian  men  resided.  It  had 
been  determined  by  the  captives,  before  their  arrival,  that  an  eftbrt 
should  be  made  to  free  themselves  from  their  wretched  captivity ;  and  not 
only  to  gain  their  liberty,  but,  as  we  shall  presently  see,  something  by  way  of 
remuneration  from  those  who  held  them  in  bondage.  The  heroine,  Dttston, 
had  resolved,  upon  the  firet  opj)ortunity  that  offered  any  chance  of  success,  to 
kill  her  captora  and  scalp  them,  and  to  return  home  with  such  trophies  as 
would  clearly  establish  her  reputation  for  heroism,  as  well  as  insure  her  a 
bounty  from  the  public.  She  therefore  communicated  her  design  to  Mrs. 
JVeff  and  the  English  boy,  who,  it  would  seem,  readily  enough  agreed  to  it. 
To  tlie  art  of  killing  and  scalping  she  was  a  stranger  ;  and,  that  there  should 
be  no  failure  in  the  business,  Mrs.  Diiston  instructed  the  boy,  who,  from  his 
long  residence  with  them,  had  become  as  one  of  the  Indians,  to  inquire  of  one 
of  the  men  how  it  was  done.  He  did  so,  and  the  Indian  showed  him,  with- 
out mistrusting  the  origin  of  the  inquiry.  It  was  now  March  the  31,  and  in 
the  dead  of  the  night  following,  this  bloody  tragedy  was  acted.  When  the 
Indians  were  in  the  most  sound  sleep,  these  three  captives  arose,  and  softly 
arming  themselves  with  the  tomahawks  of  their  masters,  allotted  the  number 
each  should  kill ;  and  so  truly  did  they  direct  their  blows,  that  btit  one  escaped 
that  they  designed  to  kill.  This  was  a  woman,  Avhom  they  badly  wounded, 
and  one  boy,  for  some  reason  they  did  not  wish  to  harm,  and  accordingly  ho 
was  allowe(i  to  escape  unhurt.  Mrs.  Duston  killed  her  master,  and  Leonard- 
,fon  killed  the  man  who  had  so  freely  told  him,  but  one  day  before,  where  to 
(ileal  a  deadly  blow,  and  how  to  take  off*  a  scalp. 

*  She  was  a  dnufrhler  of  (roor^e  Corliss,  and  married  William  Ntff,  who  went  aftiT  the 
army,  nnd  died  at  I'ommaqiiid,  Feb.  1688.    Mijrick,  Hist.  Havl.  87. 
t  Their  course  was  probably  very  iudirect,  to  elude  pijursuit.  X  Hist.  Haver*iill,  89 


>^ 


[Book  I. 

!  retreating 
raising  tlie 
hence  tliis 

dy.  There 
*  u  widow, 
escape  was 
iidians  were 

driven  the 
arner  of  the 
tiis  business 

considered 
d  to  march 
Irs.  Xeff  too 
ed,  the  child 
e-tree,  while 
masters  also, 
me  unable  to 
h  it  was  near 
ed,  12  miles 
ih  their  new 
less,  within  a 

i  divided  their 
Mrdson,\  who 
to  the  lot  of 
5  women,  and 
kind  to  their 
uld  not  avoid, 
at  their  place 
this  was  to  be 
,  according  to 
Ihcy  at  length 
X  niiles  above 
ed.     It  had 
lat   an    eftbrt 
ity ;  and  not 
iig  by  way  of 
roine,  Duston, 
of  success,  to 
1  trophies  as 
insure  her  a 
esign  to  Mrs. 
agreed  to  it. 
.  there  should 
who,  from  his 
inquire  of  one 
ed  him,  vvith- 
le  31,  and  in 
1.    When  the 
[>se,  and  softly 
d  llie  number 
.  one  escaped 
dly  wounded, 
ccordingly  ho 
and  Leonard- 
ore,  where  to 


CuAr.  Ill] 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY, 


M 


o  went  after  the 
St.  Httver^iiU,  89 


All  was  over  before  tlie  dawn  of  day,  and  all  things  w»:n(  got  ready  for 
leaving  this  place  of  blood.  All  the  boats  but  one  were  scutlleil,  to  prevent 
being  pursued,  and,  with  what  provisions  and  arms  the  Indian  cump  atlbnled, 
tliey  embarked  on  board  the  other,  and  slowly  and  silently  took  the  coui>e  of 
the'Merrimack  River  for  their  homes,  where  they  all  soon  after  arrived  with- 
out accident. 

The  whole  country  was  astonished  at  the  relation  of  the  affair,  the  truth  of 
which  was  never  for  a  moment  doubted.  The  ten  scalps,  and  the  arms  of  the 
Indians,  were  evidences  not  to  be  questioned  ;  and  the  general  court  gave 
tlioni  fifty  pounds  as  a  reward,  and  numerous  other  gratuities  were  showered 
upon  them.  Colonel  jVicholson,  governor  of  Maryland,  hearuig  of  the  transac- 
tion, sent  them  a  generous  present  also. 

Eight  other  houses  were  attacked  besides  Dttston's,  the  owners  of  which, 
says  the  historian  of  that  town,  Mr.  Myrick,  in  every  case,  were  slain  while 
defending  them,  and  the  blood  of  each  stained  his  own  door-sill. 

.Yurraiive  of  the  Destruction  of  Schenectady*— TWis  was  an  event  of  great 
distress  to  the  whole  country,  at  the  time  it  happened,  and  we  are  able  to  give 
some  new  facts  in  relation  to  it  from  a  manuscript,  which,  we  believe,  has 
never  before  been  )mblished.  These  facts  are  contained  in  a  letter  from  Gov- 
ernor Bradstreet,  of  Massachusetts,  to  Governor  Hinckley,  of  Plimouth,  dated 
about  a  month  after  the  affair.  They  are  as  follow: — "  Tho'  you  cannot  but 
have  heard  of  the  horrid  massacre  committed  by  the  French  and  Indians  at 
Senectada,  a  fortified  and  well  compacted  to^vn  20  miles  al)ove  Albany  (which 
we  harl  an  account  of  by  an  express,)  yet  we  think  we  have  not  discharged 
oiH-  duty  till  you  hear  of  it  from  us.  'Twas  upon  the  Eighth  of  February, 
[lG8!)-90]  at  inidnight  when  those  poor  secure  wretches  were  surprised  by 
the  enemy.  Their  gates  were  open,  no  watch  kept,  and  hardly««{iny  order 
observed  in  giving  and  obeying  commands.  Sixty  of  them  were  butchered  in 
the  place;  of  whom  Lieut.  Talmage  and  four  more  were  of  Capt.  BiUPs  com- 
pany, besides  five  of  said  company  carried  captive.  By  this  action  the  French 
nave  given  us  to  understand  what  we  may  expect  from  them  as  to  the  fron- 
tier towns  and  seaports  of  New  England.  We  are  not  so  well  acquainted 
what  number  of  convenient  Havens  yoti  have  in  your  colony,  besides  those  of 
Plimouth  and  Bristol.  We  hope  your  prudence  and  vigilance  will  lead  you 
to  take  such  measures  as  to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  enemy  at  either  of 
those  or  any  such  like  plat*:."  f 

We  now  proceed  to  give  such  other  facts  as  can  be  gathered  from  the 
numerous  printed  accounts.  It  appears  that  the  government  of  Canada  had 
planned  several  expeditions,  previous  to  the  setting  out  of  this,  againsrt  various 
important  points  of  the  English  frontier, — as  much  to  gain  the  Avarriors  of  the 
Five  Nations  to  their  interest,  aa  to  distress  the  English.  Governor  De  JS/on- 
ville  had  sent  over  several  chief  sachems  of  the  Iroquois  to  France,  where, 
as  usual  upon  such  embassies,  great  pains  were  taken  to  cause  them  to  enter- 
tain the  highest  opinions  of  the  glory  and  greatness  of  the  French  nation. 
Among  thetn  was  Taweraket,  a  renowned  warrior,  and  two  others.  It  appears 
that,  during  their  absence  in  France,  the  great  war  between  their  countrymen 
and  the  French  had  ended  in  the  destruction  of  Montreal,  and  other  places,  as 
will  be  seen  detailed  in  our  Fifth  Book.  Hence,  when  Count  Frontenac 
arrived  in  Canada,  in  the  fall  of  1G89,  instead  of  finding  the  Iroquois  ready  to 
join  him  and  his  forces  which  he  had  brought  from  France  for  the  conquest 
of  New  York,  he  found  himself  obliged  to  set  aiiout  a  reconciliation  of  them. 
He  therefore  wisely  despatched  Taweraket,  and  the  two  others,  upon  that 
design.  The  Five  Nations,  on  being  railed  ii|)on  by  these  chiefs,  woidd  take 
no  step  without  first  notifying  the  English  at  Albany  that  a  council  was  to  be 
called.  The  blows  which  had  been  so  lately  given  the  French  of  Canada, 
had  lulled  tho  English  into  a  fatal  security,  and  tliey  let  this  council  pass  with 
too  little  attention  to  its  proceedings.    On  the  other  hand,  the  French  were 

*  This  was  the  Gprman  name  of  a^ine  barren,  such  as  slrclches  itself  between  Albany  and 
Scheneclaily,  over  which  is  now  a  rail-road. 

t  Frencii  siiips,  with  land  forces  aud  munitionii,  had,  but  a  short  lime  before,  hovered  upon 
the  coast. 


): 


V  '■■  ■ 


i    *    <1 


W 


Vl*( 


MiSV 

m 


m 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


[OuoK  I. 


f^ 


i .- 


fully  and  ably  represented  ;  and  the  rcHult  was,  the  existing  breach  was  set  in 
a  fair  way  to  be  closed  uj).  This  great  council  was  begun  22  January,  IblK), 
and  consisted  of  eighty  sachems.  It  was  opened  by  Sadekanaghiie,*  a  great 
Oneida  chief. 

Monnwhile,  to  give  employment  to  the  Indians  who  yet  remained  their 
friends,  the  ex|»ediiion  was  begun  which  ended  in  the  destruction  of  Schenec- 
tady. Chief  Justice  Sm.ith\  wrote  his  account  of  that  affair  from  a  manuscript 
letter  left  by  Colonel  Schuyler,  at  that  time  mayor  of  Albany ;  and  it  is  the 
most  particular  of  ony  account  yet  published.  It  is  as  follows,  and  boars  date 
1,5  February,  1689:— 

After  two-and-twenty  days'  morch,  the  enemy  fell  in  with  Schenectady, 
Fcbruai7  8.  There  were  about  200  French,  and  perhaps  50  Caughnewaga 
Mohawks,  and  they  at  first  intended  to  have  surprised  Albany ;  but  their 
march  had  been  so  long  and  tedious,  occasioned  by  the  deepness  of  the  snow 
and  coldness  of  the  weather,  that,  instead  of  attempting  any  thing  offensive, 
they  httd  nearly  decided  to  surrender  theins«;lves  to  the  first  English  they 
should  meet,  such  was  their  distressed  situation,  in  a  camp  of  snow,  but  a  few 
miles  from  the  devoted  settlement  The  Indians,  however,  saved  them  from 
the  disgrace.  They  had  sent  out  a  small  scout  from  their  party,  who  entered 
Schenectiidy  without  even  exciting  suspicion  of  their  errand.  When  they  had 
staid  as  long  as  the  nature  of  their  business  required,  they  withdrew  to  their 
fellows. 

Seeing  that  Schenectady  offered  such  an  easy  prey,  it  put  new  courage  into 
the  French,  and  they  came  upon  it  as  abo\e  related.  The  bloody  tragedy 
commenced  between  11  and  12  o'clock,  on  Saturday  night;  and,  that  every 
house  might  be  surprised  at  nearly  the  same  time,  the  enemy  divided  them- 
selves into  {Nirties  of  six  or  seven  men  each.  Although  the  town  was  impaled, 
no  one  thought  it  necessary  to  close  the  gates,  even  at  night,  presuming  the 
severity  of  the  season  was  a  sufHcient  security  ;  hence  the  first  news  of  the 
approach  of  the  enemy  was  at  every  door  of  every  house,  which  doors  were 
broken  as  soon  as  the  profound  slumbers  of  those  they  were  intended  to  guard. 
The  satne  inhuman  barbarities  now  followed,  that  were  afterwards  perpetrated 
upon  the  wretched  inhabitants  of  Montreal.^  "No  tongue,"  said  Colonel 
Schuyler,  "  can  express  the  cruelties  that  were  committed."  Sixty-three 
houses,  and  the  church,  §  were  immediately  in  a  blaze.  Enciente  women, 
in  their  expiring  agonies,  saw  their  infants  cast  into  the  flames,  being  first 
delivered  by  the  knife  of  the  midnight  assassin !  Sixty-three  ||  persons  were 
put  to  death,  and  twenty-seven  were  carried  into  captivity. 

A  few  persons  fled  towards  Albany,  with  no  other  covering  but  their  night- 
clothes  ;  the  horror  of  whose  condition  was  greatly  enhanced  by  a  great  fall 
of  snow ;  25  of  whom  lost  their  limbs  from  the  severity  of  the  frost.  With 
these  poor  fugitives  came  the  intelligence  to  Albany,  and  that  place  was  in 
dismul  confusion,  having,  as  usual  upon  such  occasions,  supposed  the  enemy 
to  have  been  seven  times  more  numerous  than  they  really  were.  About  noon, 
the  next  day,  the  enemy  set  off  from  Schenectady,  taking  all  the  plunder  they 
could  carry  with  them,  among  which  were  forty  of  the  best  horses.  The  rest, 
witli  all  the  cattle  and  other  domeatic  animals,  lay  slaughtered  in  the  streets. 

One  of  the  most  considerable  men  of  Schenectady,  at  this  time,  was  Captain 
Jilexander  Glen.  H  He  lived  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  was  suffered 
to  escape,  because  he  had  delivered  many  French  prisoners  from  torture  and 
slavery,  who  had  been  taken  by  the  Indians  in  the  former  wars.  They  had 
passed  his  house  in  the  night,  and,  during  the  massacre,  he  had  taken  the 
alarm,  and  in  the  morning  he  was  found  ready  to  defend  himself.  Before 
leaving  the  village,  a  French  officer  summoned  him  to  a  council,  upon  the 
shore  of  the  river,  with  the  tender  of  personal  safety.  He  at  length  adventured 
(iown,  and  had  the  great  satisfaction  of  having  all  his  captured  friends  and 
relatives  delivered  to  him  ;  and  the  enemy  departed,  keeping  good  their 
promise  that  no  injury  should  be  done  him.  || 


i 


*  SudageenaslUie  In  Pownal  on  the  Colonies,  I.  398. 

t  See  Book  V.  §  Spafford. 

il   Charlevoix  calls  him  The  Sieur  Cottdre. 


t  Hist.  N.  York. 
II  Colden,  115. 


\v:\ 


Chap.  Ill] 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SCHENECTADY. 


;j3 


Tlifi  great  Mohawk  castle  was  about  17  miles  from  Sclicrtcctndy,  and  tliey 
(li<l  not  lieur  of  tlio  innfBacre  iiiilil  two  (la^H  afler,  owing  to  tlio  stuto  of 
travelling.  On  receiving  the  news,  they  inniiediately  joined  a  party  of  men 
from  Alhany,  and  purMMi-il  the  enemy.  Aller  a  tedions  pnrsnit,  they  fell  upon 
their  rear,  killed  and  took  25  of  them,  and  did  them  some  other  damage,  rtt-v- 
eral  chief  saehems  soon  as-nembled  at  Albany,  to  condole  with  the  jieoplr,  and 
animate  them  against  leaving  the  place,  wliicii,  it  seems,  tln'y  were  alioiil  to 
do.  From  a  speech  of  one  of  the  chiefs  on  this  occasion,  the  following  extract 
in  pnservetl : — 

"  IJrethren,  we  do  not  think  that  what  the  French  have  done  can  be  called 
a  victory  ;  it  is  only  a  further  proof  of  their  cruel  deceit.  The  governor  of 
Canada  sent  to  Onondago,  and  talks  to  us  of  peace  with  onr  whole  house;  but 
war  was  in  his  htsart,  as  you  now  see  by  woful  experience.  He  did  tiie  same 
formerly  at  Cadaracqiii,  *  and  in  the  Senecas'  country.  This  is  the  tiiird  time 
lie  has  acted  so  deceitfully.  He  has  broken  open  our  house  at  both  ends; 
formerly  in  he  Senecas'  country,  and  now  here.  We  hoj)e  to  bo  reveng«;ti 
on  them." 

Accordingly,  when  messengers  came  to  renew  and  conclude  the  treaty 
which  had  Ikjcii  begun  by  Taweraket,  before  mentione«l,  they  were  seized  and 
handed  over  to  the  English.  They  also  kept  out  scouts,  and  harassed  the 
French  in  every  direction. 

We  will  now  proceed  to  draw  from  Charlevoix'  account  of  this  affair,  which 
is  very  minute,  as  it  respects  the  operations  of  the  French  and  Inl'ian^:.  Not- 
witlistunding  its  great  importan'-,.  in  u  correct  history  of  the  bucking  of  Sche- 
nectady, none  of  our  historian  i  seem  to  have  given  themselves  the  trouble  of 
laying  it  before  their  readers. 

Governor  Frontenac,  having  determined  upon  an  expedition,  gave  notice  to 
M.  de  la  Durantaye,  who  tlieii  commanded  at  Michilimakinak,  that  he  might 
assure  the  llurons  and  Ottawas,  that  in  a  short  time  they  would  see  a  great 
change  in  aflairs  for  the  better.  He  pre))ared  at  the  same  time  a  large  convoy 
to  reinforce  that  post,  and  he  took  meaavn-es  also  to  raise  three  war  parties, 
who  should  enter  by  three  different  routes  the  country  of  the  English.  The 
first  assembled  at  Montreal,  and  consisted  of  about  110  men,  French  and 
Indians,  and  was  put  under  the  command  of  MM.  dCJiUkbovi  de  MaiUet,  and 
le  Moitie  de  St.  Iielene,  two  lieutenants,  under  whom  MM.  de  Repentignif, 
d'Iberville,  de  Bonrepos,  de  la  Rrosse,  and  de  Montig.ni,  requestet!  permis- 
sion to  serve  as  volunteers. 

This  party  marched  out  before  they  had  determined  against  what  part  of 
the  English  frontier  they  would  carry  their  arms,  though  some  part  of  New 
York  w«i8  understood.  Count  Frontenac  had  left  that  to  the  two  commanders. 
After  they  had  marched  five  or  six  days,  they  called  a  council  to  determine 
upon  what  place  they  would  attempt.  In  this  council,  it  was  debated,  on  the 
part  of  the  French,  that  Albany  would  be  the  smallest  place  they  ought  to 
undertake;  but  the  Indians  would  not  agree  to  it.  They  contended  that,  with 
their  small  force,  an  attack  upon  Albany  would  be  attended  with  extreme 
hazard.  The  French  being  strenuous,  the  debate  grew  warm,  and  an  Indian 
chief  asked  them  "  how  long  it  was  since  they  had  so  much  courage."  To 
this  severe  rebuke  it  was  answered,  that,  if  by  some  past  actions  they  had 
discovered  cowardice,  they  should  see  that  now  they  would  retrieve  their 
choi-acter ;  they  would  take  Albany  or  die  i'"  the  attempt.  The  Indians,  how- 
ever, would  not  consent,  and  the  council  broke  up  without  agreeing  upon  any 
thing  but  to  proceed  on. 

They  continued  their  march  until  they  came  to  a  place  where  tlieir  path 
divided  into  two ;  one  of  which  led  to  Albany,  and  the  other  to  Schenectady : 
here  Mantel  gave  up  his  design  upon  Albany,  and  they  marched  on  harmoni- 
ously for  the  former  village.  The  weather  was  very  severe,  and  for  the  nine 
following  days  the  little  army  suffered  incredible  hardships.  The  men  were 
often  obliged  to  wade  through  water  up  to  their  knees,  breaking  its  ice  at 
every  step. 


Zri 


m. 


It 


*  See  Book  V. 


84 


DESTRUCTION  OF  SrilENRrTADY. 


[Book  I 


ifr 


I 


1111 


1; 


At  4  o'clock  in  tlio  morning,  the  lif>frinninj?of  Febninry,  tlipy  arrived  within 
two  l«!nf,nicH  of  .SclienictiKJy.  Hfi"  tlioy  Imltctl,  and  the  Greet  Jignier,  chief 
of  the  lro(|uoisof  th(!  Tails  of  St.  hoiiist,  nindon  apeccli  to  tiicm.  1 1«!  exhorted 
«v«iy  oik;  to  (orj^et  the  hiinlnhipH  they  had  endured,  in  the  hojie  of  Mven}rin{» 
the  wrongs  they  had  for  a  long  time  Hiifii-n  d  from  the  j)erfidioii8  Knglish, 
who  were  tli(!  uuthoiH  of  ihetn;  and  in  the  close  added,  that  tliey  coiihl  not 
doiiht  of  the  usisistunco  of  Heaven  against  the  encndea  of  God,  in  u  cuiiho 

so  jUHt. 

Ihinlly  had  they  taken  np  their  line  of  nmrch,  wlien  they  met  40  Indian 
Women,  who  gave  tliem  nil  the  necei^sary  iidormafion  for  approaching  the 
|)lac(;  in  sulety.  A  Canadian,  named  Giijuiere,  was  detached  immediately  with 
nine  Iii«liuns  upon  discovery,  who  acrputted  himself  to  the  entire  sutiHtuction 
ol'  his  otlicers.  Ho  reconnoitred  Schenectady  at  his  leisure,  ami  then  rejoined 
his  comrades. 

It  had  !)( en  determined  hy  the  party  to  put  ofF  the  attack  one  day  longer; 
lint  on  th(!  arrival  of  tlie  scout  under  Giguiere,  it  was  resolved  to  proceed 
wiilumt  delay. 

ychenei'tady  was  then  in  form  like  that  of  a  long  square,  and  entered  by 
two  gate.s,  one  at  each  end.  One  0[)ened  towards  Albany,  the  other  upon  the 
great  road  leading  into  the  back  country,  and  which  was  now  possessed  by 
the  French  and  Indians.  Manttt  and  SI.  Helene  charged  at  the  second 
gate,  which  the  Indian  women  before  mentioned  had  assured  them  was 
always  open,  and  they  found  it  so.  D'IbtnUle  and  Repentigni  passed  to  the 
left,  in  order  to  enter  by  the  other  gate,  but,  after  losing  some  time  in  vainly 
endeavoring  to  find  it,  were  obliged  to  return  and  enter  with  their  comrades. 

The  gate  was  not  oidy  open  hut  unguarded,  and  the  whole  party  entered 
without  being  discovered.  Dividing  themselves  into  several  parties,  they 
waylaid  every  portal,  and  then  the  war-whoop  was  raised.  Mantel  formed 
and  attacked  a  garrison,  where  the  oidv  resistance  of  any  account  was  made. 
The  gate  of  it  was  soon  forced,  and  all  of  the  English  fell  by  the  sword,  and 
the  garrison  was  burned.  Montigni  was  wounded,  in  forcing  a  house,  in  his 
arm  and  body  by  two  blows  of  a  halberd,  which  put  him  hora  du  combat ;  but 
St.  Helene  being  come  to  his  assistance,  the  house  was  taken,  and  the  wounds 
of  Montigni  revenged  by  the  death  of  all  who  had  shut  themselves  up  in  it. 

Nothing  was  now  to  be  seen  but  massacre  and  pillage  in  eveiy  place.  At 
the  end  of  about  two  hours,  the  chiefs,  believing  it  due  to  their  safety,  posted 
bodies  of  guards  at  all  the  avenues,  to  prevent  surprise,  and  the  rest  of  the 
night  was  spent  in  reireshing  themselves. 

Mantet  had  given  orders  that  the  minister  of  the  place  should  be  spared, 
whom  he  had  intended  for  his  own  prisoner;  but  he  was  found  among  the 
promiscuous  dead,  an  I  no  one  knew  when  he  was  killed,  and  all  his  papers 
were  burned. 

After  the  place  was  destroyed,  the  chiefs  ordered  all  the  casks  of  intoxicat- 
ing liquors  to  be  staved,  to  prevent  their  men  from  getting  drunk.  They 
next  t^et  all  the  houses  on  fire,  excepting  that  of  a  widow,  into  which  Montigni 
had  l)een  carried,  and  another  belonging  to  Major  Coudre :  they  were  in  num- 
ber about  40,  all  well  built  and  fiirnished ;  no  booty  but  that  which  could  be 
easily  transported  was  saved.  The  lives  of  about  60  persons  were  spared ; 
chiefly  women,  children,  and  old  men,  who  had  escaped  the  fury  of  the  onset, 
and  30  Indians  who  happened  to  be  then  in  the  place.  The  lives  of  the 
Indians  were  spared  that  tliey  might  carry  the  news  of  what  had  happened  to 
their  countrymen,  whom  they  were  requested  to  inform,  that  it  was  not 
against  them  that  they  intended  any  harm,  but  to  the  English  only,  whom 
they  had  now  despoiled  of  property  to  the  amount  of  four  hundred  thousand 
poimds. 

They  were  too  near  Albany  to  remain  long  among  the  ruins,  and  they 
decamped  about  noon.  The  plunder — Montigni,  whom  it  was  necessary 
to  carry — the  prisoners,  who  were  to  the  number  of  40 — and  the  want  of 
provisions,  with  which  they  had  in  their  hurry  neglected  to  provide  them- 
selves— retarded  much  their  retreat.  Many  would  nave  even  died  of  famine, 
had  they  not  had  50  horses,  of  which  there  remained  but  six  when  they 


of 


[Book  I 

fei\  within 
nier,  cliief 
c  cxlioitc'cl 
;'  nv('i)|:ing 
s  Kii^'lish, 
could  not 
in  u  cunso 

40  Indian 
iicliiiij;  tliu 
liatfly  with 
BtttiHliiction 
en  rejoined 

lay  longer ; 
to  proceed 

entered  by 
er  ui)on  the 
assessed  by 
the  second 
I  them  was 
ussed  to  the 
ne  in  vainly 
If  comrades, 
arty  entered 
jartic'S,  tliey 
tntet  formed 
it  was  made. 
B  sword,  and 
house,  in  his 
combat;  but 
I  the  wounds 
;s  up  in  it. 
y  place.     At 
alety,  posted 
e  rest  of  the 

d  be  spared, 
i  among  the 
1  his  papers 

intoxicat- 
nnk.    They 
ich  Montigni 
ere  in  num- 
ich  could  be 
ere  spared; 
the  onset, 
lives  of  the 
happened  to 
it  was  not 
only,  whom 
:ed  thoiisand 

is,  and  they 
his  necessary 
[the  want  of 
lovide  them- 
1  of  famine, 
when  they 


Chap.  Ill  ] 


MURDER  OF  MFSS  M'CREA. 


35 


of 


arrived  at  Montreal,  upon  the  27  March  following.*  Their  want  of  provisions 
ol)lig<'d  tlieeu  to  separate,  and  in  an  attack  v,.iich  was  rnndo  upon  one  party, 
three  ludiaiiH  and  six  Frenchmen  were  killed  or  taken  ;  an  attack,  which,  for 
want  of  proper  caution,  cost  the  army  more  lives  than  the  captin-c;  of  ScIh;- 
necta<ly  ;  in  which  they  lost  hut  two  men,  a  Frenchman  and  an  Iniiian. 

Murder  of  M'tss  Jane  McCren. — This  yoimg  lady  "  was  the  second  daughter 
of  James  McCrea,  minister  of  Lamington,  New  Jerst'y,  who  died  liet'ore  the 
revolution.  Atlcr  his  death,  she  resided  with  her  brother.  Colonel  JohnMcC'ren 
of  Alliany,  who  removed  in  177;J  to  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Kdward.  I  lis 
house  was  in  what  is  now  Northmnbcrland,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson, 
three  miles  north  of  Fort  iMiller  Falls.  In  .luly  or  August,  1777,  being  ou  a  visit 
U>  tli«!  fiiinily  of  Mrs.  AkJSi'eil,  near  Fort  Fdward,  at  the  close  of  tlie  week,  she  was 
a.sked  to  remain  until  Monday.  On  Sunday  morning,  when  the  Indians  came 
to  the  house,  she  concealed  hei"self  in  the  cellar;  but  they  dragged  her  out  by 
the  hair,  and,  j)laciug  her  on  a  horse,  proceeded  on  the  road  towards  Sandy 
Hill.  They  soon  met  another  |)arty  of  Indians,  re  •urning  from  Argyie,  where 
they  had  killed  the  family  of  Mr.  Bains;  these  I  idians  disapproved  the  jiur- 
poso  of  taking  the  captive  to  the  Hritish  camp,  and  one  of  them  struck  her 
with  a  tomahawk  and  tore  off"  her  scalp.  This  is  the  accotmt  given  by  her 
nephew.  The  accomit  of  Mrs.  McJVeil  is,  that  her  lover,  nuxious  for  her 
safety,  em|)loyed  two  Indians,  with  the  j)romis!>i  of  a  barrel  of  rum,  to  bring 
her  to  him  ;  and  that,  in  consetpience  of  tlieir  dispute  for  the  rifdit  of  conduct- 
ing her,  one  of  them  nnirdered  her.  Gen.  Gates,  m  his  letter  to  Gen.  Burgoyne 
of  2  September,  says,  'she  was  dressed  to  receive  her  proirised  husband.' 

"  Her  brother,  on  hearing  of  her  fiite,  sent  his  family  the  next  day  to  Albany, 
and,  repairing  to  the  American  camp,  buried  his  sister,  with  one  Lieutenant 
Van  Vechten,  three  miles  south  of  Fort  Edward.  She  was  23  years  old,  of  an 
amiable  and  virtuous  character,  and  highly  esteemed  by  all  her  acquaintance. 
It  is  said,  and  was  believed,  that  she  was  engaged  in  marriage  to  Captain 
David  Jones,  of  tiie  Britisli  army,  a  loyalist,  who  survived  her  only  a  few 
years,  and  died,  as  was  supposed,  of  grifif  for  her  loss.  Her  nephew,  Colonel 
James  McCr':a,  lived  at  Saratoga,  in  l^'28."f 

Under  the  name  of  Lncinda^  Barlow  has  dwelt  upon  this  murder  in  a  strain 
that  may  be  Imitated,  but  not  surpassed.     We  select  liom  him  as  follows: — 

"Ono  Heed  slinll  Ipll  what  fiime  <jrcal  Alliion  draws 
From  these  niixilinrs  iji  licr  barb'rous  cause, — 
I.iicinila's  falo.     'J'lie  laic,  ye  iialioiis,  hear ; 
Etuninl  asjes,  traec  il  wiih  a  icur." 

The  poet  then  makes  Lncinda,  during  a  battle,  wander  from  her  home  to 
watch  her  lover,  whom  he  calls  Heartly.  She  distinguishes  him  in  the  con- 
flict, and,  when  his  squadron  is  routed  by  the  Americans,  she  p»  oceeds  to  the 
contested  ground,  fancying  she  had  seen  him  fall  at  a  certain  point.     But 

"  He  hurries  to  his  lent ;— oh,  rajje !  despair  ! 

No  glimpse,  no  tidings,  of  the  frantic  lair; 

Save  that  some  carmen,  as  a-camp  they  drove, 

Had  seen  her  coursing'  (or  the  western  grove. 

Faint  with  fatigue,  and  choked  with  htirning  thirst, 

Forth  from  his  friends,  with  bounding  leap,  he  burst. 

Vaults  o'er  liie  palisade,  with  eyes  on  flame, 

And  fills  the  welkin  with  Lucin'da's  name." 
"The  fair  one,  too,  of  every  aid  forlorn, 

Had  raved  and  wandered,  till  ofTicious  mom 

Awaked  the  Mohawks  from  their  short  repose. 

To  glean  the  plunder  ere  their  comrades  rose. 

Two  Mohawks  met  the  maid historian,  hold !  ''— 

"She  starts— with  eyes  upturned  and  fleeting  breath, 

In  their  raised  axes  views  her  instant  death. 

Her  hair,  half  lost  along  the  shrubs  she  passed, 

Rolls,  in  loose  tangles,  round  her  lovely  waist ; 

Her  kerchief  torn  betrays  the  globes  of  snow. 

That  heave  responsive  to  her  weigh'  of  woe. 


r;     - 

If  ••■ 


ff.  •'■•'a 


•  There  is  no  doubt  but  that  they  were  obliged  to  subsist  chiefly  upon  their  horset. 
t  President  Allen's  American  Biographical  Dictionary,  674. 


f.l 


86 


HEROISM  OF  MRS.  MERRIL.— WHITE   INDIANS. 


[Book  L 


With  calnilfltinr  paiiw  and  demon  grin 

'Vhey  seizu  liur  haiid.i,  and,  ihroiigh  nur  fare  divine, 

Drive  the  descending  axe  !— the  ^liriek  she  lent 

Attained  her  lovcr'si  ear;  he  Ihithcr  beni 

With  all  the  speed  hit  wearied  limhg  rotild  yield, 

Whirlcil  his  keen  blade,  and  siretclied  upon  the  field 

Tim  yelling  fiends,  who  there  disputing  stood 

Her  gory  scalp,  their  horrid  prize  of  blood! 

He  sunk,  <lclirious,  on  her  iitcless  rlay. 

And  passed,  in  starts  of  sense,  the  dreadful  day." 

In  a  notn  to  tlio  above  pattsagea,  Mr.  Barlow  says  this  tragical  story  of  Miw 
JMcCrea  \a  detailed  almost  literally. 

"Extraordinary  instance  of  female  heroism,  extracted  from  a  letter  written  by 
Col.  Jnnies  Perry  to  the  Rev,  Jordan  Dodge,  dated  JVelson  Co.,  Ky.,  20  Jlpru, 
1788." — "On  tlie  first  of  April  iiist.,  a  numi>er  of  Indians  surroiaided  the 
hotiso  of  one  John  Merril,  which  was  discovered  by  the  Imrking  of  a  dog. 
Merril  stepped  to  the  door  to  see  whnt  he  could  discover,  and  received  three 
niusket-balls,  which  caused  him  to  full  back  into  the  house  with  a  broken  leg 
and  arm.  The  Indians  rushed  on  to  the  door  ;  btit  it  being  instantly  ftisteneu 
by  his  wife,  who,  with  a  girl  of  about  15  years  of  age,  stood  against  if,  the 
savages  could  not  immediately  enter.  They  broke  one  part  of  tne  door,  and 
one  of  them  crowded  j)artly  through.  The  heroic  mother,  in  the  midst  of  her 
screaming  children  and  groaning  husband,  seized  an  axe,  and  gave  ii  fatal 
blow  to  the  savage  ;  and  Tie  fulling  headlong  into  the  hotise,  the  others,  sup- 
nosing  they  had  gained  their  end,  rushed  afler  him,  until  four  of  them  fell  m 
like  manner  before  they  discovered  their  mistake.  The  rest  retreated,  which 
gave  opportunity  again  to  secure  the  door.  The  conquerors  rejoiced  in  their 
victory,  hoping  they  had  killed  the  whole  company ;  btit  their  expectations 
were  soon  dashed,  by  finding  the  door  again  attacked,  which  the  bold  mother 
endeavored  once  more  to  secure,  with  the  assistance  of  the  young  woman. 
Their  fears  now  came  on  them  like  a  flood  ;  and  they  soon  heard  a  noise  on 
the  top  of  the  house,  and  then  fotmd  the  Indians  were  coming  down  the 
chimney.  All  hopes  of  deliverance  seemed  now  at  an  end  ;  but  the  wounded 
man  ordered  his  little  child  to  tumble  a  couch,  that  was  filled  with  hair  and 
feathers,  on  the  fire,  which  made  such  a  smoke  that  two  stout  Indians  came 
tumbling  down  into  it.  The  wounded  man,  at  this  critical  moment,  seized  a 
billet  of  wood,  wounded  us  he  was,  and  with  it  succeeded  in  despatching  the 
half-smothered  Indians.  At  the  same  moment,  the  door  was  attempted  by 
another ;  but  the  heroine's  arm  had  become  too  enfeebled  by  her  over-exertions 
to  deal  a  deadly  blow.  She  however  caused  him  to  retreat  wounded.  They 
then  again  set  to  work  to  make  their  house  more  secure,  not  knowing  but 
another  attack  would  be  made ;  but  they  were  not  funher  disturbed.  This 
affair  happened  in  the  evening,  and  the  victors  carefully  watched  with  their 
new  family  until  morning.  A  prisoner,  that  escaped  immediately  afler,  said 
the  Indian  last  mentioned  was  the  only  one  that  escaped.  He,  on  returning  to 
liis  friends,  was  asked,  'What  news?'  said,  'Plaguy- bad  news,  for  the  squaws 
fight  worse  than  the  long-knives.'  This  affair  happened  at  Newbordstown, 
about  15  miles  from  Sandy  Creek,  and  may  be  depended  upon,  as  I  had  the 
pleasure  to  assist  in  tumbling  them  into  a  hole,  afler  they  were  stripped  of 
their  head-dresses,  and  about  20  dollars'  worth  of  silver  furniture." 

Welsh  or  White  Indians. 

"  jyarrative  of  Capt.  Isaac  Stuart,  of  the  Provincial  Cavalry  of  South  Carolina, 
taken  from  his  oum  mouih,  by  I,  C,  Esq.,  March.,  1782. 

"  I  was  taken  prisoner,  about  50  miles  to  the  westward  of  Fort  Pitt,  about 
18  years  ago,  by  the  Indians,  and  carried  to  the  Wabash,  with  other  white 
men.  They  were  executed,  with  circumstances  of  horrid  barbarity ;  but  it 
was  my  good  fortune  to  call  forth  the  sympathy  of  a  good  woman  of  the 
village,  who  was  permitted  to  redeem  me  from  those  who  held  me  prisoner, 
by  giving  them  a  horse  as  a  ransom.  Afler  remaining  two  years  in  bondage, 
a  Spaniard  came  to  the  nation,  having  been  sent  from  Mexico  on  discoverieBk 


CHAr.  III.J 


WHITE  INDIANS. 


•7 


Ht;  iiiuilo  appliciuion  to  tlie  rliicfb  of  the  IiitliuiiH  fur  hiring  nic,  aiul  another 
>vhitf  man  who  wuh  in  the  liki>  Hitiiation,  n  native  of  Wu1i-h,  aiu\  named  John 
Dnvey,  which  was  coniphtul  with.  We  tooi<  our  dtipartiiru  and  travclli'd  to 
tiie  vvfHtward,  crosHing  tiie  Mii^stMippi  near  Ilrd  River,  op  wiiich  we  travrlU'd 
upwards  of  700  niiies.  Men-  we  came  to  a  nation  of  Indians  rctnarkubly 
white,  and  whose  hair  was  of  a  reddi>'li  color,  at  leaist,  mostly  so.  They  liv(;d 
on  a  small  river  which  em|itied  itself  into  Red  River,  which  they  called  tho 
River  I'ost ;  mid  in  the  morning,  r'"-  /|uy  atler  our  arrival,  the  Welshman 
informed  me  that  he  was  determined  to  remain  with  the  nation  of  Indians, 
giving  as  u  reason  that  he  understood  their  language,  it  lieiiig  very  littli^  ditler- 
ent  fiiim  tJie  Welsh.  My  curiosity  was  excited  very  much  l»y  this  information, 
and  I  went  with  my  companion  to  the  chief  men  of  the  town,  who  intormeii 
liim,  ill  a  language  that  I  liiul  no  knowledge  ot)  and  which  had  no  atliiiity  with 
that  of  any  other  Indian  tongue  that  I  ever  heard,  that  the  forefathers  of  this 
nation  came  from  a  foreign  country,  and  landed  on  the  east  side  of  the  Missis- 
sijipi  (descrihing  particularly  the  country  now  called  West  Florida);  ami  that, 
on  the  Spaniards  taking  possession  ot  the  country,  they  fled  to  their  then 
alxxle ;   aiuL,  as  a  priM)!'  of  what  they  advanced,  they  brought  out  rolls  of 

Imrchment  wrote  with  bine  ink,  at  least  it  had  a  bluish  cast  The  cliaracterM 
did  not  understand,  and  the  Welshman  being  unac(|uainted  with  letters  of 
any  language^  I  was  not  able  to  know  what  the  meaning  of  the  writing  was. 
Tliey  were  a  Itold,  liunly,  intrepid  people,  very  war' ike,  and  their  women 
wttni  beautiful,  co(n|)arcil  with  otiier  Indians." 

Thus  we  have  given  so  much  of  Captain  Stuart^s  narrative  ns  relates  to  tho 
White  Lndians.  The  remainder  of  it  is  taken  un  in  details  of  several  excur 
sions,  of  many  hundred  mile^,  in  the  interior  ot  the  continent,  without  any 
extraordinary  occtirrencc,  eju;ept  the  fuuling  of  a  gold  mine.  He  returned  by 
way  of  the  Mi^issippi,  and  was  (tonsidcre  '  a  man  of  veracity  by  tho  late 
Lieiitenant-coiouel  Cruger,  of  iSoutli  Carolina,  who  recommended  him  to  the 
gentleman  who  communicated  his  narrative. 

I  had  determiiKul  formerly  to  devote  a  chapter  to  the  examination  of  the 
subject  of  the  White  Indians  ;  but,  on  reference  to  all  the  sources  of  informa- 
tion in  mjr  possecsion,  I  found  that  the  whole  rested  upon  no  other  authority 
than  such  as  we  have  given  almve,  and  therefore  concluded  to  give  the  most 
interesting  parts  of  the  accounts  without  comment,  and  let  the  reader  draw 
liis  own  conclusions.  There  seem  to  have  been  a  good  many  accounts  con- 
cerning the  White  Indians  in  circulation  about  the  same  period,  and  the  next 
we  shall  notice  is  found  in  Air.  Charlea  Bealiy'a  journal,  the  substance  of  which 
ia  as  follows : — 

At  the  foot  of  the  Alleghany  Mountains,  in  Pennsylvania,  Mr.  Bmity  stopped 
at  the  house  o(  n  Mr.  John  MUkr,  where  lie  "  met  with  one  Benjamin  Sulton, 
who  had  been  taken  captive  by  the  Indians,  and  had  l)een  in  diflerent  nations, 
and  lived  many  years  among  them.  When  he  was  with  the  Choctaws,  at  the 
Mississippi  Riyer,  he  went  to  an  Indian  town,  a  very  considerable  distance 
from  New  Orleans,  whose  inhabitants  were  of  diflTerent  complexions,  not  so 
tawny  as  those  of  tlie  other  Indians,  and  who  spoke  Welsh,  lie  saw  a  book 
among  them,  which  he  supposed  was  a  Welsh  Bible,  which  they  carefully 
kept  wrapped  up  in  a  skin,  but  they  could  not  read  it ;  and  he  heard  some 
of  those  Indians  afterwards,  in  the  lower  Shawanee  town,  speak  Welsh  with 
one  Lewis,  a  Welshman,  captive  there.  This  Welsh  tribe  now  live  on  the 
west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  a  great  way  above  New  Orleans." 

At  Tuscarora  valley  he  met  with  another  man,  named  Levi  Hicks,  who  had 
lieen  a  captive  from  his  youth  with  the  Indians.  lie  said  lie  was  once  attend- 
ing an  ejubassy  at  an  Indian  town,  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  where 
the  inhal)itants  spoke  Welsh,  "as  he  was  told,  for  he  did  not  understand 
them  "  himselC  An  Indian,  named  Joseph  Peepy,  Mr.  Beaitxfs  interpreter,  sjiid 
he  once  saw  some  Indians,  whom  he  supposed  to  be  of  the  same  tribe,  who 
talked  Welsh.  He  was  sure  they  talked  Welsh,  for  he  liad  been  acquainted 
with  Welsh  people,  and  knew  some  words  they  used. 

To  the  above  Mr.  Beatly  adds:  "I  have  been  informed,  that  many  years 
ago,  a  clergyman  went  from  Britain  to  Virginia,  and  having  lived  some  time 
there,  went  from  thence  to  ^.  CaroUna ;  but  after  some  time,  for  some  reason, 


I'.t.l 


\\-:i^ 


I 


|h''*>«  ' 


m:':-^. 


Kfi-' . 


ISI 


!"■;.; 

1       /   ■ 
1        •■;  ■ 

'1    '■    '' 

1    ^-  '■•■ 

1  ^^: 

]•  ■■ 


'  !■  :-^ 


!  i     I 


m 

hit 

m 

I 


Hi'' 


38 


WHITE!  INDIANS. 


[Book  I 


he  resolved  to  return  to  Virginia,  and  accordingly  set  out  by  land,  accom- 
panied with  some  other  persons.  In  travelling  through  the  back  parts  of  the 
coimtry,  which  was  then  very  thinly  inhabited,  he  fell  in  with  a  party  of  In- 
dian warriors,  going  to  attack  the  inhabitant"  of  Virginia.  Upon  examining 
the  clergyman,  and  finding  he  wns  going  to  Virginia,  they  looked  upon  him 
and  his  companions  as  belonjjinglothat  province,  and  took  them  all  prisoners, 
and  told  them  they  must  die.  The  clergyman,  in  preparation  for  another 
v/oild,  wont  to  pmyer,  and,  being  a  Welshman,  prayed  in  the  Welsh  langiiage. 
One  or  more  of  the  Indians  was  much  surprised  to  hear  him  pray  in  their 
own  language.  Upon  this  they  spoke  to  him,  and  finding  he  could  under- 
stand tli<  tn,  got  the  sentence  ot  '  eath  reversed,  and  his  life  was  saved.  They 
took  liiiii  with  them  into  their  country,  where  he  found  a  tribe  whose  native 
lan<(uage  was  Welsh,  though  the  dialect  was  a  little  different  from  his  own, 
which  he  soon  came  to  understand.  They  showed  him  a  book,  which  he 
found  to  be  the  Bible,  but  which  they  could  not  read ;  and  on  his  reading  and 
explaining  it,  their  regard  for  him  was  much  heightened."  After  some  time, 
the  minister  proposed  to  these  people  to  return  to  his  own  country,  and  prom- 
ised to  return  again  to  them  with  others  of  his  friends,  who  would  instruct 
them  in  Christianity ;  but  not  long  af\er  his  return  to  Englatid,  he  died,  which 
put  an  end  to  his  design. 

It  is  very  natm-al  to  inqtiin  bow  these  Indians,  though  descended  from  the 
Welsh,  came  by  books ;  for  'A  is  well  known  that  the  pciod  at  which  the 
WeLdi  must  have  come  to  Ataorica,  was  long  before  printing  was  discovered, 
or  that  any  writings  assr  (I iM  the  form  of  books  as  we  now  have  them.  It 
should  l>e  hvire  noted  thai  Mr.  Beatty  travelled  in  the  autunm  of  17(36. 

Major  i?og-er»,  in  his  "Concise  Account  of  North  America,"  published  in 
1765,  notices  the  White  Indians ;  but  the  geography  of  their  country  he  leaves 
any  where  on  the  west  of  the  Mississippi ;  probably  never  having  visited  them 

mself,  although  he  tells  us  he  had  travelled  very  extensively  in  She  interior. 
'This  fruitful  coniitr)',"  he  says,  "is  at  present  inhabited  by  a  nation  of  In- 
dians, called  by  the  others,  the  White  Indians,  on  account  of  their  complex- 
ion ;  they  heing  much  the  fairest  Indians  on  the  continent.  They  have,  how- 
ever, Indian  eyes,  and  a  certain  guilty  Jewish  cast  with  them.  This  nation  is 
very  numerous,  being  able  to  raise  between  20  and  30,000  fighting  men.  They 
have  no  weapons  but  bows  ait  )  arrows,  tomahawks,  and  a  kind  of  wooden 
pikes,  for  which  reason  they  otlen  sutrer  greatly  from  the  eastern  Indians, 
who  have  the  use  of  rire-arms,  a:  d  fVrqni'ntly  visit  the  white  Indians  on  the 
banks  of  the  easterly  branch,  [of  /.Tuddy  River  '^  and  kill  or  captivate  them 
in  great  numbers.  Such  as  fidi  abve  into  their  hands,  they  generally  sell  for 
slaves.  These  Indians  live  in  large  towns,  and  have  commodious  houses; 
they  raise  com,  tame  the  wild  cows,  and  use  both  their  milk  and  flesh  ;  they 
keep  great  numbers  of  dogs,  and  are  very  dextrous  in  hunting ;  *hey  have  lit- 
tle or  no  commerce  with  any  nation  that  we  at  present  are  ac(iuaintod  with." 

In  the  account  of  Kentucky,  written  in  1784,  by  an  excellent  writer,  Mr.  John 
Filson,  we  find  as  follows: — After  noticing  the  voyage  of  JWck/oc,  who  with 
his  ten  shijjs  with  emigrants  sailed  west  about  1170,  and  who  were,  accord- 
ing to  the  Welsh  historians,  never  heard  of  after,  he  proceeds: — "Thisaccoimt 
has  at  several  times  drawn  the  attention  cf  the  world  ;  but  as  no  vestiges  of 
them  had  then  been  found,  it  was  concluded,  perhaps  too  rashly,  to  be  a  fable, 
or  at  least  that  no  remains  of  the  colony  existed.  Of  late  years,  however,  the 
western  settlers  have  received  frequent  accounts  of  a  natioii,  inhabiting  at  a 
great  distance  >ip  the  Missouri,  in  manners  « nd  ai)j)earance  resembling  the 
other  Indians,  but  speaking  Welsh,  and  retaiiiing  some  ceremonies  of  the 
Christian  worship;  and  at  length  this  is  universally  believed  there  to  be  a  fact. 
Capt.  Abraham  Chaplain,  of  Kentucky,  a  gentleman  whose  veracity  may  be 
entirely  depended  upon,  assured  the  author  that  in  the  late  war  [revolution] 
bsiiig  with  his  company  in  garrison,  at  Kaskaskia,  some  Indians  came  there, 
and,  speaking  the  Welsh  dialect,  were  jierfectly  understood  and  converse(l 
with  by  two  Welshmen  in  his  cotnpany,  and  that  they  informed  them  of  the 
situation  of  their  nation  as  rnentioiKMl  al)ove." 

Htnry  Ker,  who  travelled  among  l:l  tribes  of  Indians  in  1810,  &c.,  names 
one  near  a  great  mountain  which  he  calls  Mnacedeus.      He  said  Dr.  SiUey 


■f 


I 


[Book  I 

nd,  accom- 
Mirts  of  the 
larty  of  In- 
examining 
upon  liini 
1  prisoners, 
for  another 
h  language, 
ray  in  their 
juld  under- 
ved.   They 
rhose  native 
im  liis  own, 
[,  which  he 
reading  and 
•  some  time, 
,  and  prom- 
uld  instruct 
died,  which 

ed  from  the 
t  which  the 
I  discovered, 
re  them.  It 
1766. 

pultlished  in 
try  he  leaves 
visited  them 
I  ihe  interior, 
nation  of  In- 
eir  complex- 
y  have,  how- 
fhis  nation  is 
;  men.  They 
i  of  wooden 
ern  Indians, 
idians  on  the 
ptivate  them 
arally  8«M1  for 
ous  houses; 
1  flesh ;  they 
hey  have  lit- 
unted  with." 
ter,  Mr.  John 
)C,  who  with 
vetc,  accord- 
rhis  accoinit 
)  vestiges  of 
to  he  a  fable, 
lowc'ver,  the 
Ihahitiug  at  a 
imbling  tiie 
lonies  of  the 
to  be  a  fact, 
[icity  may  he 
[revolution] 
came  there, 
conversed 
them  of  the 

&c.,  names 
lid  Dr.  SibUy 


Chap.  IV] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


39 


had  told  him,  when  at  Natchitoches,  tliat  a  number  of  travellers  had  assured 
him,  that  there  was  a  strong  similarity  between  the  Indian  language  and  many 
words  of  the  Welsh.  Mr.  Ker  found  nothing  among  any  of  the  Indians  to 
indicate  a  Welsh  origin  until  he  arrived  among  the  Mnacedeus.  Here  he 
found  many  customs  which  were  Welsh,  or  common  to  that  people,  and  he 
adds;  "I  did  not  understand  the  Welsh  language,  or  I  should  have  been  en- 
abled to  have  thrown  more  light  upon  m  interesting  a  subject,"  as  they  had 
"printed  books  among  them  which  were  preserved  with  great  care,  they  having 
a  tradition  that  they  were  brought  there  by  their  forefathers."  Upon  this,  in 
another  place,  he  observes,  "The  books  ap|)eared  very  old,  and  were  evident- 
ly printed  at  a  time  when  there  had  been  very  little  im|>rovement  made  in  the 
casting  of  types.  I  obtained  a  few  leaves  from  one  of  the  chiefs,  sufficient  to 
have  thrown  light  on  the  subject;  but  in  my  subsequent  disputes  with  the 
Indians,  I  lost  them,  and  all  my  endeavors  to  obtain  more,  were  ineffectual." 

How  or  at  what  time  these  Indians  obtained  "  printed  books,"  Mr.  Ker  does 
not  give  us  his  opinion  ;  although  he  says  much  more  about  them. 

There  are  a  great  number  of  others  who  have  noticed  these  Indians  ;  but 
affer  an  examination  of  them  all,  I  am  unable  to  add  much  to  the  above  stock 
of  information  concerning  them.  U|)on  the  whole,  we  think  it  may  be  pretty 
safely  said,  that  the  existence  of  a  race  of  Welsh  about  the  regions  of  the 
Missouri  does  not  rest  on  so  good  authority  as  that  which  has  been  adduced 
to  establish  the  existence  of  the  sea-serpent.  Should  any  one,  however, 
choose  to  investigate  the  subject  further,  he  will  find  pretty  ample  references 
to  authors  in  which  the  subject  has  been  noticed,  in  a  note  to  the  life  of  Ma- 
dokawando,  in  our  third  book.  In  addition  to  which,  he  may  consult  the 
authorities  of  MouUon,  as  pointed  out  in  his  History  of  New  York. 


-^fffa^ 


CHAPTER  IV. 

American  Antiquities — Few  Indian  Antiquities — Of  Mounds  and  their  contents — 
Account  of  those  in  Cincinnati — In  the  \tiumi  country — Worlts  supposed  to  haee 
been  built  for  defences  or  fortifications — Some  at  Piqua — JVear  Hamilton — Milford 
— Deerfield — Six  miles  above  Lebanon — On  Paint  Creek — At  Marietta — At  Circle- 
ville — TVteir  age  uncertain — Works  on  Licking  River — Ancient  excavations  or  wells 
near  Newark — Various  other  works. 

To  describe  the  antiquities  of  America  would  not  require  a  very  great 
amount  of  time  or  spaie,  if  we  consider  only  those  which  are  in  reality  such. 
And  as  to  Indian  antii  uities,  they  consist  ir  nothing  like  monuments,  says 
Mr.  Jefferson;  "  for,"  he  »bserve8,  "  I  would  not  honor  with  that  name,  arrow- 
points,  stone  hal'hets,  stcie  pijtcs,  and  lialf-shapen  images.  Of  labor  on  the 
large  scale,  I  think  there  ^^  no  remain  as  respectable  as  would  be  a  common 
ditch  for  the  draining  of  lands,  unless  indeed  it  would  be  the  Barrows,  of 
which  many  are  to  l)e  found  all  over  in  this  country.  These  are  of  different 
sizes,  souie  of  them  constructed  of  earth,  and  some  of  hiose  stones.  That 
they  were  re|)ositories  of  the  dead,  has  been  obvious  to  all ;  but  on  wiiat  pai-- 
ticnlar  occasion  constructed,  was  a  matter  of  doubt.  Some  have  thought  they 
covered  the  bones  of  those  who  have  fallen  in  battles  fought  on  the  spot  of 
interment,  f^ome  ascribe  them  to  the  custom,  said  to  prevail  among  tlie  In- 
dians, of  collecting  at  certain  periods  the  bones  of  all  their  dead,  wheresoever 
deposited  at  the  time  of  death.  Others  again  suppose  them  the  general  sepul- 
chris  for  towns,  conjectured  to  have  been  on  or  near  these  grounds;  and  this 
opinion  was  supported  by  the  (piality  of  the  lands  in  which  they  are  found, 
(those  constructed  of  earth  being  cenerally  in  the  soft(!st  and  most  fertile 
meadow-grounds  on  river  sides,)  and  by  a  tradition,  said  to  be  handed  down 
from  the  aboriginal  Indians,  that  when  they  settled  in  a  town,  th«!  first  person 
vvho  died  was  [iilaced  en!ct,  and  earth  put  about  him,  so  as  to  cover  mn\  support 
him ;  and  that  when  anotlier  died,  a  narrow  passage  was  dug  to  the  finst,  the 


M-. 


i'^jt' 

' '  ■■■'^1 

...» 

'.'5'i  j| 

■    ■,'■ 

i\ 

i  ■'%' 

-'J^ 

1 

f"S 

;1^ 

■'/  ■j  \ 

:--B 

■i^'M 


40 


\MERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  I. 


I^..f' 


1      -}-■ 


rl 


t- 


second  reclined  against  him,  and  the  cover  of  earth  replaced,  and  so  on.  There 
being  one  of  these  in  my  neighborhood,  I  wished  to  satisfy  myself  whether 
any,  and  which  of  tliese  opinions  were  just.  For  this  purpose,  I  determined 
to  open  and  examine  it  thoroughly.  It  was  siijated  on  the  low  grounds  of  the 
Rivanna,  about  two  miles  alwve  its  principal  fork,  and  opposite  to  some  hills, 
on  which  had  been  an  Indian  town.  It  was  of  a  spheroidal  form  of  ahout 
40  feet  diameter  at  the  base,  and  had  been  of  about  12  feet  altitude,  though 
now  reduced  by  the  plough  to  seven  and  a  half,  having  been  under  cultiva- 
tion about  a  dozen  -years.  Before  this  it  was  covered  with  trees  of  12  inelies 
diameter,  and  rouncl  the  base  was  an  excavation  of  five  feet  depth  and  widtl), 
from  whence  the  earth  had  been  taken  of  which  the  hillock  was  formed." 

In  this  mound  my  author  found  abundance  of  human  bones,  which,  from 
their  position,  it  was  evident  had  heen  thrown  or  piled  promiscuously  there 
together;  bones  of  the  bead  and  feet  being  in  contact;  "some  vertical, 
some  oblique,  some  horizontal,  and  directed  to  every  point  of  the  compass." 
These  bones,  when  exposed  to  the  air,  crumbled  to  dust  Some  of  the  skulls, 
jaw-bones,  and  teeth,  were  taken  out  nearly  in  a  j)erfect  state,  but  would  fall  to 
pieces  on  being  examined.  It  was  evident  that  this  assemblage  of  bones  was 
made  up  from  persons  of  all  ages,  and  at  dift'erent  periods  of  time.  The 
mound  was  composed  of  alternate  strata  of  bones,  stones,  and  earth.  Hence 
it  would  seem  that  barrows,  or  mounds,  as  they  are  most  usually  called,  were 
formed  by  the  Indians,  whose  custom  it  was  to  collect  the  bones  of  their  de- 
ceased friends  at  certain  periods,  and  deposit  them  together  in  this  manner. 
"  But,"  Mr.  Jefferson  observes,  "  on  whatever  occasion  they  may  have  heen 
made,  they  are  of  considerable  notoriety  among  the  Indians :  for  a  party 
passing,  about  30  years  ago,  through  the  part  of  the  country  where  this  barrow 
is,  went  through  the  woods  directly  to  it,  without  any  instructions  or  inquirj', 
and  having  staid  about  it  some  time,  with  expressions  which  were  construed 
to  be  those  of  sorrow,  they  returned  to  the  high  road,  which  they  had  left 
about  half  a  dozen  miles  to  pay  this  visit,  and  jjui-sued  their  journey." 

In  these  tumuli  are  usually  found,  with  the  bones,  such  instruments  only  as 
appear  to  have  been  used  for  superstitious  purposes,  ornaments  or  war.  Of 
the  latter  kind,  no  more  formidable  weapons  have  been  discovered  than 
tomahawks,  spears  and  arrow-heads,  which  can  be  supposed  to  have  been 
deposited  before  the  arrival  of  Europeans  in  America.  What  Mr.  Jefferson 
found  in  the  barrow  he  dissected  besides  bones,  or  whether  any  thing,  he  does 
not  inform  us.  In  several  of  these  depositories  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati, 
which  Dr.  Daniel  Drake  examined,  numerous  utensils  were  found.    He  has 

ifiven  a  most  aicurate  account  of  them,  in  which  he  has  shown  himself  no 
ess  a  philosopher  than  antiquary.  He  divides  them  into  two  classes,  ancient 
and  modern,  or  ancient  and  more  ancient.  "  Among  the  latter,"  he  says,  "  there 
is  not  a  single  edifice,  nor  any  ruins  which  prove  the  existence,  in  former  ages, 
of  a  building  composed  of  imperishable  materials.  No  fragment  of  a  column  , 
no  bricks  ;  nor  a  single  hewn  stone  large  enough  to  have  been  incorporated 
into  a  wall,  has  been  discovered." 

There  were  several  of  these  mounds  or  tumuli,  20  years  ago,  within  a  short 
space  in  and  about  Cincinnati ;  but  it  is  a  remarkable  fact,  tliat  the  plains  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  River  Ohio  have  no  vestiges  of  the  kind.  The  largest 
of  those  ii  Cincinnati  was,  in  1794,  about  3iv  feet  in  height;  btit  at  this  time  it 
was  cut  down  to  27  by  order  of  General  Wayne,  to  make  it  serve  as  a  watch- 
tower  for  a  sentinel.     It  was  about  440  feet  in  circumference. 

Almost  every  traveller  of  late  years  has  said  something  upon  the  motinds, 
or  fortifications,  scattered  over  the  south  and  west,  from  Florida  to  the  lakes, 
and  from  the  Hudson  to  Mexico  and  the  Pacific  Ocean.  By  some  they  are 
reckoned  at  several  thousands.  Mr.  Brackenridge  supposes  there  may  be 
3000;  but  it  would  not  outrage  probability,  I  presume,  to  set  them  down  at 
twice  that  number.  Indeed  no  one  can  form  any  just  estimate  in  respect  to 
the  number  of  mounds  and  fortifications  which  have  been  built,  any  more  than 
of  the  period  of  time  which  has  passed  since  they  were  originally  erected,  for 
several  obvious  reasons;   one  or  two  of  which   may   be  mentioned: — the 

K lough,  excavations  and  levellings  for  towns,  roads,  and  various  other  works, 
ave  entirely  destroyed  hundreds  of  them,  which  had  never  been  d(!Bcribed 


[Book  I. 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


41 


on.    There 
ilf  whether 
(letermhied 
uiuls  of  the 
some  hills, 
m  of  about 
ude,  though 
der  cuUiva- 
)f  12  inclies 
1  and  widtii, 
roriiied." 
which,  from 
uously  there 
tne   vertical, 
le  compass" 
)f  the  skulls, 
would  iiiU  to 
)f  bones  was 
'time.    The 
irth.    Hence 
'  called,  were 
3  of  their  de- 
this  manner. 
ly  have  been 
for  a  party 
re  this  barrow 
ns  or  inquiry, 
2re  construed 
they  had  left 
rney." 

ments  only  as 

3  or  war.    Of 

kcovered  than 

to  have  been 

t  Mr.  Jefferson 

thing,  he  does 

of  Cincinnati, 

und.    He  has 

n  himself  no 

asses,  ancient 

says,  "  there 
In  former  ages, 
It  of  a  column, 

incorporated 

^vithin  a  short 

the  plains  on 

The  largest 

I  at  this  time  it 

fc  as  a  watch- 

■i  the  mounds, 
|a  to  the  lakes, 
some  they  are 
[here  may  he 
llicm  down  at 

1  in  respect  to 
J\ny  more  than 
|ly  erected,  for 

[itioncd :— the 
other  works, 

ten  d(!scribed 


and  whose  sites  cannot  now  be  ascertained.  Another  great  destruction  of 
them  has  been  effected  by  the  changing  of  the  course  of  rivers. 

There  are  various  ojMnions  about  the  uses  for  which  thesie  tncient  remains 
were  constructed:  while  some  of  them  are  too  much  like  modem  fortifications 
to  admit  of  a  doid)t  of  their  having  been  used  for  defences,  others,  nearly 
similar  in  design,  from  their  situation  entirely  exclude  the  adoption  of  such  au 
opinion.  Hence  we  find  four  kinds  of  remains  formed  of  errth ;  two  kinds 
of  mounds  or  barrows,  and  two  which  have  been  viewed  as  fortifications. 
The  Iwrrows  or  burial  piles  are  distinguished  by  such  as  contain  articles 
which  were  inhumed  with  the  dead,  and  those  which  do  not  contain  tlienj. 
From  what  cause  they  differ  in  this  respect  it  is  difficult  to  determine.  Some 
have  supposed  the  former  to  contain  bones  only  of  warriors,  but  in  such 
mounds  the  bones  of  infants  are  found,  und  hence  that  hypothesis  is  over- 
thrown ;  and  indeed  an  hypothesis  can  scarcely  be  raised  upon  any  one  mat- 
ter concerning  them  without  almost  a  positive  assurance  ti^at  it  has  been 
created  to  be  destroyed. 

As  a  specimen  of  the  contents  of  the  mounds  generally,  the  following  may 
be  taken ;  being  such  as  Dr.  Drake  found  in  those  he  examined  : — 1.  Cylin- 
drical stones,  such  as  jasper,  rock-crystal,  and  granite ;  with  a  groove  near  one 
end.  2.  A  circular  piece  of  caimel  coal,  with  a  large  opening  in  the  centre, 
as  though  made  for  the  reception  of  an  axis  ;  and  a  deep  groove  in  the  circum- 
ference, suitable  for  a  band.  3.  A  smaller  article  of  the  same  shape,  but 
composed  of  polished  argillaceous  earth.  4.  A  bone,  ornamented  with  several 
carved  lines,  supposed  by  some  to  be  hieroglyphics.  5.  A  sculptural  repre- 
sentation oi  the  head  and  beak  of  some  rajmciotis  bird.  G.  Lumps  of  lead  ore. 
7.  Isingla.ss  (mica  membranacea).  This  article  is  very  common  in  mounds, 
and  seems  to  have  been  held  in  high  estimafion  among  the  people  that  con- 
structed them ;  hut  we  know  not  that  modern  Indians  have  any  particular 
attachment  to  it.  A  superior  article,  though  much  like  it,  was  also  in  great 
esteem  among  the  ancient  Mexicans.  8.  Small  pieces  of  sheet-copper,  with 
perforations.  9.  Larger  oblong  pieces  of  the  same  metal,  with  longitudinal 
grooves  and  ridges.  10.  Beads,  or  sections  of  small  hollow  cylinders,  appar- 
ently of  l)one  or  shell.  11.  Teeth  of  carnivorous  animals.  ISS.  Large  marine 
shells,  belonging,  perhaps,  to  the  genus  huccinum ;  cut  in  such  a  manner  as 
to  sei-ve  for  domestic  utensils.  These,  and  also  the  teeth  of  animals,  are 
generally  found  almost  entirely  decomposed,  or  in  a  state  resembling  chalk. 
13.  Earthen  ware.  This  seems  to  have  been  made  of  the  same  material  as  that 
employed  by  the  Indians  of  Louisiana  within  our  recollection,  viz.  pounded 
muscle  and  other  river  shells,  and  earth.  Some  perfect  articles  have  been 
found,  but  they  are  rare.  Pieces,  or  fragments,  are  very  common.  Upon 
most  of  them,  confused  lines  are  traced,  which  doubth.'ss  had  some  meaning; 
but  no  specimen  has  yet  been  found  having  glazing  upon  it  like  modern  pot- 
tery. Some  entire  vases,  of  most  uncouth  appearance,  have  been  found.  Mr. 
Mipaler  of  Ohio,  who  has  pretty  fully  described  the  western  anticpiities,  gives 
an  account  of  a  vessel,  which  seems  to  have  been  used  as  a  jug.  It  was  found 
in  an  ancient  work  on  Cany  Fork  of  Cumberland  River,  alM)Ut  four  feet  below 
the  surface.  The  body  of  the  vessel  is  made  by  three  heads,  all  joined  together 
at  their  hacks.  From  these  places  of  contact  a  neck  is  formed,  which  rises 
about  three  inches  above  the  heads.  The  orifice  of  this  neck  is  near  two 
inches  in  diameter,  and  the  three  luicks  of  the  heads  form  the  legs  of  the  vessel 
on  which  it  stands  when  upright.  The  heads  are  all  of  a  size,  being  about 
four  inches  from  the  top  to  the  chin.  The  fiices  at  the  eyes  are  about  three 
inches  broad,  which  increiiao  in  breadth  all  the  way  to  the  chin. 

Of  the  works  called  fortifications,  though  already  mentioned  in  general 
terms,  their  importance  demands  a  further  coiisidoration. 

At  Piqtia,  on  the  western  side  of  the  Great  Miami,  there  is  a  circular  wall 
of  earth  inclosing  a  space  of  about  100  feet  in  diameter,  with  an  opening  on 
the  side  most  remote  from  the  river.  "  The  adjacent  hill,  at  the  distance  of 
half  a  mile,  and  at  the  greater  elevation  of  about  100  feet,  is  the  site  of  a  stone 
wall,  nearly  circular,  and  inclosing  perhaps  '20  acres.  The  valley  of  the  river 
on  one  side,  and  a  deep  ravine  on  the  other,  render  the  access  to  three  fourths 
of  this  fortification  extremely  difficult.  The  wall  was  carried  generally  along 
4* 


r. 


Ite'd 


49 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  1. 


ii  1  ...• 


the  brow  of  the  hill,  in  one  place  descending  a  short  distance  so  as  to  include 
a  spring.  The  lulicioiis  limestone  of  wliich  it  was  built,  must  have  been  trans- 
ported from  the  bed  of  the  river,  which,  for  two  tiiiles  opposite  these  works, 
does  not  at  present  afford  one  of  10  pounds  weight.  They  exhibit  no  marks 
»f  the  hammer,  or  any  other  tool.  The  wail  was  iuid  up  without  mortar,  and 
is  now  in  ruins. 

"  Lo'ver  down  the  same  river,  near  the  mouth  of  Hole's  Creek,  on  the  plain, 
there  are  remains  of  great  extent.  The  ])riiici])al  wall  or  bank,  which  is  of 
earth,  incloses  about  160  acres,  and  is  in  some  parts  nearly  12  feet  high. 
Also  below  Hamilton  there  is  a  fortification  upon  the  top  of  a  high  hill,  out  of 
view  from  the  ri'  ..,  of  very  difficult  approach.  This  incloses  about  50  acres. 
Adjacent  to  this  work  is  a  tnound  25  feet  iu  diameter  at  its  base,  and  about 
seven  feet  pei7)endicular  altitude. 

"  On  the  elevated  point  of  land  above  the  confluence  of  the  Great  I  ami 
and  Ohio,  there  are  extensive  and  complicated  traces,  which,  in  the  o^:.  ion 
of  military  men,  eminently  qualified  to  judge,  are  the  remains  of  very  strong 
defensive  works." 

In  the  vicinity  of  Milford,  on  the  Little  Miami,  are  fortifications,  the  largest 
of  which  are  upon  the  top  of  the  first  hill  above  the  confluence  of  the  East  Fork 
w'th  the  Miami.  "  On  the  opposite  side  of  the  Miami  River,  above  Round 
Bottom,  are  similar  antiquities  of  considerable  extent.  On  the  Ea.st  Fork,  at 
its  heod  waters,  other  remains  have  been  discovered,  of  which  the  principal 
bears  a  striking  re8embli""ce  to  those  above  mentioned  ;  but  within,  it  differs 
from  any  which  have  yet  Ikjcu  exainincd  in  tiiis  quarter,  in  having  nine 
parallel  banks  or  long  parapets  united  at  one  end,  exhibiting  very  exactly  the 
figure  of  a  ^^ridiroii." 

"Further  up  the  Little  Miami,  at  Deerfield,  are  other  interesting  remains; 
but  those  which  have  attracted  more  atti'iition  than  any  others  in  the  Miami 
country,  are  situated  six  miles  fiom  Lebanon,  above  the  mouth  of  Todd's 
Fork,  an  eastern  branch  of  the  Miami.  On  the  summit  of  a  ridge  at  least  200 
feet  above  the  valley  of  the  river,  tiiere  are  two  irregular  trapezoidal  figures, 
connected  at  a  point  where  the  ridge  is  very  much  narrowed  by  a  ravine.  The 
wall,  which  is  entirely  of  earth,  is  generally  eight  or  ten  feet  high  ;  but  in  one 
place,  where  it  is  conducted  over  level  ground  for  a  short  distance,  it  rises  to 
18.  Its  situation  is  accurately  adjusted  to  the  brow  of  the  hill ;  and  as  there 
is,  in  addition  to  the  Miami  on  the  west,  deep  ravines  on  the  north,  the  south- 
east, and  south,  it  is  a  position  of  great  strength.  The  angles  in  this  wall, 
both  retreating  and  salient,  are  numerous,  and  generally  acute.  The  openings 
or  gateways  are  not  less  than  80 !  They  arc  rarely  at  equal  distances,  and 
are  sometimes  within  two  or  three  rods  of  one  another.  They  are  not 
opposite  to,  or  connected  with  any  existing  artificial  objects  or  topogra|>hical 
peculiarities,  and  present,  therefore,  a  paradox  of  some  difHc.ilty."  These 
works  inclose  almost  100  acres,  and  one  of  the  state  roads  from  Cincinnati  to 
Chillicothe  pBvSses  over  its  northern  part. 

On  Paint  Creek,  10  miles  from  Chillicothe,  are  also  very  extensive  as  well  as 
wonderful  works.  "The  wall,  which  had  been  conducted  along  the  verge  of 
the  hill,  is  by  estimation  about  a  mile  and  a  half  in  length.  It  was  formed 
entirely  of  undressed  freestone,  brought  chiefly  from  the  streams  250  feet 
below,  and  laid  u|)  without  mortar  or  cement  of  any  sort.  It  is  now,  like  all 
the  walls  of  a  similar  kiiui  which  have  been  discovered  in  the  western  country, 
in  a  state  of  ruins.  It  exhibits  the  appearance  of  having  been  shaken  down 
by  an  earthquake,  not  a  sir.^Ie  stone  being  found  upon  another  in  such  a  man- 
ner as  to  indicate  that  to  have  been  its  situation  in  the  wall.  In  several  places 
there  are  openings,  immediately  of>posite  which,  inside,  lie  piles  of  stone." 

Dr.  Harris,  in  1603,  very  accurately  described  the  remains  at  Marietta,  at 
the  confluence  of  the  Muskingum  and  Ohio  Rivers.  "The  largest  square 
FORT,"  he  observes,  "  by  some  called  the  town,  contains  40  acres,  encompassed 
by  a  wall  of  earth  from  6  to  10  feet  high,  and  from  25  to  36  in  breadth  at  the 
base.  On  each  side  arc  three  openings  at  equal  distances,  resembling  12  gate- 
ways. The  entrances  at  the  middle  are  the  largest,  particulai'ly  that  on  the 
side  next  the  Muskingum.  From  this  outlet  is  a  covert  way,  formed  of  two 
parallel  walls  of  earth.  231  feet  distant  from  each  other,  measuring  from  ceu- 


[Book  1. 

to  include 
been  trans- 
ese  works, 
I  no  marks 
nortar,  and 

n  the  plain, 
ivhich  is  of 
S  feet  high, 
hill,  out  of 
Ui  50  acres. 
,  and  about 

reat  I  ami 
the  o^ ,  ion 
very  strong 

,  the  largest 
e  East  Fork 
liove  Round 
ast  Fork,  at 
lie  principal 
I  in,  it  differs 
having  nine 
r  exactly  the 

ng  remains ; 

n  the  Miami 

h  of  Todd's 

!  at  least  200 

)idal  figui-es, 

avine.     The 

;  but  in  one 

ce,  it  rises  to 

and  as  there 

1,  the  south- 

n  this  wall, 

'he  openings 

istances,  and 

hey  are  not 

)pographical 

ty."     These 

Incinnati  to 

re  as  well  as 
le  verge  of 
was  formed 
ms  250  feet 
now,  like  all 
ern  country, 
laken  down 
iuch  a  nian- 
veral  places 
stone." 
Marietta,  at 

;eSt    SQUARE 

ncompassed 
eadth  at  the 
ing  12  gate- 
that  on  the 
med  of  two 
g  from  cen- 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN   ANTIQUITIES. 


43 


*i 


i      : 


tre  to  cpntrc.  The  walls  at  the  most  «;l(!vated  part  on  the  inside  are  21  foet  in 
height,  (uid  42  in  breadth  at  the  base,  but  on  the  outside  average  only  of  five 
}e<'t  liii,'li.  This  ibrtns  a  pas-sage  of  about  3(J0  feet  in  length,  lending  by  a 
graduiil  descent  to  tiie  low  grounds,  where  it,  pr(»i)ably,  at  the  time  of  its  con- 
struction, renchetl  tlic  margin  of  the  river.  Its  walls  conunence  at  tiO  feet 
froiii  tlie  rain}>arts  of  the  tort,  and  increase  in  elevation  jis  the  way  tiesceiids 
towanJH  the  river ;  uiid  tli;;  bottom  is  crowned  in  the  centre,  in  the  manner  of 
a  \voii-l()rmed  turnpike  road.  Within  the  walls  of  the  fort,  at  tli*  north-west 
corner,  i.s  an  obh)iig,  elevated  square,  188  /t-et  long,  132  broad,  and  nine  feet 
Jiigh ;  level  on  the  summit,  and  nearly  perpendicular  at  the  sides.  At  the 
centre  of  each  of  tlu;  sides  thi;  earth  is  jjrojected,  forming  gradual  ascents  to 
the  top,  equally  regular,  and  about  six  feet  in  width.  Near  the  south  wall  is 
another  elevated  scpiare,  150  feet  by  120,  and  eight  feet  high.  At  tlie  south- 
east corner  is  the  third  elevated  square,  108  by  54  feet,  with  ascents  at  the 
end.s.  At  the  south-east  corner  of  the  fort  is  a  semicircular  j)arapet,  crowned 
with  a  mound,  which  guards  the  opening  in  :ue  wall.  Towariis  the  south-east 
is  A  SIMILAR  FORT,  Containing  20  acres,  with  a  gateway  in  the  centre  of  each 
side  and  at  each  corner.  These  o])eiiiiig.'^  are  defended  with  circular  mounds." 

There  are  also  other  works  at  Miu'iettii,  but  a  mere  description  of  them  can- 
not interest,  as  there  is  so  rnuc'  M'  sameness  about  them.  And  to  describe 
nil  that  nay  be  nut  with  wouli"  .*ill  a  volume  of  no  moderate  size:  for  Dr. 
Harris  says,  "  You  cannot  ride  20  miles  in  any  direction  without  finding  some 
of  the  mounds,  or  vestiges  of  the  rainj)arts."  We  shall,  therefore,  only  notice 
the  most  prominent. 

Of  fii*st  importance  are  doubtless  the  works  upon  the  Scioto.  The  most 
magnificent  is  situated  26  miles  south  from  Columbus,  and  consists  of  two 
nearly  exact  figures,  a  circle  and  a  square,  which  are  contiguous  to  each  other. 
A  town,  having  been  l)nilt  within  the  forn-^r,  appropriately  received  the  name 
of  Circleville  from  that  circumstance.  According  to  Mr.  Jltwnler,  who  has 
sur\'eyed  these  works  with  great  exactness  and  attention,  the  circle  was  origi- 
nally 1138i  feet  in  diameter,  from  external  parallel  tangents,  and  the  sijuare 
was  907<i  feet  upon  n  side;  giving  an  area  to  the  latter  of  3025  square  rods, 
and  to  the  circle  3739  nearly  ;  both  making  almost  44  acres.  The  rampart 
of  the  circular  fort  consists  of  two  parallel  walls,  and  were,  at  least  in  the 
opinion  of  my  author,  20  feet  in  height,  measuring  from  the  bottom  of  the 
ditch  between  the  circumvallations,  before  the  town  of  Circleville  was  built. 
"The  inner  wall  was  of  clay,  taken  up  probably  in  the  northern  part  of  the 
fort  where  was  a  low  place,  and  is  still  coruderably  lower  than  any  other 
part  of  the  work.  The  outside  wall  was  take.\  from  the  ditch  which  is  be- 
tween these  wails,  and  is  alluvial,  consisting  of  lebbles  worn  smooth  in  water 
and  sand,  to  a  very  considerable  depth,  more  tuan  50  feet  at  least."  At  the 
time  Mr.  Mwater  wrote  his  account,  (about  1819,  the  outside  of  the  walls  was 
but  about  five  or  six  feet  high,  and  the  ditch  not  more  than  15  feet  <leep.  The 
walls  of  the  square  fort  were,  at  the  same  time,  about  10  feet  high.  This  fort 
had  eight  gateways  or  openings,  about  20  feet  broad,  each  of  which  was  de- 
fended by  a  mound  four  or  five  feet  high,  all  within  the  fort,  arranged  in  the 
most  exact  manner ;  equidistant  and  parallel.  The  circular  fort  had  but  one 
gateway,  which  was  at  its  south-east  point,  and  at  the  j»lnce  of  contact  with 
the  square.  In  the  centre  of  the  square  was  a  remarkable  mound,  with  a 
semicircular  pavement  adjacent  to  its  eastern  half,  and  nearly  fiicing  the  pas- 
sage way  into  the  square  fort.  Just  without  the  squan;  Ibrt,  upon  the  north 
side,  and  to  the  east  of  the  centre  gateway  rises  a  large  mound.  In  the  op- 
posite point  of  the  com])ass,  without  the  circuUn-  one,  is  anotlier.  These, 
jirobably,  were  the  places  of  burial.  As  the  walls  of  the  square  fort  lie  pretty 
nearly  in  a  line  with  the  cardinal  [toiiits  of  the  horizon,  some  have  su|)i)osed 
they  W(>re  originally  projected  in  strict  regard  to  them ;  their  variation  not 
being  niore  than  that  of  the  compass;  but  a  single  fact  of  this  kind  can 
establish  nothing,  as  mere  accident  may  have  given  them  such  direction. 
"  What  8uri)ri8ed  me,"  says  my  authority,  "  on  measuring  these  forts,  was  the 
exact  manner  in  which  they  had  laid  down  their  circle  and  square ;  so  that 
after  every  effort,  by  the  most  careiiil  survey,  to  detect  some  error  in  their 
measurement,  we  found  that  it  was  impossible." 


V 


R  r' 


mt*'  ' 


P\ ' . '.  •  .;■ 


44 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  !• 


'i". 


As  it  is  iiot  my  design  to  waste  time  in  conjectures  upon  the  authors  of 
these  antiquities,  or  the  remo'sness  of  the  period  in  wiiicli  they  were  con- 
structed, I  will  continue  my  account  of  them,  after  en  observation  upon  a 
single  circumstance.  I  refer  to  the  fact  of  the  immense  trees  found  growing 
upon  tlie  mounds  and  other  ancient  worlds.  Tlieir  liaving  existed  for  a  thou- 
sand years,  or  at  least  some  of  tiiem,  can  scarcely  be  questioned,  when  we 
know  from  unerring  data  that  trers  have  been  cut  upon  them  of  the  age  of 
near  500  years ;  and  from  the  vegetable  mould  out  of  which  they  s[)ring, 
there  ia  every  appearance  of  several  generations  of  decayed  trees  of  the  same 
kind;  and  no  forest  trees  of  the  present  day  appear  older  than  those  upon  the 
very  works  under  consideration. 

There  are  in  the  Forks  of  Licking  River,  above  Newark,  in  the  county  of 
Licking,  very  remarkable  remains  of  antiquity,  said  by  many  to  be  as  nmcli 
so  as  any  in  the  west.  Here,  as  at  Circlevillc,  the  same  singular  fact  is  ob- 
servable, respecting  the  openings  into  the  forts ;  the  square  ones  having  sev- 
eral, but  the  round  ones  only  one,  with  a  single  exceptioii. 

Not  far  below  Newark,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Licking,  are  found  numer- 
ous wells  or  holes  in  the  earth.  "There  are,"  says  Mr.  wJ/Hw^er,  "at  least  a 
thousand  of  them,  many  of  which  are  now  more  than  20  feet  deep."  Though 
called  wells,  my  author  says  they  were  not  dug  for  that  purpose.  They  have 
the  appearance  of  being  of  the  same  ago  as  the  momids,  and  were  doubtless 
made  by  the  same  people ;  but  for  what  purpose  they  could  have  been  made, 
few  seem  willing  to  hazard  a  conjecture. 

Four  or  five  miles  to  the  north-west  of  Somerset,  in  tha  county  of  Perry, 
and  southwardly  from  the  works  on  the  Licking,  is  a  stone  fort,  inclosing 
about  40  acres.  Its  shape  is  that  of  a  heart,  though  bounded  by  straight  lines. 
In  or  near  its  centre  is  a  circular  stone  mound,  which  rises,  like  a  sugar-loaf, 
from  12  to  15  feet.  Near  this  large  work  is  another  small  fort,  whose  walls 
are  of  earth,  inclosing  but  about  half  an  acre.  I  give  these  the  name  of 
forts,  although  Mr.  Mwaier  says  he  does  not  believe  they  were  ever  construct- 
ed for  defence. 

There  are  curious  remains  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  above  and  opposite 
the  mouth  of  the  Scioto.  Those  on  the  north  side,  at  Portsmouth,  are  the 
most  extensive,  and  those  on  the  other  side,  directly  opposite  Alexandria,  are 
the  most  regular.  They  are  not  more  remarkable  than  many  already  de- 
scribed. 

What  the  true  height  of  these  ruined  works  originally  was,  cannot  be  very 
well  ascertained,  as  it  is  almost  impossible  to  know  the  rate  of  their  diminu- 
tion, even  were  the  space  of  time  given ;  but  there  can  l)e  no  doubt  that  most 
of  them  are  much  diminished  from  the  action  of  tempests  which  have  swept 
ov.r  them  for  ages.  That  they  were  the  works  of  a  different  'ace  from  the 
present  Indians,  has  been  pretty  confidently  asserted  ;  but  as  yet,  proof  is 
entirely  wanting  to  support  such  conclusion.  In  a  few  instances,  some 
European  articles  have  been  found  deposited  in  or  about  some  of  the  works; 
but  few  persons  of  intelligence  pronoimce  them  older  than  others  of  the 
same  kind  belonging  to  the  jjcriod  of  the  French  wars. 

As  it  respects  inscriptions  upon  ston<!s,  about  which  nuich  has  been  said 
and  written,  I  am  of  the  o[)inion,  that  such  are  purely  Indian,  if  they  were 
not  made  by  some  white  maniac,  as  some  of  them  most  unquestionably  have 
been,  or  other  persons  who  deserve  to  be  classed  among  such  ;  but  I  would 
not  be  understood  to  include  those  of  South  America,  for  there  the  inhabitants 
evidently  had  a  hieroglyj)liic  language.  Among  the  inscriptions  upon  stone 
in  New  England,  the  "  Inscribed  Rock,"  as  it  is  called,  at  Dighton,  Mass.,  is 
doubtless  the  most  remarkable.  It  is  in  Taunton  River,  about  six  miles  below 
the  town  of  Taunton,  and  is  partly  immei-sed  by  the  tide.  If  this  inscription 
was  made  by  the  Indians,  it  doubtless  had  some  meaning  to  it ;  but  I  doulH 
whether  any  of  them,  except  such  as  hajipened  to  know  what  it  was  done 
for,  knew  any  thing  of  its  import.  The  divers  fiices,  figures  of  half-formed 
animals,  and  zigzag  lines,  occupy  a  space  of  about  20  square  feet.  The  whim- 
Bical  conjectures  of  many  persons  about  the  origin  of  the  inscription,  might 
amuse,  but  could  not  instruct;  and  it  would  be  a  waste  of  time  to  give  an 
account  of  them. 


[Book  1- 

authors  of 
y  were  con- 
tion  upon  a 
uid  growing 
1  lor  n  thou- 
d,  when  we 
f  the  age  of 
they  springj 
I  of  the  suuie 
ose  upon  tlie 

he  county  of 
>  be  as  much 
ar  fact  is  ob- 
3  having  sev- 

bund  numcr- 
fr,  "  at  least  a 
ip."  Though 
,  They  have 
ere  doubtless 
e  been  made, 

inty  of  Perry, 
fort,  inclosing 
straight  lines. 
3  a  sugar-loaf, 
t,  whose  walls 
the  name  of 
ver  construct- 

3  and  opposite 

piouth,  are  the 

lexaudria,  are 

already  de- 

annoc  be  very 
their  diniinu- 
)ubt  that  most 

1  have  swept 
ace  from  the 

yet,  proof  is 

1  stances,  some 

of  the  works; 

others  of  the 

has  been  said 
if  they  were 
itionably  have 
;  but  I  would 
he  inhabitants 
IS  upon  stone 
iton,  Mass.,  is 
miles  below 
lis  inscription 
;  but  I  doubt 
it  was  done 
f  half-formed 
Thewhim- 
|ription,  might 
ie  to  give  an 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


45 


A  stone,  once  thought  to  contain  some  marvellous  inscription,  was  deposit- 
ed a  few  years  since  in  the  Antitpiarian  Hall  at  Worcester,  3Iass. ;  and  it  was 
witli  some  surprise,  that,  on  cxnmiiiiiig  it,  I  found  nothing  i)ut  a  few  lines  of 
(piartz  uj)on  one  of  its  surfaces.  The  stone  Was  singular  in  no  respect  b<!Von(l 
what  tuay  be  found  in  half  the  farmers'  fiehls  and  stone  fences  in  New  Eng- 
land. 

In  a  cavo  on  the  bank  of  the  Ohio  River,  about  20  miles  below  the  mouth 
of  the  Wabash,  called  Wilson'sor  Murderer',8  Cave,  are  figures  engraven  upon 
stoiii',  wliich  have  attracted  great  attention.  It  was  verj'  early  jioti-st-ssed  by 
Olio  Wilson,  who  lived  in  it  with  his  family.  He  at  length  turned  robber,  and, 
collecting  about  40  other  wretches  like  himself  about  him,  took  all  the  boats 
which  pa.ssed  on  the  river  with  any  valuable  goods  in  them,  and  murdered  the 
cicw.s.  He  was  himself  nnu-dered  by  one  of  his  own  gang,  to  get  the  reward 
which  was  oft'ered  for  his  a|)prehcii8ioii.  Never  having  had  any  drawing.-^  of 
the  hieroglyphics  in  this  cave,  we  cannot  form  any  very  conclusive  opinion 
upon  them!  As  a  firoof  of  their  antiquity,  it  has  been  mentioned,  that  among 
these  unknown  characters  are  many  figures  of  animals  not  known  now  to  be 
in  existence;  but  in  my  opinion,  this  is  in  no  wise  a  conclusive  argument  of 
their  antiquity ;  for  the  same  may  be  said  of  the  uncouth  figures  of  the  In- 
dian manitos  of  the  present  day,  as  well  as  those  of  the  days  of  Powhatan. 

At  Harmony,  on  the  Mississippi,  are  to  be  seen  the  prints  of  two  feet  imbed- 
ded in  hard  limestone.  The  celebrated  Rappe  conveyed  the  stone  containing 
them  from  St.  Louis,  and  kept  it  upon  his  premises  to  show  to  travellers. 
They  are  about  the  size  of  those  made  by  a  common  man  of  our  times,  im- 
accu.stonied  to  shoes.  Some  conclude  them  to  be  remains  of  high  anti(piity. 
They  may,  or  may  not  be :  there  are  arguments  for  and  against  such  conclu- 
sion ;  but  on  wliich  side  the  weight  of  argument  lies  is  a  matter  not  easily  to 
be  settled.  If  these  impressions  of  feet  were  made  in  the  soft  earth  before  it 
was  changed  into  fossil  stone,  we  should  not  expect  to  find  impressions,  but  a 
formation  filling  them  of  another  kind  of  stone  (called  organic)  from  that  in 
which  the  impressions  were  made ;  for  thus  do  organic  remains  discover 
themselves,  and  not  by  their  absence. 

A  review  of  the  theories  and  o|»inions  concerning  the  race  or  races  anterior 
to  the  present  race  of  Indians  would  perhaps  be  iiiterestiiig  to  many,  and  it 
would  be  a  |)leasing  subject  to  write  upon  :  but,  as  I  have  elsewhere  intimated, 
my  only  object  is  to  present  facts  as  I  find  them,  without  wasting  time  in 
cotnmontaries;  unless  where  deductions  cannot  well  he  avoided  without  leav- 
ing the  subject  more  ol)s(;ure  tinin  it  woiill  evidently  be  without  them. 

Every  conjecture  is  attended  with  objections  wlieii  they  are  hazarded  upon 
a  subject  that  cannot  be  settled.  It  is  time  enough  to  argue  a  subject  of  the 
nature  of  this  we  ar.;  upon,  when  all  the  facts  are  collected.  To  write 
volumes  about  Sliein,  ILuii,  :ind  Jajihet,  in  <  onnection  with  a  few  isolated  facts, 
is  a  most  ludicrous,  and  worse  than  useless  business.  Some  had  said,  it  is  an 
argument  that  the  first  population  came  from  the  north,  because  the  works  of 
which  we  have  been  speaking  increase  in  im|)ortance  as  we  proceed  south  ; 
but  why  they  should  not  begin  until  the  people  who  constructed  them  had  ar- 
rived within  40°  of  the  equator,  (for  this  seems  to  be  their  boundary  north,)  it 
is  not  stated.  Perhaps  this  people  came  in  by  way  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and 
did  not  need  any  works  to  defend  them  before  arriving  at  the  40°  of  north 
latitude.  The  reader  will  readily  enough  ask,  perhaps.  For  what  purpose 
could  fortifications  have  been  built  by  the  first  people.'  To  defend  them- 
selves from  wild  beasts, or  from  one  another?  With  this  matter,  howevc^r,  we 
have  nothing  to  do,  but  were  led  to  these  remarks,  pre|)aratory  to  a  compari- 
son between  the  antiquiti(!s  of  the  north,  with  those  of  the  south. 

On  the  other  hand,  it  is  said  the  original  people  of  North  America  must  have 
come  from  the  south,  and  that  their  progress  northward  is  evident  from  the 
same  works  ;  with  this  diflTerence,  that  as  the  people  advanced,  they  dwindled 
into  insignificance ;  and  hence  the  remains  which  they  left  are  proportionate 
to  their  ability  to  make  them.  But  there  is  nothing  artificial  among  the  ancient 
ruins  of  North  America  that  will  compare  with  the  artificial  mountain  of  Ana- 
huac,  called  Cholula,  orChlolula,  which  to  this  day  is  about  164  feet  in  ]»erpen- 
dicular  height,  whose  base  occupies  a  square,  the  side  of  which  measures  1450 


W 


# 


''  ■'>Vl 


li  'fi 


M 


■'  -.1 


W'^k^ 


t|:i;!!P- 


i'^' 


46 

feet. 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  I. 


Upon  this  the  Mexicans  had  an  iminenBU  wooden  temple  when  Cortcz 
overnin  tlieir  einnire.  A  city  now  bears  the  name  of  Chohila,  in  Puebia, 
GO  uiiles  east  of  Mexico.  Yet  it  aj)peai-s  from  Dr.  Beckys  Gazetteer  of  Ilhiiois, 
that  there  is  standing  l)etween  Belleville  and  St.  Louis,  a  mound  GOO  yards  in 
circuitif(!roiice  at  its  base,  and  1)0  feet  in  height.  Mount  Joliet,  so  named  from 
tlic  Sieur  Joliet,  a  Frenchman,  who  travelle<l  upon  the  Mississippi  in  1G73,  is 
a  most  fiisfiiiguished  mound.  It  is  on  a  plain  about  GOO  yards  west  of  the 
River  dcs  Pliiines,  and  150  miles  above  Fort  Clark.  Mr.  Schoolcrajl  com|)tited 
its  height  at  (iO  feet,  its  length  about  450  yards,  and  its  width  75.  Its  sides  are 
so  sleej)  that  they  are  ascended  with  difficulty.  Its  top  is  a  beautifid  plain,  from 
which  a  most  delightful  prospect  is  had  of  the  surrounding  counti7.  It  seems 
to  have  been  composed  of  the  earth  of  the  plain  on  which  it  stands.  Lake 
Joliet  is  situated  in  front  of  it;  being  a  small  body  of  water  about  a  mile  in 
length. 

Aitiioiigh  the  remains  of  the  ancient  inhabitants  of  South  America  differ 
consideralily  from  those  of  North  America,  yet  I  have  no  doubt  l)ut  that  the 
people  are  of  the  same  race.  The  condition  even  of  savagj-s  changes.  No 
nation  rernnins  stationary.  The  western  Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  the 
lakes  do  not  make  j)ottcry  at  the  present  day,  but  earthen  utensils  are  still  in 
use  among  the  remote  tribes  of  the  west.  This  is  similar  to  that  dug  up  in 
Ohio,  and  both  are  similar  to  that  found  in  South  America. 

In  speaking  of  "ancient  pottery,"  Mr.  Schoolcrajl  observes,  "  It  is  common, 
in  digging  at  these  salt  mines,  [in  Illinois,]  to  find  fragments  of  antique  pot- 
tery, and  even  entire  pots  of  a  coarse  earUienware,  at  great  depths  below  the 
surface.  One  of  these  pots,  which  was,  until  a  very  recent  period,  ])reserved 
by  a  gentleman  at  Shawaneetown,  was  disinterred  at  a  depth  of  80  feet,  and 
was  of  a  ca|)acity  to  contain  eight  or  ton  gallons." 

We  sec  announced  from  time  to  time,  in  the  various  newspapers  and  other 
periodicals,  discoveries  of  wonderful  things  in  various  places ;  but  on  exam- 
ination it  is  generally  found  that  they  fall  far  short  of  what  we  are  led  to  ex- 
pect from  the  descriptions  given  of  them.  We  hear  of  the  ruins  of  cities  in 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi ;  copper  and  iron  utensils  found  at  great  depths 
below  the  surface,  and  in  situations  indicating  that  they  must  have  been  de 
posited  there  for  three,  foin-,  or  five  hundred  years !  Dr.  McMurtrie  relates,  in  his 
"Sketches  of  Louisville,"  that  an  iron  hatchet  was  found  beneath  the  roots  of 
a  tree  at  Shippingsport,  upwards  of  200  years  old.  He  said  he  had  no  doubt 
that  the  tree  had  grown  over  the  hatchet  after  it  was  deposited  there,  because 
"  no  human  power  could  have  placed  it  in  the  particular  position  in  which  it 
was  found." 

Upon  some  other  matters  about  which  we  have  already  spoken,  the  same 
author  says,  "  That  walls,  constructed  of  bricks  and  hewn  stones,  have  been 
discovered  in  the  western  country,  is  a  fact  as  clear  as  that  the  sun  shines 
when  he  is  in  his  meridian  splendor ;  the  dogmatical  assertion  of  writers  to 
the  contrary  notwithstanding."  My  author,  however,  had  not  seen  such  re- 
mains himself,  but  was  well  assured  of  their  existence  by  a  gentleman  of  un- 
doubted veracity.  Unfortunately  for  the  case  he  relates,  the  persons  who  dis- 
covered the  ruins,  came  upon  them  in  digging,  at  about  18  feet  below  the  sur- 
face of  the  gi'ound,  and  when  about  to  make  investigation,  water  broke  in 
upon  them,  and  they  were  obliged  to  make  a  hasty  retreat. 

"A  fortified  town  of  considerable  extent,  near  the  River  St.  Francis,"  upon 
the  Mississippi,  was  said  to  have  been  discovered  by  a  Mr.  Savage,  of  Louis- 
ville. He  found  its  walls  still  standing  in  some  places,  and  "part  of  the  walls 
of  a  citadel,  built  of  bricks,  cemented  by  mortar."  Upon  some  of  these  ruins 
were  trees  growing  whose  annual  rings  numbered  300.  Some  of  the  bricks, 
says  Dr.  McMurtrie,  were  at  Louisville  when  he  wrote  his  Sketches;  and 
they  were  "composed  of  clay,  mi.xed  with  chopped  and  twisted  straw,  of 
regular  figures,  hardened  by  the  action  of  fire,  or  the  sun." 

Mr.  Pnest,  in  his  "  Amei'ican  Antip'ities,"  mentions  the  ruins  of  two  cities 
within  a  few  miles  of  each  other,  niiarly  -opposite  St.  Louis;  but  from  what  he 
says  of  them  I  am  unable  to  deteiniine  what  those  ruins  are  composed  of. 
After  pointing  out  the  site  of  them,  he  continues,  "Here  is  situated  one  of 
those  pyramid-s,  which  is  150  rods  in  circumference  at  its  base,  and  100  feet 


Cha 


[Book  I. 

when  Cortcz 
In,  ill  Puebia, 
ser  of  Illinois, 

GOO  yards  in 
I  named  from 
)|)i  in  1073,  is 
s  west  of  the 
aft  computed 

Its  sidt'9  are 
fid  plain,  from 
try.  It  seems 
itands.  Lake 
jout  a  mile  in 

America  diflRsr 
)t  i)Ut  that  the 
changes.  No 
orhood  of  the 
sils  are  still  iti 
hat  dug  up  ill 

It  is  common, 
f  antique  pot- 
)ths  below  the 
iod,  jireserved 
)f  80  feet,  and 

pers  and  other 
but  on  exam- 
!  are  led  to  ex- 
ins  of  cities  in 
t  great  deptlis 
1  have  been  de 
relates,  in  his 
the  roots  of 
lad  no  doubt 
lere,  because 
on  in  which  it 

ken,  the  same 

les,  have  been 

ie  sun  shines 

of  writers  to 

een  such  re- 

eman  of  un- 

ons  who  dis- 

)eiow  the  s>ir- 

ater  broke  in 

rancis,"  upon 
tge,  of  Louis- 
t  of  the  wails 
f  these  ruins 
of  the  bricks, 
ketches;  an(i 
ed  straw,  of 

of  two  cities 
from  what  he 
composed  of. 
tuated  one  of 

and  100  feet 


Chap.  IV.] 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


47 


h 


high."  He  speaks  of  "  cities,"  but  descrilies  pyramids  an<l  moiuids.  If  then; 
lie  any  thing  like  the  works  of  men,  at  the  places  ho  iMiints  out,  diflerent  from 
what  is  connnon  in  the  west,  it  is  V(!ry  singular  that  they  should  not  have  at- 
tracted the  notice  of  some  one  of  the  many  thousands  of  people  who  liave 
for  .")0  yeara  passed  by  them.  ^\:  limckenridge  speaks  of  tlic  antiquities  at 
t!iis  i)lact',  hut  docs  not  suy  any  tiling  about  cities.  He  observes,  "The  most 
niiirnkalile  ajjpi'arancis  are  two  groups  of  mounds  or  pynuiiids,  the  one 
about  10  miles  above  Cahokia,  the  other  nearly  the  s;ui)e  distance  below  if, 
whicii,  in  all,  exceed  150,  of  various  sizes.  The  western  side  also  contains  a 
con.«i<lerable  number. 

".V  more  minute  description  of  those  about  Cahokia,  which  I  visiti-d  in  the 
full  of  1811,  will  give  a  tolerable  idea  of  them  all.  I  crossed  the  Mississippi 
at  vSt.  Louis,  and  atler  passing  through  the  wood  which  bordei-s  the  river, 
about  half  a  mile  in  width,  entered  an  extensive  open  j>lain.  In  15  minutes. 
1  found  myself  in  the  midst  of  a  group  of  mounds,  mosily  of  a  circular  phii|te, 
and  at  a  distance  resend)ling  enormous  haystacks  scattered  through  a  meadow. 
One  of  the  largest  which  1  ascended  was  about  ^00  paces  in  circumference  at 
the  bottom,  the  form  nearly  stpiare,  though  it  had  evidently  undergone  con- 
siderable alteration  from  the  washing  of  the  rains.  The  to[)  was  level,  with 
an  area  sufhcient  to  contain  several  hundnid  men." 

When  Mr.  Bartram  travelled  into  South  Carolina,  Georgia  and  Florida,  be- 
tween the  years  1773  and  177G,  he  saw  many  interesting  antiquities.  At  the 
Cherokee  town  of  Cowc;,  on  the  Tennessee  River,  which  then  contained  about 
100  houses,  he  noticed  that  "The  council  or  town-house  was  a  large  rotunda, 
capable  of  acconniiodating  several  liundrcd  people:  it  stands  on  the  to|)  of  an 
ancient  artificial  mount  of  earth,  of  about  20  feet  ])er|)endicular,  and  the  ro- 
tunda on  the  top  of  it  being  about  30  feet  more,  gives  the  whole  fabric  an  ele- 
vation of  about  CO  feet  from  the  common  surface  of  the  ground.  But,"  Mr 
Badram  contimies,  "it  may  be  proper  to  observe,  that  this  mount,  on  which 
the  rotunda  stands,  is  of  a  much  ancientcr  date  than  the  building,  and  perhaps 
was  raised  for  another  purpose.  The  Cherokees  themselves  are  as  iirnorant 
as  we  are,  by  what  people  or  for  what  purpose  these  aitificial  bills  were 
raised;  they  have  various  stories  concerni  -r  them,  the  best  of  which  amount 
to  no  more  than  mere  conjecture,  and  leave  us  entirely  in  the  dark ;  but  they 
have  u  tradition  common  with  the  other  nations  of  Indians,  that  they  found 
them  in  much  the  same  condition  as  they  now  appear,  when  their  forefathers 
arrived  from  the  west  and  possessed  themselves  of  the  country,  after  vanipiish- 
ing  the  nations  of  red  men  who  then  inhabited  it,  who  themselves  foimd  these 
mounts  when  they  took  possession  of  the  country,  the  former  possessore  de- 
livering the  same  story  concerning  them." 

Hence  it  is  to  be  observed  that  the  mounds  in  the  south  are  not  only  the 
same  as  those  in  the  north,  but  Indian  traditions  concerning  them  are  the 
same  also. 

At  Ottasse,  an  important  town  of  the  Cherokees,  the  same  traveller  saw  a 
most  singular  column.  It  stood  adjacent  to  the  town,  in  the  centre  of  an  ob- 
long square,  and  was  about  40  feet  high,  and  only  from  two  to  three  feet  thick 
at  its  base,  and  tajjcred  gradually  from  the  groinid  to  its  top.  What  is  very 
remarkable  about  this  pillar  is  that,  notwithstanding  it  is  formed  of  a  single 
stick  of  pine  timber,  the  Indians  or  white  traders  could  give  no  account  for 
what  ])urpose  it  was  erected;  and  to  the  inquiries  which  Mr.  Bartram  made 
of  the  Indians  concerning  it,  the  same  answer  was  given  as  when  questioned 
about  the  mounds;  viz.  that  their  ancestors  found  it  there,  and  the  i)eo)»le  that 
those  ancestors  dispossessed  knew  nothing  of  its  origin.  This  is  not  singular 
when  reference  is  had  to  mounds  of  earth,  but  when  the  same  account  is 
given  concerning  perishable  material,  the  shade,  at  least,'of  a  suspicion  is  seen 
lurking  in  the  back  ground.  As  another  singulai-  circumstance,  it  is  observed 
that  no  trees  of  the  kind  of  which  this  column  was  made,  (pin.  palustris)  were 
to  be  found  at  that  time  nearer  than  12  or  15  miles. 

In  the  great  council-houses  at  Ottasse  were  observed,  upon  the  pillars  an  I 
walls,  various  paintings  and  sculptures,  supposed  to  be  hieroglyphics  of  his- 
torical legends,  and  political  and  sacerdotal  affairs.  "  They  are,"  obsei-ves 
J\Ir.  Bartram,  "  extremely  picturesque  or  caricature,  as  men  in  a  variety  of  at- 


•..■>» 


gx:  ■, 


.'■'■I 


"■.-.■r-'l 


^1^-^.^ 


■\  ■  ."" 


48 


AMERICAN  ANTIQUITIES. 


[Book  1- 


h 


titudcs,  snmo  ludicrous  enough,  others  having  the  heac^  o<*  <mme  kind  of  nni- 
mal,  OS  those  of  n  diirit,  turkey,  l»ear,  fox,  wolf,  buck,  &•'  ml  again  those 
kind  of  creatures  are  repreaentecl  having  the  human  head.  .'se  designn  are 
not  ill  executed  ;  the  outlines  l)old,  free  and  well-propoKin  .'.  The  pillars 
supporting  the  front  or  i)ia//.a  of  the  council-house  of  the  square,  are  ingeni- 
ously formed  in  the  likeness  of  vast  speckled  serpents,  ascending  upwards ; 
the  Ottasscs  being  of  the  Snake  tribe." 

In  the  fourth  book  of  this  work  mention  has  been  made  of  the  great  high- 
ways in  Florida.  Mr.  Bartram  mentions  them,  but  not  in  a  vi  ry  particular 
iimiiMcr,  upon  the  St.  John's  River.  As  his  sentiments  seem  to  l)o  tliose  of  u 
man  of  intelligence,  I  will  otfiT  here  his  concluding  remarks  upon  the  Indian 
j'.iitiqnitifs  of  the  country  he  visited.  "I  deem  it  necessary  to  observe  as  my 
opinion,  tliat  none  of  them  that  I  have  seen,  discover  the  least  signs  of  the 
arts,  sciences,  or  architecture  of  the  Europeans  or  other  inhabitants  of  the  old 
world  ;  yet  evidently  betray  every  sign  or  mark  of  the  most  distant  antiquity." 

The  above  remark  is  cited  to  show  how  different  different  people  moke  up 
their  minds  upon  the  same  subject ;  it  shows  how  futile  it  is  for  us  to  spend 
time  in  spectdating  ujion  such  matters.  And,  as  I  have  before  observed,  it  i^ 
time  enough  to  build  theories  afler  facts  have  been  collected.  It  can  add 
nothing  to  our  stock  of  knowledge  respecting  our  antiquities,  to  tolk  or  write 
forever  about  Nebuchadnezzar  and  the  lost  tribes  of  Jews;  but  if  the  time 
which  has  been  spent  in  this  manner,  had  been  devoted  to  some  useful  pur- 
suit, some  useful  object  would  have  been  attained.  As  the  matter  now  stands, 
one  object,  nevertheless,  is  clearly  attained,  namely,  that  of  misleading  or  con- 
foiuuling  the  understandings  of  many  uninformed  people.  I  am  led  to  make 
these  observations  to  put  the  unwory  upon  their  guard. 

In  the  preceding  chajUer  I  have  given  various  accounts  of,  or  accounts  from 
various  authors,  who  imagine  that  a  colony  of  Welsh  came  to  America  7  or  800 
vears  ago.  It  is  as  truly  astonishing  as  any  thing  we  meet  with  to  observe 
liow  many  persons  had  found  proofs  of  the  existence  of  tiibes  of  Welsh  In- 
dians, about  the  same  period.  As  a  case  exactly  in  point  with  that  mentioned 
at  the  beginning  of  the  last  paragraph,  I  offer  what  Mr.  Brackenridge  says 
upon  this  matter.  "That  no  Welsh  nation  exists,"  he  observes,  "at  present, 
on  this  continent,  is  beyond  a  doubt.  Dr.  Barton  has  taken  great  pains  to  as- 
certain the  languages  spoken  by  those  tribes  east  of  the  Mississippi,  and  the 
Welsh  finds  no  place  amongst  them  ;  since  the  cession  of  Louisiana,  the  tribes 
west  of  the  Mississippi  have  been  sufficiently  known ;  we  have  had  inter- 
course with  them  all,  but  no  Welsh  are  yet  found.  In  the  year  1798,  a  young 
Welshman  of  the  name  of  Evans  ascended  the  Missouri,  in  company  with 
Makey,  and  remained  two  /eara  in  that  country ;  he  spoke  both  the  ancient 
and  niodem  Welsh,  and  ad(i\*e.^sed  himself  to  every  nation  between  that  river 
and  New  Spain,  but  found  ic  Welshmen."  This,  it  would  seem,  is  conclu- 
sive enough. 

Mr.  Peck,  in  his  "  Gazetteer  of  Illinois,"  has  aimed  so  happy  a  stroke  at  the 
writers  on  our  antiquity,  that,  had  I  met  with  bis  rod  before  I  had  made  the 
previous  remarks,  I  should  most  certainly  have  made  use  of  it.  I  shall  never- 
theless use  it.  Afler  saying  something  upon  the  antiquities  of  Illinois,  he  pro- 
ceeds: "Of  one  thing  the  writer  is  satisfied,  that  very  imperfect  and  incoirect 
data  have  been  relied  upon,  and  very  erroneous  conclusions  drawn,  upon 
western  antiquities.  Whoever  has  time  and  patience,  and  is  in  other  respects 
qualified  to  explore  this  field  of  science,  and  will  use  his  spade  and  eyes  to- 
gether, and  restrain  his  imagination  from  running  riot  amongst  mounds,  forti- 
^cations,  horseshoes,  medals,  and  whole  cabinets  of  relics  of  the  "olden  time," 
will  find  very  little  more  than  the  indications  of  rude  savages,  the  ancestors 
of  the  present  race  of  Indians." 


END    OF   BOOK   FIRST. 


INI 


1 


m: 


[Book  1- 


!  kind  of  nni- 
I  again  those 
le  designs  are 
The  pillars 
■e,  are  ingeni- 
ing  upwards ; 

le  great  high- 
« ry  particular 
Ihj  tnose  of  a 
on  the  Indian 
ibserve  as  my 
signs  of  the 
mts  of  the  old 
int  antiquity." 
ople  make  up 
ir  us  to  spend 
observed,  it  \a 
,  It  can  add 
)  talk  or  write 
nt  if  the  time 
le  useful  pur- 
!r  now  stands, 
>ading  or  con- 
m  led  to  make 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY 


OF   THE 


accounts  from 
lerica  7  or  800 
ith  to  observe 
of  Welsh  In- 
hat  mentioned 
cJcenridge  says 
5,  "  at  present, 
at  pains  to  as- 
;sippi,  and  the 
ana,  the  tribes 
ive  had  inter- 
1798,  a  young 
company  with 
the  ancient 
een  that  river 
m,  is  conclu- 

stroke  at  the 
lad  made  the 

shall  never- 
mois,  he  pro- 
and  incoiTect 
drawn,  upon 
ther  respects 
and  eyes  to- 
nounds,  forti- 

olden  time," 
the  ancestors 


INDIANS  OF  NOKTH  AMERICA. 


BOOK  II. 


S.-'fi;. 


i; 


w 


BOOK    II. 

BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY   C7  THE  NORTHERN 
OR  NEW  ENGLAND   INDIANS. 


«  >Ti«  good  to  muie  on  nationi  puied  away 
Forever  from  the  land  we  call  our  own." 


Y>MOTDBIf. 


.i 


CHAPTER  I. 

Conduct  of  the  early  voyagers  towards  the  Indiana. — Some  account  of  the  individuals 
Donacona — Agona — Tasquantum,  or  Sqnnnto — Dehamda — Skettiearrots — Aasaeu- 
met — Manida^Pechmo — Monopet — Pekenimne — Sakaweston — Epanow — Manawet 
— Wanape — Coneconam. 

The  first  voyagers  to  a  country  were  anxious  to  confirm  the  truth  of  their 
accounts,  and  therefore  took  from  their  nowly-discovered  lauds  whatever 
seemed  best  suited  to  that  object.  The  inhabitants  of  America  carried  oflf 
by  Europeans  were  not,  perhaps,  in  any  instance,  taken  away  by  voyagers 
merely  for  this  object,  but  that  they  might,  in  time,  learn  from  them  tlic  value 
of  the  country  from  whence  they  took  them.  Besides  thosi  forcibly  carried 
away,  there  were  many,  doubtless,  who  went  through  overpersuasion,  and 
ignorance  both  of  the  distance  and  usage  they  should  meet  with  Ju  a  land  of 
strangers ;  which  was  not  always  as  it  should  have  been,  and  hen-^e  such  as 
were  ill  used,  if  they  ever  returned  to  tlieir  own  country,  were  jvrepared  to 
be  revenged  on  any  strangers  of  tlie  same  color,  that  chanced  to  come  among 
them. 

Ill  the  first  voyage  of  Columbus  to  America,  he  took  along  with  him,  on  his 
return  to  Spain,  a  considerable  number  of  Indians ;  how  many  we  uo  not 
know ;  but  several  died  on  their  passage,  and  seven  were  presented  to  the  king. 
Vinctrdt  Yahez  Pinzon,  a  captain  under  Columbus,  kidnapped  four  natives, 
whom  he  intended  to  sell  in  Spain  for  slaves ;  but  Columbus  took  them  from 
him,  and  restored  them  to  their  friends.  In  this  first  voyage  to  the  islands  of 
the  new  world,  the  blood  of  several  Indians  was  shed  by  the  hostile  arms  of 
the  Spaniards.* 

There  were  three  natives  presented  to  Henry  VII.  by  Sebastian  Cabot,  in 
1505J,  which  he  had  taken  firom  Novfoundland.  What  were  their  names,  or 
what  became  of  them,  we  are  not  informed ;  but  from  the  notice  of  historians, 
we  learn  that,  when  found,  "  they  were  clothed  with  the  skins  of  beasts,  and 
lived  on  raw  flesh ;  but  after  two  years,  [residence  in  England,]  were  seen  in 
the  king's  court  clothed  like  Englishmen,  and  could  not  be  discerned  from 

•  My  present  concern  not  beinff  with  the  Indians  of  South  America,  I  beg  leave  to  refer  the 
reader  to  a  little  work  lately  published,  entitled  The  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  in  which  all 
the  prominent  facts  concerning  the  atrocities  of  the  Spaniaj'ds  towards  them  will  be  found 
stated. 


".    I- 

1- ■■■:.. 


CONDUCT  OF  EARLY  VOYAGERS 


[Book  II. 


Englishmen."*  These  were  the  first  Indians  ever  seen  in  Eng1and.f  They 
were  brought  to  the  English  court  "m  tlieir  country  hubit,"  and  "spoke  u 
language  ne\  er  heard  before  out  of  their  own  country."  J 

Ihe  Frerjch  discovered  the  River  St.  Lawrence  in  1508,  and  the  captain 
of  the  ship  who  made  the  discovery,  carried  several  natives  to  Paris,  which 
were  the  iirst  ever  seen  in  France.  What  were  their  names,  or  even  how 
many  they  were  in  number,  is  not  set  down  in  tlie  accounts  of  this  voyage. 
The  name  of  this  captain  was  Thomas  Aubert.^ 

John  Verazzini,  in  the  service  of  France,  in  1524,  sailuiJ  along  tlie  American 
coast,  and  landed  in  several  places.  At  one  place,  which  we  judge  to  be 
some  piut  of  the  coast  of  Connecticut,  "20  of  his  men  landed,  and  went 
about  two  leagues  up  into  the  country.  The  inhabitants  fled  l)efore  them, 
but  they  caught  on  old  woman  who  had  hid  herself  in  tlie  high  grass,  with  a 
young  woman  about  18  years  of  age.  The  old  woman  carried  a  child  on  her 
back,  and  had,  besides,  two  little  boys  with  her.  The  young  woman,  too, 
carried  three  children  of  her  own  sex.  Seeing  tliemselves  discovei*ed,  they 
begim  to  shriek,  and  the  old  one  gave  them  to  understand,  by  signs,  that  the 
men  were  fled  to  the  woods.  They  oflTered  her  sometliing  to  eat,  wlijch  she 
acce[)tod,  but  the  maiden  refused  it.  This  girl,  who  was  tall  and  well  shaped, 
they  were  desirous  of  taking  along  with  them,  but  as  she  made  a  violent 
outcry,  they  contented  themselves  with  taking  a  boy  away  with  tliem."|| 
The  name  of  New  France  was  given  to  North  America  in  this  voyage.  In 
another  voyage  here,  Verazzini  was  killed,  and,  as  some  say,  eaten  by  the 
Indians. 

I  ow  of  the  early  voyagers  were  better  than  demi  savages,  for  they  would 
retaliate  «  >nnthe  Indians  as  though  they  had  been  on  equal  footing  with  them, 
in  resi)ect  to  their  own  ideas  of  justice.  When  Capt.  Hudson  discovered  and 
sailed  up  the  river  which  now  bears  his  name,  the  most  flagrant  uijustice  was 
committed  on  the  Indians  by  some  of  his  men.  To  set  that  affair  in  a  clear 
light  before  the  reader,  we  will  give  the  following  passages  from  le  journal  of 
Robart  Jiut,  one  of  the  voyage. 

I(j09,  Sept.  6,  Our  master  sent  John  Caiman  with  four  men  to  sound  the 
river,  four  leagues  distant,  which  they  did,  but  in  their  return  to  the  ship,  they 
were  set  upon  by  Indians  in  two  canoes,  to  the  nimiber  of  26 ;  in  which  aflkir 
John  Colman  was  killed  by  an  arrow  shot  into  his  throat,  and  twt)  others  were 
wounded.  The  next  day  Colman  was  buried  on  a  point  of  land  which  to  this 
day  hears  his  name. 

What  oflence,  if  any,  was  given  to  the  Indians  to  provoke  this  attack  from 
tliem,  can  never  be  discovered;  but  from  the  course  of  proceedings  oi'  Hudson^s 
men,  there  can  be  but  little  doubt  of  oftence  of  some  kind  on  their  part. 

Sept.  8.  The  people  ■  came  on  board  us,  and  brought  tobacco  and  Indian 
wheat,  to  exchange  for  knives  and  beads,  and  offered  us  no  violence.  So  we, 
fitting  up  our  boat,  did  mark  them,  to  see  if  they  would  make  any  show  of  the 
death  of  our  man,  but  they  did  not. 

Sept.  9.  In  the  morning  two  great  canoes  came  on  board  full  of  men ;  one 
with  bows  and  arrows,  and  the  other  m  show  of  buying  knives  to  betray  us ; 
bijt  we  perceived  their  intention.  We  took  two  of  them,  to  have  Icept  them, 
and  put  red  coats  on  them,  and  would  not  suffer  the  others  to  come  near  us, 
and  soon  artor  the  canoes  leave  tliern.  Immediately  two  other  natives  came 
on  board  us ;  one  we  took,  and  let  the  other  go,  but  he  soon  escaped  by  jump- 
m^  overboard. 

*  Rapin's  Hist.  England,  i.  C85.  ed.  fol. 

t  Tills  is  upon  the  autliority  of  Berkely.  Instead  o.'  England,  however,  lie  says  Europe ; 
but,  by  sayingf  llie  six,  wliicli  Columhis  had  before  taken  from  Si.  Salvador,  made  their 
escape,  lie  siiows  l:is  supernc'-'  '...KwLnlf^e  of  those  affairs.     Hear  Herrera :— 

"  En  siiitte  de  cda,  [that  is,  ojier  Columbus  had  replied  to  the  king's  letter  aboiit  a  second 
voyage,]  it  [Columhis]  partit  pour  alter  h  Barcelone  auec  sept  Iiuliens,  parce  que  les  autres 
estoient  marts  en  chemin.  II  fit  porter  aueqite  luy  aes  perroquets  verds,  et  de  routes,  et 
d'autres  choses  ditrnes  d'admiratict  qui  n'auoienl  iamais  esti  vents  en  Espagne."  Hist,  des 
Indes  Occident,  i.  102.  Ed.  16C0,  3  tomes,  4to.  Sec  also  Harris,Voyuges,i\.\b,ed,VlM, 
2  V.  fol. ;  Robertson.  America,  i,  94.  ed.  1T78,  4to. 

i  Berkcly's  Naval  Hist.  BrU.  268.  ed.  1756,  fol.  and  Harris,  Voyages,  ii.  191. 

$  Forster,  132.  ||  Ibid.  434, 435. 


[Book  II. 

land.t  They 
ind  "spoko  a 

d  the  captain 

Paris,  which 

or  even  how 

f  tliis  voyage. 

tlie  American 
J  judge  to  be 
2(1,  and   went 

before  them, 
I  grass,  with  a 
a  child  on  her 
r  woman,  too, 
jcovered,  they 
signs,  tlmt  the 
eat,  winch  she 
d  well  shaped, 
lade  a  violent 

with  tliem."|| 
is  voyage.  In 
,  eaten  by  the 

for  they  would 
ing  with  them, 
discovered  and 
It  uyustice  was 
iifFair  in  a  clear 
1    le  journal  of 

I  to  sound  the 
n  the  ship,  they 
in  which  affair 
wo  others  were 
d  which  to  this 

lis  attack  from 
ngs  of  HudsaiCa 
leir  part. 
i:co  and  Indian 
ence.  So  we, 
ny  show  of  the 

of  men ;  one 
to  betray  us; 

lave  kept  them, 
come  near  us, 
natives  came 

iaped  by  jump- 


,  \\e  says  Europe; 
k'ador,  made  Iheir 

ter  ahofit  a  second 
tree  que  les  autres 
,  et  de  routes,  et 
tasne."  Hist,  iles 
ef,  ii.  15.  ed.  1764. 

191. 


Chap.  I.] 


TOWARDS  THE  INDIANS. 


6 


Sept.  11.  The  ship  had  now  anchored  ut  considerable  distance  up  the 
river.  The  people  of  the  country  ciiik!  on  boai'd,  inakhig  sliow  of  love,  and 
gave  iiH  tobacco  and  Indian  wheat. 

Sept.  12.  Thi.s  inoniing  there  came  eight-and-twenty  canoes  full  of  men, 
women  and  ciiildren  to  betray  us;  but  we  saw  their  intent,  and  suffered  none 
of  liiein  to  come  on  liounl.  They  have  great  tobacco  pipes  of  yellow 
copjier,  and  pots  of  earth  to  dress  their  meat  in. 

That  the  Indians  came  "to  betray  then i,"  with  their  women  and  childr -n, 
was  a  mistaken  notion  of  our  voyagei-s,  but  they  were  not  acquauited  with 
the  niannei-s  of  these;  peoi)le.  It  is,  and  always  has  l)een  their  iniivermi 
custom  to  send  away  or  leave  at  home  their  fajuilies  when  they  go  out  uj)on 
tui  expedition. 

Sej)t.  15.  Hudson  sails  20  leagues  farther  up  the  river,  "passing  by  high 
moinitains,"  probalily  the  iiigh  lands  of  West  I'oint.  This  morning  tin;  two 
captive  savages  got  out  of  a  jtort  of  the  ship  und  made  their  escape. 

Sept.  18.  The  master's  mate  went  on  shore  with  an  old  Indian,  a  sachem 
of  the  country,  who  took  him  to  his  house  and  treated  him  kindly. 

Oct.  i.  The  ship,  having  fallen  down  the  river  "seven  miles  below  the 
mountain.s,"  conies  to  anchor.  One  man  hi  a  canoe  kept  hanghig  under  the 
stern  of  the  ship,  and  would  not  be  driv(-n  off.  lie  soon  contrivitd  to  climb 
uj)  by  the  rudder,  and  got  into  tiie  cabin  window,  wliieh  had  been  left  open, 
iiom  which  he  stole  a  pillow,  two  shirts,  and  two  biuuloleers.  The  mate  shot 
him  in  the  breast  and  killed  him.  Many  othei-s  were  in  canoes  about  the  ship, 
who  immediately  fled,  and  some  jumped  overboard.  A  boat  manned  from 
the  ship  pursued  them,  and  coming  up  with  one  in  the  water,  he  laid  hold  of 
the  side  of  the  lK)at,  and  endeavored  to  overset  it ;  at  which  one  in  the  boat 
cut  off  his  hands  with  a  sword,  and  he  was  drowned. 

Oct.  2.  They  fall  down  seven  leagues  farther,  and  anchor  again.  Then,  says 
Jmt,  came  one  of  the  savages  that  swam  away  from  us  at  our  going  up  the 
river,  with  many  othei-s,  thinking  to  betray  us,  liut  we  suffered  none  of  them 
to  enter  our  sliij).  Whereupon  two  canoes,  full  of  men  with  their  bows  and 
aiTows,  shot  at  us  after  our  stern  ;  in  recompense  whereof  we  discharged  six 
muskets,  and  killed  two  or  three  of  them.  Then  above  an  hundred  of  them 
came  to  a  point  of  land  to  shoot  at  us.  There  I  shot  a  falcon  at  them,  and 
killed  two  of  them;  whereupon  the  rest  fled  into  the  woods.  Yet  they 
manned  off  another  canoe  with  nine  or  ten  men,  which  came  to  meet  us ;  so  I 
shot  at  it  also  a  falcon,  and  shot  it  through,  and  killed  one  of  them.  Then  our 
men,  with  their  muskets,  killed  three  or  four  more  of  them. 

Thus  are  recorded  the  Indian  events  ci'  Hudson's  voyage  in  the  River 
Manna-haia,  (as  he  leiu-ned  its  name,)  hi  1009. 

Donacona,  a  chief  upon  the  River  St.  Croix,  was  met  with,  in  1535,  by  the 
voyager  James  Cartier,  who  was  well  received  and  kindly  treattul  by  him  and 
his  people ;  to  repay  which,  Cartier,  "  partly  l)y  stratagem  and  partly  by  force," 
carried  him  to  France,  where  he  soon  after  died.*  Notwithstanding,  Cartier 
was  in  the  country  five  years  after,  where  he  found  Agona,  the  successor  of 
Donacona,  and  exchanged  jiresents  with  him,  probably  reconciling  him  by 
some  plausible  account  of  the  absence  of  Donacona. 

Tasquantum,  or  Tisquantum,  was  one;  of  the  five  natives  carried  from  the 
coast  of  New  England,  in  1005,  by  Capt.  George  Waymouih,  who  had  been 
sent  out  to  discover  a  north-west  i)assag(\  This  Indian  was  known  aftei-wards 
to  the  settlers  of  Plimouth,  by  whom  he  was  generally  caUed  ^Squanto  or 
^Squantum,  by  abbreviation.  The  names  of  the  other  four  wen;  Manida, 
Skettwarrocs,  Dehamda  and  .'Issacumet. 

Although  Gorges  does  not  say  Dehamda  was  one  brought  over  at  this  time, 
it  is  evident  that  he  was,  because,  so  far  as  we  can  discover,  there  were  no 
other  natives,  at  that  time  in  England,  but  these  five. 

Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  says,  H^aymotUh,  "falling  short  of  his  course,  [in 
seeking  the  N.  ^y.  passage,]  happened  into  a  river  on  the  coast  of  America, 
called  Pemmaquid^  from  whence  lie  brought  five  of  the  natives."  "  And  it  so 
pleased  our  -^reat  God  that"  fVaymoidh^  on  his  return  to  England,  "came  uito 


;;.f  :>>^ 


'.•.'■• 


m-:'lA 


!• 


*  Forsler,  440— ♦»? 


1 


'>■■'■■ 


HA 


i- 


6 


CONDUCT  OF  EARLY  VOYAGERS 


[BofK  II. 


the  hnrbor  of  Plymouth,  where  I  then  commandetl."  Three*  of  whose 
natives,  namely,  Manida,  Skettwarroes  and  Tasquantum,  "I  seized  upon. 
They  were  all  of  one  nation,  but  of  several  parts,  and  several  families.  This 
accident  must  be  acknowledged  the  means,  under  God,  of  putting  on  foot 
and  giving  life  to  all  our  plantations." 

Paying  great  attention  to  these  natives,  he  soon  understood  enough  by  them 
about  the  country  from  whence  they  came  to  establish  a  belief  tliat  it  was  of 
great  value ;  not  perhaps  making  due  allowance  for  its  being  their  home.  And 
Sir  Ferdinando  adds,  "  After  I  had  those  peojile  sometimes  in  my  custody,  I 
observed  in  them  an  inclination  to  follow  tlie  example  of  the  better  sort ;  and 
in  all  their  carriages,  manifest  shoAvs  of  great  civility,  far  from  the  rudeness 
of  our  common  people.  And  the  longer  I  conversed  with  them,  the  better 
hope  they  ^ave  me  of  those  pai-ts  where  they  did  inhabit,  as  proper  for  oiu* 
uses;  especially  when  I  found  what  goodly  rivers,  stately  islands,  and  safe 
harbors,  those  jiarts  abounded  with,  being  the  special  marks  I  leveled  at  as  the 
only  want  our  nation  met  with  in  all  their  navigations  along  that  Ciast.  And 
having  kept  them  full  three  years,  I  made  them  able  to  set  me  down  what 
gi'eat  rivers  run  up  into  the  land,  what  men  of  note  were  seated  on  them, 
wliat  power  they  were  of,  how  allied,  what  enemies  they  had,"  &c. 

Thus  having  gained  a  knowledge  of  the  country.  Sir  Ferdinando  got  ready 
"a  ship  furnished  with  men  and  all  necessaries"  for  a  voyage  to  America,  and 
sent  as  her  captain  Mr.  Henry  Cfialloung,\  with  whom  he  also  sent  two  of  his 
Indians.  The  names  of  these  wcn-e  Assacumet  and  Manida.  Chalons,  having 
been  taken  sick  in  the  beginning  of  the  voyage,  altered  liis  course,  and  lost 
some  time  in  the  West  Indies.  After  being  able  to  proceed  northward,  he 
departed  from  Porto  Rico,  and  was  soon  after  taken  by  a  Spanish  fleet,  and 
carried  into  Spain,  "where  their  ship  and  goods  were  confiscate,  themselves 
made  prisoners,  the  voyage  overthrown,  and  both  my  natives  lost."  One, 
however,  Assacumet,  was  afterwards  recovered,  if  not  the  other.  This  voyage 
of  Chalons  was  in  1606. 

It  appears  that  the  Lord  Chief  Justice  Popham  |  had  agreed  to  send  a  vessel 
to  the  aid  of  Chalons,  which  was  accordingly  done  before  the  news  of  Ids 
being  taken  was  known  in  England.  For  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  says,  "  It 
pleased  the  lord  chief  justice,  according  to  his  promise,  to  des|)atch  Capt. 
[Martin]  Prin  from  Bristol,  with  hope  to  have  found  Cai)t.  Challounge ;" 
"  but  not  hearing  by  any  means  what  became  of  him,  after  he  had  made  a 
perfect  discovciy  of  all  those  rivers  and  harbors,"  "brings  with  him  the  most 
exact  discovery  of  that  coast  that  ever  came  to  my  hands  since,  and,  indeed, 
he  was  the  best  able  to  perform  it  of  any  I  met  withal  to  this  present,  [time,] 
which,  with  his  relation  of  the  country,  wrought  such  an  impression  in  the 
lord  chief  justice,  and  us  all  that  were  his  associates,  that  (notwilhstanding  our 
first  disaster)  we  set  up  our  resolutions  to  follow  it  with  effect." 

Dehamda  and  Skettwarroes  were  »vith  Prin§  in  this  voyage,  and  were,  with- 
out doubt,  his  most  efficient  aids  in  surveying  the  coast.  It  appears  from 
Gorges,  tliat  Dehamda  was  sent  by  the  chief  jus'ice,  who  we  suppose  had 
considered  him  his  property,||  and  Skettwarroes  by  himself.  They  returned 
again  to  England  with  Prin. 

*It  seems,  tromthis  pari  of  his  narralivc,  thai  he  had  but  three  of  iheiii,  but,  from  subsequent 
passages,  it  appears  lie  hnd  ihoiii  ail.     See  also  America  painted  in  Iht  Life. 

t  Challoiis,  by  some,     (ior^cs  has  him,  sometimes,  Chalowii.t,  Clialon,  itc. 

I  The  same  who  presided  at  llie  trial  of  Sir  IV.  Ralegh  and  his  assoriales,  in  1603.  See 
Prince's  Worthies  of  Devon,  (172,  (i73.  Fuller,  in  his  Worthies  of  England,  ii.  284,  say. , 
"Travelers  owed  their  safely  to  ihis  judge's  severity  many  years  after  his  death,  which 
happened  Arno  Domini  Iti**,"  li  .ing,  no  doubt,  he  had  much  enlightened  his  reader  by 
definitely  staling  tliat  Sir  .lohnPopkam  died  some  lime  within  a  hundred  years.  The  severity 
referred  to  has  reference  to  his  importuning  King  Jatne.i  not  to  pardon  so  many  robbers  and 
thieves,  which,  he  said,  tended  to  render  the  judges  contemptible,  and  "  which  made  him 
more  sparing  afterward." 

§  (iorges,  one  of  the  main  springs  of  these  transactions,  who  wrote  the  account  we  give, 
makes  no  mention  of  any  other  captain  accompanying  him ;  yet  Dr.  Holmes's  authorities. 
Annals,  i.  Vir),  led  him  to  record  1'iiornas  llanam  as  the  performer  of  this  voyage.  And  a 
writer  of  1(J'22  says,  Hanam,  or,  as  he  calls  him,  Ilaman,  went  commander,  and  Prinne 
master.    See  2  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  ix.  3.    This  agrees  with  tl 


younger. 
II  He  had  probably  been  given  to  him  by  Sir  Ferdirumdo, 


the  account  of  Gorge*  the 


[BofK  II. 

of  whose 
zed  ui)on. 
lies.  This 
ig  on  foot 

t1i  by  them 
It  it  was  of 
lome.     Aud 
•  custody,  I 
r  sort ;  and 
le  rudeness 
,  the  l)etter 
per  for  our 
Is,  and  safe 
icd  at  as  the 
:oast.     And 
doAVu  wliat 
id  ou  them, 

io  got  ready 
lUierica,  and 
It  two  of  his 
dons,  having 
irse,  and  lost 
ortliward,  he 
sh  fleet,  and 
},  themselves 
lost."  One, 
This  voyage 

send  a  vessel 
news  of  liis 
res  says,  "It 
spatch  Capt. 
Challounge ;" 

had  made  a 
him  the  most 

and, indeed, 
[escnt,  [time,] 

■ssion  in  the 
Istanding  our 

were,  with- 
ippears  from 
[suppose  had 
hey  returned 


Chap  I-l 


TOWARDS  THE  INDIANS. 


lioin  subsequent 


in  lf)03.  See 
Id,  ii.  284,  say. , 
|is  death,  which 
his  reader  by 
Tlie  severity 
Inv  robbers  and 
llueh  made  him 

[count  we  ^ve, 
lei's  authorities, 
loyagc.  And  a 
|er,  and  Pn'nne 
.  of  Gorgt*  the 


next  year,  1607,  these  two  natives  piloted  the  first  New  England  colony 
nioutii  of  Sagadahock  River,  since  the  Kennebeck.    They  left  England 


The 

to  the  nioutl 

30  May,  and  did  not  arrive  here  until  8  August  tbllowiiig.  "  As  soon  as  the 
nresidt'iit  had  taken  notice  of  the  place,  and  given  order  for  landing  the 
provisions,  he  despatched  away  Captain  Gilbert,  with  Skitwarres  his  guide, 
for  the  thorough  discovery  of  tlie  rivers  and  habitations  of  the  natives,  by 
whom  he  Wiis  brought  to  several  of  theui,  where  he  found  civil  entertaiiunent, 
and  kind  respects,  far  from  brutish  or  savage  natures,  so  its  they  suddenly 
b(!canje  familiar  friends,  especially  by  the  means  of  Dekxtrnda  and  Skilwarrcrs.^^ 
"  So  as  the  president  was  earnestly  intreated  by  Sasstnoiv,  Meremet,  and  othei-s, 
the  principal  Sagamores,  (as  they  call  their  great  lords,)  to  go  to  tiie  Basiiabas, 
who  it  seems  was  their  king."  They  were  prevented,  however,  by  advei-scj 
weather,  from  that  journey,  and  thus  the  promise  to  do  so  was  unintentionally 
broken,  "nmch  to  the  grief  of  those  Sugamores  that  were  to  attend  him.  The 
Bashebas,  notwithstanduig,  hearuig  of  hiri  misfortune,  sent  his  own  son  to  visit 
him,  and  to  beat  a  trade  widi  him  for  furs," 

Several  sad  and  melancholy  accidents  conspired  to  put  an  end  to  this  first 
colony  of  New  England.  The  first  was  the  loss  of  their  store-house,  contain- 
ing most  of  their  supplies,  by  fire,  in  the  whiter  following,  and  anodier  was  the 
death  of  Lord  Popham.  It  consisted  of  100  men,  and  its  beginning  was 
auspicious ;  but  these  calamities,  together  with  the  death  of  their  president, 
broke  down  their  resolutions.  So  many  discouragements,  notwithstanduig  a 
ship  with  supplies  had  arrived,  determined  them  to  abandon  the  country, 
which  they  did  in  the  spring.*  What  became  of  Ihhamda  and  Skettwarroes 
there  is  no  mention,  but  they  probably  remained  in  the  counti7  with  their 
friends,  unless  the  passage  which  we  shall  hereafter  extract,  be  construetl  to 
mean  differeutly.f 

To  return  to  ISsquantum.  There  's  some  disagreement  in  the  narratives  of 
the  coteinporary  writers  in  respect  to  this  chief,  which  shows,  either  that  some 
of  them  are  in  error,  or  that  there  were  two  of  the  same  name — one  carried 
away  by  Waymouth,  and  the  other  by  Hunt.  From  a  critical  examination  of 
the  accounts,  it  is  believed  there  was  but  one,  and  that  he  was  carried  away 
by  Waymouih^  as  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges  relates,  whose  account  we  have  given 
above.J  It  is  impossible  tiiat  Sir  Ferdinando  should  have  been  mistaken  in 
the  names  of  those  he  received  from  Waymouth,  The  names  of  those  carried 
off  by  HutU,  are  not  given,  or  but  (aw  of  them,  nor  were  they  kidnapped  until 
nine  years  after  WaymoittlCs  voyage.  It  is,  therefore,  jiossible  that  Squantum^ 
having  returned  home  from  the  service  of  Gorges,  went  agahi  to  England 
with  some  other  person,  or  perhaps  even  with  Hunt.  But  we  are  inclined  to 
think  that  there  was  but  one  of  the  nmne,  and  his  beuig  carried  away  an  error 
of  inadvertence. 

Patuxet,  afterward  called  Plirnouth,  was  tlio  place  of  residence  of  Sqtiantum, 
who,  it  is  said,  was  the  only  person  that  escaped  the  great  plague  of  which 
we  shall  particularly  speak  in  the  life  of  Massasoit ;  where,  at  the  same  time, 
we  shall  take  up  agahi  the  life  of  Sqiiantuin,  whose  history  is  so  ultimately 
connected  with  it. 

It  was  in  1011  that  Captain  Kdivard  Harloiv§  was  sent  "to  discover  an  lie 
sui)pos(!d  about  Cape  Cod,"  who  "  fiilling  with  Monagigan,  they  found  onely 
Cape  Cod  no  He  but  the  niaine ;  then;  [at  Moiihigon  Island]  they  detained 
three  Saluages  aboord  them,  called  Pevlimo,  Monopet  and  Pekenimnc,  but 
Pechmo  leajit  ouerboard,  and  got  away  ;  and  not  long  after,  with  his  consorts, 
cut  their  Boat  from  their  sterne,  got  her  on  shore,  and  so  filled  her  with  stmd 
and  guarded  her  with  bowes  and  arrowes,  the  l^nglisli  lost  lier."|| 

This  exploit  of  Pechmo  is  as  truly  brave  as  it  was  daring.     To  have  got 

*Th(\v  had  "  sealed  tiicmsclves  in  a  peniiisiihi,  wliicli  is  at  the  mouth  of  tliis  river,  [Sagada- 
hock.] where  ihev  built  a  Ibrtress  to  deteiid  ihciiisolves  from  tiieir  enemies,  which  lliey  named 
St.  (reorire."     America  painted  to  the  Life,  by  Feid.  (iorges,  Esq.  p.  19. 

t  See  life  Massasoit. 

i  It  is  plain,  from  Prince,  Chron.  IM,  that  liis  authors  had  confounded  the  names  of  tJicse 
Indians  one  wilii  another. 

iiSir  Ferd.  Gorires  is  probably  wrong  in  calling  him  Henry  Harley. 
Capt.  Smith's  Gen.  Hist.  N.  Eng. 


>,;tt^ 


:■  .■*•.;.    ,"1 


P;.:V 


',11 
■i.;il 


n  ;l 


III 


!■  1X 


\    .. 


Wii- 


(■.*■,  1- 


6 


HUNT'S  VOYAGE, 


[Book  II. 


.indcr  the  stern  of  a  sliip,  in  the  face  of  armed  men,  and  at  tlie  eaiiie  time  to 
have  succeeded  in  his  design  of  cutting  away  and  carrying  oft'  their  boat,  was 
iu  act  as  bold  and  daring,  to  say  the  least,  as  that  performed  in  the  harbor  of 
Tripoli  by  our  countryman  Decatur. 

from  Monhigon  Harlow,  proceeding  southward,  fell  in  with  an  island 
called  then  by  the  Indians  JVohono.  From  this  place  "  they  tooke  SakawcS' 
ton,  that  after  he  liad  lived  many  years  in  England,  went  a  soldier  to  the  wars 
ol"  hohemia."*  Whether  he  ever  returned  we  are  not  told.  From  this 
island  they  proceeded  to  Capawick,  since  called  Capoge,  [Martha's  Vineyard.] 
Here  "they  tooke  CoKeconam and  Eptnow,"  and  "so,  with  fiue  Saluages,  they 
returned  for  England." 

Epcnow,  or,  as  some  wrote,  Epanow,  seems  to  have  been  much  such  a 
character  as  Pechmo — artful,  cunning,  bold  and  daring.  Sir  Ferdinando  Gorges 
is  evidently  eiToneous  in  part  of  his  statement  about  this  native,  ui  as  far  as  it 
relates  to  his  having  been  brouglit  away  by  Hunt.  For  Harlovi's  voyage  was 
in  1611,  and  Epanow  was  sent  over  to  Cape  Cod  with  Captam  Hobgon,  iu 
1614,  some  months  before  Hunt  left. 

As  it  is  peculiarly  gratifying  to  the  writer  to  hear  such  old  venerable  writers 
as  Smith,  Gorges,  &c.  spcuk,  the  reader  perhaj)B  would  not  pardon  him  were 
he  to  withhold  what  the  ii.tiniatc  actipiaiutunce  of  the  interesting  Epanow  sayg 
of  him.    Hear,  then,  Sir  Ferdinando  : — 

"  While  I  was  laboring  by  what  means  1  might  best  continue  life  in  my 
languishing  hopes,  there  conies  one  Henry  Harley\  unto  me,  bringing  with  him 
a  native  of  the  Island  of  Capawick,  a  place  s(;ated  to  the  southward  of  Cape 
Cod,  whose  name  avus  Epenewe,  a  person  of  goodly  stature,  strong  and  well 
proportioned.  This  man  was  taken  upon  the  main,  [by  force,]  with  some  29J 
others  by  a  ship  of  London  that  endeavored  to  sell  thein  for  slaves  in  Spaine, 
but  being  understood  that  they  were  Americans,  and  being  found  to  be  unapt 
for  their  uses,  they  would  not  meddle  with  them,  this  behig  one  of  them  they 
refused,  wherein  tlipy  exprest  more  worth  than  those  that  brought  them  to  the 
market,  who  could  not  but  known  that  our  nation  was  at  that  time  in  travel  for 
setling  of  Christian  colonies  upon  that  continent,  it  being  an  act  much  tendine 
to  our  prejudice,  when  we  came  into  that  part  of  the  countries,  ae  it  shall 
further  appear.  How  Capt.  Harley  came  to  be  possessed  of  this  savage,  I 
know  not,  but  I  understood  by  others  how  he  had  been  shown  in  Lonuon  for 
a  wonder.  It  is  true  ( as  I  have  said)  he  was  a  goodly  man,  of  a  brave  aspect, 
stout  and  sober  in  his  demeanor,  and  had  learned  so  nmch  English  as  to  bid 
those  that  wondered  at  him,  Welcome,  welcome  ;  this  being  the  last  and  best 
use  they  could  make  of  him,  tliat  was  now  grown  out  of  the  people's  wonder. 
The  captain,  falling  further  into  his  familiarity,  found  him  to  be  of  acquaintance 
and  friendship  with  those  subject  to  the  Baslmba,  whom  the  captain  well  knew, 
being  himself  one  of  the  p'antation,  sent  over  by  the  lord  chief  justice, 
[Popham,]  and  by  that  means  understood  much  of  his  language,  found  out 
the  place  of  his  birth,"  &c, 

Belore  proceeding  with  the  history  of  Epanow,  the  account  of  Capt.  Thomas 
Hunfs  voynge  should  be  related  ;  because  it  is  said  that  it  was  chiefly  owing 
to  his  perfidy  that  the  Indians  of  New  England  were  become  so  hostile  to  the 
voyagers.  Nevertheless,  it  is  plain,  that  (us  we  have  already  saidj  Hunt  did 
not  commit  his  depredations  until  after  Epanow  had  escaperl  out  ot  the  hands 
of  the  English.  Capt.  John  Smith  was  ni  company  with  Hunt,  and  we  will 
hear  him  relate  the  whole  transaction.  After  stating  that  they  arrived  at  Mon- 
higon in  April,  1614,§  spent  a  long  tinii  in  trying  to  catch  whales  without 
success ;  and  as  "for  gold,  it  was  rather  \\w  n'aster's  device  to  get  a  voyage, 
that  projected  it;"  that  for  trifles  they  got  ^'near  11000  beaver  skins,  100 

*  Capt.  Smith's  Gen.  Hist.  N.  En<r. 

t  Perhaps  not  tlic  Capt,  Harlotv  before  mentioned,  though  Prince  thinks  Gorges  means  him. 

{  If  in  this  he  refers  to  tiiose  taken  l\v  Hunt,  as  I  sunposc,  he  sets  llie  number  higher  than 
others.  His  grandson,  F.  Gorges,  in  America  Painted,  &.C.,  says  34  was  the  number  seized 
by  Hunt. 

}  Smith  had  an  Indian  named  Tantum  with  him  in  this  voyage,  whom  he  set  on  shore  at 
Cape  Cod. 


[Book  II. 

line  time  to 
ir  boat,  was 
!  harbor  of 

an  island 
e  SakaweS' 
to  the  wars 
From  this 
Vineyard.] 
luages,  they 

iich  such  a 
mdo  Gorges 
1  us  far  us  it 
voyage  wa» 
Hobson,  iu 

•able  writers 
n  him  were 
<}panotv  says 

!  life  in  my 
iig  with  him 
ird  of  Cape 
iig  and  well 
ith  some  29J 
38  in  Spaine, 
to  be  unapt 
)f  them  they 
;  them  to  the 
I  iu  travel  for 
luch  tendine 
i,  as  it  shall 
lis  savage,  I 
London  for 
)rave  aspect, 
ish  as  to  bid 
lost  and  best 
lie's  wonder, 
icquaintance 
ti  well  knew, 
hief  justice, 
e,  found  out 

apt.  Thomas 
riiefly  owing 
lostile  to  the 
i\)  Hunt  did 
Si  the  hands 
uid  we  will 
red  at  Mon- 
iles  without 
let  a  voyage, 
skins;  100 


\(s  means  him. 
er  higher  than 
humber  seized 

Bt  on  shore  al 


Chap.  I.] 


EPANOW. 


9 


martin,  and  as  many  otters,  the  most  of  them  within  the  distance  of  20  leagues," 
and  his  own  departure  for  Europe,  Capt.  Smith  proceeds :  — 

"The  other  ship  9t;iid  to  fit  herself  for  Spain  with  the  dry  fish,  wliich  was 
sold  at  Malaga  at  4  rials  the  quintal,  each  hundred  weight  two  quintals  and  a 
half — But  one  Thomas  Hunt,  the  master  of  this  ship,  ( when  I  was  gone,) 
thinking  to  prevent  that  iufnt  I  hud  to  make  there  a  plantation,  thereby  to 
keep  this  abounding  country  still  in  oiiacuiity,  that  only  he  and  some  few 
nierrhants  more  might  enjoy  wholly  the  benefit  of  the  trade,  and  profit  of  this 
country,  betrayed  four-and-twenty  of  those  ))oor  salvages  aboard  his  ship,  and 
most  dishonestly  and  inhumanly,  for  their  kind  usage  of  me  and  all  our  men, 
carried  them  with  him  to  Malaga  ;  and  then^,  for  a  little  [)rivate  gain,  sold  these 
silly  salvages  for  rials  of  eight ;  but  this  vile  act  kept  him  ever  after  from  any 
more  employment  to  those  purts." 

/'.  Gorges  tlie  younger  is  rather  confused  in  his  account  of  HuuPs  voyage, 
as  well  as  the  elder.  But  the  former  intimates  that  it  was  on  account  of  Hnnt^s 
selling  the  Indians  he  took  as  slaves,  the  news  of  which  having  got  into 
England  before  Epanow  was  sent  out,  caused  this  Indian  to  make  his  escape, 
and  consequently  the  overthrow  of  the  voyuge  ;  whereas  the  latter,  Sir  Ferdi- 
nando,  does  not  attribute  it  to  that.  We  will  now  hear  him  ap'Mi  upon  this 
interesting  subject : — 

"  The  reasons  of  my  undertaking  the  employment  for  the  island  of  Capnioick. 

"  At  the  time  this  new  savage  [Epanow]  came  unto  me,  I  ha<l  recovered 
Assacum^t,  one  of  the  natives  I  si^nt  with  Capt.  Chaloiones  in  his  unhappy 
emi)loyment,  with  whom  I  lodged  Epenaw,  wlio  at  the  first  hardly  understood 
one  the  other's  speech,  till  after  a  while ;  I  perceived  the  difterence  was  no 
more  than  that  as  ours  is  between  the  northern  and  southern  people,  so  that  1 
was  a  little  eased  in  the  use  I  made  of  my  ohl  servant,  whom  I  engaged  to  give 
account  of  what  he  learned  by  conference  between  themselves,  and  he  as 
faithfully  performed  it" 

There  seems  but  little  doubt  tliat  Epanow  and  Assacumet  had  contrived  a  plan 
of  escape  before  they  left  England,  and  also,  by  finding  out  what  the  English 
most  valued,  and  assuring  them  that  it  was  in  abundance  to  be  had  at  a  certain 
place  in  their  own  country,  prevailed  upon  them,  or  by  this  pretended  dis- 
covery were  the  rneans  of  the  voyuge  being  undertaken,  of  which  we  are  now 
to  speak.  Still,  as  will  be  seen.  Sir  Ferdinando  does  not  speak  as  though  he  had 
been  quite  so  handsomely  duped  by  his  cunning  man  of  the  woods.  Gold,  it 
has  l)een  said,  was  the  valuable  commodity  to  which  Epanow  was  to  pilot  the 
English.     Gorges  proceeds  : — 

"  They  [Capt.  Hobson  and  those  who  accompanied  him]  set  sail  in  June,  in 
Anno  1()14,  IxMng  fully  instructed  how  to  demean  themselves  in  every  kind, 
carrying  with  them  Epenow,  Assncomet,  and  H'anape,*  another  native  of  those 
parts  sent  me  out  of  the  Tsle  of  Wight,f  for  my  better  information  in  the  parts 
of  tlie  countiy  of  his  know  ledge :  when  as  it  |)leased  God  that  they  were 
arrived  upon  the  coast,  thoy  were  piloted  from  place  to  place,  by  the  natives 
tlieiiiselves,  as  well  as  their  hearts  could  desire.  And  coming  to  the  harbor 
will  ro  Epenow  was  to  make  good  his  undertaking,  [to  point  out  the  gold  mine, 
no  d()ul)t,]  the  principal  iidiabitants  of  the  place  came  aboard  ;  some  of  them 
being  his  brothers,  othere  his  near  cousins,  [or  relatives,]  who,  after  they  had 
<'oniiiiuned  together,  and  were  kindly  entertained  by  the  caiittiin,  departed  in 
their  canoes,  promising  the  next  morning  to  come  alxjard  again,  and  bring 
some  trade  with  them.  But  Epenow  |)rivately  (as  it  appearcdj  had  contracted 
with  his  friends,  how  lie  n'^ght  make  his  e8ca|)e  witliout  performing  what  he 
lia-l  undertaken,  being  in  truth  no  more  tlian  he  had  told  me  he  was  to  do 

For  otherwise,  if  it  were  found  that  he  had  dis- 


tliough  with  loss  of  tiis  life. 


*  Doubtless  tlic  same  called  by  odioi.-,  Manawet,  who,  it  would  seem  from  Mr.  Uubbuid, 
{I list.  N.  F.ng  3'J.)  died  iMjIore  Eiiarww  escaped,  •'  soon  after  the  ship's  arrival." 

t  Mow  lie  oaine  there,  wc  are  at  a  Iosk  to  determine,  unless  natives  were  carried  off,  of 
whom  no  mention  is  made.  This  was  unaucstionably  the  case,  for  when  it  came  to  be  a 
coinnion  thing-  for  vessels  to  bnng  lio\ne  Indians,  no  mention,  of  course,  would  be  mada 
of  iheui,  especially  if  ihey  went  voluntarily,  as,  no  doubt,  many  did. 


: :  *■■' 


•■»f 


10 


EPANOW, 


[liuoK   II. 


covered  the  secrets  of  his  country,*  he  was  sure  to  have  hia  brains  knockt  out 
as  soon  as  he  camo  ashore  ;t  for  that  cause  I  gave  tlie  captain  strict  charge  to 
endeavor  by  all  means  to  prevent  his  esca|)ing  from  them.  And  for  the  nioni 
surety,  I  gave  order  to  have  three  gentlemen  of  my  own  kindred  to  be  ever  at 
hand  with  him  ;  clothing  him  with  long  gai-ments,  fitly  to  be  laid  hold  on,  if 
occasion  should  require.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  his  friends  Ijeing  oil  come 
at  the  time  appointed  with  twenty  canoes,  and  lying  at  a  certain  t'.ljtance  with 
their  bows  ready,  the  captain  calls  to  them  to  come  alxMutl  ;  but  they  not 
moving,  he  speaks  to  Eperunv  to  come  unto  him,  where  he  was  in  the  fore- 
castle of  the  ship,  he  benig  then  in  the  wiiste  of  the  ship,  between  the  two 
gentlemen  that  had  him  in  guard  ;  starts  suddenly  from  them,  and  coming  to 
the  captain,  calls  to  his  friends  in  English  to  come  aboard,  in  the  interim  slips 
himself  overboard :  And  althougli  he  wore  taken  hold  of  by  one  of  the  com- 
pany, yet,  being  a  strong  and  heavy  man,  could  not  be  stayed,  and  was  no 
sooner  in  the  water,  but  the  natives,  [his  friends  in  the  boats,]  sent  such  a 
shower  of  arrows,  and  came  withal  desperately  so  near  the  ship,  tlmt  they 
earned  him  away  in  despight  of  all  the  musquetteers  al>oard,  who  were,  for  the 
number,  as  good  as  our  nation  did  afford.  And  thus  were  my  hopes  of  that 
particular  [voyage]  made  void  and  frustrate." 

From  the  whole  of  this  narration  it  is  eviilent  that  Epunoio  was  forcibly 
retained,  if  not  forcibly  carried  off,  by  the  English.  And  some  relate^  tliut  li«j 
attacked  Capt.  Dermer  and  his  men,  supjiosing  they  had  come  to  seize  and 
carry  him  back  to  England.  It  is  more  probable,  we  think,  that  he  meant 
to  be  revenged  for  his  late  captivity,  and,  according  to  real  Indian  custom, 
resolved  that  the  first  whites  should  atone  for  it,  cither  Avith  their  life  or  liberty. 
Gorges  does  not  tell  us  what  his  brave  "  musquetteers  "  did  when  Epanow 
escaped,  but  from  other  sources  we  learn  tlmt  they  fired  upon  his  liberators, 
killing  and  wounding  some,  but  how  many,  they  could  onFy  conjecture.  Hut 
there  is  no  room  for  conjecture  about  the  damage  sustained  on  the  part  of  the 
ship's  crew,  for  it  is  distinctly  stated  that  when  they  received  the  "shower  of 
arrows,"  Capt.  Hobson  and  many  of  his  men  were  woundetl.§  And  Snnth\\ 
says,  "So  well  he  had  contrived  his  businesse,  as  many  reported  he  intended 
to  have  surprised  the  ship ;  but  seeing  it  could  not  be  effected  to  his  liking, 
before  them  all  he  leaped  ouer  boord." 

We  next  meet  with  Epanow  in  1619.  Capt.  Tliomas  Dormery  or  Dermer,  in 
the  employ  of  Sir  F.  Gorges,  met  with  him  at  Capoge,  the  place  where,  five 
years  before,  he  made  his  escajje  from  Capl.  Hobson,  Gorges  writes,  "  This 
savage,  s|)caking  some  English,  laughed  at  his  owne  escape,  and  rejKjrtcd  the 
story  of  it.  Mr.  Dormer  told  him  he  came  from  me,  and  was  one  of  my  ser- 
vants, and  that  I  was  much  grieved  he  had  been  so  ill  used  as  to  be  forced  to 
steal  away.  This  savage  was  so  cunning,  that,  after  he  had  questioned  iiiiu 
about  me,  and  all  he  knew  belonged  unto  me,  conceived  he  vras  oome  on  j)nr- 
pose  to  betray  him ;  and  [so]  conspired  with  some  of  his  fellows  to  take  the 
captain  ;  thereupon  they  laid  hands  upon  lum.  But  he  being  a  brave,  stout 
gentleman,  drew  his  sword  and  freed  himself,  but  not  without  14  wounds. 
This  disaster  forced  him  to  make  nil  j)ossihlc  haste  \o  Virginia  to  be  cured  of 
his  wounds.  At  the  second  return  [he  having  jtist  come  from  there]  he  liad 
the  misfortune  to  fall  sick  and  die,  of  the  hifirmity  many  of  our  nation  are 
subject  unto  at  their  first  coming  into  those  jmrts." 

The  ship's  crew  being  at  the  same  time  on  shore,  a  fight  ensued,  in  which 
some  of  Epanoiv^s  company  were  slain.  "This  is  the  last  time,"  says  a  writer 
in  the  Historical  Collections,  "that  the  soil  of  Martha's  Vineyard  was  stained 
with  human  blood ;  for  from  that  day  to  the  present  [1807]  no  Indian  has  been 
killed  by  a  white  man,  nor  white  man  by  an  Indiuti." 

In  relation  to  the  fight  which  Denner  and  his  men  had  with  the  Indians  at 
the  Vineyard,  Morion  H  relates  that  the  English  vfcnt  on  shore  to  trade  with 
them,  when  they  were  assaulted  and  all  the  men  slain  but  one  that  kept  the 


*  The  secrets  of  the  snndy  isljind  Capopjo,  or  the  ncigliboriiij»-  shores  of  Cnpe  Cod,  v 
ihey  are  now,  existed  only  in  faith  of  such  sanffiiiiio  minds  as  Sir  Fercfindridomul  his  ;>( 


whatever 
ii^iiiio  minds  as  Sir  y-Vrfffffcjw/oand  his  i'dherents. 
t  We  need  no  better  display  of  the  craft  ol  Epanow,  or  proof  of  his  ciuinin!''  in  deep  plots. 
X  Belhiap,  Anicr.  Biog.  i.  362.  ^  Smith's  New  England. 

I  Ibid.  H  N .  Eiig.  Memorial,  5S,  53. 


^ 


4 


i '•• ' 


[Book  II. 

nockt  oul 
charge  to 
the  more 
be  cv«!r  at 
old  on,  if 
T  all  cotne 
iince  with 
they  not 
1  the  fore- 
n  the  two 
coniins;  to 
;eriin  slips 
f  the  coni- 
1(1  was  no 
ent  such  a 
,  tlMit  they 
rcre,  for  the 
pes  of  that 

as  forcibly 
itet  tliat  ho 
»  st'ize  aiut 
t  he  meant 
ian  custom, 
e  or  liberty, 
len  Epanoia 
[9  liberators, 
cttire.     But 
I  part  of  the 
"shower  of 
And  SmithW 
he  intended 
)  his  liking, 

r  Dernier,  in 
Avhcrc,  five 
ites,  "This 
•ei)Orted  the 
of  my  ser- 
be  forced  to 
Istioned  Iiim 
rme  on  pur- 
to  take  the 
brave,  stout 
14  womids. 
be  cuhmI  of 
lure]  lie  iiad 
nation  are 

I'd,  in  which 
jays  a  writer 
Iwas  stained 
Ian  has  been 

|e  Indians  at 
trade  with 
[at  kept  the 

Pod,  wlmlcvef 
lliis  i'dlicronts. 
1  ill  i\ev[y  plots. 


Chah.  U] 


FIRST  SETTLEMENT  AT  PLIMOUTII. 


hi 


boat  "But  the  [captain]  himself  got  on  board  very  sore  wounded,  and  they 
had  cut  off  his  head  upon  the  cuddy  of  the  boat,  had  not  his  man  rescued  him 
with  a  sword,  and  so  they  got  him  away."  Squanto  was  with  Cupt.  Dtrmer  at 
this  time,  as  will  be  seen  hi  the  life  of  Massasoit. 

CHAPTER  II. 

drrical  and  first  Proceedings  of  the  English  7cho  settle  at  Plimmtth — Thiir  first 
disroeery  of  Indians — Their  first  battle  with  them — Swmostt — Squtinto — iMASSAsoiT 

— lyanough 'hjiinel — Cauneconiim — Caunbitant — Wittuwamkt — Pkksuot — 

HoBOMOK — Tukuiniihamou — Obbutinewat — Na.nkpashamft — Hqimto- Sachem  of 
Maasachuselts —  Wehcowet. 

In  1G20  some  determined  white  people,  widi  the  most  astonishing  and 
invincible  firnmess,  undertook  to  wander  3000  miles  from  tlie  land  of  their 
birth,  and,  in  the  most  hay.iu'doua  manner,  to  take  up  a  permanent  abode  upon 
the  bordei-s  of  a  lioundless  wilderness, — a  wilderness  a^  great,  or  far  greater, 
for  aught  ti>ey  knew,  than  the  expmise  of  ocean  which  they  were  to  pass. 
IJut  all  dangej-s  and  difficulties,  tliere  to  he  encountered,  weighed  nothing  in 
comparison  with  the  liberty  of  conscience  which  they  might  enjoy  when 
once  J)eyond  the  control  of  their  bigoted  pei-secutors. 

Tliese  singular  jK'ople  had  liberty  from  theu"  oppressor,  Jamet  I.,  to  go  and 
settle  in  this  wilderness,  and  to  possess  themselves  of  some  of  the  lauds  ol' 
the  Indians,  luovided  they  p  Ad  him  or  some  of  his  friends  for  them.  No  one 
seems  then  to  have  fpiestioi  _ '  how  tiiis  king  cmim  by  the  right  and  title  to 
lands  here,  any  more  tiian  how  he  came  by  his  crown.     They  were  less  scru- 

i)iilous,  jMirhaiis,  in  tiiis  matter,  as  the  king  told  them,  in  a  chaiter*  which 
le  granted  them,  though  not  till  after  they  had  sailed  for  America,  "  that  he 

HAU  BEEN  Ci.'EN  CERTAINLY  TO  KNOIVE,  THAT  WITHIN  THEiiE  LATE  YEARES 
THERE  HATH,  BY  GoD^S  VISITATION,  RAIGNED  A  WONUERKULL  PLAGUE,  TO- 
CETHER  WITH  MANY  HORRIBLE  SLAUGHTERS  AND  MURTHERS,  COMMITTED 
AMOUNGST  THE  SAUAGE3  AND  BRUTISH  PEOPLE  THERE  UEERTOFORE  INHAB- 
ITING, IN  A  MANNER  TO  THE  UTTER  DESTRUCTION,  DEVASTACION  AND  DEPOF- 
ULACION  OF  THAT  WHOLE  TEEHITOHYE,  SO  THAT  THERE  IS  WOT  LEFT,  FOR 
MANY  LEAGUES  TOGETHER  IN  A  MANNER,  ANY  THAT  DOE  CLAIMS  OR  CHALLENGE 

ANY  KIND  OF  i.^TERESTs  THEREiN."f  Tliis  was,  doubtlcss,  as  Well  kiiovvn,  if 
not  better,  to  the  Pilgrims  (as  they  were  aptly  called)  as  to  King  James. 

After  numerous  delays  and  disappointments,  the  I'ilgrims,  to  the  number  of 
41,  with  their  wives,  \.  children,  and  servants,  sailed  from  Plimouth,  in  England, 
in  one  small  ship,  called  the  I\Iayflovver,  on  Wednesday,  the  tJth  of  Sefrtember. 
Their  jjnssage  wajs  attended  with  great  peril ;  but  they  safely  aiTived  at  CajMi 
Cod,  9  Nov.  following,  without  the  loss  of  any  of  their  number.  They  now 
proceeded  to  make  the  necessai'y  discoveries  to  seat  themselves  on  the  baiTen 
roast.  One  of  the  first  things  they  found  necessary  to  do,  to  jireserve  order 
among  themselves,  was,  to  form  a  kind  of  constitution,  or  general  outline  o:" 
government.  Having  done  this,  it  was  signed  by  the  41,  two  days  after  their 
arrival,  viz.  11  Nov.  The  stune  day,  15  or  IG  of  their  number,  coveretl  with 
armor,  proceeded  to  the  land,  and  commenced  discoveries.  The  Indians  did 
not  show  themselves  to  the  English  until  the  loth,  and  then  they  would  have 
nothing  to  say  to  them.  About  5  or  G  at  first  only  ajmeared,  who  fied  into  the 
woods  as  soon  as  tViey  had  discovered  themselves.  The  Englishmen  followed 
tliein  many  miles,  but  could  not  overtake  them. 

First  Bailie  with  the  hnlians. — This  was  upon  8  Dec.  IG20,  and  we  will 
give  the  account  of  it  in  the  language  o{  one  that  was  an  actor  in  it.  "  We 
went  rangmg  up  and  down  till  ttie  sun  begun  to  draw  low,  and  then  we  hasted 

*  This  cliarter  bears  date  3  Nov.  1G20.     Chalmers,  Polit.  Annals,  81. 
t  Hazard's  Hist,   ('ollertioiis,   I,   '05,  wliore   the  entire  charter  may  be  seeu.    It  wm 
afterwards  railed  Tmk  OiiANi)  Plimouth  Pateht.     Clialiners,iU. 
J  Tlier c  were,  iu  all,  28  females. 


■■■^^ 

■m 

."■  .■•■VS 

-.     4f 

-    ''■.'>:\ 

■-:,;>' >'i» 

',  \  X,  •  ■.' 


'■!}■ 


...  .'.',*  f 


12 


FIRST  BATTLE  WITH  THE  INDIANS.— SAMOSET.        (TiooK  II. 


.!■■■ 


i.i^'..^ 


■  f.  j: 


It; 


out  of  tlie  woods  tliat  we  might  come  to  our  shallop.  By  that  time  we  had 
done,  and  our  shallop  como  to  us,  it  was  within  night  [7  Dec],  and  we  l)etook 
U8  to  our  rest,  after  v/c  ho  i  set  our  watch. 

"  Aliout  midnight  we  lieord  a  great  and  hideous  cry,  and  our  sentinel  called 
.^nn!  nnn!  Ho  we  bestirred  ourselves,  and  shot  off  a  coupl*;  of  nuiskets,  and 
[the]  noise  ceased.  We  concluded  that  it  was  a  company  of  wolves  and  foxes, 
lor  one  [of  our  company]  told  us  he  had  heanl  such  a  ni>ise  in  Newfoundland. 
About  r>  o'clock  in  the  morning  [8  Dec.]  wo  began  to  be  stirring.  U|M)n  a 
>iU(l(len  W(  heard  a  great  and  strange  cry,  which  we  knew  to  be  the  smne 
voices,  though  they  varied  their  notes.  One  of  our  company,  l)eing  abroad, 
came  running  hi  and  cried,  Thetf  are  men!  Indians!  ImliansH  and  withol 
their  arrows  came  flying  amongst  us.  Our  mea  ran  out  with  all  six^ed  to 
recover  their  am  3.  The  ciy  ot  our  enemies  was  dreadful,  esjjecially  when 
our  inen  ran  out  to  recover  their  iiru  Their  note  was  after  this  manner, 
IVoacli  ivoach  ha  ha  hack  icoach  Oi-r  luen  were  no  sooner  come  to  their  arms, 
but  the  enemy  was  ready  to  't  ti  •  ".    There  was  a  lusty  man,  and  no 

whit  less  valiavit,  who  was  tho>  ;'  to  j'  their  captain,  stood  lielimd  a  tree, 
within  half  a  musket  shot  of  us,  .>'!  ther  '  !••"  his  arrows  fly  at  us.  He  stood 
three  shots  of  a  musket.  At  lengin  one  oi  .'  iis  lie  said,  taking  full  aim  at 
him,  he  gave  an  extraordinary  cry,  and  away  they  went  all." 

It  is  not  certain  that  any  blood  was  shed  in  this  battle  ;  but  'n  was  pretty 
strongly  presumed  that  the  big  captain  of  the  Indians  was  Avoiinde«l.  The 
Indians  having  reti*eated,  the  conquerors  were  left  in  possession  of  the  I)attle- 
ground,  and  they  proceeded  to  gather  together  the  trophies  of  this  their  tirst 
victory.  They  picked  up  18  arrows,  which  they  sent  to  their  friends  in  Eng- 
land by  the  return  of  the  Mayflower.  Some  of  these  were  curiously  "headed 
with  brass,  some  with  harts'  horn,  and  others  with  eases'  claws."* 

It  appeared  afterwards  that  this  attack  was  made  by  the  Nauset  Tmlians, 
whos<!  chi(!f 's  name  was  ^spinet.  Whether  he  was  the  leader  in  this  fight,  is 
not  known  ;  but  lie  probably  was.  The  place  where  the  aflTair  happened  was 
called  by  tlie  Indians  N'amskekct ;  but  the  English  now  called  it  Tfce  First 
Encounter. 

The  ELEVENTH  OF  DECEMBER,  ever  memorabk;  in  the  history  of 
New  England,  was  now  come,  and  this  was  the  day  of  the  LANDING  OF 
THE  PILGRIMS.  A  place  upon  the  inhospitable  shore  had  been  fixed  upon, 
and  was  this  day  taken  possession  of,  and  never  again  deserted.  Tl»e  ship 
until  then  had  l>een  their  permanent  abode,  which  now  they  gladfy  exchanged 
for  the  sandy  shore  of  the  bay  of  Cape  Cod. 

Welcome,  Englishmen !  Welcotne,  Englishmen!  are  words  so  inseparably 
associated  witii  the  name  of  Samoset,  that  we  can  never  hear  the  one  without 
the  pleasing  n'collection  of  the  other.  These  were  the  first  accents  our  pilgrim 
fathers  heanl,  on  the  American  strand,  from  any  native.  We  mean  intelligible 
accents,  for  when  they  were  attacked  at  Namskeket,  on  their  first  arrival,  they 
ht:nrd  only  the  frightfid  war-whoop. 

The  first  time  Indians  were  seen  by  the  pilgrims,  was  upon  15th  Nov.  1620. 
"  They  espied  5  or  G  i)eople,  with  a  dog,  coming  towards  them,  who  were 
savages;  who,  when  they  saw  them,  ran  into  the  woods,  and  whistled  the  dog 
after  them."  t  And  though  the  English  ran  towards  them,  when  the  Indians 
l)erceived  it  "  they  ran  away  might  and  main,"  and  the  English  "  could  not 
come  near  them."  Soon  after  this,  Morion  says  the  Indians  "got  all  the 
powaws  in  the  country,  who,  for  three  days  together,  in  a  horid  and  devilish 
mauer  did  curse  and  execrate  them  with  their  conjurations,  which  assembly 

*  Mourt's  Relation,  in  1  Mans.  Hist.  Col.  VIII,  218,  219. 

t  Relation  or  Jonrnal  of  a  Plantcdion  settled  at  Pltjmouth,  in  N.  E.  usually  cited  Mourt's 
Relation.  It  was,  no  (loiilu,  wriucn  by  several  of  iho  company,  or  the  writer  was  assisted  by 
several.  Mourt  seems  to  have  b»'en  the  publisher.  I  have  no  scruple  but  that  the  suegesliou 
of  Judge  Divis  is  correct,  viz.  that  Richard  Gardner  was  the  principal  author.  About  the 
early  seiiloinciil  of  any  country,  there  never  was  a  more  important  docunienl.  It  was  printed 
in  1622,  and  is  now  reprinted  in  the  Mass.  Hist.  Col.,  and  we  hope  soon  to  see  it  printed  in  it 
volume  bv  itself  in  a  style  worthy  of  its  importance.  As  it  stands  in  the  Hist.  Collections,  it  is 
very  difhcult  to  consult,  a  part  of  it  being  contained  in  one  volume,  and  the  lemaiuder  iu 
another. 


[Book  II. 

ne  we  liad 
we  betook 

;inel  railed 
jskcts,  and 
and  foxes, 
foundland. 
',.  U|M)n  a 
3  the  sjune 
ng  abroad, 
ind  witlial 
II  siM*d  to 
iaily  when 
'\»  manner, 
their  anus, 
an,  and  no 
lind  a  tree. 
He  stood 
full  ahn  at 


Chap.  II] 


THE  PLAGUE.— NEW  INTERVIEW. 


18 


iet  Indians, 
;his  fight,  is 
jpened  wos 
t  The  First 


and  service  they  held  in  a  dark  and  dismal  swomp.     Behold  how  Satan  labor- 
ed to  hinder  the  gospel  from  coming  into  New  England !  " 

It  was  on  Friday,  IHtii  March,  KKiJ,  that  Samoset  suddenly  appeared  at 
Plimoutli,  and,  says  Mourt,  "  He  very  boldly  came  all  alone,  and  along  the 
houses,  strait  to  the  rendezvous,  where  we  interce|)ted  him,  not  sutlering  him 
to  go  in,  OS  imdoubtedly  he  woidd,  out  of  Ids  boklness."  He  was  naked,  "only 
a  leather  about  his  waist,  with  a  fringe  about  a  span  long."  The  weather  wad 
verj'  cold,  and  this  author  adds,  "  VVe  east  a  horseman's  eoat  about  him.'"  To 
reward  them  for  their  hospitality,  Samonet  gave  them  whatever  information 
they  desired.  "He  had,  say  they,  learned  some  broken  English  amongst  the 
Englishmen  that  came  to  fish  at  Motdiiggon,  and  knew  by  name  the  most  ot 
the  ca|»tains,  commandei-s,  and  masters,  that  usually  come  [there].  He  was  a 
mail  free  in  spctch,  so  far  as  he  could  (xprc.ss  bis  mind,  and  of  s«'emiy  ciu'- 
riage.  We  questioned  him  of  many  things  ;  he  wits  the  first  savage  wt^  could 
meet  withal.  He  said  lie  was  not  of  tlios<!  parts,  hut  ol"  Aloratiggon,  and  one 
of  the  sagamores  or  lords  thereof:  had  b(!en  8  months  in  these  parts,  it  lying 
hence  [to  the  eastward]  a  day's  sail  with  a  great  wind,  and  five  days  by  laiul. 
He  discoursed  of  the  whole  country,  and  of  every  province,  and  of  tluiir  stig- 
amores,  and  their  number  of  men,  and  strength."  "He  had  a  Im)W  and  two 
arrows,  the  one  headed,  and  the  other  unheaded.  He  was  a  tall,  stmit  man ; 
the  hair  of  his  lu-ad  black,  long  behind,  only  short  before  ;  none  on  his  tiiee  at 
all.  He  asked  some  beer,  but  we  gave  him  strong  water,  and  biscuit,  and 
butter,  and  cheese,  and  pudding,  and  a  piece  of  a  mallard  ;  all  which  he  liked 
well."  "  H(!  told  us  the  place  where  we  now  live  is  called  Patuxet,  and  that 
about  4  years  ago  all  the  i!diabitants  died  of  an  extraordinary  plague,  and  there 
is  neither  man,  woman,,  nor  child  niiiaining,  as  indeed  we  have  found  none ; 
so  as  there  is  none  to  hinder  our  possession,  or  lay  claim  unto  it.  All  the 
afternoon  we  spent  in  comnuinication  with  him.  We  would  gladly  been  rid 
of  him  at  night,  but  h(!  was  not  willing  to  go  this  night.  Then  we  thought  to 
carrj'  him  on  ship-board,  wherewith  he  was  well  content,  and  went  into  the 
8hallo|) ;  but  the  wind  was  high  and  water  scant,  that  it  could  not  return  back. 
We  lodged  [with  him]  that  night  at  Stephen  Hopkins^  house,  and  watched 
hitn." 

Thus,  through  the  means  of  this  innocent  Indian,  was  a  corresponch-nce 
happily  begun.  He  left  Plimouth  the  next  morning  to  return  to  Massasoit. 
who,  ho  said,  was  a  sachem  having  under  him  60  men.  The  English  having 
left  some  tools  ex])osed  in  the  woods,  on  (inding  that  they  were  missing,  rightly 
judged  the  Indians  had  taken  tl.em.  They  complained  of  tliis  to  Samosd  in 
rather  a  threatening  air.  "We  willed  him  (say  they)  that  they  should  be 
brought  again,  otherwise  we  would  right  oureclves."  When  he  left  them  "he 
promised  within  a  night  or  two  to  come  again,"  and  bring  some  of  Massasoii's 
men  to  trade  with  them  in  heaver  skins.  As  good  as  his  word,  Samosd  came 
the  next  Sunday,  "and  brought  with  him  5  other  tall,  pro|)er  men.  Tlmy  had 
every  man  a  deer's  skin  on  liim;  and  the  principal  of  them  had  a  wild  cat's 
skin,  or  such  like,  on  one  arui.  They  had  most  of  them  long  hosen  up  to  tlieii 
groins,  close  made ;  and  alwue  their  gi-oins,  to  their  waist,  another  leather 
they  were  altogether  like  the  Irish  trousers.  They  are  of  complexion  liki-  oui 
English  gij)sies;  no  hair,  or  very  little,  on  their  laces;  on  their  heads  long  hail 
to  their  shouldei-s,  only  cut  before ;  some  trussed  up  before  with  a  leather 
broadwise  like  a  fan  ;  another  a  fox-tail  hanging  out."  The  English  had 
charged  Samoset  not  to  let  any  who  came  with  him  bring  their  arms ;  these 
therefore,  left  "their  bows  and  arrows  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  our  town 
We  gave  tlnsm  entertainment  as  we  thought  was  fitting  them.  They  did  eat 
liberally  of  our  English  victuals,"  and  ajipeared  very  friendly ;  "  sang  and 
daiiced  after  their  manner,  like  anticks."  "Some  of  them  had  their  faces 
painted  black,  from  the  forehead  to  the  chin,  four  or  five  fingers  broad :  others 
after  other  fashions,  as  they  liked.  They  brought  three  or  four  skins,  but  we 
would  not  truck  with  them  all  that  day, "but  wished  them  to  bring  more,  and 
we  would  truck  for  all ;  which  they  promised  within  a  night  or  two,  and 
would  leave  these  behind  them,  though  we  were  not  willing  they  should  ;  and 
they  brought  all  our  tools  again,  which  were  taken  in  the  woods,  in  our 
absence.    So,  because  of  tlie  day  [Sunday],  we  dismissed  them  so  soon  as  we 


1*1 


.       "w 


■M 


■  11! 


14 


CAPT.  HUNT.— lYANOriGH  OF   CUMMAQUID. 


[DuoK  11 


i-::-. 


■ 


ih- 


rould.  But  Snmoact,  our  first  acquuiiitnuce,  cithiT  was  sick,  or  fi-igncd  liiniself 
so,  1111(1  would  not  >?o  witli  tlicin,  and  stayed  wjtli  us  till  VVediHssdiiy  uioniiug. 
Then  we  SI  lit  liiui  to  tlioiu,  to  know  ilic  reu-sou  they  came  not  accordinfj  to 
tlicir  words  ;  and  we  gave  tiiin  a  liat,  a  pair  ol'Htoekings  and  shoes,  a  t^hirl,  and 
a  pier'e  of  plotli  to  tie  ahout  his  waist." 

Sdmosct  returned  affain,  the  next  day,  bringing  with  him  Sqxutnto,  mentioned 
in  the  Inst  ehajtter.  lie  was  "the  oidy  native  fsays  Mourt's  Relation)  of 
I'atiixet,  where  we  now  inhabit,  who  was  one  ot  the  20  [or  24]  eaptives,  that 
by  Hunt  were  earried  away,  and  had  been  in  England,  and  dwelt  in  C'ornhill 
with  master  John  Slaine,  a  nKsreliant,  and  could  speak  a  little  l-nglish,  with 
three  othei-s."  They  brought  u  few  articles  for  trade,  but  the  more  important 
news  "that  their  great  sagamore,  Massasoyt,  was  hard  by,"  whose  introduc- 
tion to  them  accordingly  Ibllowed. 

In  June,  Ui'il,  a  boy,  Jolm  liUlinglon,  having  been  lost  in  the  woods,  several 
English,  with  Sqxianto  and  Tokamuhainoii,  undertook  a  voyage  to  Nausct  in 
search  for  him.  Squanto  was  th(;ir  interpreter;  "the  other,  Tokamaliamon,  a 
special  friend."  The  weather  was  liiir  when  they  wt  out,  "but  ere  they  had 
been  long  at  sea,  tli(>re  arose  a  storm  of  wind  and  rain,  with  much  lightning 
and  tlnuKler,  insomuch  that  a  [water]  spout  arose  not  far  irom  them."  How- 
ever, they  escaped  danger,  and  lunivcd  at  night  at  Cumma(|uid.  Here  they 
met  with  some  Indians,  who  intbrmed  them  that  the  boy  was  at  Nauset. 
These  Indians  treated  them  with  great  kindness,  inviting  them  on  shore  to  eat 
■with  them. 

Iijunoiiprh  was  sachem  of  this  place,  and  these  were  bis  men.  "  They  brought 
lis  to  tlieir  saciiim  (says  jMourt)  or  governor,  whom  they  call  lyanough"  who 
then  ai)peared  about  20  years  of  ag((,  "  but  very  personable,  gentle,  court(;ous, 
and  fair-conditioned,  indeed,  not  like  a  savage,  save  for  his  attire.  His  enter- 
tainment was  answerable  to  his  parts,  mid  liis  cheer  plentiful  and  various." 
Tims  is  portrayed  the  amiable  character,  Ii/anouf^h,  by  those  who  knew  him. 
We  can  add  but  little  of  him  except  his  wretched  fate.  The  severity  executed 
upon  M'ittmvamet  and  Peksuot  caused  such  consternation  and  dread  of  the 
English  among  many,  that  they  foreook  their  wonted  habitations,  fled  into 
8wam|)s,  and  lived  in  unhealthy  places,  in  a  state  of  starvation,  un'il  many  died 
with  diseases  which  they  bad  thus  contracted.  Aujong  such  victims  were 
hfanough,  Aspind,  Coneconam,  and  many  n)ore.  Hence  the  English  supposed 
tliey  were  in  Ptk^not^s  conspiracy,  as  will  be  more  j)articului  ly  related  here- 
after. 

While  the  English  were  with  lyanoufrli^  at  Cummaquid,  they  relate  that 
there  was  an  old  woman,  whom  they  judged  to  be  no  less  than  100  years  old, 
ivbo  came  to  see  them,  because  she  had  never  seen  English;  "yet  (say  they) 
[she]  could  not  behold  us  without  breaking  forth  into  great  passion,  weeping 
and  crying  excessively."  They  inquired  the  reason  of  it,  and  were  told  that 
she  had  three  sons,  "  who,  when  master  Hunt  was  in  these  parts,  went  aboard 
his  ship  to  trade  with  him,  and  he  carried  tlietn  captives  into  Spain."  Squanto 
being  ]»resent,  who  was  carried  away  at  the  same  time,  was  acquainted  with 
the  circumstances,  and  thus  the  English  became  knowing  to  her  distress,  and 
told  her  they  were  sorry,  that  Hunt  was  a  bad  man,  but  that  all  the  other  Eng- 
lish were  well  flisposed,  and  would  never  injure  her.  They  then  gave  her  a 
few  trinkets,  wliich  consid(!rably  ajjpeased  her. 

Our  voyagers  now  ])roceed  to  Nauset,  accompanied  by  lyanovgh  and  two 
of  his  men.  Jlspinet  was  the  sachem  of  this  place,  to  whom  Squanto  was  sent, 
Ji/anous;h  and  his  men  having  gone  before.  Squajito  having  informed  Aspintt 
that  his  English  friends  hacl  come  for  the  boy,  he  "came  (they  relate)  with  a 
great  train,  and  brought  the  boy  with  him,"  one  carrying  him  through  the 
water.  This  being  at  or  near  the  place  where  an  attack  was  made  on  the 
English,  on  their  firet  arrival  in  the  country,  as  has  been  related,  caused  them 
to  be  on  their  guard  at  this  time. 

At  this  time,  Aspinet  had  in  his  company  "not  less  than  an  Inindred ;"  half 
of  whom  attended  the  boy  to  the  boat,  and  the  rest  "stood  aloof,"  with  their 
bows  and  arrows,  looking  on.  Aspinet  delivered  up  the  boy  in  a  formal  man- 
ner, "bebung  with  beads,  and  made  peace  with  us  ;  we  bcrcowing  a  knife  on 
him,  and  likewise  on  another,  tliat  first  entertained  the  boy,  and  brought  him 
thither." 


r  •■■ 


[Rook  U 

eil  himself 
y  iiiornuig. 
icoriliiif;  to 
u  Hhirt,  und 

,  nu  iitiniKHl 
lation)  of 
iptivcH,  that 
in  C'onihill 
ri{;htih,  with 
e  iiiiportaut 
so  iiitroiluc- 

)0(lf>,  soveral 
o  Nuiistt  in 
imahamon,  a 
>re  tlicy  had 
:li  liglitniiig 
nil."  IIow- 
Ilerc  they 
s  at  Nauset. 
sliorc  to  eat 

'hey  hrouplit 
nough"  who 
e,  courteous, 
His  eiiter- 
iiid  various." 
J  i\uew  him. 
rity  executed 
dread  of  the 
)U8,  fled  into 
i'l  many  died 
victims  were 
ish  supposed 
related  liere- 

relate  that 
00  yeai-s  old, 

t  (say  they) 
iiou,  weeping 
ere  told  that 
went  aboard 
"    Sqiutnto 

lauited  with 

listross,  and 
e  other  Eng- 

n  gave  her  a 

gh  and  two 
7ito  was  sent, 
rmed  Aspintt 
relate)  with  a 
through  the 
made  on  the 
caused  them 

ndred;"  half 
;"  with  their 
formal  man- 
ng  a  knife  on 
brought  him 


Chap.  II]        lyANOUGII.—ASPINET.— DEATH  OF  SQUANTO. 


lA 


m. 


I 


■I 


Ii/nnough  diil  not  accoinfmny  the  expeilition  in  their  return  from  Nauset,  hut 
went  home  hy  land,  and  was  ready  to  eiiK'rtain  the  company  on  their  return. 
Trom  ''(intniry  winuj  and  a  want  of  fresh  water,  the  voviigcru  were  obligcil  to 
touch  affiiin  at  Cummaciui<l.  "There  («iy  theyj  we  iiiet  again  with  lyanotigh, 
and  the  most  of  his  town."  "He,  l»eing  still  willing  to  gratify  us,  took  a  rund- 
let,  aii<l  led  our  men  in  the  dark  a  great  way  fi)r  water,  hut  could  find  none 
good,  yet  brought  such  as  there  was  on  his  neck  with  them.  In  the  meantimo 
tlic  women  joined  hand  in  hand,  singing  and  dancing  before  the  shallop;*  the 
men  also  showing  all  the  knidrn'ss  they  could,  Iifnmugh  himself  taking  tt 
bracelet  trom  aboiit  his  neck,  and  hanging  it  alniut  one  of  us." 

They  wei-e  not  able  to  g<t  out  of  th(!  harbor  of  Cummacpiid  from  ballliiig 
winds  and  tides,  whir h /yanou^fc  seeing,  the  ne.xt  morning  he  ran  along  the 
sliore  after  them,  and  they  took  him  into  their  shallop,  and  returned  with  him 
to  bis  town,  where  he  entertained  them  in  a  manner  not  inferior  to  what  he  had 
done  before.  Tin  now  succeeded  in  g<'tting  water,  and  shortly  alh'r  returned 
home  in  safety. 

While  lit  Nauset,  the  English  heard  that  Mnsnasoit  had  l)een  attacked  and 
carried  olf  by  the  Narnigansets,  which  led  to  the  e.x|)edition  of  Slandish  and 
AUtrlon  against  Cnunhilnnt,  as  will  be  lound  related  in  bis  life. 

About  this  time,  six  sachems  of  the  inighboriMg  country  had  their  fidelity 
tested,  by  being  called  upon  to  sign  a  treaty  subjecting  themselves  to  King 
James,  us  will  be  found,  also,  m  that  life.  But  to  return  again  to  Aspintt,  and 
other  sachems  of  Cajie  Cod. 

IJy  the  improvidence  of  a  company  settled  at  W'essaguscus,  under  the  direc- 
tion of  Mr.  Thomas  fVeston,  in  hfti,  timy  had  been  brought  to  the  very  brink 
of  !-tarvation  in  the  winter  of  that  year.  In  fact,  the  Plimoiuli  peo,  le  were  but 
very  littl"  better  oft";  and  but  for  the  kindness  of  the  Indians,  the  vvoi-st  of 
conse(|tiences  might  have  ens  led  to  both  these  infant  colonies. 

.As  the  wint(;r  progressed,  the  two  colonies  entered  into  articles  of  agreement 
to  go  on  a  trading  voyage  among  the  Indians  of  Cape  Cod  to  buy  corn,  and 
whatever  else  might  conduce  to  their  livelihood.  Squunto  was  j)ilot  in  this 
expedition ;  but  he  di(!d  hi^for^  it  was  accomplished,  and  the  record  of  his 
death  stands  thus  in  Winslow'.s  Relation  : — 

"  But  here  [at  Manamoyk,  since  Chatham],  though  they  had  determined  to 
make  a  .second  essay  [to  pass  within  the  shoals  of  Cape  Cod] ;  yet  (Jod  liad 
otherwise!  disposed,  who  struck  Tisquantum  with  sickness,  insomuch  as  he 
there  died,  which  crossed  their  southward  trading,  and  the  more,  because  the 
master's  sufficiency  was  much  doubted,  and  the  seiLson  very  tcMupestuous,  and 
not  fit  to  go  upon  discovery,  having  no  guide  to  direct  them."  His  disorder, 
according  to  Prinn;  was  a  fever,  "bleeding  much  at  the  nose,  which  the 
Indians  reckon  a  fatal  symi)tom."  Ho  desired  the  governor  would  pniy  for 
him,  that  he  might  go  to  the  Englishmen's  God,  "bequeathing  bis  things  to 
sundry  of  his  English  friends,  as  remembrances  of  his  love ;  of  whom  we 
have  a  great  loss." 

Thus  died  the  famous  Siptanto,  or  Tasquantum,  in  December,  1G22.  To 
him  the  pilgrims  were  greatly  indebted,  although  he  often,  through  extreme 
folly  and  shortsightedness,  gave  them,  as  well  as  himself  and  others,  a  great 
deal  of  trouble,  as  in  the  life  of  Massasoil  and  Hobomok  will  appear. 

Thus,  at  the  commencement  of  the  voyage,  the  ])ilot  wa.s  taken  away  by 
death,  and  the  expedition  came  near  being  abandoned.  However,  iMjfore 
Sqiutnto  died,  he  succeeded  in  introducing  his  friends  to  tlit;  sachem  of  Mana- 
moick  and  his  people,  where  they  were  received  and  entertained  in  a  nitumer 
that  uotild  do  honor  to  any  people  in  any  age.  It  is  the  more  worthy  of 
remark,  lus  none  of  the  English  had  ever  been  there  before,  and  were  utter 
strangers  to  them.  Afler  they  had  refreshed  them  "  with  store  of  veni.son  and 
other  victuals,  which  they  brought  thcMu  in  great  abundance,"  they  sold  them 
"  8  hogsheads  of  com  and  beans,  though  the  people  ivcre  but  few." 

From  Manamoick  they  proceeded  to  Massachusetts,  but  could  do  nothing 


*  It  \v!ts  a  custom  with  most  Indian  nations  to  dance  when  slranfjcrs  came  among  them. 
Baron  Laliontan  says  it  was  the  manner  of  the  Ironuois  to  dance  "'  torsque  les  strangers 
pas.tmt  dans  leiir  pats,  ou  que  leurs  eimemis  enroient  des  ambassadeurs  pour  faire  dcs  propo- 
ritions  de  paLc,'' — Memcires  de  L'Amerique,  ii.  110. 


■  "il 


■;l| 


.     K^ 

■  ■    '-i 

■,'        ■.*".'   r 

:     -           '      .       -        ^ 

.  .  •  .',•  f.  .'  ■■■: 

•'■  if 


^ 


16 


8QUANTO. 


[Book  II. 


'^.^ 


then;,  an  Mr.  fVeston*8  men  hml  ruined  tlie  mnrkot  by  giving  "as  much  for  a 
quurt  of  corn,  a«  we  used  to  do  for  u  iMiuver'H  Hkin."  Tlierefon!  they  returned 
again  to  Cupe  Cod,  to  NaiiHet,  "  wliere  the  Hiiclieni  Jiapiiut  nwd  tlie  gov«'riior 
very  kindly,  and  where  they  hoiight  8  or  10  hogHlieadH  of  corn  luid  l)eunM:  also 
at  a  plac*;  called  Maltachieat,  where  they  had  like  kind  entertainment  and  corn 
airio."  While  here,  a  violent  Mtortn  drove  on  Hhore  and  ho  daiiiaf^ed  their  pinnace, 
that  they  could  not  get  their  corn  on  iMiard  the  Hhip :  ho  they  made  a  Htack  of  it, 
and  Hecnred  it  from  the  weather,  hy  crovering  it  with  uiat^i  and  sedge,  ^'hpintt 
was  demred  to  watch  and  keep  wihl  animals  from  dentroying  it,  until  they 
coidd  Hend  for  it  ;  also,  not  to  Hutl'er  their  hoat  to  he  conc<;rned  with.  All  this 
ho  tiiithfully  did,  and  the  governor  returned  home  hy  land,  "receiving  great 
kindntiHH  from  the  Indians  hy  the  way."  At  this  time  there  was  a  great  nick- 
ness  among  the  MaHsachuHetts  IndiauH,  "  not  uidike  the  |)lague,  if  not  the 
same ;"  hut  no  particulars  f»f  it  are  recorded. 

Some  time  after,  Statulish  went  to  hring  the  com  left  at  Nauset,  and,  as  usual, 
gets  himself  into  ditHcultv  with  the  Indians.  One  of  Jlnpind^s  men  happening 
to  come  to  one  of  Stmulish^B  boats,  which  being  Icfl  entirely  without  guard,  he 
took  out  a  few  trinkets,  such  as  "Ixjads,  scissors,  and  other  trifles,"  which  wlien 
the  English  captain  found  out,  "he  took  certain  of  his  cotn|Hmy  with  him,  and 
went  to  the  sachem,  telling  him  what  had  happened,  and  re({uiring  the  samo 
n^ain,  or  the  i>arty  that  stole  them,"  ^^or  else  he  would  rtverxfre  it  on  thtm  before 
his  departure,  and  so  departed  for  the  night,  ^refusinf^  tohatsoever  kiiulness  they 
offered."  However,  the  next  morning,  ^spinet,  attended  by  many  of  his  men, 
went  to  the  English,  "in  a  stately  niaiuier,"  and  restored  all  the  "trifles;"  for 
the  exposing  of  which  the  English  deserved  ten  tunes  as  much  reprehension 
as  the  man  for  taking  them. 

Sqiuinto  being  the  only  p(;r8on  that  escaped  the  great  sickness  at  Patuxet, 
inquirers  for  an  accoimt  of  that  calamity  will  very  reasonably  expect  to  find  it 
in  a  history  of  his  life.  Wo  therefore  will  relate  all  that  is  known  of  it,  not 
elsewliere  to  be  noticed  in  our  progniss.  The  extent  of  its  ravages,  as  near  an 
we  can  judge,  was  from  Narraganset  Bay  to  Kennebeck,  or  [Hjrhaps  Penob- 
scot, and  was  sup|)osed  to  have  commenced  about  1617,  and  the  length  of  its 
duration  seems  to  have  been  between  two  and  three  years,  as  it  was  nearly 
abjited  in  1619.  The  Indians  gave  a  frightfid  account  of  it,  saying  that  they 
died  so  fast  "  that  the  living  were  not  able  to  bury  the  dead."  When  the  Eng- 
lish arrived  in  the  coimtry,  their  bones  were  thick  upon  the  ground  in  many 
places.  This  they  looked  upon  as  a  great  providence,  inasmuch  as  it  had 
destroyed  "  multitudes  of  the  barbarous  heathen  to  make  way  for  the  chosen 
people  of  God." 

"  Some  had  expired  in  fipht,— the  brands 
Still  rusted  in  their  bony  hands,— 

In  plague  and  famine  some." — Campbell. 

All  wars  and  disostei's,  in  those  days,  were  thought  to  be  preceded  by  some 
stinnge  natural  appearance,  or,  as  appeared  to  them,  unnatural  appearance  or 
phenomenon  ;  hence  the  appearance  of  a  comet,  in  1618,  was  considered  by 
some  the  precursor  of  this  pestilence.* 

We  will  give  here,  from  a  curious  work,  f  in  the  language  of  the  author,  on 
interesting  passage,  relating  to  this  melancholy  period  of  the  history  of  the 
people  of  Masaasoit,  in  which  he  refers  to  Squanto.  After  relating  the  fate  of 
a  French  ship's  crew  among  the  Wampanoags,  as  extracted  in  the  life  of  Mas- 
aasoit, in  continuation  of  the  accoimt,  he  proceeds  thus  :  "  But  contrary  wise, 
[the  Indians  having  said  "they  were  so  many  that  God  could  not  kill  them," 
when  one  of  the  Frenchmen  rebuked  them  for  their  "wickedness,"  telling 
them  God  would  destroy  them,]  in  short  time  after,  the  hand  of  God  fell 
heavily  upon  them,  with  such  a  mortall  stroake,  that  they  died  on  lieaps,  as 
they  lay  in  their  houses,  and  the  living,  that  were  able  to  shift  for  themselves, 
would  runne  away  and  let  them  dy,  and  let  their  carkases  ly  above  the  ground 

*The  year  IfilS  seems  to  have  been  very  iruitful  in  comets,  "  as  therein  no  less  than  four 
were  observed."  /.  Mather's  Discourse  concerninor  Comets,  108.  lloston,  l!2mo.  1083. 
There  may  be  seen  a  curious  passage  concerning  the  comel  of  1G18  in  Rushwortli' s  Hist. 
Col.  of  that  year. 

fNew  English  Canaan,  23,  by  Thomas  Morton,  4lo.  Amsterdnm,  K337. 


[Book  II. 

[Tiuch  for  a 
y  returned 

(•  JfOVlTIICtP 

muuik:  uIho 
t  uiitl  corn 
ir  piiiiiuce, 
stuck  of  it, 
'.     Jhpinet 
,  until  tlicy 
1.     All  tliid 
iving  groat 
f^reut  wick- 
it'  not  tho 

1(1,  as  usual, 
1  huppcning 
It  guuni,  lio 
vliicli  wlien 
til  liiui,  and 
g  the  sanio 
them  before 
indness  they 
of  his  men, 
trifles;"  for 
epreheiision 

i  at  Patuxet, 

ect  to  find  it 

m  of  it,  not 

8,  as  near  at) 

laps  Penob- 

letigth  of  its 

[  was  nearly 

[g  that  they 

en  the  Eng- 

nd  in  many 

1  as  it  had 

le  chosen 


ed  by  some 

jearance  or 

nsidered  by 

author,  an 

story  of  the 

the  fate  of 

ife  ofMas- 

trary  wise, 

kill  them," 

ess,"  telling 

of  God  fell 

)n  heaps,  as 

themselves, 

the  ground 

less  than  fniir 
nmo.  1G83. 
hwortli'i  Hist. 


CHAf.  Ill 


«(iUANTO— MASSASOIT. 


ir 


m 


without  huriiill.  For  in  a  place  whnrn  many  inhnliif.l,  there  hath  Imvm  hut 
one  led  alive  to  tell  what  hccaiiic  of  the  rest  ;  tin;  livinu  litiii^^  [tu*  it  seems)  nut 
iilili'  to  iMirv  the  'lead.  They  were  leJl  li)r  erowes,  kites,  ami  vrnniiie  to  pray 
iiiMxi.  And  the  lioties  ami  Hkiills,  upon  tlit^  si'verill  places  of  tlicir  haliitatioiis, 
nia.le  Hiicli  a  spectacle,  nW'V  my  coiiimiiii?  into  those  parts,*  that,  !is  I  travailed 
ill  that  tinresl  m-rc  the  Massaciiussits,  it  s/emed  to  me  a  nrw-loimd  (iolirotha." 

Sir  t'cnlinitii'ln  (i(ir!!e.i,  as  we  iiave  si-eii,  wjis  Wi  II  acipiaiiited  with  tli  ■  coast 
of  New  Kiifiiaiid.  After  his  desiifii  failed  at  Sagadaliock,  he  h'lls  us  tliat  he 
sent  over  a  ship  upon  his  own  account,  which  was  to  leave  a  company  imd.  r 
one  /Vd.s.t  to  remain  and  trade  in  the  coiiiifry.  Thesi'  were  his  own  si-rvants, 
and  lie  ordered  "th(!iii  to  leave  the  ship  ami  ship's  company,  for  to  follow  their 
liiisiiirss  ill  the  usual  place,  (for,  he  says,  I  kin'W  they  would  not  he  drawn  to 
seek  by  any  means,)  hy  these,  and  the  help  of  those  natives  formerly  sriit  over, 
I  colli"  to  i>e  truly  iiiloriiied  of  so  miicii  as  gave  me  assurance  that  in  time  I 
slioiild  want  no  undertakers,  though  as  yet  [  was  forced  to  liire  men  to  stay 
there  the  winter  quarter,  at  extreme  rates,  and  not  without  danger,  tor  that  t\).' 
wart  had  consumed  the  Bashaiia,  and  the  most  of  the  great  sagam'sics,  with 
such  men  of  action  as  followed  them,  and  tliose  that  remaiiuil  were  sore 
nrtlicteil  with  the  plague  ;  for  that  tin;  country  Wius  in  a  maimer  le'll  void  of 
inhabitants.  Notwithstanding,  J'tnen,  and  the  rest  with  him  that  lay  in  the 
cabins  with  those  pcojili;  that  died,  some  more,  some  less,  mightily,  (lilessed  be 
God  for  it)  not  one  of  them  (wer  felt  tlu^ir  Inwids  to  ache  while  they  stayed 
there."  Here,  although  we  are  put  in  possession  of  several  of  tla;  most  impcn- 
tant  flicts,  yet  our  venerable  author  is  deficient  in  one  of  the  main  partieiilai-s — 
I  mean  that  of  dates,  Therelbre  we  giiin  no  further  data  as  to  the  time  or 
coiitiniianee  of  this  jilagiie  among  the  Indian.s  ;  for  Hir  Fcrdinando  adds  to  the 
above,  "  and  this  course  I  held  some  years  together,  but  nothing  to  my  private 
pkotit,"  &c. 

In  Capt.  Smithes  account  of  New  England,  puitlished  in  l()3l,  he  has  a 
passage  about  tho  plague,  which  is  much  like  that  we  have  given  above  li-om 
Morton.  The  ship  cast  away,  he  says,  was  a  fishing  vessel,  and  the  man  that 
they  kept  a  prisoner,  on  telling  them  he  feared  his  (•ml  would  destroy  them, 
their  king  made  him  stand  on  the  top  of  a  lull,  and  collected  his  people  about 
it  that  the  man  might  see  how  numerous  tluy  were.  When  tie  had  doni;  this, 
he  demanded  of  the  Frenchman  whether  iiis  God,  that  he  told  so  much  about, 
had  so  many  men,  and  whether  they  couhl  kill  all  those.  On  his  assuring  the 
king  that  he  could,  they  derided  him  as  before.  Soon  after,  the  jilague  earrie<l 
oti"  alt  of  the  Massachusetts,  5  or  (500,  leaving  only  30,  of  whom  28  were  killed 
by  their  neighbors,  the  other  two  escaping  until  the  English  came,  to  whom 
they  gave  their  '•r."Mtry.  The  English  told  the  Indians  that  the  disease  was 
the  plague,  uajit.  Smith  says  this  account  is  second  hand  to  him,  and  therefore 
begs  to  be  excused  if  it  be  not  tine  in  all  its  jiariiculars. 

We  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  most  interesting  characters  in  Indian 
history. 

IMassasoit,  chief  of  the  Wanipanoags,  resided  at  a  place  called  Pokanoket 
or  Pawkunnawkut,  by  the  Indians,  which  is  now  included  in  the  town  of  Bris- 
tol, Rhode  Island.  He  was  a  chief  n^novvned  more  in  peace  than  war.  and 
was,  as  long  as  he  lived,  a  Iriendtotli  •  English,  notwithstanding  they  committed 
repeated  usurpations  upon  his  landh   md  liberties. 

This  chief's  name  has  been  written  >%  ith  great  variation,  as  Woosamequin,  Jlsuh- 
mequin,  Oosamequen,  Osamekin,  Ow)inmfqnin,Owsamequine,Ussameqtien,  IVasam- 
egin,  &c. ;  but  the  name  by  which  he  is  f^enerally  known  in  history,  is  that  with 
which  we  commence  his  life.§     Mr.  Prince,  in  his  Annals,  says  of  that  name, 

*  Mr.  Morton  first  cnine  over  in  1()'2"2.  He  settled  near  Weymoutli.  After  great  trouble 
and  losses  I'roin  those  of  a  dilTerent  religion,  he  was  bitnished  out  of  the  eountry,  and  had  his 
property  sequestered,  but  soon  after  returned.  He  died  in  York,  Mc,  IG'tfi.  If  it  be  pretended 
that  Morton  liiul  no  relis^ion,  we  say,  "  Judge  not."    He  professed  to  have. 

t  Mr.  Rkhard  Vines.  Anfrica  painted  to  the  Life,  by  Ferd.  Gorges,  Esq.  4to.  Lond.  1659. 

X  A  great  war  among  the  Indians  at  this  time  is  mentioned  by  most  of  the  first  writers,  but 
the  particulars  of  it  cannot  be  known.  Il  seems  to  have  been  between  the  Tarr-uines  and 
tribes  to  the  west  of  Pascataqua. 

tSome  have  derived  the  name  of  Massachusetts  from  this  chief,  but  that  conjecture  is  not 
e  heeded.    If  any  man  knew,  we  may  be  allowed  to  suppose  that  Roger  Wiiliams  did. 


•^•/y 


^.,<:' 


V 


|: 


■'/■: 


hii    I 


18 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  II. 


^3^:.^ 


"the  printPfl  accoiitits  generally  spell  him  Massasoit ;  Gov.  Bradford  writes 
him  Massnsoyt,  and  Massasoyet ;  but  I  find  the  ancient  peo|)l(',  from  their 
fathers  in  Piiiuoiith  colony,  j)rorioimcc(l  his  name  Ma-sns-so-it."  Still  we  find 
no  inclination  to  cl)anf,'e  a  h^ttf^r  in  a  name  so  venerahh;,  and  which  has  been  so 
long  cstalilishcd;  for  if  a  writer  sutler  the  spirit  of  innovation  in  nimseltj  he 
knows  not  where  to  stop,  and  we  jironounce  him  no  antiquani. 

It  has  o(h'n  hceii  thought  strange,  that  so  mild  a  sachem '^.'V/ossasojY  should 
have;  possi'ssf'd  so  great  a  country,  and  our  wonder  has  hjen  increased  when 
We  consider,  that  Indian  j)ossessions  are  generally  "'**::.ined  by  prowess  and 
great  personal  courage.  We  know  of  none  who  could  boast  of  such  extensive 
(iiiminioiis,  where  all  were  content<Hl  to  consider  themselves  his  friends  and 
children.  Powhatan,  Pou'iac,  LntUe-turtle,  Tecumseh^  and  many  more  that  we 
could  name,  have  swayed  many  tribes,  but  theirs  wiis  a  temporary  'uiion,  in  an 
euicrg.'iicy  of  war.  That  Afassasoit  should  be  able  to  hold  so  jnany  tribes 
togetlier,  without  constant  war,  required  (ptalities  belonging  only  to  few.  'i'hat 
he  was  not  a  warrior  no  one  will  allow,  when  the  testimony  of  Annawon  is  so 
direct  to  the  ])oint.  For  that  great  chi(!f  gave  Capt.  Church  "an  account  of 
what  mighty  success  he  had  had  i()rmerly,  in  the  wars  against  many  nations 
of  Indians,  wIkmi  he  servcul  Asukmcquin,  Philip's  father." 

The  limits  of  his  country  towards  the  Nipnmks,  oi  iidand  Indians,  are  rot 
precisf^,  but  uf)on  the  east  and  west  we  are  sure.  It  is  evident,  however,  from 
the  following  extract,  that,  in  1(>47,  the  Nipmuks  were  rather  uncertain  about 
tlitnr  sachem,  and  probably  belonged  at  one  time  to  Massasoit,  and  at  another 
to  the  Nanagansets,  or  others,  as  circmnstances  impelled.  "The  No|)nat 
(Nipnet,  or  Ni|)muk)  Indians  having  uoe  sachem  of  their  own  are  at  liberty ; 
part  of  them,  by  their  own  choice,  doe  appertaine  to  the  Narraganset  sachem, 
and  parte  to  the  Mohegens."  *  And  certainly,  in  IGtiO,  those  of  Quabaog 
belong :;d  to  Massasoit  or  Wassamegin,  as  he  was  then  called  (if  he  be  the 
same),  as  will  be  evident  from  facts,  to  be  found  in  the  life  of  Uncas.  He 
owned  Cape  Cod,  and  all  that  part  of  Mjissachusetts  and  Rhode  Island  between 
Narraganset  and  Massachusetts  bays;  extending  inland  between  Pawtuckot 
and  Charles  rivers,  a  distance  not  satisfactorily  ascertained,  as  was  said  before, 
togetlier  witii  all  the  contiguous  islands.  It  was  filled  with  many  tribes  or 
nations,  and  all  lo(>king  up  to  him,  to  sanction  all  their  ex[)editions,  and  settle 
alt  their  difliculties.  And  we  may  remark,  further,  with  regard  to  the 
Nipnudis,  that  at  one  time  they  were  his  tribiiiaries.  And  this  seems  the  more 
probable,  for  in  Philip's  war  there  was  a  constant  intercourse  between  them, 
and  when  any  of  his  men  made  an  escape,  their  course  was  directly  into  the 
country  of  the  Nipnmks.  No  such  intercourse  subsisted  between  the  Nan-a- 
gansets  and  either  of  these.  But,  on  the  contrary,  when  a  messenger  from  the 
Narragansets  arrives!  in  the  country  of  the  Nipmuks,  witli  the  heads  of  some 
of  the  I'^nglish,  to  show  that  they  had  joined  in  the  war,  he  was  at  first  fired 
upon,  though  afterwards,  when  two  additional  heads  were  brought,  lie  was 
received  with  them. 

Massasoit  had  several  |)laces  of  residence,  but  the  principal  was  Mount  Hope, 
or  Pokanoket.  The  Eiiglish  early  gave  it  tiie  name  of  Mount  Hope,  In  it  from 
what  ciiTumstance  we  have  not  lear»;;u.  Some  SL'ppose  the  words  Mount  Hope 
corruptcid  from  the  Indian  wmus  Mon-top,\  but  with  what  reason  we  are  not 
informed.  Since  we  have  tlius  early  noticed  the  seat  of  the  ancient  chiefs,  be- 
fore i)iT)ceeding  with  the  life  of  the  first  of  the  Wampanoags,  we  will  give  a 
descrijition  of  it.  It  ap[)ears  to  the  best  tdvantage  from  the  village  of  Fall 
River,  in  tin;  town  of  Troy,  Massachusetts,  from  winch  it  is  distant  about  four 
miles.  From  this  place,  its  top  very  much  resembles  the  dome  of  the  state- 
He  Icariicil  from  the  Indian  ihcmselves,  "that  the  Ma^-i':hisetts  were  called  so  from  the  IJlue 
Hills."  Ill  the  vorabulary  of  Indian  words,  by  Rev.  John  Cotton,  tlie  definition  of  Massa- 
chusett  is,  "  an  hill  in  the  form  of  an  arrow's  head." 

*  Records  of  tlio  U.  Col.  in  Ilazard,  ii.  92. 

\  Ahli'n's  Collection  of  l^iiiaphs,  iv.  ()8.5.  President  Stiles,  in  his  notes  to  the  second 
edition  of  Chuuch's  Hist.  I'lOLir's  War,  p.  7,  spells  it  Mont-hanp  ;  but  it  is  ot  so  in  the 
text  of  either  edition.  Moreover,  wo  have  not  boon  able  to  discover  that  Mon-t^p  is  derived 
from  Inilian  word  or  words,  and  do  not  hesitate  to  pronounce  it  a  corruption  of  the  two 
£i'iglish  words  commonly  used  io  uaiuiiig  it. 


■f 


[Book  II. 

lord  writes 
irom  tluMF 
till  wc  find 
(US  b(M'ii  so 
uimsclf,  he 

tsoit  t*lionl(l 
used  when 
rowt'ps  und 
h  extensive 
frionds  and 
jro  that  we 
luioii,  in  an 
many  trilx'S 
1(!W.  That 
inaiuon  is  so 
account  of 
lany  nations 

ans,  are  not 
wevcr,  iVom 
ertain  about 
I  at  nnotlier 
riie   Nopnat 
re  at  liberty ; 
isct  siichern, 
of  Quabaog 
if  he  be  the 
'  Uncas.    lie 
and  between 
1   Pawtuckot 
3  said  before, 
any  tribes  or 
ns,  and  settle 
;gard  to   the 
irns  the  more 
[nween  them, 
:tly  into  the 
(  the  Narra- 
ger  from  the 
•ads  of  some 
at  lii-st  fired 
|ught,  he  waa 

Mount  Hope, 
kpo,  I  lit  from 
I  Mouni  Hope 
In  we  are  not 
)it  chiefs,  be- 
will  give  a 
[llage  of  Fall 
It  about  ibur 
|of  the  state- 

T  from  the  Blue 
llion  of  Mussa- 


to  the  second 
lis    ol  so  in  the 

-«,/p  is  derived 
lion  of  llifi  two 


Chap.  II.] 


MASSASOIT. 


to 


house  in  Boston,  as  seen  from  many  places  in  the  vicinity,  at  four  or  five  miles' 
distance.  Its  height  by  admeasurement  is  said  to  be  aitout  ^200  feet.*  It  is 
vcrv  t^teep  on  the  side  towards  Pocassct,  and  its  appcaranct!  is  very  regular. 
To  its  natural  ajipearance  a  gentleman  of  Bristol  has  contributed  to  add 
matiiially,  l»y  placing  upon  its  summit  a  circuhu*  sunnuer-house,  and  this  is  a 
])riMcipai'  reason  why  it  so  much  resembles  th  Ma.ssiichusetts  state-house. 
Tliis  mount,  thcretbre,  sinc(!  some  time  previous  to  ld'^4,  does  not  ai)p('ar  as  in 
tiii~  days  uf  Mcuisasoit,  and  as  it  did  to  his  early  fri<!nds  and  visitoi-s,  fCiuslow 
and  liaiiukn.  It  was  suliicieiitly  j)ictur('S<iue  without  such  addition,  as  an 
iniiuense  stone  originally  ibrmed  ius  sunnuit,  and  completed  its  douii'lilc(! 
appearance.  The  octagonal  sunnuer-house  beii;."  placed  upon  this,  completes 
the  cupola  or  tunrt.  l'"rom  this  the  view  of  Providence,  Warren,  Bristol,  and, 
indeed,  the  whole  surrounding  country,  is  very  beautifid. 

This  eminence  was  khown  among  the  Narragansets  by  the  name  Pokrnokfl, 
which  signified  in  their  langiiagf!  the  wood  or  land  on  the  other  side  o/'  the  water, 
and  to  the  Wampanoags  by  the  name  Sowwams.  And  it  is  worthy  ''emark  here 
that  Kuequenaku  was  tli(!  nam*;  of  the  plac(!  where  Philadelphia  now  stands, 
Mr,  Heekewelder  says,  it  sigiufit-d  the  i^rove  of  the  long  pine  trees.  There  was  a 
place  in  Middleborough,  and  another  in  Baynham,  where  he  spent  some  part 
of  partictdar  seasons,  perhaps  the  summer.  The  place  in  Raynham  was  near 
Fowling  Pond,  and  he  no  doubt  had  many  others, 

Sir  Francii  Drake  is  the  first,  of  whom  we  have  any  account,  that  set  foot 
upon  the  sliores  of  New  England,  Tliis  was  in  158t),  about  seven  yeai-s  after 
he  had  taken  possession,  aiul  natnea  -  same  country  New  England  or  New 
Albion,  upon  the  wt.'stern  side  of  the  ::  lent.  It  is  an  error  of  long  standing, 
that  Prince  Charles  named  the  couni./  New  England,  and  it  even  now  so 
stands  upon  the  pages  of  history.  But  it  is  very  clear  that  Sir  Francis  is  justly 
entitled  to  the  credit  of  it,  American  historians  seem  to  hav»!  looked  no  fur- 
ther than  Prince  and  Robertson,  and  h(>nce  assert  that  Ca|)t,  Smith  named  tlic; 
country  New  England.  VV(!  will  now  hear  Smith  f  on  ti-.ls  matter,  "  New 
Engl.md  is  that  part  of  America,  in  the  Occjan  sea,  opposite  to  ..VoHrt  Jllhion,  in 
the  South  Sea,  discovered  by  the  most  memorable  Sir  fYancis  Drake,  in  his 
voyage  about  the  world,  I'u  regard  whereof,  this  is  .stiled  N(;w  England." 

Cii\)t,  Smith,  ill  1()]4,  made  a  survey  of  the  coiist  of  what  is  now  New  l^ig- 
land,  and  because  the  country  was  alren<ly  nantcd  New  England,  or,  which  is 
the  same,  New  Albion,  upon  its  western  coast,  he  thought  it  most  proper  to 
stamj)  it  anew  ujion  the  eastern,  Tiierefon;  Capt,  Smith  neitlier  takes  to  him- 
self the  honor  of  naming  New  I^Jigl.ind,  ns  some  writei*s  of  authority  assert,  nor 
does  he  give  it  to  King  Cfuirles,  as  Dr.  liubaison  and  many  others,  copying  lum, 
have  done. 

The  noble  and  generous  minded  Smith,  mdike  Anierieus,  would  not  j)ermit 
or  sufier  his  respected  friend  and  cotemporary  to  Ix;  deprived  of  any  honor 
due  to  hitn  in  his  day  ;  and  to  which  we  may  attril)ute  tin;  revival  of  the  name 
New  England  in  idl4. 

It  v.;is  upon  some  part  of  f'i'pe  Cod  tiiat  tin.'  great  circumnavigator  landerl. 
He  was  vi.'ited  by  tlie  "king  of  the  country,"  wlio  submitted  ins  territories  to 
him,  as  Hioh  had  done  on  the  western  coast.  After  several  days  ot'  nnitual 
trade,  and  exchi.nge  of  kindnesses,  dnring  which  time  tlu^  natives  became 
greatly  attache!  to  Sir  Francis,  he  departed  ilir  England,  Whether  the  "king 
of  the  country "  hero  mentioned  were  .l/«,9,s'«soi7,  we  have  not  the  means  of 
knowing,  as  our  accounts  do  not  give  any  nam<! ;  but  it  was  upon  his  domin- 
ions that  this  first  landing  was  made,  and  we  hav(!  therefore!  thought  it  |)roper 
to  be  thus  particular,  and  which,  we  venture  to  predict,  will  not  Ix;  unaccepta- 
ble to  our  readers.^ 

*  Yanioydcn,  !259. 

t  Sec  liis  "  Descriplion  of  N.  England,''  iind  llio  error  nitny  henceforth  he  dispeiix'tj  wlih. 

X  Tiiu  first  authority  wiiich  wc  found  for  thi-se  inlt^i'slinij  tacts,  (interesting;  to  civ^v/  sou  of 
New  Kiiffhuid,)  is  a  work  entitled  "  Naval  Hionraphy,"  '&,c.  of  Great  Hritain,  '«  vols.  l\\o. 
Loudon,  lif()5,  and  is  in  these  wori's  ; — '•  The  first  attempt  towards  a  retfular  colonlziilion  of 
N.  I'ji/rland,  occurs  in  the  year  KJOG.  It  will  easily  he  recollected,  that  tills  part  of  the  Amer- 
ican continent  was  lirsl  distiiiffuishcd  by  the  captains  Barlow  and  Amitlas ;  that  Sir  Francis 
Driiki',  when  lie  touched  here  on  ills  return  from  the  NVest  Indies,  in  15!i6,  was  th"  lirsl  Kng- 
lishmaa  who  landed  in  these  parts,  and  to  whom  one  of  the  ludiau  kings  submiltod  liis  territory } 


i^ 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  n. 


Smith  landed  in  nianj'  ])lurr8  njion  the  shorfs  of  Massasoit^s  dominions,  one 
of  V  liicli  places  lie  named  Plinwutli,  which  Imppened  to  be  the  suine  wliich 
now  hears  tliut  name. 

Our  aeeonnts  mai<e  Capt.  Bartholomew  Gosnold  the  next  visitor  to  the  shores 
of  Massasoit,  afb;r  Sir  Francis  Drak^.  His  voyage  was  in  IGO'i,  and  lie  was 
till!  first  vviio  came  in  a  direct  course  from  Old  to  New  England,  He  landed 
in  the  same  plact;  where  Sir  tVancis  did  l(j  years  before.  The  route  had  hith- 
erto been  by  the  Canaries  and  West  Intlia  Islands,  and  a  voyage  to  and  from 
New  r^ngland  took  up  nearly  a  year. 

We  can  know  nothing  of  the  early  times  of  Massasoit.  Our  next  visitor  to 
Jiis  country,  that  we  shall  here  notice,  was  Capt.  Tliomas  Derm^r,  This  wa.s 
in  May,  1019.  He  sailed  for  Monhigon  ;  thence,  in  that  month,  for  Virginia, 
in  jui  open  pinnace  ;  consequently  was  obliged  to  keep  close  in  shore.  He 
lumid  places  which  had  been  inhabited,  but  at  that  time  contained  no  people  ; 
and  liirtlier  onward  nearly  all  were  dead,  of  a  great  sickness,  which  was  then 
jiri'vailing,  but  nearly  abated.  When  he  came  to  Plimouth,  all  were  dead. 
From  tlience  he  traveled  a  day's  journey  into  the  country  westward,  to  Na- 
iiuusket,  now  Middleborough.  From  this  place  he  sent  a  messenger  to  visit 
Massasoit.  In  this  expedition,  he  redeemed  two  Frenchmen  from  MassasoiVs 
people,  who  had  been  cast  away  on  the  coast  three  years  before. 

J5ut  to  be  more  particular  with  Capt.  Deniter,  we  will  hear  him  in  his  own 
maimer,  which  is  by  a  letter  he  wrote  to  Samuel  Purchase,  the  compiler  of  the 
Pilgrimage,  dated  27  Dec.  1G19. 

"  When  I  aiTived  at  my  savage's  [Squanto^s]  native  country,  (finding  all 
(lead,)  I  travelled  alongst  a  day's  journey,  to  a  place  called  .N'ummastaqmjt, 
where  fnaling  inhabitants,  I  despatched  a  ni(!sseng<!r,  a  day's  journey  farther 
west,  to  i'ocanokit,  which  borderetli  on  the  sea;  whence  came  to  see  me  two 
kings,  attended  with  a  guard  of  50  armed  men,  who  being  well  satisfied  with 
that  my  savage  and  I  discoursed  unto  them,  (being  desirous  of  novelty,)  gave 
me  content  in  whatsoever  I  demanded ;  where  I  found  that  former  r«!lations 
were  true.     Here  I  redeemed  a  Frenclnnan,  and  afterwards  another  at  Massta- 

niul  lliiil  e'apl.  (idsuoll,  who  made  a  little  stay  in  the  same  jilaoo,  ijave  such  a  report  of  N. 
Eiif^laiul  as  to  attract  the  attention  of  his  adventurous  countrymen,  some  of  whom  immediately 
procured  a  charter,"  &c. — Vol.  I.  p.  337,  3;i8  If  we  could  know  from  whence  the  above  was 
taken  (that  is,  the  aulhorily  the  writer  of  that  work  made  use  of),  it  migl)t  at  once,  perhaps, 
settle  the  question.  Oldmixon,  1.  'lb,  has  the  same  fact,  though  not  quite  so  circumstantially 
related.  Mr.  Jinncroft,  in  his  I.  Vol.  of  the  J  list.  United  .Slates,  supposes  Oldmixon,  through 
carelessness,  mistakes  Drake's  landing  in  California,  in  1579,  for  that  in  N.  England,  in  I.'JSf), 
because,  as  we  suppose,  he  had  nut  seen  the  tact  elsewhere  staled.  But  Drake  was  'K)  days 
from  Virginia  to  Plymouth,  which  would  give  liim  time  enough  to  have  visited  N.  Knglaud. 
See  "The  Life  an.l "Dangerous  Voyages  of  Sir  Fnmcis  Drake,''  Sec,  small  12mo.,  London, 
(without  dale),  page  l.'{;3.     .See  also  Slith's  Virginia,  o.  Ui. 

What  is  said  in  lilome's  account  of  America,  p.  210,  is  not  very  conclusive.  His  words 
are,  "  The  year  following  (158,5),  Sir  Richard  Greenrile  conveyed  an  English  colony  thilher 
[this  author  mistakes  the  situation  of  the  places  he  describes,  in  a  wretched  manner],  under  the 
government  of  Ulr.  A'(i//)/(  Lane,  who  continued  there  [yet  he  is  speaking  of  N.  Eng.]  till  the 
next  year  (158^),  but,  upon  some  extraordinary  occasion,  returned,  with  Sir  Francis  Drake, 
into  England,  being  accounted  by  some  the  first  discoverer  thereof."  Jilome's  work  was 
printed  in  lfi87,  anilmav  have  been  Oldmixon's  aulhorily.  In  the  Gent.  Mag.,  Vol.  XXV., 
p.  291,  it  is  said.  "  .Sir  }-''ratici.<i  Drake,  who  inaile  a  discent  on  the  coast,  continued  there  biil  a 
very  sliorl  time,  so  that  whatever  had  been  known  of  this  country  was  so  much  forgotten  in  U)02. 
that  (losiiold  fell  in  w  illi  ihe  coast  by  accident,  as  he  was  pursuing  another  design."  Forster's 
error  about  .Sir  Franri.s's  being  on  the  coast  in  1585,  is  surprising;  but  it  is  still  more  sur()ris- 
ing  that  any  one,  pretending  to  be  an  historian,  should  copy  it.  See  Forster,  295,  and  Ansjiacli, 
Newfoundland,  74.  In  Prince's  Worthies  of  Devon,  an  account  of  Sir  Bernard  Drake's 
expedition  lo  Ihe  New  England  .seas,  in  1.585,  rnay  be  seen  ;  also  in  Purchase,  v.  1882.  Queen 
Klizahfth  sent  over  Sir  Bernard,  with  a  naval  force,  to  dispossess  any  Portuguese,  or  others, 
that  he  might  (ind  fishing  there.  He  found  many  vessels  employed  in  thai  business,  some  of 
which  he  captured,  and  dispersed  the  rest,  and  returned  to  England  with  several  Portuguese 
prizes.  Now  it  is  not  at  all  improbable  that  Elizaheth  had  inslrucled  Sir  Franc'"  to  coast  up 
into  these  seas,  when  he  had  finished  his  designs  in  South  America  and  Virginia,  to  see  if  there 
were  any  vessels  of  other  nations  usurping  the  rights  of  her  citizens  ;  anfl  hence  inattentive 
writers  liave  confounded  the  names  of  .Sir  Bernard  and  Sir  Francis,  they  being  both  distin- 
guished admirals  at  that  time,  and  both  having  the  same  surname,  and  originally  of  Ihe  same 
family.  The  expedition  of  Sir  Bernard  was  the  year  before  thai  of  .Sir  Francis,  and  hence 
arose  the  anachronism.  Several  English  navigators  had  been  on  this  coast  before  1600.  (^apt. 
Geonre  Drake  made  a  voyiige  to  the  river  Si.  Lawrence  in  1593;  but  whether  any  of  them 
landed  in  what  is  now  New  England,  is  at  present  unknown. 


Chap.  II J 

chiisit,  w 
Cod." 
We  ha 

one  of  th 
other. 

In  nn(.i 

Naiiia.><l<et 

(he  !uU\^) 

hoard,  iiia( 

(as  rliev  s;i 

IMr.  The 

of  the    Pi. 

Freiieliirie 

inhaliit  at  i 

tlie  .Ma.ssai 

l)enver,  the 

tiieiii,  liurii 

Pcddork's  i 

many  wildi 

trihiiting  tl 

adjoyiiing, 

at  them,  am 

the  generall 

tlie  rest,  lia 

bloudy  dee 

would  in  li 

of  their  .stre 

kill  them." 

related  abo\ 

Doc.  11,  ( 

themselves 

proceedings, 

men  to  obse 

were  seen  b; 

some  time  ^ 

beck,  and  lia 

was  progre.'i; 

intruders  no 

*  In  his  "  Ne 

t  Modern  nal 

{The  length 

This  I  of  a  <la\ 

llic  ;)65  in  the' 

forward  one  da 

consequently  ili 

vernal  equinox, 

10  days  beyond 

prevent  the  reci 

400  years,  by  r 

making  leap" ye, 

though  divisible 

method  of  kee| 

firegory,  Or,i)  .'■ 

'•i  ■■'O  small  ihat 

troiilile  oiirselvc' 

Iteciuise  this  i 

time  adopt  it. 

•Sept.  of  that  ye; 

at  that  Into  pen 

fiilling  Ihe  11  n, 

IS  obvious,  becai 

by  Gregory,  ann 

My  venerale<l 

we  should  add 

Plimouth.     Ainc 

matter. 


[Book  11. 

nione,  one 
lue  wLich 

the  shores 
d  he  was 
le  landed 
I  had  hith- 
and  from 

t  visitor  to 
This  was 
ir  Virginia, 
(hore.  He 
no  peo[)le ; 
I  was  then 
were  dead, 
u-d,  to  Na- 
gcr  to  visit 
MassasoiVs 

in  his  own 
piler  of  the 

(finding  all 
miruislaquyt, 
rney  further 
see  me  two 
atisfied  with 
)velty,)  gave 
ler  n^lations 
?r  at  Massta- 

a  report  of  N. 
ni  imnwdiaielv 
(lie  above  was 
once,  perhaps, 
irrumstaiilially 
nixon,  tliroii^-n 
rlaml,  in  UM, 
:e  was  'V)  dnys 
id  N.  Knjfland. 
2mo.,  London, 

I'e.     His  words 
t  colony  tliither 
Ler],  vmdcrthc 
Eng.]  (ill  the 
''rancis  Vnike, 
ne's  work  was 
r.,  Vol.  XXV., 
fied  there  l>nt  ^ 
rgotten  in  1(>02, 
rn."    Forster's 
'  more  surpris- 
[,  and  Aiisiiitch, 
hiiard  Drake's 
[.1882.   Queen 
liese,  or  others, 
tiness,  some  of 
Iral  Portngnesc 
\a'  to  coast  up 
I,  to  see  if  there 
nee  inallenlive 
jng  both  distin- 
lly  of  the  same 
[cis,  and  hence 
jelfiOO.    fapt. 
r  any  of  ihem 


Chap.  Ill 


MASS.\SOIT. 


21 


cliiisit  who  tliree  years  since  escaped  shipAvreck  at  the  north-east  of  Cape 

Cod."'  .       , 

Wr'  liave  mentioned  his  interview  witli  J'.fnssasoit,  whom  wc  suppose  was 
one  of  tlie  kings  mentioned  in  tho  Ictti-r,  and  (^uculequina  was  no  doiil)t  the 

other. 

In  nn(4iier  letter,  Mr.  Dermer  says  tlio  Indians  woidd  have  killed  hitii  at 
NaiiKisket,  had  not  Squnnto  entreated  hard  tor  him.  "  Their  desire  of  revenge 
(lie  addn)  was  oceasioiicil  hy  an  Kiiglisiimjin,  who,  having  many  of  them  on 
hoani,  made  great  slaughter  of  them  with  their  murderers  and  small  shot,  when 
(as  thfV  say)  they  otli'red  no  injury  on  their  parts." 

IMr.  Thomns  Morton*  the  author  wlir)  inaiU;  himself  so  merry  at  the  exi)ense 
of  the  Pilgrnns  of  Plimoiith,  has  the  following  passage  eoncerning  these 
Frenchmen: — "It  fortuned  some  f(!W  ycares  hefore  tin;  Knglish  came  to 
inhal)it  at  new  Plimnioiith  in  New  England,  that,  tipon  soiih^  distast  given  in 
the  .'\Iassaehiissets  Bay,  hy  Frenchmen,  then  trading  there  with  the  natives  for 
heaver,  they  .set  upon  the  men,  at  stieji  advantage,  tjiat  they  killed  manie  of 
them,  litn'ned  their  shipj),  then  riding  at  anchor  hy  an  island  there,  now  called 
Peil(lork\'i  Island,  in  memf)ry  of  Leonard  Peddork  that  landed  tht>r<!,  (where 
many  wildeanckiesf  haunted  that  time,  which  hee  thought  had  hin  tame,)  dis- 
trihuting  them  mito  five  sachems  which  were  lords  of  the  severall  territories 
adjoyning,  they  did  k(!ep  them  so  long  as  they  lived,  only  to  sport  themselves 
at  thein,  and  made  these  five  Frenchmen  fetch  them  woo;!  and  water,  which  is 
the  gciierall  worke  they  reqnini  of  a  servant.  One  of  these  five  men  outliving 
the  rest,  had  learned  so  much  of  their  Umguage,  as  to  rehiike  them  for  their 
hloiidy  deede :  saying  that  God  would  he  angry  with  them  for  it ;  and  that  he 
wouKl  in  his  disjdeasure  destroy  them  ;  hut  the  salvages  (it  seems,  hofisting 
of  their  strength)  replyed,and  sjiid,  that  they  were  so  many  that  God  could  not 
kill  them."  This  seems  to  he  the  same  story,  only  diflTerently  told  from  that 
relattul  ahove  from  Smith. 

Dec.  1 1,  O.  S.,t  IfiQO,  the  pilgrims  had  arrived  at  Plimouth,  and  possessed 
themselves  of  a  portion  of  MassasoiVs  cotmtry.  With  the  nature  of  their 
proceedings,  he  was  at  first  unactpiainted,  and  sent  occasionally  some  of  his 
men  to  ohserve  their  strange  motions.  Very  few  of  these  Indians,  however, 
were  seen  hy  the  j)ilgrims.  At  length  he  sent  one  of  his  men,  who  liad  been 
some  time  with  the  Knglish  fishing  vessels  ahout  the  country  of  the  Kenne- 
heck,  and  had  learned  a  little  of  their  language,  to  ohserve  more  strictly  what 
was  progressing  among  the  strangers  at  his  place  of  Pattixet,  which  these 
intruders  now  called  Plimouth.    This  was  in  March,  1G21. 

*  In  his  "  New  Canaan,"  22,  23. 

t  Modem  naturalists  do  not  seem  to  have  been  acquainted  with  this  animal ! 

I  The  longlli  of  a  year  was  fixed  by  Julius  Cicsar  i.  JC5  days  and  (i  hours,  or  3051  days. 
This  ^  of  a  day  being  omi''-cd  lor  \  years  amounted  to  a  whole  day,  and  was  then  auded  to 
liie  ;W)5  in  the  montii  of  Febrwinj,  wiiich  4tli  year  w.is  called  leap  year,  because  it  leaped 
forward  one  day.  Hut  by  this  supputation  it  was  perceived  that  the  year  was  too  long,  and 
conscciiiently  the  seasons  were  getting  out  of  place.  I'ojie  Gregory  found,  in  1582,  that  the 
venial  cijuinox,  which  at  the  tirce  of  the  Nicenc  council,  A.  D.  325,  fell  on  21  March,  fell  now 
10  days  beyond  it;  therefore  he  ordered  10  days  to  be  struck  out  of  October,  1582  ;  and  to 
prevent  the  recurrence  of  the  dilliciilty  in  future,  dcreed  that  3  dav.s  should  be  abated  in  every 
'too  vcars,  by  restoring  leap  years  to  common  years  at  the  end  of*  3  successive  centuries,  and 
making  leap  year  agani  at  the  close  of  every  'lih  century.  Thus  1700,  1800,  1900,  2100,  &.c. 
ihongli  divisible  by  4,  arc  common  years,  but  2000,  2400,  2800,  &c.  arc  leap  years.  This 
method  of  keeping  the  year  is  called  New  .Stvi.k,  and  that  before  Uio  reformation  by 
Gregory,  Old  Stylk.  Even  this  correction  does  not  set  the  year  exactly  right ;  but  the  error 
is  .so  siiinll  that  it  amounts  to  scarce  a  day  anti  p  half  in  5000  years,  and  we  need  not 
trouble  ourselves  about  a  nearer  approximatiim. 

Ik'caiise  this  correction  had  a  Catholic  or  Popish  origin,  Protestants  would  not  for  a  long 
time  adopt  it.  At  length,  in  the  year  1751,  the  English  Parliament  enacted,  that  the  3ii  of 
.Sept.  of  that  year  should  be  called  the  lilh,  thereby  striking  out  II  days,  which  their  calendar 
at  that  late  period  reqiiircd,  to  reduce  it  to  the  Gregorian.  And  hence  the  reason  of  our 
calling  the  11  Dec.  O.  S.,  the  22  N.  S,  The  reason  also  of  our  adding  11  days  instead  of  10 
is  obvious,  because,  in  adopting  the  ratholic  method  170  years  after  it  had  been  introduced 
by  Gregory,  another  oay  was  gained,  and  therefore  10-|-1==1 1, 

My  venerated  friend,  Dr,  Thacher  of  Plimoulh.  makes  an  error  in  setting  it  down  that 
we  should  add  but  10  days,  owing  to  a  wrong  view  taken  of  the  matter  m  his  Ilisl.  of 
PlimouIlL  Among  all  our  school-books,  it  is  pitiful  that  uo  one  explains  this  initiortaiU 
matter.  ' 


0'  n  #■  "'f 


'1 

ii 
^1 

,-■  _  • 

1 

,  • 

i  \y 


^'  ■  ■.:?'Y 


'S 


22 


MAssASorr. 


[Book  II, 


We  lirtve,  in  ei<eakin^  oi\Samoset  and  Sq^ianto,  observed  that  it  was  through 
tVc  rtgency  oCtht;  Ibrnier  that  a  knowledge  was  gained  l)y  the  pilgrims  ot'Mas- 
jMoit.  It  was  upon  22  Marcli,  1G21,  tliat  lliey  brought  tlie  welcome  ne  vfi  lo 
Plinioutli,  tliat  their  chief  was  near  at  hand  ;*  "  and  they  brought  with  them 
(nay  the  I'ilgrinis)  some  tew  skins  to  truck,  and  some  red  herrings,  newly  taken 
and  dried,  but  not  salted ;  and  signified  unto  us,  that  their  great  sagamore, 
Massasoit,  was  hard  by,  with  (^uadequina,  his  brother.  They  could  not  well 
express  in  English  what  they  would  ;  but  after  an  hour  the  king  came  to  the 
top  of  an  hill  [supposed  to  bo  that  now  called  Watson's,  on  the  south  side  of 
Town-brook]  over  against  us,  and  had  in  his  train  00  men,  that  we  could 
well  behold  them,  and  they  us.  We  were  not  willing  to  send  our  governor 
to  them,  and  th^y  unwilling  to  come  to  us:  so  SquarUo  went  again  unto  him, 
who  brought  word  that  we  should  send  one  to  parley  with  him,  which  we  did, 
which  was  Edward  JVinslow,  to  know  his  mind,  and  to  signify  the  mind  and 
will  of  our  governor,  which  was  to  have  trading  and  peace  with  him.  We 
sent  to  the  king  a  pair  of  knives,  and  a  copper  chain,  with  a  jewel  in  it.  To 
Q^uadequina  we  sent  likewise  a  knife,  and  a  jewel  to  hang  in  his  ear,  and 
withal  a  pot  of  strong  water,  a  good  quantity  of  biscuit,  and  some  butter, 
which  wer(i  all  willingly  accepted." 

The  Englishman  then  made  a  speech  to  him  about  his  king's  love  and  good- 
ness to  him  and  his  people,  and  that  ho  accepted  of  him  as  his  friend  and  ally. 
"  He  liked  well  of  the  speech,  (say  the  English,)  and  heard  it  attentively,  though 
the  interpreters  did  not  well  express  it.  After  he  had  eaten  and  drunk  himself, 
and  given  the  rest  to  his  company,  he  looked  upon  our  messenger's  sword  and 
armor,  whicii  he  had  on,  with  intimation  of  his  desire  to  buy  it;  but,  on  the 
other  side,  our  messenger  showed  his  unwillingness  to  part  with  it.  In  the 
end  he  left  him  in  the  custody  of  Otiadequina,  his  brother,  and  came  over  the 
brook,  and  some  20  men  following  him.  We  kept  six  or  seven  as  hostages  for 
t)ur  messenger." 

As  Massaroit  proceed"d  to  meet  the  English,  they  met  him  with  six  soldiers, 
who  saluted  each  other.  Several  of  his  men  were  with  him,  but  all  left  their 
bows  and  arrows  behind.  They  were  conducted  to  a  new  house  which  was 
partly  finished,  and  a  green  rug  was  spread  upon  the  floor,  and  several  cush- 
ions for  Massasoit  and  his  chiefs  to  sit  down  upon.  Then  came  the  English 
governor,  followed  by  a  drummer  and  trumpeter  and  a  few  soldiers,  and  after 
kissing  one  another,  all  sat  down.  Some  *  frong  water  being  brought,  the 
governor  drank  to  Mas  asoit,  who  in  his  tui .'  "  drank  a  great  draught,  that 
made  him  sweat  all  the  while  after." 

They  now  proceeded  to  makeatreaty,  whichstij  v.  Mt^  ,that  neither  jWwssa- 
aoit  nor  any  of  his  people  should  do  liurt  to  th.  ■ '  i  lish,  and  tiiat  if  they 
did  they  should  be  given  up  to  be  punished  by  them  ■,  and  that  if  the  Englisii 
did  any  harm  to  him  or  any  of  his  people,  they  (the  English)  would  do  the  like 
to  theai.  That  if  any  did  unjustly  war  against  him,  the  English  were  to  aid 
him,  and  he  was  to  do  the  same  in  his  turn,  and  by  so  doing  King  James  would 
esteem  him  his  friend  and  ally. 

"All  which  (they  say)  the  king  seemed  to  like  well,  and  it  was  applauded 
of  his  followers."  An«l  they  adil,  "  All  the  while  he  sat  by  the  governor,  he 
trembled  for  fear." 

At  this  lime  he  is  described  as  "  a  verv  lusty  man,  in  his  best  years,  an  able 
body,  grave  of  countenance,  and  s|)arc  of  speech  ;  in  his  attire  little  or  nothing 
differing  from  the  rest  of  his  followers,  only  in  a  great  chain  of  white  bone 
beads  aiiout  his  neck;  and  at  it,  behind  his  neck,  hangsa  'ittlebag  of  tobacco, 
s>hich  he  drank,  and  gave  us  to  drink.f    His  face  was  painted  with  a  sad  red 

*  lUmirl's  narrat' .    js  here  rontinued  from  the  last  extrari.  in  p.  iO,  without  any  omission. 

1 1  presume  Ihat  i.j  "  drinkintf  lobaoco,"  smoking  is  meant.  The  pilpjrims  were  prol)al)ly 
not  acquaintoit  with  the  practice  of  smokinf;^  mi  all,  and  hence  this  sort  of  misnomer  i.s  not 
sriin;;e,  th'ugh  it  may  be  thought  a  lilt  ■  odfl.  How  long  srn,okin<r  went  by  the  name  rf 
drinkins:  at  i'Pmouih  1  do  not  learn ;  bni  in  IfiKj  this  entry  is  fonnd  in  the  PiimoutFi  records 
-—"  Av''  ,ni!  f'l'arherar  •  George  I'ok  were  chosen  a  committee  to  draw  up  an  order  con- 
i-erning  j'  o.i    r!v  drlnkiiic  of  Tobacco." 

Roger  U  .:;"-~ut  .says,  hi  his  K.:;;  '  Generally  all  the  men  throughout  the  country  have  a 
lobacco-ba^'   wi  n  a  pipe  in  it,  hangini^  at  their  back." 

Dr.  Tlu-clwnay .,  tha*.  ;iti  aged  man  in  Plimouih,  wIh^  ,vas  a  great  smoker,  used  to  term 


c  UP.  n. 

siK<.  inur 

followers 

Mime  red 

works ;  t 

Itearance, 

iic  marv 

well  as  th 

ret'i-ed  ini 

at  night  v 

During 

'(uriiig  th( 

!  ovv  mud 

ones  made. 

It  was  i 

tvw  days, 

tiiere  was 

catne  over 

told  us  the 

Isaae  Aide 

ner.    He  ^ 

yet  eoncei 

they  have  i 

and  fowl  i  I 

done;  and 

that  are  at 

him ;  for  o 

or  11  oftht 

it  with  pen 

ended  the  i 

ever  after 

was  undis<:i 

treaty,  of  w 

behavior,  bi 

The  piig 

But  if  this  ' 

skirmishing 

Meanwhi 

how  to  live 

tVidai/,  and 

from  their  h 

fish  [a  day  ( 

as  many  as  I 

were  fat  and 

his  hands,  w 

It  drinkins:  M 
Ihor. 

The  notion  tl 
maiiy.  When 
the  writer  of  th 
basket  made 
appears,  that  it 
was  carried,  i 
•  And,  with  ( 
made  with  ddik 
t  Few  Indian 
language,  it  is 

Williams Ne 

Good  News  fro 
but  few  of  the  f 
The  meaning 
says,  at  a  place 
(he  "  town  topei 
named  by  Jndiai 
quoted  an  Indiai 
said  it  meant  a  c 
imagined  in  llie 


<•■  «*  f  f 


■i 


[Book  II. 

was  through 
rims  of  Mas- 
ome  lie  vft  lO 
tit  with  them 
,  newly  taken 
at  sagamore, 
ouhl  not  well 
»  came  to  the 
south  side  of 
that  we  could 
our  governor 
ain  unto  him, 
which  we  did, 
the  mind  and 
ith  him.    We 
vel  in  it.    To 
n  his  ear,  and 
some  butter, 

love  and  good- 
riend  and  ally, 
[itively,  though 
drunk  himself, 
er's  sword  arid 
it ;  but,  on  the 
i^ith  it.  In  the 
came  over  the 
as  hostages  for 

'ith  six  soldiers, 
)Ut  all  left  their 
luse  which  was 
d  several  cush- 
ne  the  English 
diers,  and  after 
g  brought,  the 
t  draught,  tliat 

[neither  JM(«sc(- 
iiid  tiiat  if  they 
if  the  Englisii 
oiilddothelikc 
isli  were  to  aid 
[ig  James  would 

was  applauded 
lie  governor,  he 

It  years,  an  able 
little  or  nothing 
I  of  white  bone 
|bag  of  tobacco, 
with  a  sad  red 


lit  any  omission. 
Tns  were  prol>al>iy 
■)f  misnomer  is  nol 
Til  hy  the  name  r,f 
|piimoulh  records 
I  \ip  an  order  con- 

Ihe  country  have  a 

Ler,  u«ed  to  term 


C  ;AP.  11] 


MASSASOIT. 


03 


I 


ii»'  murrey,  and  oiled  both  head  and  face,  th:t  he  looked  (jreasily.  AH  his 
followers  likewise  were,  in  their  faces,  in  part  or  in  whoie,  painted,  some  black, 
jome  red,  some  yellow,  and  some  white  ;  some  with  crosses  and  other  imtic 
works ;  some  had  skins  on  them,  and  some  naked  ;  all  strong,  tall  men  in  ap- 
pearance. The  king  had  in  his  Inisom,  hangmg  in  a  string,  a  great  long  knife. 
lie  marvelled  much  at  our  trumpet,  and  some  of  his  men  wouiil  sound  it  a.s 
well  as  they  could.  Samoset  and  SquatUo  stayed  all  night  with  us."  MassasoU 
ret'ied  into  the  woods,  about  half  a  mil'^  from  the  Englisli,  and  there  encamped 
at  night  with  his  men,  women  and  children.     Thus  ended  March  2iJd,  Ki'il. 

Diu-ing  his  first  visit  to  the  English,  lie  expressed  great  signs  of  fear,  and 
«(uriiig  the  treaty  could  not  refrain  from  trembling.*  Thus  it  is  easy  to  see 
low  much  hand  he  had  in  making  it,  but  tomild  that  there  had  never  been  toorse 
ones  made. 

It  was  agreed  that  some  of  his  peojjle  should  come  and  plant  near  by,  in  a 
few  days,  and  live  there  all  summer.  "That  night  we  kept  good  watch,  but 
there  was  no  appearance  of  danger.  The  next  morning  divers  of  their  people 
eain«!  over  to  us,  hoping  to  get  some  victuals,  as  we  imagined.  Some  of  them 
told  us  th<"  king  would  have  some  of  us  come  to  see  him.  Capt.  Standish  and 
Isaac  Alderton  went  venterously,  who  were  welcomed  of  him  after  their  man- 
ner. He  gave  them  three  or  four  ground  nuts  and  some  tobacco.  VVe  cannot 
yet  conceive,  (they  continue,)  but  tliat  he  is  willing  to  have  peace  with  us ;  for 
they  have  seen  our  people  sometimes  alone  two  or  three  in  the  woods  at  work 
and  fowling,  when  as  they  oft'ered  them  no  harm,  as  they  might  easily  have 
done ;  and  especially  liecause  he  hath  a  potent  advei-sary,  the  Narrohigansets,t 
that  are  at  war  with  him,  against  whom  he  tiiinks  we  may  be  some  strength  to 
him  ;  for  our  pieces  are  terrible  unto  them.  This  mornhig  they  stayed  till  10 
or  11  of  the  clock;  and  our  govc^rnor  bid  them  send  tlie  king's  kettle,  and  filled 
it  witii  peas,  which  pleased  them  well ;  and  so  they  went  their  way."  Thus 
ended  the  first  visit  of  MassasoU  to  the  pilgrims.  We  should  here  note  that  he 
ever  aft(!r  treated  the  English  with  kindness,  and  the  peace  now  concluded 
was  undisniibed  for  nearly  40  years.  Not  that  any  writing  or  articles  of  a 
treaty,  of  which  he  never  had  any  adequate  idea,  was  the  cause  of  his  friendly 
behavior,  but  it  was  the  natm*al  goodness  of  his  heart. 

The  pilgrims  report,  that  at  this  titiu;  he  wiis  at  war  with  the  Narragansets. 
But  if  this  were  the  case,  it  could  have  been  nothing  more  than  some  small 
skirmishing. 

Meanwhile  Squanto  and  Samx>set  remained  with  the  English,  instructing  them 
how  to  live  in  their  country ;  equal  in  all  respects  to  Robinson  Crusoe's  man 
tyida;/,  and  had  De  Foe  lived  in  that  age;  he  might  iiave  made  as  good  a  story 
from  their  history  as  he  did  from  that  of  Alexander  Selkirk. — "Squanto  went  to 
fish  [a  day  or  two  after  Massasoit  left]  for  eels.  At  night  he  came  home  with 
as  many  as  he  could  lift  in  one  baud,  whi('li  our  people  were  glad  of.  They 
were  fat  and  sweet.  He  trod  them  out  with  his  feet,  and  so  caught  them  with 
his  hands,  without  any  other  instrument." 

It  drinking  tobacco.  Hist.  Plim.  34.  This  we  infer  was  witliin  Ihe  recollection  of  tiie  au- 
thor. 

The  notion  that  tobacco  is  so  called  from  Ihe  islnml  Tobago,  is  erroneously  entertained  by 
many.  When  Sir  Fraitcis  Drake  discovered  the  country  to  the  north  of  California,  in  1579, 
the  writer  of  Ihe  account  of  his  voyage  says,  the  Indians  presented  the  admiral  with  a  small 
basket  made  of  rushf  s,  filled  with  an  herb  they  called  tabah.  From  another  passage  it 
appears,  that  the  Indians  of  that  region,  like  those  of  New  England,  had  bags  in  which  tobacco 
was  carried.     Bumet/s  Voyages,  I.  344-7. 

*  And,  with  this  fact  before  him,  the  author  of  "  Talex  of  the  Indians '  says,  the  treaty  was 
made  with  deliberation  and  cheerfulness  on  the  part  of  Afassasoit ! 

t  Few  Indian  names  have  been  spell  more  w.iys  than  this.  From  the  nature  of  the  Indian 
language,  it  is  evident  that  no  r  should  be  used  in  it.  Nahigonsik  and  Nantigansick,  R. 
Williams. — Nechegansitt,  Gookin. — Nanlyggausiks,  Caltendcr. — Nanohigganset,  Winsloto's 
Good  News  from  N.  Eng. — Nanhyganset,  Jiidire  Johnson's  Life  of  Gen.  Gnrne. — These  are 
but  few  of  the  pernmlations  without  the  r,  and  thosi!  with  it  are  still  more  numerous. 

The  meaning  of  the  name  is  still  uncertain.  Madam  Knight,  in  her  Journal,  22  and  23, 
says,  at  a  place  where  she  happened  t  I'lt  >!>  for  a  night  in  that  country,  she  heard  some  of 
ihe  "  town  toners"  disputing  aboii*  :  ,.  ^iii  of  the  word  Narragan.tet .  "Oneso'd  it  was  so 
named  by  Indians.  I  -cause  there  ,i-w  .k  bher  .nere  of  a  prodigious  height  and  bigness,  who 
quoted  an  Indian  o{  •.;«  barbarous  .  ^ame  :  r  '•■"  author  that  she  could  nol  write  it."  Another 
said  it  meant  a  celebrated  spring,  -i  ioh  wr  very  cold  in  summer,  and  "  as  *  H  as  could  be 
imagined  in  ihe  w'inler." 


i'i 


•>•■•>, <i' 


■'1 


34 


MASSASOIT. 


[Book  II 


•T,, 


.'.'l 


.« 


This  Squanio  became  aflervvanls  an  iiiiportnnt  porsonnjife  in  Indian  politics, 
and  some  of  \\\s  mnncEuvros  remind  nn  of  Honm  managing  politicians  of  our 
own  times.  In  1G"22,  he  forfeited  his  life  by  ]»iotting  to  destroy  that  of  Massa- 
soit,  as  will  he  founil  relat(!d  in  the  life  of  Hobumok.  On  that  occasion,  MassasoU 
went  himself  to  Plimonth,  "■  being  mnch  offended  and  enraged  against  Tisquan- 
tum ; "  but  the  gov«!nn>r  succeeded  in  allaying  his  wmth  for  that  time.  Soon 
after,  he  sent  a  meSvS<3nger  to  entreat  the  governor  to  consent  to  his  being  put  to 
death  ;  the  govenior  said  he  deserved  death,  but  as  In;  knew  not  how  to  get 
along  without  him  in  his  intercourse  with  the  Indians,  he  would  spare  lum. 

Determined  in  his  pur|)ose,  MassMoit  soon  sent  the  same  messenger  again, 
accompanied  by  many  otliers,  who  offered  many  beaver  skins  that  TisqtiarUum 
might  be  giver,  up  to  thrni.  They  demanded  him  in  ihe  name  of  Massasoit, 
as  being  one  of  his  subjects,  whom,  (says  fFinsluio,)  by  our  first  articles  of 
peace,  we  could  not  retain.  But  out  of  respect  to  the  English,  they  would  not 
seize  him  without  their  consent.  Masscvioit  had  sent  his  own  knife  to  be  used 
in  cutting  off"  his  head  and  hands,  which  were  to  l)e  brought  to  him. 

Meantime  Squanto  came  and  delivered  himse'f  up  to  the  governor,  charging 
Hobomok  with  his  overthrow,  jmd  telling  him  to  deliver  him  or  not  to  the  mes- 
sengers of  MassasoU,  as  he  thought  fit.  It  seems  from  the  narrative  that,  as 
the  governor  was  about  to  do  it,  they  grew  impatient  at  the  delay,  and  went 
oflf  in  a  rage.  The  delay  was  occasioned  by  tlie  appearance  of  a  boat  in  the 
harbor,  which  the  govenior  protended  might  be  that  of  an  enemy,  as  there  had 
iKien  a  rumor  that  the  French  had  meditated  breaking  up  the  settlement  of  the 
English  in  this  region.  This,  however,  was  doubtless  only  a  pretence,  and 
employed  to  wtuv  out  the  ])atience  of  his  unwelcome  visitors.  Hence  that 
MajsasoU  should  for  some  time  after  "seem  to  frown"  on  the  English,  as  they 
«;omplaip,  is  certainly  no  wonder. 

The  next  summer,  in  .Tune  or  July,  MassasoU  was  visited  by  several  of  the 
English,  among  whom  was  Mr.  Edivard  Winslow,  Mr.  Stephen  Hopkins,  and 
Sqvanto  as  their  interpreter.  Their  object  was  to  find  out  his  place  of  resi- 
dence, in  casi!  they  should  have  to  call  upon  him  for  a?=istance  ;  to  keep  good 
the  friendly  correspondence  commenced  at  Plimouth  ;  und  especially  to  cause 
him  to  prevent  his  n  a  from  hanging  about  them,  and  living  upon  them, 
which  was  then  considt  red  very  burd<'nsome,  as  they  had  bcgim  to  grow  short 
of  provisions.  That  their  visit  itiight  be  acceptai)le,  they  took  along,  for  a 
present,  a  trooper's  red  coat,  with  some  lace  upon  it,  and  a  copper  chain ;  with 
these  MassasoU  was  exceedingly  well  pleased.  The  chain,  they  told  him,  he 
must  send  as  a  signal,  when  any  of  his  men  wished  to  visit  them,  so  that  they 
might  not  be  imposed  upon  by  strangera. 

When  the  English  arri\e.;  at  Pokanoket,  MassasoU  was  absent,  but  was 
immediately  scut  for.  Being  informed  that  he  was  coming,  the  English  began 
to  prepare  to  shoot  off  their  guns  ;  this  so  frightened  the  women  and  chiklren, 
that  they  ran  away,  and  would  not  return  until  the  interpreter  assured  them 
that  they  need  not  fear;  "iid  wliea  MassasoU  arrived,  they  saluted  him  by  a 
discharge,  at  which  !  e  was  very  much  elated  :  and  "who,  after  their  manner, 
(says  one  of  the  con",)any,)  kindly  w.'lcomed  us,  and  took  us  into  his  house, 
and  set  us  down  'ly  hhii,  where,  having  delivered  our  message  and  presents, 
and  having  pus  ?!  )  coat  'm  iii'  back,  and  the  chain  about  his  neck,  he  was  not 
a  little  proud  U.  beho'd.  hiri^olf,  and  his  men  also,  to  see  their  king  so  bravely 
attired."*  A  uv\v  tre;iiy  W(u>  iow  held  with  him,  and  he  very  good-naturedly 
assented  to  all  that  was  dc^'rcd,  He  then  made  a  speech  to  his  men,  many  of 
them  behig  assembled  to  s^e  tii-  PiUglisli,  which,  as  near  as  they  could  learn  its 
meaning,  acquainted  ticrn  vitu  what  coui-se  they  might  pui-sue  in  regard  to 
the  English.  Among  other  things,  he  s:iid,  "Jim  I  not  MassasoU,  commander 
of  the  country  about  us  9  Is  not  such  and  such  places  mine,  and  the  people  of 
them  ?  Thtu  shall  take  ih.  r  skins  to  the  Emtlish.  This  his  people  applauded. 
In  his  speccii,  "he  named  at  least  thirty  places,"  over  which  he  had  control. 
"This  bei7.g  ended,  he  li^^htcd  tobacco  for  us,  and  fell  to  discoursing  of  Eng- 
land and  oi'  the  king's  majestj-,  marvelling  that  he  should  live  without  a  wife." 
He  seems  to  have  been  embittered  against  the  French,  and  wished  "  us  not  to 
Buffer  them  to  come  to  Narraganset,  for  it  was  King  James's  country,  and  he 

*  Mourt's  Relation,  in  Cut.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc, 


II 


Chap.  II 

was  Kin 
lisli,  and 
bed,  if  s 
and  a  th 
wife,  the 
*vant  of 
lodging  t 
"The 
iuid  man 
skins  an 
chance 
shoot  wii 
desired  f 
wondere( 
Tiie  n 
boiled  th 
small,  as 
it  was,  it 
English  I 
"Very 
longer, 
either  be 
ages'  barb 
withhi  (1(1 
being  the 
not  he  abl 
ing,  befon 
grieved  lu 
Tisquayitu 
another,  cj 
and  after  \ 
This  fui 
kingdom  c 
against  Ca 
In  1G23, 
was  very  ( 
enior  desp 
Hobbomok  ; 
London,  w 
my  consort 
Pokanoket, 
"When  w^ 
men,  as  v/c 
way  for  us. 
such  a  belli 
to  cjuxe  hiir 
his  arms,  le 
of  tiu.'ir  cha 
liiiii.     lla\  i 
was  come, 

are  iiimlo  up  v 
for  llii'lr  cover 

t  \i'ifi.tl(iw'i 
feli>l)rato(l  Joh 
ill  an  atlcmpt 
I)arli;iiiii'iit.     .^ 

It  wmild  l)e 
must  acknowli 
the  names  of 
sotiiciitties  see 
Hnmdni's  bioj 
tbat  lie  was 


[Book  II 

lian  politics, 
cians  of  our 
It  of  Massa- 
n,  Massasoit 
ist  Tisquan- 
time.  Soon 
being  put  to 

how  to  get 
pare  him. 
cnger  again, 

Tisquardum 
)f  Massasoit, 
il  articles  of 
jy  would  not 
fe  to  be  used 

nor,  charging 
It  to  the  iiies- 
■ative  that,  as 
ay,  and  went 
a  boat  in  the 
,  as  there  had 
lenient  of  the 
pretence,  and 
Hence  that 
iglish,  as  they 

several  of  the 

Hopkins,  and 

place  of  resi- 

to  keep  good 

cially  to  cause 

y  upon  them, 

to  grow  short 

along,  for  a 

r  chain ;  with 

told  him,  he 

they 


Chap,  II] 


MASSASOIT. 


25 


[1,  so  that 


[sent,  but  was 
['English  began 
and  children, 
assured  them 
ited  him  by  a 
1  their  manner, 
Into  his  house, 
and  presents, 
•k,  he  was  not 
[ing  so  bravely 
rood-naturedly 
[men,  many  of 
could  learn  its 
le  in  regard  to 
nt,  commander 
the  people  of 
nle  applauded, 
[e  had  control, 
irsing  of  Eng- 
itliout  a  wife." 
lied  "  us  not  to 
)untry,  and  he 


I 


was  King  Jameses  man."  He  had  no  victuals  at  this  time  to  give  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  night  coming  on,  they  retired  to  rest  KU|)[)(Tlt's.s.  He  had  but  one 
bed,  if  so  it  might  be  called,  'Mming  only  planks  laid  a  foot  from  the  ground, 
and  a  thin  mat  upon  them,"*  "lie  laid  us  on  the  bed  with  himself  and  his 
wifi',  they  at  the  one  end,  and  we  at  the  other.  Two  more  of  his  men,  for 
♦vaiit  of  room,  pressed  l)y  and  upon  us;  so  that  we  were  worse  weary  of  our 
lodging  than  of  our  journey." 

"The  next  day,  many  of  their  sachims  or  petty  gover?iors  came  to  see  us, 
and  many  of  tlx'ir  men  also.  Th(;re  they  went  to  their  maimer  of  games  for 
skin.s  and  knives."  It  is  amusing  to  learn  that  tlii'  English  trie(l  to  get  a 
chance  in  this  gaml)ling  afliiir.  Tiiey  say,  "There  wc^  clialli  iiged  them  to 
shoot  with  them  for  skins,"  but  they  were  too  cunning  tor  them,  "only  they 
desired  to  .see  one  of  us  shoot  at  a  mark  ;  who  shooting  with  hail  shot,  they 
wondered  to  see  the  mark  so  full  of  holes." 

The  next  day,  about  one  o'clock,  Massasoit  brought  two  large  fishes  and 
boiled  them  ;  but  the  pilgrims  still  thought  their  chance  for  refreshment  very 
small,  a.s  "there  were  at  least  forty  looking  for  a  share  in  them ;"  but  .scanty  as 
it  wits,  it  came  vei-y  timely,  as  they  liad  fa.sted  two  nights  and  a  day.  The 
English  now  left  him,  at  which  he  was  very  sorrowful. 

"  Very  im|)ortunate  he  was  (says  our  author)  to  have  us  stay  with  them 
longer.  But  we  desired  to  keep  the  sabbath  at  home,  and  fean^d  we  shoidd 
cither  be  liglit-heach-d  for  want  of  sleep  ;  for  what  with  bad  lodging,  the  sav- 
ages' barban)us  singing,  (for  they  used  to  sing  themselvt's  aslee|),j  lice  and  fleas 
within  (looi-s,  and  musketoc^  without,  we  could  hardly  sleep  all  the  time  of  our 
being  there;  we  nuich  fearing,  that  if  we  shoulil  stay  any  longer,  we  should 
not  be  al)le  to  recover  home  for  want  of  strength.  So  that,  on  Friday  morn- 
ing, before  sunrising,  we  took  our  leave,  and  departed,  Massasojft  being  both 
grieved  and  a.sl)amed,  that  he  coidd  no  better  enteitain  us.  And  retaining 
Tisquantum  to  send  (rom  plact^  to  |)lac(;  to  procure  truck  for  us,  and  ap[)ointing 
another,  called  Tohamahamon,  in  his  place,  whom  we  had  foiuid  faithful  before 
and  after  upon  all  occasions." 

This  faithfid  servant,  Tokamahamon,  was  in  the  famous  "  voyage  to  the 
kingdom  of  Nauset,"  and  wi\&  conspicuous  for  his  courage  in  the  expedition 
against  Caunhitant. 

In  1(523,  Massasoit  sent  to  his  friends  in  Plimouth  to  inform  them  that  he 
was  very  dangerously  sick.  Desiring  to  render  him  aid  if  |M)ssible,  the  gov- 
ernor despatched  Mr.  Winslnw  again,  with  sotne  medicines  and  cordials,  and 
//o66o/nofc  as  int(!rpreter ;  "having  one  Master /o/m  Hamdcn,  a  gentleman  of 
London,  who  then  wintered  with  us,  and  desired  much  to  see  the  country,  for 
my  consort."  t  In  tlieir  way  they  found  many  of  his  subjects  were  gone  to 
Pokanoket,  it  being  tlx'ir  custom  for  all  fricjids  to  atton<l  on  such  occasions. 
"When  we  came  thither  (sjiys  Mr.  fVinstou)  we  found  the  house  so  full  of 
men,  as  v/e  could  scarce  get  in,  though  they  used  their  best  diligence  to  make 
way  for  us.  There  were  they  in  tiie  midst  of  their  charms  for  him,  making 
such  a  hellish  noise,  as  it  distemp»'red  us  that  were  well,  and,  therefore,  unlike 
to  ease  him  that  was  sick.  Alwut  him  were  six  or  eight  women,  who  chafed 
his  arms,  legs  and  thighs,  to  keep  heat  in  him.  When  they  had  made  an  end 
of  their  charming,  one  told  him  that  Ins  Irierids,  tlu;  English,  were  couk!  to  see 
him.  Having  undei-stauding  left,  but  his  sight  was  wholly  gone,  he  asked,  who 
was  come.    They  told  him   }Vinsnoto,  (for  they  cannot  fironounce  the  letter  I, 

*  l.n  SV/e  says  (  Kxpedition  in  Ameiira.  p.  11.)  of  the  Indians'  hcds  in  !j(Mifral,  lliat  "  they 
arc  made  up  with  .some  pieces  of  wood,  upon  which  llicy  lay  skins  full  of  wool  or  straw,  but, 
for  their  covorinpf,  ihcy  use  the  finest  .sort  of  skins,  or  else  mats  (iiiely  wrought.'' 

t  Witislcw's  lli'lntlnn  The  Mr.  ILumlfin  mciitionod,  is  supposed,  by  some,  to  be  the 
releliratcd  John  Ha/ml'ti,  famous  in  the  time  of  Chad.'sX.,  and  who  died  of  a  wound  received 
in  ail  attempt  to  intercept  Prince  lliiprrt.  near  Oxford,  while  supporting  the  cause  of  the 
parliament.     .See  Ritpin's  England,  ii.  1-77,  and  Kennct,  ill.  1,37. 

It  uould  be  highly  gratifying,  could  the  certainty  of  this  matter  be  known  ;  but,  as  yet,  wo 
must  acknowledge  that  all  is  mere  speculation.  Nevertheless,  we  are  pleased  to  meet  with 
the  names  of  such  valued  martyrs  of  lilierty  upon  any  page,  and  even  though  they  should 
sometimes  seem  rather  7iial  apropos  lo  the  case  in  hand.  We  cannot  learn  that  any  of 
llimden's  biographers  have  discovered  that  he  visited  America.    Still  there  is  a  presumptioi: 

that  he  was  ,,  „^ 

"  The  vdlase  ITampien,  that,  with  daiintlpss  lireast, 
The  little  tyrant  of  his  tiolds  withstouii."— UKAr'i  ELSor 


V.< 


•'■  ">. 


'■;}■  ■■■::' 


98 


MASSASOIT. 


LtiooK  II. 


1 


^^1  ':;■•.:.■ 


■  :  i- 


I'll   t 


but  ordinarily  n  in  the  place  thereof.)*  He  desired  to  speak  with  me.  When 
I  cauH!  to  him,  and  they  told  him  of  it,  he  [int  forth  his  liarid  to  me,  which  1 
took.  Tlieri  hv  said  twice,  though  very  inwanily,  A'een  JVinsnoic?  v  ch  is  to 
say,  .Irt  thou  Whisloio'i  I  aiiawered,  Ahhe,  tliat  is.  Yes.  Then  >.e  doubled 
these  words :  Malta  neen  wonckantt  namen,  ffvisnoio ! — that  is  to  say,  O  Wins- 
low,  I  shall  never  see  thee  again  !^  But  contmry  to  his  own  expectations,  as 
well  as  all  his  friends,  by  t!ie  kind  exertions  of  Mr.  fVinsluw,  he  in  a  short  time 
entirely  recovered.  This  bein|^  a  passagt;  of  great  interest  in  the  life  of  the  great 
MassasoU,  we  will  here  go  more  into  detail  concerning  it.  Wlsen  ti  i  had  become 
able  to  speak,  he  desired  Mr.  Winsloir  to  provide  him  a  broth  from  some  kind 
of  fowl :  "  so  (says  be)  I  took  a  man  with  me,  and  made  a  shot  at  a  couple  of 
ducks,  some  sixscore  paces  off,  and  killed  one,  at  which  he  wondered :  so  we 
returned  forthwith,  and  dressed  it,  making  more  broij  therewith,  which  he 
much  desired ;  never  did  I  .see  a  man  so  low  brought,  recover  in  that  measure 
in  so  short  a  time.  The  fowl  Ix'ing  extraordinarj'  iiit,  I  told  Hobbamock  1  iiuist 
take  off  the  top  thereof,  saying  it  would  make  him  very  sick  again  if  he  did  eat 
it ;  this  ho  acquainted  Massassowat  therewith,  who  would  not  he  persuaded  to 
it,  though  I  i)ressed  it  very  much,  showing  the  strength  thereof,  antl  the  weak- 
ness of  his  stomach,  which  could  not  possibly  lK;ar  it.  Notwithstanding,  he 
made  a  gross  meal  of  it,  and  ate  as  nuich  as  would  well  have  satisfied  a  man  in 
health."  As  Winslow  had  said,  it  made  him  very  sick,  and  he  vomited  with 
such  violence  that  it  made  the  blood  stream  from  his  nose.  This  bleeding 
caused  them  great  alarm,  as  it  continued  for  four  hours.  Wiien  nis  nose  ceased 
bleeding,  he  fell  asleep,  and  did  not  awake  for  G  or  8  hours  more.  After  he 
awoke,  Mr.  Winslow  washed  his  face  "and  supplied  his  beard  and  no.se  with  a 
linnen  cloth,"  \\\un\  taking  a  quantity  of  water  into  liis  nose,  by  fiercely  eject- 
ing it,  the  blood  began  again  to  flow,  and  again  his  attendants  thought  he  could 
not  recover,  but,  to  their  great  satisfaction,  it  soon  stopped,  and  he  gained 
strength  rapidly. 

For  this  attention  of  the  English  he  was  very  grateful,  and  always  believed 
that  his  preservation  at  this  time  was  owing  to  the  benefit  he  received  from 
Mr.  Winsloio.  In  his  way  on  his  visit  to  Massasoit,  Mr.  Winslow  broke  a  botth; 
containing  some  preparation,  and,  deeming  it  necessary  to  the  sachem's  recov- 
ery, wrote  a  letter  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth  for  another,  and  some  chickens  ; 
in  which  he  gave  him  an  account  of  his  success  thus  far.  The  intention  was 
no  sooner  made  kiiown  to  Massasoii,  than  one  of  his  men  was  sent  off,  at  two 
o'clock  at  night,  f'  <r  Plimouth,  who  returned  again  with  astonishing  quickness. 
The  chickens  being  alive,  Massasoii  was  so  pleas<id  with  them,  find,  being 
better,  would  not  suffer  them  to  be  killed,  and  ke|)t  them  with  the  idea  of  rais- 
ing more.  While  at  Massasoifs  residence,  and  just  as  they  were  about  to 
depart,  the  sjichem  told  Hobomok  of  a  plot  laid  by  some  of  his  subordinate 
chiefs  for  the  i)urpose  of  cutting  off  the  two  English  plantations,  which  he 
tiharged  him  to  ac(}uaiiit  ^he  English  with,  which  he  did.  Massasoit  stated 
that  he  had  iKien  uiged  to  join  in  it,  or  give  his  consent  thereunto,  but  had 
always  refused,  and  used  his  endeavors  to  prevent  it.  The  particulars  of  the 
evils  which  that  plot  brought  upon  its  authors  will  he  found  in  the  history  of 
fVittuwamet. 

At  this  time  the  English  became  more  sensible  of  the  real  virtues  of  Massa- 
soit than  (;ver  before.  His  gi-eat  anxiety  for  the  welfare  of  his  people  was 
manifested  by  his  desiring  Mr.  Winslow,  or,  as  Winslow  himself  (!xpres.ses  it, 
"lie  caused  me  to  go  from  one  to  anotluT,  [in  his  village,]  requestuig  nie  to 
wash  their  mouths  also,  [many  of  his  people  being  sick  at  that  time,]  and  give 
to  each  of  them  some  of  the  same  I  gave  him,  saying  they  were  good  folk  " 

*  Every  people,  aiui  consocjiienlly  every  langiiage,  have  tlieir  peculiarities.  Baron  Lalwn- 
tail,  Memoires  de  la  Ameriqiie,  ii.  2.%,  2.37,  savs,  "  Je  dirai  de  la  lansiie  des  Tliirnris  et  des 


Jioqiinis  une  chose  assi-z  ntriense,  tpti  est  qu'il  ve  s'y  trouve  point  de  let/res  luhiides ;  c'est  a  dire, 
de  I),  f,  m,  p.  Cependaiit,  cctte  langne  des  Iturons  paroU  el  re  fort  belle  et  de  nn  son  tout  a 
fait  beau ;  qiioi  qu'ils  tie  ferment  jamais  lenrs  Itk'res  en  parlant."  And  "J'ai  passe  qiialre  jours 
(i  vmdoir  ftire  prononcer  a  des  llnrous  tes  lettres  labiates,  mais  je  n'ai  pH  y  r^flssir,  et  je  crois 
qu'en  dix  ans  ils  ne  pourrout  dire  ves  mots,  bon,  fils,  Monsieur,  Pontrhartrain  ;  car  mi  lieu  de 
dire  bon,  ils  diroient  ouon,  au  lieu  de  fils,  ils  pronoiKeroienl  rils  ;  ait  lien  de  monsieur,  caouii- 
sieur,  au  lieu  de  Poutchartrain,  Couchajtraia."  Heuce  il  seems  their  languages  are  aualo 
goiu. 


m 


Cukt.  II 

An  acco 

that  ciii* 

"Man, 

riieir  rep 

in  It;' 

siK^liem  ( 

the  spirit 

expected 

and  WHS 

hi.storical 

tiier  thmi 

We    111 

Pliinoiitli 

Jay  cJuiiii 

that  case, 

diction  li< 

for  all  he 

Williams 

found  tlia 

quiih,  but 

ijave  beei 

A  veil  acqu 

yeju>i'  resi 

listened  n 

between 

called  llhi 

Provide/K 

w'iat<;v(!r 

this  is  tliei 

It  appet 

means  or 

For  at  th 

autumn  of 

Woosame(j 

Nanohiggt 

ifiay  be  pn 

rest  as  of  ] 

agreement! 

Under  d 

meek,  on  t 

present  of 

beyond  Co 

were  abou 

present.     ' 

^vronged  tl 

and,  giving 

satisfifid.f 

In  1(349, 
Diixbury,  ' 
This  wfis  t 
preemption 
hiilf  each,  i 
and  a  half 
By  a  dec! 
[fCaimidta, 
those  seven 
aliiis  Reholi 
and  soe  run 
metjuin  and 


[Hook  II. 

me.    When 

ne,  wliich  I 

V, .  eh  is  to 

Ke  doubled 


CHAf.  II.] 


MASSASOIT. 


27 


«y: 


O  fVirui- 


jcctntions,  b» 
a  short  time 
■  of  tlie  pn>at 
'.  had  bocoiiie 
n  some  kind 
t  a  coti[)le  of 
lon!d :  so  we, 
ii,  wliicli  he 
tliut  measure 
tmock  1  must 
1  if  ho  did  oat 
persuaded  to 
ud  tli(!  weak- 
hstandinj:;,  he 
fied  a  man  in 
vomited  with 
riiis  bleeding 
is  nose  ceastut 
in'.     Ailer  he 
d  nose  with  a 
fiercely  ejeet- 
ugiit  he  eould 
nd  he  gained 

tvays  believed 
received  from 
broke  a  bottle 
chem's  recov- 
ime  chickens  ; 
intention  was 
ent  off",  at  two 
ing  quickness, 
and,  being 
idea  of  rais- 
re  about  to 
subordinate 
)ns,  which  he 
ssasoit  stated 
nto,  but  had 
ulars  of  the 
le  history  of 

les  of  Massa- 
is  peojtle  was 
"  expresses  it, 
le.sthig  nie  to 
me,]  and  give 
e  good  folk" 

Rnron  Lahon- 
Ihirmis  el  (/<■« 
;  cU^af  n  (lire. 
h  Ml  sen  tout  a 
asst'  ifiiatre  Jourf 
llssir,  et  je  crois 
;  cctr  (Tit  lieu  ih 
nonsieur,  caoun- 
ages  are  analo 


vei 


</p 


Au  account  of  his  character  as  given  by  Hobomok  will  be  found  in  the  life  of 
that  chief  or  paniese. 

"Many  whilst  we  were  there  (says  Winslow)  camo  to  see  him;  some,  by 
tlieir  report,  from  a  place  not  less  than  100  miles  from  thence." 

In  ll).'W,  a  short  war  wiMi  carried  on  between  Massasoil  and  Canonicus,  the 
sacluMi  of  the  Narragaiist;ts,  but  the  English  interfering  wuh  a  force  under 
the  spirited  Captain  ►S'<mi/ii»/t,  ended  it  with  very  little  bloodshed.  Masmsoit 
expected  a  serious  contest;  and,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  changed liisnauif, 
and  was  «!ver  atler  known  by  tln^  nanu^  of  Ow.mmiiiuin,  or  Ousaine(iuin.  ihw 
hisU)rical  records  liuiiisii  no  particulars  of  his  war  with  the  NarraganseLs,  liu- 
tlier  tlian  we  have  stated. 

We  may  inli-r  I'min  a  letter  written  by  Ro^er  ff'Uliams,  that  some  of 
Plimoutli  instigatiHl  MasxasoU,  or  Oiisamctjuin,  as  we  should  now  call  him,  to 
lay  claim  to  Providenct;,  which  gave  that  good  man  st)me  trouble,  becauvse,  in 
that  case,  his  lands  were  considt-red  a.s  belonging  to  Plimoutli,  in  whose  juris- 
diction he  was  not  sutt'ered  to  reside;  and,  moreover,  he  had  bought  and  paid 
for  all  he  |M)Sse.s.>.!'d,  of  the  Narragansit  saehem.s.  It  was  in  Jtkl.')  that  Mr. 
IfiUiums  (led  to  that  country,  to  avoid  being  seized  and  sent  to  England,  lie 
found  that  Canonicus  and  Mianlunnonwh  were  at  bitter  enmity  witli  Ousaim- 
(juiit,  but  by  his  great  exertions  he  restored  peace,  without  which  he  could  not 
iiave  been  secure,  in  a  border  of  the  d(jminion  of  either.  Ousameijuin  was 
well  ac(iuainte<l  with  xMr.  IVilliaias,  whom  he  had  often  seen  during  his  two 
years'  resid«;nce  at  Plimoutii,  and  was  a  great  friend  to  him,  and  therefore  he 
listened  readily  to  his  benevoliuit  instructions ;  giving  up  the  land  m  disjiute 
between  himsiilf  and  the  Narraganst:t  sachems,  which  was  the  Jand  now 
called  Rhode  Island,  Prudence  Island,  and  j)erhaps  some  others,  together  with 
Providence.  "And  (s4iys  Mr.  Williams)  1  never  denied  him,  nor  jl/m/i/ijio»i_i/, 
w'.at<;ver  they  de.sired  of  me."  Hence  tlieir  love  and  attachment  for  him,  for 
this  is  their  own  mode  of  living. 

It  appears  that,  belbre  MianlunnomoKs  reverses  of  fortune,  he  had,  by  some 
means  or  other,  got  possession  of  some  of  the  dominions  of  Ousame(juin. 
For  at  the  meeting  of  the  Commi.ssioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  in  the 
autumn  of  1G43,  tliey  order,  "That  Plymouth  labor  by  all  due  means  toreston^ 
IVousamequin  to  his  full  liberties,  in  respect  of  any  encroachments  by  di»' 
Nanohiggansiitts,  or  any  other  natives;  that  so  the  |)ropertie8  of  the  Iiidians 
may  be  preserved  to  themselves,  and  that  no  one  sagamore  encroach  upon  the 
rest  as  of  laK;  :  and  that  Jroosameijuin  be  njduced  to  those  former  terms  and 
agreements  between  Plymouth  and  him."* 

Und('r  date  KillS,  CJov.  Winihrop  says,  "  Owsamekin,  the  sachem  of  Acoome- 
meck,  on  this  side  Connecticut,  came  to  [him]  the  govtrnor,  and  brought  a 
present  of  18  skins  of  beaver  from  himself  and  the  scchems  of  Mohegan 
beyond  Coiuiecticut  and  Pakontuckett."  They  having  heard  that  the  English 
werc  about  to  make  war  upon  them  was  the  cause  of  their  sending  this 
present.  The  governor  accept(;d  it,  and  told  Ousamequin,  that  if  they  hud  not 
wronged  the  English,  nor  assisted  their  enemies,  they  had  nothing  to  fear  ; 
and,  giving  him  a  letter  to  the  governor  of  Connecticut,  dismissed  him  well 
Siitisfitid.f 

In  ICA9,  Ousaincqiiin  sold  to  Jililcs  Slandish,  and  the  other  inhabitants  of 
Duxbury,  "  a  tra<'t  of  l;m<l  usually  eallrl  Sauii;}durket"  seven  miles  s<pjare. 
This  wfLS  Bridgewater.  It  had  been  beibn;  granted  to  them,  oidy,  however,  in 
la-cemption.  They  agreed  to  pay  Oiisameqiiin  seven  coats,  of  a  yanl  and  a 
half  each,  nine  hatchets,  eight  hoes,  twenty  knives,  four  moose  skins,  and  ten 
and  a  half  ytu*ds  of  cotton  cloth. 

liy  a  deed  bearing  date  9th  March,  1G53,  Ousemaquin  and  his  son  JFamsitti;, 
[Jfaimutta,]  afterwards  called  Alexander,  sohl  to  the  l''.nglish  of  Plimoutli  ".ill 
those  severall  parcells  of  land  Keiiig  on  the  south-easti:rly  side  of  tSinkunke, 
alias  Rehohoth,  bounded  by  a  little  brooki;  of  water  called  Moskituash  westerlj, 
and  sfie  runing  by  a  dead  swamp  eastward,  and  soe  by  marked  trees  as  Ousa- 
mequin and  fp'amsitlo  directed,  unto  the  great  riuer,  and  all  the  meadow  abou» 


*Ilecords  of  the  U.  Colonics. 


t  Journal,  i.  264, 


as 


MAssAsorr. 


riiooK  II 


W'^'4 


th(5  sides  of  Inuh,  an<l  nimut  the  ncrk  onllcd  <  "liaclmciiHt,  also  Pa|mwnint<h  neck, 
also  ilic  meadow  from  the  buy  to  Kuccomcwtit,"  &t'.  For  thm  the  corisidera- 
tioii  was  "XUr)  steriiiif,'." 

J{y  a  writiiif,'  bcariiif^  date  "  tliis  twenty-oiie  of  Sciiteniber,  1()57,"  (hisame- 
ryMiH  says,  "  I  /*sanit(/i/t'n  do  liy  liiesc;  jin  scuts  ratify  and  allow  tin;  sair  of  a 
rertaiii  island  eaiicd  (Jhesewanockc,  or  lloijfff  Island,  wliicli  my  son  JVitmsitta 
sold  to  ifiV/mn/ .S';mi</i,  of  Portsmoiitli  in  J{.  ].,  with  my  consent,  wliich  deed 
of  sale  or  l)arf,'uiii  made  the  7th  of  l'\  hriiury  in  the  year  l(ir);t,  I  do  ratify,  own 
and  ((infirrn." 

In  l(ir)(i,  Ri)frrr  WlUiums  says  that  Ousamffniin,  l»y  one  of  his  snclieuis, 
"was  at  daily  Hud  with  Pumhaiii  aliont  the  title  and  lordship  of  Warsviik  ;  " 
and  that  iiostility  was  daily  expected.  But  we  are  not  inforjiied  that  any  thing 
serious  took  place. 

This  is  the  year  in  which  it  has  l)een  j^enerally  supposed  that  Ousainrijinn 
tlied,  hut  it  is  an  error  of  Ihitiliiiinoii's  iraiisplantinjf  from  Mr.  Hubhiml^s  work 
into  his  own.  That  an  error  should  llourish  in  so  good  a  soil  as  that  of  tlie 
"History  of  th(!  Colony  of  Massachusetts  Hay,"  is  no  woialer;  hut  it  is  a 
wonder  that  the  "accurate  f/i(/'7ij"/iso?i  "  should  set  down  that  date,  from  tJiat 
pass'igc!  of  till'  Indian  Wars,  which  was  evidently  made  without  n  tltction. 
It  heing  at  that  time  thought  a  circumstance  of  no  consequence. 

That  the  sachem  of  I'okanoket  should  he  scarcely  known  to  our  records 
betwet'U  Ki.'w  and  Ititil,  a  spaci;  of  only  ahotit  three  years,  as  we  have  shown, 
is  not  very  suri)rising,  when  we  reflect  that  he  wils  entinly  subservient  to  the 
English,  and  nearly  or  (piite  all  of  his  lands  being  before  disposed  of,  or  giverj 
up  to  them.  This,  therefore,  is  a  plain  reason  why  we  do  not  meet  with  his 
name  to  deeds  and  other  instruments.  And,  besides  this  consideration,  another 
sachem  was  known  to  be  associated  witli  lum  at  the  former  period,  who  seems 
to  have  act<!d  as  C)usmne(jmn\s  representative. 

He  was  alive  in  Kitil,  and  as  late  in  that  year  ns  September.*  Several 
months  previous  to  this,  Uncko,  with  about  seventy  men,  fell  upon  a  defen<e- 
less  town  within  the  dominions  of  0u3ame<iu{n,  killing  three  persons,  and  ear- 
lying  away  six  others  captive.  He  complained  to  the  General  Court  of 
Ma.ssachusetts,  which  interfered  in  his  belialf,  and  tlie  matter  was  soon 
st>ttled.  f 

From  the  "Relation"  of  Dr.  /.  Mother,  it  is  clear  tliat  lie  lived  until  l(j(!2. 
His  words  are,  ".^/fxa?w/frb('ing  dead,  [ha\ing  died  in  l()(i2,]  his  brother  P/ii'/j^, 
of  late  cursed  memory,  rosi;  up  in  his  stead,  and  ne  was  no  sooner  styled 
sachem,  hut  immediately,  in  the  year  Klti'J,  there  were  vehement  suspicions  of 
his  bloody  trciichery  agjiinst  the  English."  j 

Hence,  as  we  do  not  hear  of  Alcxnnder  as  sachem  until  1662,  which  is  also 
the  year  of  his  death,  it  is  fiiir  to  concludt;  that  he  could  not  have  been  long  hi 
otlice  !it  the  time  of  his  death  ;  nor  coidd  he  have  been  styled  "chief  sachem" 
until  athM-  the  death  of  his  father. 

Whether  Massasoit  had  more  than  two  sons,  is  not  certain,  although  it  is 
contidently  believed  that  he  had.  It  is  probable  tliat  his  family  was  large.  A 
com|)any  of  soldiers  from  liridgewater,  in  a  skirmish  with  Philip,  took  his 
sister,  and  killed  a  brother  of  Oiummeijuiii,  whose  name  was  Unkompocn,  §  or 
Akknmpoin.  ||  That  he  had  another  brother,  called  Qiiadequina,  has  been 
mentioned. 

Gov.  yVlnihrop  gives  the  following  anecdote  of  Ousamequin.  As  Mr.  Ed- 
ward JVinslow  was  returning  from  a  trading  voyage  southward,  having  left  his 
vessel,  he  traveled  home  by  land,  and  in  the  way  stoj)ped  witli  his  >id  friend 
Massiisoit,  who  agreed  to  accomj)any  him  the  rest  of  the  way.  In  the  mean 
time,  Ousmiwjuin  sent  one  of  his  men  forward  to  Plimouth,  to  surprise  the 
people  with  the  news  of  Mr.  fVinsloiv^s  death.  By  his  maimer  of  relating  it, 
and  tin;  particular  circumstances  attending,  no  one  doubted  of  its  truth,  and 
every  one  was  grieved  and  mourned  exceedingly  at  their  great  loss.    But 


*  8(iino  recorHs  which  Mr.  Daffffclt  consnllod  in  prci-aring  his  History  of  Attlcborough,  led 
him  If)  concliiilu  that  Afa.ssusoil  died  prfvioiis  to  .tunc,  IGtiO. 

t  Original  maniiscnjit  doriHTiciils.  The  particulars  of  these  matters  will  be  given  at  largey 
when  we  come  to  treat  of  tlie  life  of  Uncas. 

t  Relation,  72.  ^  /.  Mather,  U,  j)  Church,  38,  edit.  4to. 


Ml  I 


yL_ 


■»ii 


[Book  II 

ifir|n(u<h  neck, 
tic  coii(*i(li'ra- 

r)7,"  (hisame- 

tln!   wile    of  !l 

on    Wtimsitln 

wliirh  (Iced 

lo  rutily,  own 

liis  RnilH'iiiH, 

Warwick  ;  " 

thut  any  tiling 

Ousavxqvin 
ihlumPs  work 
us  timt  111"  tlio 
;  l)Ut  it  is  a 
iitf,  f'nini  tJiul 
)Ut  n  tltftion. 

)  onr  r< cords 
■  have  shown, 
rvicnl  to  tin; 
il  of,  or  i,Mven 
ricot  with  his 
•ation,  another 
)d,  who  seems 

XT.*  Several 
ion  a  defence- 
sons,  and  ear- 
ral  Cf)nrt  of 
ter  Avas  soon 

d  nntil  H'A\2. 
mithvr  Philip, 
sotiner  styled 

suspicions  of 

vvhieh  is  also 
:  been  long  in 
hief  sachem" 

although  it  is 
iis  large.  A 
Hip,  took  his 
kompoen,^  or 
ttr,    has    hcen 

As  Mr.  Ed- 
\iiig  letl  his 
is  id  friend 
In  the  mean 
urjirise  the 
)f  relating  it, 
its  truth,  and 
at  loss.    IJut 

tllcborougli,  led 

given  at  larger 

ch,  38,  edit.  4to. 


Chap.  II  ] 


EXPEDITION  AGAINST  CAUNRITANT. 


30 


presently  I tiey  wore  08  much  sur))riMed  at  seeing  him  coming  in  company 
with  Ousamequin.  When  it  was  known  among  the  people  tiiat  the  sachem 
had  ^■  lit  this  news  to  them,  they  demamled  why  he  sliouhl  thus  deceive  them. 
H<!  replied  that  it  was  to  make  him  tin;  more  welcome  when  he  did  return, 
and  that  this  was  a  custom  of  his  jieople. 

()n(!  olilio  most  renowned  captains  within  the  dominions  of  Magsnsnit  was 
Calnbita.nt,*  whose  residence  was  at  a  |ilace  called  Mitlnpoi.vl,  in  the 
present  town  of  Swansey.  His  character  was  nun-h  the  same  as  that  of  the 
(kr-ious  Mrtacoinet.  The  English  were  always  viewed  by  liim  as  intruders 
aiid  em  inirs  of  his  rnei',  and  there  is  little  douht  liiit  he  inteiuled  to  wrest 
the  .1)111  'ry  out  of  their  hands  on  the  lirst  op|)ortuuity. 

in  August,  Ki'^i,  CauvbHnnt  was  supjiosed  to  he  in  the  interest  of  the  Nnr- 
ragaiiset  •,  and  plotting  with  them  to  overthrow  .M(i,ss(i.v>it ;  and,  i)eiug  at 
Namasket  seeking,  say  the  Pilgrims,  "to  draw  the  hearts  of  M(tfi.miii)jjl''s  sid)- 
jects  fi-oni  him  ;  speaking  also  disdainfully  of  us,  storming  at  tin;  jieace  be- 
tween Nauset,  Cumniaquid  and  us,  and  at  Tismifintuin,  the  w«,;ker  of  it ; 
also  at  Tnkamithnmon,  and  oiu^  llaliomok,  (two  Indians  or  T<emes,  one  of 
which  he  would  treaciierously  liavt>  murdered  a  little  iieliire,  being  a  sjiecial 
and  trusty  man  of  MassnsoijCs,)  Tokamnhamon  weiit  to  hiui,  but  tiie  otiier 
two  wduld  not ;  yet  put  their  lives  in  their  hniuls,  privately  went  to  see  if 
they  could  hear  of  their  king,  and,  lodging  at  Namasciiet,  were  dicovered  to 
Coubatnnt,  who  set  a  guard  to  beset  the  house,  and  took  Tisqitantum,  {\'i)r  he 
had  said,  il'he  wen;  dead,  the  English  had  lost  tlaur  tongu(\)  Ilohliiimok  see- 
ing tliat  Tisqunnlum  was  taken,  and  Conhalant  held  [holding]  a  kniti"  at  his 
breast,  iieing  a  strong  and  stout  man,  lirake  Irom  them,  and  came  to  New  Pli- 
moinh,  full  of  fear  and  sorrow  for  T/.ti/iwni/um,  whom  he  thought  to  be  slain." 

Upon  this  the  Plimonth  people  sent  an  cxpediti»»n,  under  Stundi.ih,  of  14 
men,f  "  and  Uohhamok  for  their  guide,  to  revenge  the  sujijiosed  death  of 
Tiiqwinlum  on  CoubaUint  our  bitter  enemy,  and  to  retain  .Yepeof,  another 
sachem,  or  governor,  who  was  of  this  confederacy,  till  we  heard  what  was 
become  of  our  friend  JtffMsasoi/'." 

Atler  much  toil,  the  little  army  arrived  near  the  place  they  expected  to  find 
CavnhitnnI,  "IJeibre  we  came  to  the  town  (says  llie  narrator)  we  sat  down 
and  eat  such  as  our  knajisacks  afforded  ;  that  being  done,  we  threw  them 
aside,  and  all  such  things  as  might  hinder  us,  and  so  went  on  and  beset  the 
hous(!,  according  to  our  last  resolution.  Those  that  entered,  demanded  if 
C'o«fca/«n<  were  not  there  ;  but  fear  had  berelHhe  savages  of  speech.  We 
(diarged  them  not  to  stir,  lor  if  Couhatant  were  not  there,  we  would  not  nied 
die  with  them  ;  if  he  were,  we  came  princi|mlly  for  him,  to  be  avenged  on 
him  lor  the  snjiposed  death  of  Tis</J/«?!/i<m,  and  other  matters:  but  howso- 
ever, we  would  not  at  all  hurt  their  wdmen  or  children.  NotAvithstaiiding, 
some  of  them  pressed  out  at  a  private  door,  and  (>scaped,  but  with  some 
wouiuls.  At  length  jierceiving  our  iirincijial  ends,  they  told  us  (^oubatant 
was  returned  [home]  with  all  his  train,  and  that  Tisquantiim  was  yet  living, 
and  in  the  town ;  [then]  oflering  some  tobacco,  [and]  other,  such  as  they 
had  to  eat." 

In  this  hurley  hurley,  (as  they  call  it,)  two  gims  were  fired  "  at  random," 
to  the  great  terror  of  all  but  Sqimnto  and  Tokamnhamon,  "who,  l' ongh  they 
knew  not  our  end  in  coming,  yet  assured  them  [so  frightened]  of  oiir  honesty, 
[and]  that  we  would  not '  irt  them."  The  Indian  boys,  seemg  the  sipiaws 
protected,  cried  out,  JVeeriA  pines !  jVeensqiiaes !  that  is,  I  am  a  sq^iaw!  I  am  a 
squaw!  and  the  women  tried  to  screen  themselves  in  Hobomok^s  presence, 
reminding  him  that  he  was  their  triend. 

This  attack  uj)on  a  defenceless  house  was  made  at  midnight,  and  nmst 
have  been  terrible,  in  an  inconceivable  degree,  to  its  inmates,  especially  the 
sound  of  the  English  guns,  which  few,  if  any  of  them,  had  ever  heard  before. 
The  relator  proceeds :  "But  to  be  short,  we  kept  them  we  had,  ami  made 
them  make  a  fire  that  we  might  see  to  search  the  house ;  in  the  meantime, 

*  Corbitant,  Coubatant,  and  CoiibitarU,  were  ways  of  writing  Ills  name  also,  by  his  con 
lomporaries. 
t  Ten,  says  the  Relation. 

3* 


'  ':m 


)^  vr  v^ 


-> 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


1.0 


I.I 


itt  IM    12.2 

2?  114   ■" 

£   L£    12.0 


m 


1  m  IIIJ4 IJ4 

< 

6"     

>. 

^ 


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> 


/ 


Hiotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


23  WiST  MAIN  STREET 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  1 4580 

(716)  •73-4S03 


Z 


V 


SO 


TREATY  WITH  THE  INDIANS. 


[Book  n 


Ir'- 

\;:-[ 

■ .  1- 


ji? 


n.f*: 


I      . 


Hobbamokgat  on  the  top  of  the  house,  and  cnlled  TSsqtumium  and  Tokama- 
hatnon."  They  tmon  came,  with  some  others  with  them,  some  armed  and 
otherH  naked.  The  English  took  away  the  bows  and  arrows  from  tliose  that 
were  nrmed,  but  promised  to  return  them  as  soon  as  it  was  day,  which  they 
I)rohiii)ly  did. 

Tliey  kept  possession  of  the  captured  wipwam  until  daylight,  when  they 
reVnsed  their  prisoners,  and  marched  into  tiie  town  (as  they  call  it)  of  the 
Ndirinskcts.  Here,  it  appears,  Squanto  had  a  house,  to  which  they  >vent,  and 
r  >ok  breakfast,  and  held  a  court  afterward,  from  wliich  they  issued  ibrth  the 
fbl lowing  decree  against  Caunbitant : — 

"  Thither  came  all  wliose  hearts  were  upright  towards  us,  but  all  Couba- 
tarWa  faction  were  fled  away.  Tliere  in  the  midst  of  tliem  we  manifested 
again  onr  intendment,  assuring  them,  that,  although  Coubitanl  had  now 
escaped  us,  yet  there  was  no  place  should  secure  him  and  his  from  us,  if  he 
continued  his  threatening  us,  and  provoking  others  against  us,  who  had 
kiiuily  entertained  him,  and  never  intended  evil  towards  him  till  he  now  so 
justly  deserved  it.  Moreover,  ii'Masaaaoyt  did  not  return  in  safety  from  Nar- 
rohigganset,  or  if  hereafter  he  should  make  any  insurrection  against  him,  or 
offer  violence  to  TisqxutrUum,  Hobomok,  or  any  of  MataasorfCa  subjects,  we 
would  revenge  it  upon  him,  to  the  overthrow  of  him  and  his.  As  ibr  tiiose 
[who]  were  wounded,  [how  many  is  not  mentioned,]  we  wore  sorry  lor  it, 
though  themselves  procured  it  in  not  staying  in  the  house  at  our  command  : 
yet,  if  they  would  return  home  with  us,  our  surgeon  should  heal  them.  At 
this  ofl'er  one  man  and  a  woman  that  were  wounded  went  home  with  us, 
Tisqunntum  and  many  other  known  friends  accompanying  us,  and  offering 
all  help  that  might  l)e  by  carriage  of  any  thing  we  had  to  ease  us.  So  that 
by  Ciod's  good  |)rovidence  we  safely  returned  home  the  morrow  night  after 
we  set  forth."* 

Notwithstanding  these  rough  passages,  Caunbitant  became  in  appearance 
reconciled  to  the  English,  and  on  the  13th  Se|>t.  following  (1621)  went  to 
Plimouth  and  signed  a  treaty  of  amity.  It  was  through  the  intercession  of 
Massasoit  that  he  became  again  reconciled,  but  the  English  always  doubted 
his  sincerity,  as  most  probably  they  had  reason  to.  The  treaty  or  submission 
was  in  these  words : — 

"  Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  we  whose  names  are  underwritten, 
<lo  acknowledge  ourselves  to  be  the  royal  subjects  of  King  Jama,  king  of 
Great  nritain,  France  and  Ireland,  defender  of  the  faith,  &c.  In  witness 
whereof,  and  as  a  testimonial  of  the  same,  we  have  subscribed  our  names,  or 
marks,  as  lulloweth : — 

Ohquameu  ;i),        Nattawahdnt,        Qcadaquina, 
Cawnacome,  Caunbatant,  Huttmoidew, 

Obbatinnua,  Chikkatabak,  Apannow." 

Of  some  of  these  sachems  nothing  is  known  beyond  this  transaction,  and 
of  otiiers  very  lilile. 

Obbatinua  is  sup[)osed  to  have  been  sachem  of  Shawmut,  where  Boston 
now  stands. 

Cawnacome  and  ^Ipannoie  may  be  the  same  before  spoken  of  as  Coneconani, 
and  Epanow,  though  I  am  rather  of  opinion  that  Jtpannow  means  Jlapintt  of 
Nauset.f  JSJlatiawahiinl  we  siiall  again  meet  with,  under  tlie  name  JVaahoonon. 
Coneconam  was  sachem  ni' Manomet,  on  Cape  Cod. 

When,  in  the  winter  of  1()2H,  the  English  traversed  the  country  to  trade 
with  the  Indians  ibr  corn,  they  visited  him  among  other  chiefs ;  who,  thev 
say,  "  it  seemed  was  of  good  respect,  and  authority,  amongst  the  Indians. 
For  whilst  the  governor  was  there,  within  night,  in  bitter  cold  weather,  came 
two  men  from  Manamoyck,  before  spoken  of,  and  having  set  aside  tlieir  bows; 

•  From  Mourt,  ut  ittipra,  niid  si^eH  only  with  the  capital  letter  A,  which  is  supposed  to 
stand  Ibr  Isaac  Allerton,  who  accompanied  Utandiali  perhaps.  From  the  ute  of  the  pronouo 
in  iht!  tir»t  pt-rson,  the  writer,  whoever  he  was.  must  have  been  present 

*  See  chapter  i.  of  b.  ii. 


[Book  n 

uid  Tokama- 
B  armed  and 
Dm  tliOHe  ttiat 
f,  which  tliey 

It,  when  they 
call  it)  of  the 
[ley  went,  and 
sued  Ibrth  tiie 

It  all  Couba- 
'e  manifested 
ant  had  now 
trom  us,  il'  he 
us,  who  had 
ill  he  now  so 
ety  from  Nar- 
rainst  him,  or 
r  subjects,  we 

As  for  those 
B  sorry  for  it, 
iir  command : 
?al  them.  At 
lome  with  us, 
,  and  oHeriug 

US.  So  that 
iw  night  after 

n  appearance 
1621)  went  to 
itercession  of 
ways  doubted 
or  submission 


underwritten, 
James,  king  of 
c.  In  witness 
our  names,  or 

qcadaquina, 
huttm0ide>, 
Apannow." 

ansaction,  and 

Hrhere  Boston 

'as  Coneconam 
uis  Jlspintt  of 
ne  Naahoonon. 

untry  to  trade 
fs ;  who,  thev 
:  tiie  Indians, 
weather,  came 
ide  tlieir  bows 


;h  is  supposed  (o 
le  of  Uic  pronouo 


CnAP.  II.] 


CAUNBITANT. 


31 


t 


1 


and  (]uivcrs,  according  to  their  manner,  sat  down  by  the  Are,  and  took  a  pifw 
of  tobacco,  not  using  any  words  in  that  time,  nor  any  other  to  them,  but  all 
remnined  silent,  expecting  when  they  would  speak.  At  length  they  looked 
toward  Canacuw ;  and  one  of  them  made  a  short  speech,  and  delivered  o 
firesent  to  him,  from  his  sachim,  which  was  a  basket  of  tobacco,  and  many 
beads,  which  the  other  received  thankfully.  After  which  he  made  a  long 
s[)e)-ch  to  him,"  the  meaning  of  which  Hobomok  said  was,  that  two  of  their 
men  fell  out  in  a  game,  "  for  they  use  gaming  as  much  as  any  where,  and 
will  piny  away  all,  even  their  skin  from  their  backs,  yea  their  wive's  skins 
also,"  and  one  killed  the  other.  That  the  murderer  was  a  powow,  "one  of 
special  note  ar-^ngst  them,"  and  one  whom  they  did  not  like  to  part  with ; 
yet  they  were  threatened  with  war,  if  they  did  not  kill  the  murderer.  That, 
therefore,  their  sachem  deferred  acting  until  the  advice  of  Coneconatn  was 
first  obtained. 

After  consulting  with  this  chief,  and  some  of  his  head  men,  these  messen- 
gers desired  A/o6omoA'»  judgment  upon  the  matter.  With  some  delerence 
he  replied,  that  **  he  thought  it  was  better  that  one  should  die  than  many, 
since  he  hud  deser^-ed  it;"  "whereupon  he  passed  the  sentence  of  death 
upon  him." 

We  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice  this  chief,  at  whose  house  the  first 
act  of  a  tragic  scene  was  acted,  which  in  its  course  brought  ruin  upon  its 
[)roj«?ctors. 

When  Mr.  Edivard  JVitulow  and  Mr.  John  Hamdtn  went  to  visit  Massaaoit 
in  his  sickness,  in  1(>2(),  they  heard  by  some  Indians,  when  near  Caunbitant'$ 
resi(i<>nce,  that  Masaasoil  was  really  dead  :  they,  theretbre,  though  with  nuich 
hesitation,  ventured  to  his  house,  hoping  they  might  treat  with  him,  he  being 
then  thought  the  successor  of  Maasaaoit.  But  he  was  not  at  home.  The 
squaw  sachem,  his  wife,  treated  them  with  great  kindness,  and  learning  here 
that  MnasaaoU  was  still  alive,  they  made  tnl  haste  to  Pokanoket  When  they 
returned,  tliey  stiiid  all  night  with  CaunbtvU'?^,  rit  his  liousc,  who  acconi  tanied 
them  there  from  Maataaoifa. 

Mr.  Winalow  gives  the  account  in  these  words : — "  That  night,  through  the 
earnest  request  of  Conbalant,  who,  till  now,  remained  at  Sowaams,  or 
Puckanokick,  we  lodged  with  him  at  Mattapuyst.  By  the  way,  I  had  much 
conference  with  him,  so  likewise  at  his  house,  he  being  a  notable  politician, 
vet  fiiil  of  merry  jests  and  squibs,  and  never  better  jtleased  than  when  the 
like  are  returned  again  upon  him.  Amongst  other  thin^^s  he  asked  me,  if  in 
rase  ht  were  thus  dangerously  sick,  us  Maasaaoit  had  been,  and  should  send 
word  thereof  to  Patuxet,  fbr  maakieat,*  [that  is,  physic,]  whether  their  master 
governor  would  send  it;  and  if  he  would,  whether  I  would  come  therewith 
to  him.  To  both  which  I  answered,  yea ;  whereat  he  gave  me  many  joyful 
thanks."  He  then  expressed  his  surprise  that  two  Englishmen  should  ad- 
venture so  far  alone  into  their  country,  and  asked  them  if  they  were  not 
afraid.  Mr.  Winalow  said,  "where  was  true  love,  there  was  no  fear."  "But," 
said  Caunhitant,  "if  your  love  be  auch,  and  it  bring  forth  auchfruila,  how  cometh 
it  to  paas,  that  when  we  come  to  Patuxet,  you  aland  upon  your  guard,  toith  the 
nwuth  of  your  piecea  preaented  towarda  t«?"  Mr.  Winalow  told  him  that  was  a 
mark  of  respect,  and  that  they  received  their  best  friends  in  that  manner ; 
but  to  this  he  shook  his  head,  and  answered,  thut  he  did  not  like  such  salu- 
talimis.  f 

When  Caunbitant  saw  his  visiters  crave  a  blessing  before  eating,  and 
return  thanks  afterwards,  he  desired  to  know  what  it  meant  "Hereupon  1 
took  occasion  (says  our  author)  to  tell  them  of  God's  works  of  creation  and 
presorvntion,  of  the  laws  and  ordinances,  especially  of  the  ten  command- 
ments." They  found  no  particular  fault  with  the  commandments,  except 
the  seventh,  but  said  there  were  many  inconveniences  in  that  a  man  should 
be  tied  to  one  woman.     About  which  they  reasoned  a  good  while. 

When  Mr.  fVinalow  explained  the  goodness  of  God  in  bestowing  on  them 
all  their  comforts,  and  that  for  this  reason  they  thanked  and  blessed  him, 


mm 


^■^'i^i 


ifm-"'  J 


•  In  Williams's  Key,  .Vaskit  is  translalcH,  "  Oive  me  some  physic." 
t  Good  News  from  N.  Englan<i,  CoU.  Mati.  Hist.  Soc. 


'■c\ 

■'>'- 

■ 

'v.; 

»     • 

1 

n 

■  s 

■i  '■ 

;r^^ 

'  ,  *" 

''}■ 

■•;| 

'  : 

vV' 

i 


'    ■      ■      'J      L 


i; 


33 


WITTUWAMET.— PEKSUOT. 


[Book  II- 


Chaf. 


I'    r 


» .*   ' 


.»'•., 


..r^i 


:& 


"this  nil  of  ♦hem  connludnd  to  l)e  very  well ;  and  said  they  helieved  almost 
all  the  same  things,  aiul  that  the  same  jKiwer  that  we  call  God  they  called 
Kichtan."  "Here  we  remained  only  that  night,  but  never  had  better  enter- 
tainment amongst  any  of  them." 

\\  iiat  became  of  this  chief  is  unknown.  His  name  appearing  no  more  in 
our  records,  leads  us  to  suppose  that  he  either  fled  his  country  on  the  mur- 
der of  Hillutcamet,  Peksuot,  and  others,  or  that  he  died  about  that  time. 

WiTTUWAMEr  was  a  Massachusetts  chief,  as  was  his  companion  Peksuot, 
but  their  particular  residence  has  not  been  assigned.  fViiluwamd  was  a  des- 
perate and  Iwld  fellow,  and,  like  most  other  warriors,  delighted  in  shedding 
the  blood  of  his  eniimies.  It  is  not  improbable  but  that  he  became  exasper- 
ated against  the  English  from  the  many  abuses  some  of  them  bad  |)ractised 
upon  his  countrymen.  This  will  account,  perhaps,  for  all  the  severity  and 
malignity  portrayed  by  the  fbrelathers  in  his  character.  He  was  one  of  those, 
they  say,  wiio  murdered  some  of  the  crew  of  the  French  ship,  cast  away 
uj)on  Cape  Cod,  as  we  have  before  mentioned. 

That  H'ittuwamet,  Peksuot,  and  some  other  chiefs,  intended  to  have  freed 
their  country  of  intruders  in  the  year  1G23,  there  can  be  no  doubt,  and  in  re- 
lating the  rise,  progress  and  termination  of  their  league  to  effect  this  object, 
we  shall,  to  avoid  the  charge  of  partiality,  adhere  closely  to  the  record. 

We  have  before,  in  s|)eaKiiig  of  Caunecum,  or  Coneconam,  mentioned  the 
voyage  of  the  governor  of  Flimouth  to  that  sachem's  country  to  trade  for 
corn  ;  that  was  in  January,  11)23.  Not  lacing  able  to  bring  away  all  he  ob- 
tained, Captaiti  Miles  Standiah  was  sent  the  next  riionth  to  take  it  to  Plimoutli, 
also  to  purchase  more  at  the  same  |)iace,  but  he  did  not  meet  with  very  good 
reception,  which  led  him  to  apprehend  there  was  mischief  at  hand.  And 
immediately  after,  while  at  Coneconam^s  house  with  two  or  three  of  his  com- 
pany, "  in  came  two  of  the  Massachusetts  men.  The  chief  of  them  was 
called  fVittuwamat,  a  notable  insulting  villain,  one  who  had  formerly  iml'ued 
his  hands  in  the  blood  of  English  and  French,  and  had  oft  boasted  oi  his 
own  valor,  and  derided  their  weakness,  especially  because,  as  he  said,  they 
died  crying,  making  four  faces,  more  like  children  than  men.  This  villain 
took  a  dagger  from  about  his  neck,  which  he  had  gotten  of  Master  Wealon^a 
people,  and  presented  it  to  the  sachem,  [Coneconam^  and  after  made  a  long 
speech  in  an  audacious  manner,  framing  it  in  such  sort  as  the  captain,  though 
he  be  the  best  linguist  among  us,  could  not  gather  any  thing  from  it.  The 
end  of  it  was  afterwards  discovered  to  be  as  iblloweth.  The  Massachu- 
seucks  formerly  concluded  to  ruinate  Mr.  WtstoiCs  colony;  and  thought 
themselves,  being  about  30  or  40  men,  strong  enough  to  execute  the  same  : 
yet  they  durst  not  attem])t  it,  till  such  time  as  they  had  gathered  more 
strength  to  themselves,  to  make  their  party  good  against  us  at  Plimouth; 
conchuling  that  if  we  remained,  though  they  had  no  other  arguments  to  use 
against  us,  yet  we  would  never  leave  tlie  death  of  our  countrjnien  unre- 
venged ;  and  therefore  their  safety  could  not  be  without  the  overthrow  of 
both  plantations.  To  this  end  they  had  formerly  solicited  this  sachem,  as 
also  the  other,  called  lanoiigh,  and  many  others,  to  assist  them ;  and  now 
again  came  to  prosecute  the  sanie ;  and  since  there  was  so  fair  an  o[)portu- 
nity  offered  by  the  captain's  presence,  they  thought  best  to  make  sure  of  him 
and  his  company." 

Coneconam,  after  this  speech,  treated  Standish  with  neglect,  and  was  veiy 
partial  to  JVittuwamet,  whi^'h  much  increosed  the  jealousy  of  the  former. 
These  Ir.dians  meantime  coiitrived  to  kill  Standish,  having  employed  a  "lusty 
Indian  of  Paomet "  to  execute  the  plan.  The  weather  was  severely  cold, 
and  Standish  lodged  on  shore  at  night,  and  this  was  the  time  he  was  to  have 
been  killed.  But  the  extreme  coldness  o.''ihe  night  kept  him  from  sleeping, 
and  thus  he  avoided  assassination. 

We  have  had  occasion,  in  the  life  of  Massasoit,  to  mention  that  that  chief 
had  been  solicited  to  engage  in  this  confederacy,  and  of  his  charging  Hobomok 
to  warn  the  English  of  it.  The  people  of  the  places  named  at  that  time  by 
Massasoit,  as  in  the  plot,  were  Nnuset,  Paomet,  Succonet,  Mattachiest,  Mnno- 
met,  Agowaywam,  and  the  Island  of  Cnpawack.  "Therefore,  (says  Mr. 
fVinslow  in  his  Relation,)  as  we  respected  the  lives  of  our  countrymen  and 


■M 


!vcd  alnioet 
they  culled 
etter  enter- 
no  more  in 
n  tlie  niur- 
t  time, 
ion  Peksuot, 
t  was  u  dc8- 
n  Blieddiug 
ne  exupper- 
id  practised 
severity  and 
ine  of  tliose, 
I,  cast  away 

have  IVeed 

t,  and  in  re- 

this  object, 

ecord. 

ntioned  the 

to  trade  lor 

f  all  he  ob- 

o  Plinioutli, 

th  very  goo«l 

hand.    And 

of  his  com- 

f  them  was 

srly  iml 'ued 

isted  ot  his 

c  said,  they 

Tliis  villain 

ter  WestorCs 

lade  a  long 

tain,  though 

it.    The 

Vlassachu- 

nd  thought 

the  same : 

lered  more 

Pliniouth ; 

ents  to  use 

men  unre- 

ertlirow  of 

sachem,  as 

and  now 

u  opportu- 

iure  of  him 


m 


tlint  chief 
ig  Hohomok 
lit  time  by 
iest,  Mano- 
(s«ys  Mr. 
rynien  and 


Chap.  11] 


WITTIJWAMET— WI'.STONT  COLONY. 


our  own  mifoty,  he  advised  us  to  kill  the  men  of  Mnssjwhufet,  who  were  liie 
authorH  of  this  intended  mischief.  And  wiiereas  we  were  wont  to  say,  we 
would  not  strike  a  stroke  till  they  first  began,  If,  8;ti«i  he,  [MtMiuvnt  to 
Jlohomok,]  Mjion  tliis  intelligence,  tliey  make  that  answer,  tell  them,  when 
tli"ir  countrymen  at  Wichaguscnsset  are  killed,  they  not  being  able  to  «lereiid 
theiiisrives,  that  then  it  will  be  too  late  to  recover  their  lives,"  and  it  would 
l)e  with  (litficiilty  that  they  preserved  their  own;  "and  tlierelbre  he  coun- 
selled, without  delay,  to  take  away  the  principals,  aiul  then  the  |ilot  would 
cense." 

IMeiuiwIiile  Weslon^s  men  had  fallen  into  a  niisend)le  and  wretched  condi- 
tion ;  some,  to  procure  a  daily  sustenance,  became  servants  to  the  Indians, 
"fetciiing  them  wood  and  water,  &c.,  an«l  all  for  a  meal's  meat."  Those 
who  were  thus  degraded,  wtjre,  of  course,  oidy  a  few  who  had  abandoned 
themselves  to  riot  ami  dissipation,  but  whose  conduct  had  ailectcd  the  well 
being  of  the  whole,  notwithstanding.  Some  of  these  wretches,  in  their  ex- 
tremities, had  stolen  corn  from  the  Indians,  on  whose  complaint  they  had 
been  put  in  the  stcu:ks  and  whi]iped.  This  not  giving  the  Indians  sntisfac- 
tion,  one  was  hnnged.     This  was  in  February,  i^'fSl. 

About  this  capital  punishment  much  has  been  written  ;  some  doubting  the 
fact  that  any  one  was  hanged,  others  that  it  was  the  real  ottender,  &c.  But 
in  our  o[)inion  the  facts  are  incontestable  that  one  was  haugeil;  but  whether 
the  one  really  guilty  or  not,  is  not  quite  s(»  easily  settled.  The  liict  that  one 
was  hanged  for  another  a()pears  to  have  been  of  common  notoriety,  both  in 
Old  and  New  England,  from  shortly  alter  the  affair  until  tiie  beginning  of 
the  next  century.* 

Mr.  Hubbard]  lias  this  passage  upon  the  affair: — "Certiun  it  is,  they  [the 
Indians]  were  so  provoked  with  their  filching  and  stealing,  that  they  threat- 
ened them,  as  the  Philistines  did  SamsorCa  liither-in-law,  alter  the  loss  of  their 
corn ;  iusonuich  that  the  company,  as  some  report,  p:eten«Ied,  in  way  of  satis- 
faction, to  punish  him  that  did  the  theft,  but,  in  his  stead,  hanged  a  poor,  de- 
crepit old  man,  that  was  unserv  iceable  to  the  company,  [an  old  bed-rid 
weaver,^]  and  burdeneome  to  keep  alive,  which  was  the  ground  of  the  story 
with  which  the  merry  gentleman,  that  wrote  the  poem  called  Hldibras,  did, 
in  his  poetical  fancy,  make  so  much  sport."  And  from  the  same  author  it  ap- 
pears that  the  circumstance  was  well  known  at  Pliniouth,  but  they  pretended 
that  the  right  person  was  hanged,  or,  in  our  author's  own  words,  "as  if  the 
jierson  hangr  '  'vas  really  guil»y  of  stealing,  as  may  be  were  many  of  the  rest, 
and  if  they  wtic  driven  by  necessity  to  content  the  Indians,  at  that  time,  to 
do  justice,  there  being  some  of  Mr.  fVeaton's  company  living,  it  is  possible  it 
might  be  executed  not  on  him  that  most  deserved,  but  on  liim  that  could  be 
best  s[mred,  or  who  was  not  like  to  live  long  if  he  had  l)een  let  alone." 

It  will  now  be  expected  that  we  produce  the  passage  of  Iludibras.  Here 
it  if  :— 


"  Though  nice  and  dark  the  point  appear, 
(Quoili  Kaiph,)  it  may  hold  up,  and  clear. 
That  f<inners  may  supply  the  place 
Of  siilTuring;  Sar  's,  is  a  plain  Case. 
Jusiicc  (fives  Sentence,  many  times, 
On  one  Man  for  another's  crimes. 
Our  lirclhren  of  New  England  use 
Choice  Malefactors  to  excuse. 
And  hang  the  Guiltless  in  their  stead. 
Of  whom  the  Churches  have  less  ueecl : 
As  lately  't  happened  :  In  a  town 
There  lived  a  Cobbler,  and  but  one, 
That  out  of  Doctrine  could  cut  Use, 
And  mend  Men's  Lives,  as  well  as  Slwes. 
This  precious  Brother  having  slain, 
In  times  of  I'eace,  an  Indian, 
(Not  out  of  Malice,  but  mere  Zeal, 
Because  he  was  an  infidel,) 


The  mighty  TottijMttymoy, 
tl^ent  to  our  Elders  an  Envoy, 
Complaining  surely  of  the  Breach 
Of  League,  ncid  forth  by  Brother  Patch, 
Against  the  Articles  in  force. 
Between  both  churches,  his  and  ourif, 
For  which  he  craved  the  Saints  to  render 
Into  his  liands,  or  hang  th'  Offender : 
But  they,  maturely  having  weighed, 
They  had  no  more  but  him  o'  tn'  Trade, 
(A  Man  that  served  them  in  a  double 
Capacity,  to  Teach  and  Cobble,) 
Resolved  to  spare  him ;  yet  to  do 
The  Indian  IJoghan  Moghgan,  loo, 
Impartial  Justice,  in  his  stead,  did 
Hang  an  old  Weaver  that  was  Bed-rid. 
Then  wherefore  m"y  not  you  bo  skipp'd, 
And  in  your  Room  another  Whipp'a  f  " 


•  See  Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  148.  and  b.  i.  chap.  iii.  atUe. 

t  llisi.  N.  Eng.  77.  \  Col.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  148. 


.y- :,'■'. '-'4 


'    V    "■„■ 


i'  ■ »  , 


#4: 


I.'"  .•  ■ 


tf 


I."  -v.',: 


■;     :^.'--..,>.-5 
'Vi     '  •'•.'    '{..1 J 


'■■'■  *  * 


.r'r:\ 


94 


WrrrUWA MET— WESTON'S  COLONY. 


[Book  II. 


I'- 


1^ 


r- 


h  ,.'  •• 


(!•'. 


Tho  following  note  was  early  printed  to  tliis  passage: — "The  history  of 
the  cobbler  had  been  attested  by  persons  of  good  credit,  who  were  iiiMin  the 
piano  when  it  was  done."  Mr.  ButUr  wrote  this  part  of  his  lliidibras 
before  miH. 

Thonu.18  Morton,  who  was  one  of  the  company,  though  perhaps  alwont  at 
the  time,  pretends  that  there  was  no  plot  of  the  Indians,  and  insmuutiiH  that 
the  I'iimoutheans  caused  all  the  trouble,  and  tliat  their  rashness  caused  the 
Indians  to  massacre  some  of  their  men,  as  we  shall  presently  relate  li'om  a 
book  which  Mr.  Morton  pid)lished.* 

"  Master  fVeston^s  plantation  being  settled  at  Wessaguscus,  his  servants, 
many  of  them  la/.y  persons,  that  would  use  no  endeavor  to  take  the  benefit 
of  the  cnuntr}',  some  of  them  fell  sick  and  died. 

"  One  amongst  the  rest,  an  able-bodied  man,  that  ranged  the  woods,  to  sec 
what  it  would  atlord,  lighted  bv  accident  on  an  Indian  barn,  and  from  thence 
did  take  a  cap  full  of  corn,  'l^he  salvage  owner  of  it,  Auding  by  the  loot 
[track]  some  English  hud  been  there,  came  to  the  plantation,  and  made  com- 
plaint atXvr  this  manner.  The  chief  conmiauder  of  the  company,  on  this 
occasion,  called  u  Parliament  of  all  his  peo])le,  but  those  that  were  sick  and 
ill  at  ease.f  And  wisely  now  they  nnist  consult,  upon  this  huge  complaint, 
that  a  itrivy  [paltry]  knife  or  string  of  beads  would  well  enough  have  quali- 
fied: And  Edward  lohnson  was  a  special  judge  of  this  business.  The  fact 
was  there  in  repetition,  construction  made,  that  it  was  fellony,  and  by  the 
laws  of  England  punished  with  death,  and  this  in  execution  must  be  put  for 
an  example,  and  likewise  to  appease  the  salvage ;  when  straightways  one 
arose,  moved  as  it  were  with  some  compassion,  and  said  he  could  not  well 
gainsay  the  former  sentence ;  yet  he  had  conceived,  within  the  compass  of 
his  brain,  an  embrio,  that  was  of  special  consequence  to  be  delivered,  and 
cherished,  he  said ;  that  it  would  most  aptly  serve  to  pacify  the  salvage's 
complaint,  and  save  the  life  of  one  that  might  (if  need  should  be)  stand  them 
in  some  good  stead ;  being  young  and  strong,  fit  for  resistance  against  an 
enemy,  which  might  come  unex|iectedly,  for  any  thing  they  knew. 

"The  oration  made  was  liked  of  every  one,  and  he  intreated  to  show  the 
means  how  this  may  be  performed.  Says  he,  you  all  a^ree  diat  rrie  must 
die,  and  one  siiall  die.  This  young  man's  clothes  we  wdl  take  off,  and  put 
upon  one  that  is  old  and  impotent,  a  sickly  person  that  cannot  escape  death ; 
8uch  is  the  disease  on  him  confirmed,  that  die  he  must.  Put  the  young 
man's  clothes  on  this  man,  and  let  the  sick  person  be  hanged  in  the  other's 
stead.  Amen,  says  one,  and  so  says  many  more.  And  this  had  like  to  have 
proved  their  final  sentence ;  and  being  there  confirmed  by  act  of  Parliament 
to  afler  ac:es  for  a  precedent.  But  tliat  one,  with  a  ravenous  voice,  begim  to 
croak  and  bellow  for  revenge,  and  put  by  that  conclusive  motion ;  alleging 
such  deceits  might  be  a  means  hereafter  to  exasperate  the  minds  of  the  com- 
plaining salvages,  and  that,  by  his  death,  the  salvages  should  see  their  zeal 
to  justice,  and,  therefore,  he  should  die.  This  was  concluded  ;  yet,  never- 
theless, a  scruple  was  made ;  now  to  countermand  this  act  did  represent 
itself  unto  their  minds,  which  was  how  they  should  do  to  get  the  man  s  good 
will :  this  was  indeed  a  special  obstacle :  for  without  that  (they  all  agreed)  it 
would  be  dangerous,  for  any  man  to  attempt  the  execution  of  it,  lest  mis- 
chief shoidd  l^fall  them  every  man.  He  was  a  person  that,  in  his  wrath, 
did  seem  to  be  a  second  Sampton,  able  to  beat  out  their  brains  with  the  jaw- 
bone of  an  ass:  therefore  they  called  the  man,  and  by  persuasion  got  him 
fiist  bound  in  jest,  and  then  hanged  him  up  hard  by  m  ^ood  earnest,  who 
with  a  weapon,  and  at  liberty,  would  have  put  all  these  wise  judges  of  this 
Parliament  to  a  pittifid  non  plus,  (as  it  hath  been  credibly  reported,)  and 
made  the  chief  judge  of  them  all  buckle  to  him." 

This  is  an  entire  chapter  of  the  New  Canaan,  which,  on  account  of  its 
great  rarity,  we  have  given  in  full.  In  his  next  chapter  Mr.  Morion  proceeds 
to  narrate  the  circumstances  of  the  "  massacre  "  of^  fVittutoamet,  Peksuot,  and 
other  Massachusetts  Indians,  and  the  consequences  of  it    But  we  shall  now 

*  Entitled  New  English  Canaan,  4to.  Amiterdam,  1637. 

t  Against  thit  seuteoce,  in  the  margin,  i»— "  A  poor  complaint." 


fTeslo 


yj 


(Book  II. 

)  history  of 
re  u|M)n  the 
B   lliidihras 

ps  ahsont  at 
niuatcH  tliat 
cauHCti  the 
slate  li'oin  u 

is  BervaiiLs, 
the  heiieiit 

oods,  to  gee 
Iruin  tiituice 
hy  the  loot 
made  com- 
iny,  on  this 
re  sick  and 

complaint, 
have  qiiali- 
i.    The  fact 

and  by  the 
St  be  ])ut  for 
htways  one 
uld  not  well 
coniiMiss  of 
slivered,  and 
he  salvage's 
)  stand  them 

against  an 
w. 

to  show  the 
It  cue  must 

off,  and  put 
|icape  death ; 

the  young 

I  the  other's 
ike  to  have 
Parliament 

:e,  begun  to 

>n;  alleging 

of  the  com- 

their  zeal 

yet,  never- 

i  represent 

man^s  good 

II  agreed)  it 
it,  lest  mis- 

his  wrath, 
ith  the  jaw- 
in  got  him 
arnest,  who 
ges  of  this 
rorted,)  and 

ount  of  its 
m  proceeds 
^eksuot,  and 
shall  now 


Chap,  ll-l     WASSAPINEWAT.— MASSACRE  AT  WESSAGUSCUS. 


a- 


draw  from  the  Plimouth  historian,  and  afterwards  use  Mortori'a  chapter  as 
we  tind  occasion. 

iMr.  H'indow  says  that  Mr.  Wtston'a  men  "knew  not  of  tliis  conspiracy  of 
the  Iiuliaus  before  his  [John  Sanders,  their  'overseer  '1  going;  neither  was  it 
known  to  any  of  us  till  our  return  from  Bowaams,  or  I'uckanokick :  at  which 
time  also  another  sacliim,  called  IVaasnjnntwat,  brother  to  Obtakiest,  the 
sarhiin  of  the  Massachusets,  wlio  had  formerly  smarted  for  partaking  with 
Conhatant,  and  fearing  the  like  again,  to  purge  himself,  revealed  the  same 
thing,"  [hs  MassasoU  had  done.] 

It  was  now  the  23d  March,  1G23,  "  a  yearly  court  day  "  at  Plimouth,  on 
wliieh  war  was  proclaimed,  "  in  public  court,"  against  the  MassacliUMetts 
IndiauH.  "  We  came  to  this  conclunion,  (says  WtnaLw,)  that  Captain  Slandxsh 
sliduhi  take  so  many  men,  as  he  thought  sufficient  to  make  his  party  •;ood 
against  all  the  Indians  in  the  Massachusetts  Bay ;  and  as  because,  as  all 
men  know  that  have  to  do  with  them  in  tiiat  kind,  it  is  unposHible  to  deal 
with  them  upou  open  defiance,  but  to  take  them  in  such  traps  as  they  lay 
for  others :  tiiereforc  he  should  pretend  trade  as  at  other  times :  but  first  go 
to  the  English,  [at  Wessaguscus,]  and  acquaint  tliein  with  the  ])lut,  and  tiie 
end  of  their  own  coming,  that,  comparing  it  with  their  own  carriiu^es 
towards  them,  he  might  l)etter  judge  of  the  certainty  of  it,  and  more  fitly 
take  opportunity  to  revenge  the  same:  but  should  forliare,  if  it  were 
possible,  till  such  time  as  he  could  make  sure  Wittuwamat,  that  bloody  and 
bold  villain  before  spoken  of;  whose  head  he  had  order  to  bring  with  him, 
that  lie  might  be  a  warning  and  terror  to  all  that  disposition." 

We  will  now  hear  a  word  of  what  Mr.  Morton  has  to  say  upon  this  trans- 
action. "After  the  end  of  that  Parliament,  [which  ended  in  the  hanging 
of  one,*]  son  of  the  plantation  there,  about  three  persons,  went  to  live 
with  Checatawback  and  his  company,  and  had  very  good  quarter,  for  all  the 
former  qtiarrel  with  the  Plimouth  planters.f  I'hey  are  not  like  ff'iU  Som- 
mars,  |  to  take  one  for  another.  There  they  purposed  to  stay  until  Muster 
Wtstor^a  arrival :  but  the  Plimouth  men  inteudmg  no  good  to  him,  (us 
api)cared  by  the  consequence,)  came  in  the  mean  time  to  Wessaguscus,  and 
tliere  pretended  to  feast  the  salvages  of  those  parts,  bringing  with  them 
pork,  and  things  for  the  |>urpoae,  which  they  sot  before  the  salvages.  They 
eat  thereof  without  suspicion  uf  any  mischief,  [and]  who  were  taken  upon 
a  watchword  given,  and  with  their  own  knives  (hanging  about  their  necks) 
were,  by  the  Plimouth  planters,  stabbed  and  slain.  One  of  Avhich  was 
hanged  up  there,  after  the  slaughter."^  When  this  came  to  the  knowledge 
of  (JhikaiauhuCs  people,  they  nuirdered  the  tlirce  English  who  had  tuken  up 
their  residence  with  them,  us  they  lay  asleep,  in  revenge  for  tlie  nmrder  of 
their  countr}'men.|| 

After  Standish  was  ready  to  proceed  against  WiHwcamet,  but  before  he 
set  out,  one  arrived  from  Wessaguscus  almost  famished,1[  and  gave  the 
people  of  Plimouth  a  lamentable  account  of  the  situation  of  his  fellows ; 
that  not  the  least  of  their  calamities  was  their  being  insulted  by  the  Indians, 
"  whose  boldness  increased  abundantly ;  insomuch  as  tlie  victuals  they  got, 

*  As  mentioned  in  our  last  extract  from  this  author. 

t  Referring,  it  is  supposed,  to  the  quarrel  with  Caunbitunt. 

t  The  person  who  proposed  hanging  a  sick  man  instead  of  the  rsal  oiTender. 

A  New  English  Canaan,  111.  I|  Ibid. 

V  His  name  was  Phinenas  Prat.  An  Indian  followed  nim  (o  kill  him,  but,  hy  losing  the 
direct  path,  the  Indian  missed  him.  In  1662,  the  general  court  of  Massaebusells,  in  answer 
to  a  petition  of  Phituhas  Prat,  then  of  Charleslown,  which  was  accompanied  "  with  a  nar- 
rative of  the  straights  and  hardships  thut  the  first  planters  of  this  colony  underwent  in  llieir 
endeavors  to  plant  themselves  at  Plimouth,  and  since,  whereof  he  was  one,  the  court  judgeth 
it  meet  to  grant  him  300  acres  of  land,  where  it  is  to  be  had,  not  hindering  a  plantation.'' 
M8.  among  theJiU»  in  our  tleUe-houie. 

I  have  not  been  able  to  discover  the  narrative  of  Prat,  aAer  long  search.  Mr.  Hubbard 
probably  used  it  in  compiling  his  Hist,  of  New  England. 

At  the  court,  3  May,  1665,  land  was  ordered  to l>e  laid  out  for  Prat,  "in  the  wilderness  on 
the  east  of  tlie  Merrimack  R'"er,  near  the  upper  end  of  Nacook  Brook,  on  the  south-east  of  it." 
Court  FiltM,  ut  tupra. 

Prat  married,  in  Plimouth,  a  daughter  of  Cuthbtrt  Cuthbertton,  in  1630.  See  2  Col.  HUL 
Boe.  vii.  m. 


■  ■■:'  .':'■'  V 


:■-,<  J 


v.". 

■*■•■?"•.■.  ■ 


■■■S'M 


'■  V'H 


t 


3C 


MASSACUE  AT  WnsSAGCMClTS. 


[Hook  II. 


^  ...    T.  ' 


f 


''-^v; 


■SI  '■■■ 


'*•• 


I  I'^i: 


In 


[I 


111,!'. 


V.   ■■  ■ 


tliry  [tliJi  IiidiniiH]  would  tnkc  it  out  of  tlirir  potH,  and  <'nt  Fit]  l)rforo  tlieir 
f'lKM'M,  (111(1  tliut  if  tln'y  tried  to  pri'vciit  liicm,  tln-y  woidd  hold  u  knife  at 
tin'ir  brriiNtR:  nnd  to  nntisty  tlinii,  thoy  lind  liniigi>d  on*-  of  tlicir  roiii|iuny: 
"Tliut  tlu-y  had  Bold  tlirir  rlothrB  lor  corn,  tivid  were  ready  to  Htnne  lioth 
vritli  cold  and  hunger  alHO,  because  they  could  not  endure  to  get  victnnJH  by 
rcHMon  of  their  niU<edn»'HH." 

'I'liis  truly  was  a  wretched  picture  of  this  second  colony  of  Massachusetts, 
the  knowledge  of  which  (says  hinslotp)  "pave  us  good  encoiirngen  cut  to 
proceed  in  our  intendments."  Accordingly,  the  next  day,  Standiafi,  with 
J/obomok  and  eight  Finglishnien,  set  out  upon  vhe  expedition.  His  taking  so 
lew  men  shows  how  a  few  English  guns  were  yet  feared  by  the  Indians. 
Nevertludess,  the  historians  woidd  liav(!  us  ut\derstau(l  that  Slandish  woidd 
take  no  more,  becaus'!  he  would  not  have  the  Indians  mistP'st  that  he  can.e 
to  fight  th<;m ;  and  they  would  insinuate  that  it  was  owing  to  his  great  valor. 

When  'itandiah  arrived  ut  Wessaguscus,  he  found  the  people  ^catlered 
about,  apprehending  nc  danger  whatever,  engaged  in  their  oniiiutry  affairs. 
When  !i«.  told  them  of  the  danger  they  were  in  from  the  Indians,  they  said 
"they  feared  not  the  Indians,  but  lived,  and  sufl'ered  them  to  lodg(  with 
them,  not  having  sword  or  gun,  or  needing  the  same."  Stand'sk  now  in- 
formed them  of  the  plot,  which  was  the  first  intinuttion,  it  appears,  they  had 
of  it.  He  ordered  them  to  call  in  their  men,  and  e.ijoined  secrecy  of  his 
intended  massacre.  But  it  seems  from  Winsloic's  Relation,  that  the  Indians 
got  word  of  It,  or  mistrusted  his  design  ;  j>rol)ablv  *ome  of  the  Wessagus- 
cus  men  warned  them  of  it,  who  did  not  believe  there  was  any  plot. 

Meantime,  ou  Indian  came  to  trade,  and  aOerwards  went  away  in  friend- 
ship. Standiahj  more  sagacious  than  the  rest,  said  he  saw  treachery  in  his 
^e,  and  suspected  his  end  in  coming  there  was  discovered.  Shortly  after, 
Pekauot,  "  who  was  a  panicse,*  being  a  man  of  a  notable  spirit,"  came  to 
Hobonwk,  and  told  him.  He  ■undrrstood  th«  captain  was  come  to  kill  him  and  the 
real  of  the  Indiana  there.  "Tell  him,  (said  Pekauot,)  we  know  it,  but  feur  him 
not,  neither  will  we  shun  liim  ;  but  let  him  begin  when  he  dare  [s],  he  will 
not  take  us  unawares." 

The  Indians  now,  as  we  might  expect,  began  to  prepare  to  meet  the 
danger,  and  the  English  say  many  of  them  came  divers  times  into  their 
presence,  and  " would  whet  and  snarpen  the  poinc  of  their  knives,"  "and 
use  many  other  insulting  gesttires  and  speeches.  Amongst  the  rest,  Wittu- 
toamat  bragged  of  the  excellency  of  his  knife.  On  the  end  of  the  handle  there 
was  pictured  a  woman's  face  ;  but,  said  he,  /  liave  another  at  home,  wheretuith  1 
have  killed  both  French  and  English,  and  that  hath  a  man^aface  on  it ;  and  by  and 
by  these  two  must  marry.^  To  this  he  added,  Hinnaim  namen,  hinnaim  mi- 
CHEN,  MATTA  CUTS !  that  is,  By  and  by  it  ahoxdd,  see,  and  h/  and  by  it  should  eat, 
but  not  apeak.  "  ALio  Pecksuot,  (continues  Winaloto,)  being  a  man  of  greater 
stature  tlian  the  captain,  told  him  though  he  were  a  great  captain,  yet  he  was 
but  a  little  man :  aid,  ^aid  he,  though  I  be,  no  aachtm,  yet  I  am  a  man  of  great 
strength  and  courage.  These  things  the  captain  observed,  yet  bare  with  pa- 
tience for  the  present." 

It  will  l)e  seen,  \n  what  we  hove  related,  as  well  as  what  we  are  about  to 
add,  that  Thomas  Morton^s  account,  in  some  of  the  main  facts,  agrees  with 
that  of  Winalow.  From  thu  latter  it  appears  that  Standish,  afler  considerable 
manoeuvering,  could  get  advantage  over  but  few  of  the  Indians.  At  kugth, 
having  got  Peksuot  and  Wittuwamat  "  both  together,  with  cnother  man,  and 
a  youth  of  some  eighteen  years  of  age,  which  was  brother  to  Wittuwamat, 
and,  villain  like,  trod  in  his  steps,  daily  putting  many  tricks  upon  the  weaker 
sort  of  men,  and  having  about  as  many  of  his  own  company  in  a  rooni  with 
them,  gave  the  word  to  his  men,  and,  the  door  being  fast  shut,  began  himself 
with  Pecksuot,  and,  anatching  his  own  knife  from  his  neck,  though  with  much 

•  "  Tlic  Paiiiescs  are  men  of  prcal  courag'c  and  wisedoine,  and  to  these  also  llie  Druilt 
appcarcth  more  familiarly  than  to  others,  and  ns  wee  ronreiue,  makelh  rouenant  with  them  to 
preserue  them  from  death  by  wrnnds  with  arrows,  knives,  iiatchets,  &c."  Winalmo's  Rtla' 
tion.  In  sueaking  of  the  origin  of  calumet,  Charhroix  say  some  IndianR  told  \\\~  that  it 
uas  given  oy  tJic  sun  to  I'ants,  a  nation  U|)on  the  Missouri.     Voyage  dans  V Ameriqw.. 


Chap.  II. 

strugglin 
as  a  neei 
man  thf 

We  r. 
to  keep 
how  man}, 
fearful  m 

'^'Hobh, 
men  deiii 
said  to 
stature,  s 
but  to-da 

Stnrutis 
to  kill  til) 
some  of 
this  biisiii 
negliiTeiir 
crossed 


swaiiip 


[KooK  II. 

fore  tlirir 
1  kni(R  at 
roiii|iuny: 
an«'  lioth 
ictunlH  by 

iarhii»ett8, 
(foiM'iit  to 
dish,  with 
*  tiikiii^  HO 
<>  huliiins. 
tlish  would 
t  lie  riin.e 
rn'iit  vitlor. 

K-llttlTod 

liry  nfliiirs. 
1,  tliry  said 
lod<n  with 
th  now  in- 
s,  tlu'v  Jiad 

•   ,    -    , 

rccy  of  MiH 
he  Indians 
Wcsfaj,'U8- 
lot. 

f  in  friond- 
liury  in  hia 
lortiy  after, 
,"  came  to 
lim  and  the 
It  fcur  liim 
[s],  he  will 

meet  the 
into  their 
vee,"  "and 
rcpt,  Wittu- 
andle  there 
whereieith  1 
and  by  and 

INNAIM    MI- 

should  eat, 

of  irrcater 

ct  he  was 

an  of  great 

with  pa- 

ahoiit  to 
rrees  with 
msidorable 
At  ]t:-ii;;th, 

man,  and 
itttttcamat, 
le  weaker 
rooiii  with 
in  himself 
vith  much 


:o  tlie  Druill 
with  (hem  to 
i^lfnc's  Re/a- 
hir-  that  it 
iqtu.. 


4 


Chap.  II.] 


ODTAKIE8T.— HOnOMOK. 


3? 


str(ip)r"">^<  and  killed  him  thereicUK — the  jHtint  wln'reof  Im  had  made  an  xharp 
an  a  tieedle,  and  ground  the  Iwi'k  uIho  to  up  fd^e.  fVilltuoamet  and  tht^  other 
man  Ihf  rod  killed,  and  took  the  youth,  whttm  the  ea|>taiii  cauucd  to  he  haii)re«l." 

\V*>  coidd  now  wish  this  hhmdy  ude  w<ti>  tiniHhed,  hnt  we  have  promised 
to  ke('[>  i-loHO  to  the  rec«)rd.  Mr.  tf'intiloiv  ('ontiniieH,  ^^  But  it  is  incredible 
how  many  wounds  there  two  panieaea  received  before  the>i  died,  not  nutkinu;  any 
fearful  lioiae,  bul  cnlciinf  at  their  weapons,  and  striving  to  the  last, 

^ Hohhnmock  Htood  hy  all  thin  time,*  luul  ine«idied  not,  ohHervin<;  how  our 
men  d(>meane<l  tlieinKelveH  in  this  aclioii."  After  the  aft'ray  ivan  ended,  he 
isaid  to  Stftndish,  "  Yenterduy  Pecksvot  hrapjfj'd  o!'  his  own  Htren^th  and 
stature,  said,  tiioiiffii  you  were  a  jrieaf  eaptain,  \et  you  wer3  but  a  little  man  ; 
but  to-diiy  I  see  you  are  bij?  enou{,di  to  lay  him  ou  tin'  groimd." 

Slindish  was  now  sent  to  a  rompany  of  Weston^s  men,  wiio  ordcreii  them 
to  kill  the  Indians  that  were  umon;^  them.  They  killed  two.  Himself  with 
some  of  his  men  kidrd  another,  at  another  pluee.  As  they  were  pursuing 
this  business,  intending  to  kill  all  they  roidd  lav  hands  upon,  "through  the 
ne<?li4rence  of  onf  man,  an  Indian  es'-ajietl,  who  diNcovered  [diselosed]  and 
crossed  their  proceedinirs." 

Joined  by  some  of  Mr.  Weston^s  men,  Standish  discovered  a  few  Indians, 
and  pursued  them.  Standxsh  gained  a  hill  which  the  Indians  also  strove  to 
occupy,  and  who,  after  shooting  n  lew  arrows,  fle<l.  "  Whereupon  Hobha- 
mock  cast  off  his  coat,  and  beinp  a  known  paniese,  theirs  l)eing  now  killed, 
choscd  them  so  fast,  as  our  people  were  not  nble  to  hold  way  with  him." 
One  who  made  a  stand  to  shoot  Standish  had  his  arm  broktui  l)y  a  shot, 
which  is  all  the  advantage  claimed  by  the  English.  The  Indians  got  into  a 
swa.iip,  and  after  some  bravadoing  on  both  sides,  the  parties  separated. 
After  assisting  the  settlers  of  Wessaguscus  to  leave  the  place,  the  English 
returned  to  Plimouth,  taking  along  the  head  of  fVittuwainet,  which  they  set 
up  iu  their  fort 

Meanwhile  the  Indian  tliat  followed  Prat  from  Wessaguscus,  as  he  returned 
from  Manomet,  called  at  Plimouth  in  a  friendly  manner,  and  was  there 
seizetl  and  put  in  irons.  Being  asked  if  he  know  the  head  of  Wittuwamet, 
said  he  did,  and  "looked  piteously"  ui)on  it.  "Then  he  confessed  the 
plot,"  and  said  his  sachem,  Obtakieat,  had  been  drawn  into  it  by  the  impor- 
tunity of  all  the  people.  He  denied  any  hand  in  it  himself,  and  begged  his 
life  might  be  spared.  Said  he  was  not  a  Massachuset,  but  only  resided  as  a 
stranger  among  them.  Hobomok  "also  gave  a  good  report  of  him,  and  be- 
sought for  him ;  but  was  bribed  so  to  do  it"  They  finully  concluded  to  spare 
him,  "  the  rather,  because  we  desired  he  might  carry  a  message  to  Obtakiest." 
The  message  they  charged  him  with  was  this,  that  they  had  never  intended 
to  dea  so  with  him,  until  they  were  forced  to  it  by  their  treachery,  and, 
therefore,  they  might  thank  themselves  for  their  own  overthrow  ;  and  as  he 
had  now  began,  if  he  persisted  in  his  course,  "his  country  should  not  hold 
him : "  thrt  he  should  forthwith  send  to  Plimouth  "  the  three  Englishmen  he 
had,  and  not  kill  them."  f 

The  Englirh  heard  nothing  from  Obtakiest  for  a  long  time  ;  at  length  lie 
sent  a  woman  to  them,  (probably  no  man  woidd  venture,)  to  tell  them  he 
was  sorry  that  the  English  were  killed,  before  he  heard  from  them,  also 
that  he  wished  for  peace,  but  none  of  his  men  durst  come  to  treat  about  it. 
The  English  learned  from  this  woman,  that  he  was  in  great  consternation, 
"  having  forsaken  his  dwelling,  and  daily  removed  from  place  to  place,  ex- 
p»ciing  when  we  would  take  further  vengeance  on  him.  The  terror  was 
now  general  amcng  them,  and  many,  as  we  have  elsewhere  said,  died  through 
t'cpr  and  want.    To  this  dismal  narrative  Mr.  fVinsloto  adds,  "And  certaitily 


•  This,  we  suppose,  is  the  afTair  to  which  Presitlent  Alien  alludes,  in  his  Atnericaii  Biojf- 
raphy,  (id  ed.)  when  he  says,  "he  [Hobomok]  fought  bravely  by  his  [Standish's]  side,  in 
1623."  If  standing  and  looking  on  be  fighting,  then  did  Hobomok  JiglU  bravely  on  this 
ueoasion. 

t  Morton,  in  his  New  Canaan,  111,  says,  these  three  men  went  to  reside  with  Chikataubut  ; 
hence  Morton  very  reasonably  suggests,  that  if  the  Plimouth  people  intendei  the  men  of^ 
Wessagut^  us  any  good,  why  did  they  not  firs'  see  that  all  of  them  were  out  of  danger,  befort 
t>eginiiing  war  7 


■'•'•/*'.i 


in, « 


vj-i 


■:«'.  'J 


^  X0 


'  ^      "J 


^m 


38 


HOBOMOK.— SQUANTO'S  PERFIDY. 


[Book  II. 


I    I 

I 


1.   '.    '•' 


it 


j  a- -:■:.;■ 


.'■ 


ii'  ' ' 

I", ,  ■■' 

it  la  fltran'Xfl  to  hear  how  mnny  of  lato  have,  and  ntill  daily  dio  aniongst 
thctn ;  neither  is  there  any  hknlihood  it  will  oiiNily  ci^asn  ;  hecuiiHe  through 
fear  they  set  littl<3  or  no  corn,  which  is  the  HtufT  of  life,  and  without  which 
they  (;annot  long  preserve  health  and  strength." 

Th<*H0  afTairs  call  for  no  commentary,  that  muflt  accom[mny  every  mind 
throiijfh  every  step  of  the  relation.  It  would  be  weakness,  as  appears  to  us, 
to  attempt  a  vindication  of  the  rash  conduct  of  the  English.  Amid  their 
sutl'crings,  some  poor  Indians  resolved  to  attempt  to  nppcase  the  wrath  of 
the  Kurdish  governor  by  |)resi>nts.  Four  set  out  by  water  in  a  boat  for 
I'limouth,  but  by  accident  were  overset,  and  three  ut  them  were  drowned  ; 
the  other  returned  back. 

When  Mr.  Robinson,  the  father  of  the  Plimouth  church,  heard  how  his 
peo[ile  had  conducted  in  this  affair  with  the  Indians,  he  wrote  to  them,  to 
consider  of  the  dis(tosition  of  Captain  Standiah,  "  who  was  of  a  warm  tem- 
per," but  he  hoped  the  Lord  had  sent  him  among  them  for  a  good  end,  if 
they  used  him  as  they  ought  "  Ho  doubted,"  he  said,  "  whether  there  was 
not  wanting  that  tenderness  of  the  life  of  man,  made  aller  God's  image," 
which  was  so  necessary;  and  above  all,  that  "it  would  have  been  happy  if 
they  hod  converted  some  before  they  had  killed  any." 

The  reader  has  now  passed  through  a  period  of  Indian  history  of  much 
interest,  wherein  he  will  doubtless  have  found  much  to  admire,  and  more 
that  ho  could  have  wished  otherwise.  Our  business,  however,  we  will 
here  remind  him,  is  that  of  a  dealer  in  facts  altogether,  and  he  must  take 
them,  dry  as  they  are,  without  any  labored  commentaries  from  us.  Although 
we  have  had  occasion  to  introduce  Hobmnok  several  times,  yet  there  remain 
transactions  of  considerable  interest  in  his  life  yet  to  be  noticed. 

HoBOMOK,  or  Hohbamock,  was  a  great  paniese  or  war  captain  among  the 
Warnpanoags,  as  we  have  already  hod  occaflion  to  observe.  He  came  to 
Plimoutti  about  the  end  of  July,  1621,  and  continued  with  the  English  as 
long  OS  he  lived.  He  was  a  principal  means  of  the  lasting  friendship  of 
Masaaaoit,  which  Morton  says,  he  "  much  furthered ;  and  that  he  was  n 
proper  lusty  young  man,  and  one  that  was  in  account  among  the  Indians  in 
those  parts  for  his  valor."  He  was  of  the  greatest  service  in  learning  them 
how  to  cultivate  such  fruits- as  were  peculiar  to  the  country,  such  as  corn, 
beans,  &c.  The  account  of  his  mission  to  Masaaaoit^  to  learn  the  tnith  of  a 
report  that  the  Narrogansets  had  made  war  upon  him,  and  his  interruption 
and  trouble  from  Caunbitant  are  already  related. 

Being  a  favorite  of  Maaaaaoit,  and  one  of  his  chief  captains,  the  pilgrims 
found  that  they  need  not  apjjrehend  any  treachery  on  his  part,  as  Hobomok 
was  so  completely  in  their  interest,  and  also  in  that  of  the  great  sachem, 
that  he  would  odvisc  them  if  any  thing  evil  were  on  foot  against  them. 
What  strengthened  them  in  this  opinion  was  the  following  circumstance. 
The  Massachusetts  Indians  had  for  some  time  been  inviting  the  English 
into  their  country  to  trade  for  furs.  When,  in  March,  1623,  they  began  to 
make  ready  for  the  voyage,  Hobomok  "told  us,  (says  fVinslow,)  that  he  feared 
the  Massachusetts,  or  Massachuseuks,  for  they  so  called  the  people  of  that 

RIace,  were  joined  in  confederacy  with  the  Nonohigganneuks,  a  people  of 
anohigganset,  and  that  they,  therefore,  would  take  this  opportunity  to  cut 
off  Capt.  Standiah  and  his  company  abroad ;  but  howsoever,  in  the  mean- 
time, it  was  to  be  feared,  [he  said,]  that  the  Nanohigganeuks  would  assault 
the  tovtni  at  home ;  giving  many  reasons  for  his  jealousy ;  as  also  that  Tia- 
qtiantum  was  in  the  confederacy,  who,  [he  said,]  we  should  find,  would  use 
many  persuasions  to  draw  us  from  our  shallops  to  the  Indians'  houses  for 
their  better  advantage." 

Nevertheless,  they  proceeded  on  their  voyage,  and  when  they  had  turned 
the  point  calle  1  the  Gumefa  JVbse,  a  false  messenger  came  running  into 
Plimouth  town,  apparently  in  a  great  fright,  out  of  breath,  and  bleeding 
from  a  wound  in  his  face.  He  told  them  that  CaufUtitant,  with  many  of  the 
Narragansets,  and  he  believed  Maaaasoit  with  them,  were  coming  to  de- 
stroy the  English.  No  one  doubted  of  his  sincerity,  and  the  first  thought  of 
the  people  was  to  bring  back  their  military  leader,  who  had  just  gone  in 
the  boat  with  Hobomok.    A  piece  of  cannon  was  immediately  discharged 


CnAr.  n. 

which,  t( 
of  hcorii 
no  truth 
them,  am 
undi-rtak 
(li'Ut,  her 
lors.  Sin 
Thf  F.iigl 

low  |)lot  I 

which  nif 

the  more 

they  withl 

ration  lius 

his  wife  t( 

onlv  verifi 

"Thus  1 

whose  ent 

by  moans 

stood.     In 

ponce  or  v 

them  won 

thereby  he 

had  him  i 

selves  sou; 

protection 

were  wont 

now  they 

understood 

innocency 

no  cause  U 

should  pun 

gave  the  In 

abuses,  the 

profitable  a 

To  the  ei 

English,  7^ 

store-house 

destroy  wh 

stirred  not 

this  tale,  wl 

was  not,  it  i 

There  is 

and  lived  ai 

pretended,  i 

sible  for  the 

lous  to  outv 

satisfied ;  fo 

that  it  was  ( 

sagamore  hj 

that  he  migl 

But  the  En 

life,  more  t 

evaded  the  « 

Hobomok  ^ 

Erofessed  CI 
imself!  It 
was  the  agei 
Caunbitant, 
was  the  pile 
whom  befon 
festations  of 
their  way,  « 


Chap.  11 


nOBOMOK— SQUANTO'S  PERHDY. 


n{» 


which  to  their  (rr?nt  joy,  soon  rmiwd  tlie  lioat  to  irtiirn,  not  hnvirifr  pot  out 
of  honVinp.  Thi-y  hadiu*  wmhmt  orrivi'd,  than  Hobomnk  told  tlxiii  tht-r*-  was 
no  truth  in  the  rrport,  and  Hni«l  it  was  a  plot  of  Siputnto,  who  wa«  th»Mi  with 
thoni  and  pvpu  otn'  of  tliow^  in  thi'  hoat ;  that  h«  kn«?w  Mn»m»oU  would  not 
undrrtak«'  hiicIi  an  «'nt('ritris«^  without  rotisultinff  hirn.  Holmmok  waw  coriti- 
di'fit,  hcrausc  h«  wan  hiiuself  a  frrcat  rhief,  and  one  of  Mn»naiioil\i  ronUHi-l- 
loro.'  Sijunnto  denied  all  knowh-dft«'  of  any  plot,  and  tliUH  «!ndfd  the  afliiir. 
Th«!  P'tinliwh,  howc-viT,  wenu-d  Wfll  watisfu'd  that  Si/tutnto  had  laid  this  shal- 
low plot  to  Hot  thoin  apiinst  MitsiHisoU,  thinking;  thev  would  dostroy  him,  hy 
which  iiicans  ho  expected  to  hccoine  chief  nacheni  Inninelf;  and  thi;)  mcciuh 
the  more  prohnhle,  as  Miumisoil  wan  for  houu;  time  irrecoiu-ilahle  lM-caiine 
they  withheld  him  fnim  him,  when  he  had  forfeito*!  hiH  life,  aH  in  our  nar- 
ration has  Ix-en  set  forth.  But  entirely  to  satisfy  the  Kn>(lish,  Holmmok  sent 
his  wife  to  Pokanoket  orivately  to  gain  exact  intelligence,  and  her  return 
onlv  verified  what  her  hushand  had  Haiti. 

"Thus  by  dewrees  (contimies  fVituloic)  wo  Ito.gnn  to  dincover  Tiaquantum, 
whose  ends  were  «)idy  to  make  himself  great  in  tho  eyes  of  his  countrymen, 
by  means  of  his  nearness  and  favor  w  ith  uh  ;  not  C4iring  who  fell,  so  he 
stood.  In  genend,  his  course  was,  to  persuade  th(!m  he  could  lead  us  to 
peace  or  war  at  his  pleasure  ;  and  would  oil  threaten  the  Indians,  sending 
them  word,  in  a  private  maimer,  vvn  were  intended  shortly  to  kill  them,  that 
thereby  he  might  get  gifls  to  himself,  to  work  their  peace,  insonmch  as  they 
had  him  in  greater  esteem  than  many  of  their  sachems ,  yea,  they  them- 
selves sought  to  him,  who  |)roinised  them  peace  in  respect  of  tis;  yea,  and 
protection  also,  so  as  they  would  resort  to  hinri.  So  that  whereas  divers 
were  wont  to  rely  on  Mas:  -isoioat  for  protection,  and  resort  to  his  abode, 
now  they  liegan  to  leave  him,  and  seek  al\er  T\aqxuirUum.  But  when  we 
understood  his  dealings,  we  certified  all  tho  Indians  of  our  ignorance  and 
innocency  therein ;  assuring  them,  till  they  liegun  with  us,  they  should  have 
no  cause  to  fear :  and  if  any  hereafter  should  raise  any  such  reports,  they 
should  punish  them  as  liars,  and  seekers  of  their  and  our  disturbance;  which 
gave  the  Indians  good  satisfaction  on  all  sides."  "  For  these  and  the  like 
abuses,  the  governor  sharply  reproved  him,  y«!t  was  he  so  necessary  and 
profitaide  an  instrument,  as  at  that  time  we  could  not  miss  him." 

To  the  end  that  he  might  possess  his  countrymen  with  great  fear  of  the 
English,  THsquantum  told  them  the  English  kept  the  plague  buried  in  their 
store-house,  and  that  they  could  send  it,  at  any  time,  and  to  any  place,  to 
destroy  whatever  persons  or  people  they  would,  though  they  themselves 
stirred  not  out  of  doors.  Among  the  rest,  he  had  made  Hobomok  believe 
this  tale,  who  asked  the  English  if  it  were  true,  and  l)cing  informed  that  it 
was  not,  it  exploded  like  his  other  impostures. 

There  is  but  little  doubt  that  SqtiarUo  was  in  the  interest  of  CaunbitatU, 
and  lived  among  the  English  as  a  spy,  while  Hobomok  was  honestly,  as  he 
pretended,  a  strong  friend  to  them ;  but  for  some  time  it  was  nearly  impos- 
sible for  them  to  know  which  was  their  best  friend,  as  each  seemed  emu- 
lous to  outvie  the  other  in  good  offices.  They  were,  hoHrever,  at  this  time 
satisfied  ;  for,  HobomoKt  wife  having  told  MassasoU  what  had  happened,  and 
that  it  was  one  of  SqiiatUo's  men  that  gave  the  alarm,  satisfied  hnn  that  that 
sagamore  had  caused  it,  and  he  therefore  demanded  him  of  the  English, 
that  he  might  put  him  to  death,  according  to  their  law,  as  lias  been  related. 
But  the  English,  regarding  the  benefit  resulting  to  theni  from  saving  his 
life,  more  than  keeping  inviolate  the  treaty  before  made  with  MassasoU, 
evaded  the  demand,  and  thus  Sqiianto  was  permitted  to  escape. 

Hobomok  was  greatly  beloved  by  Massasoit,  notwithstanding  he  became  a 

Erofessed  Christian,  and  Massasoit  was  always  opposed  to  the  English  religion 
imself.  It  has  been  told  in  the  life  of  the  great  MassasoU,  how  valuable 
was  the  agency  of  Hobomok,  in  faithfully  revealing  the  mischievous  plot  of 
CaunbitatU,  which  terminated  in  the  death  of  fVututoamet  and  Ptksuot.  He 
was  the  pilot  of  the  English  when  they  visited  MassasoU  in  his  sickness, 
whom  before  their  arrival  they  considered  dead,  which  caused  great  mani- 
festations of  grief  in  Hobomok.  He  often  exclaimed,  as  they  were  on 
their  way,  **  A'een  toomasu  Sagimvs,  ruen  womasu  Sc^m,ua,^  &C.,  which  is, 


■  *  -.'7 
','■  '•'' 

■i  ■'»! 


V 


••..  ;  "^-i 


'  ;> 


^U'.'^^ 


■':-.C 


/f.*-:.,-,'-fr£ 


-V  r.-,ii| 


T 


!i 


V: 


'i 


41  A  VOVAOE.— NANEPASIIKMET.— oniUTINKWAT.         [Book  II 

"My  loving  Sachem,  my  loving  Hocliem !  many  liavo  I  known,  hut  never  any 
like  thee."  Then,  turning  to  Mr.  h'iiulow,  Miu\,  "While  you  live  you  will 
never  Hee  his  like  among  thtj  IndiauH;  that  he  v,nn  no  liar,  nor  hloo«ly  and 
cruel  like  other  Inilianx.  In  anger  uiiil  |»HHHion  he  waH  ttoon  reclaimed  ;  eaHy 
to  \m  reconciled  towardH  Huch  aH  had  otli'ndiul  him ;  that  hiH  reason  was 
Huch  iiH  to  CJIUH43  him  to  receive  advice  of  mean  men ;  and  that  he  governed 
liiM  people  iMttter  with  lew  IiIowh,  than  otIierH  did  with  many." 

In  the  diviHion  of  the  land  at  I'limouth  among  the  inhahitautH,  Hobomok 
received  a  lot  aH  hia  Hhare,  on  which  he  rcHided  after  the  English  manner 
and  died  a  ChriHtian  among  them.  The  year  of  hiu  death  does  not  appear, 
hut  wan  previouH  to  U'A'i. 

it  haa  already  been  mentioned  that  the  pilgrimn  made  a  voyage  to  Maf<Ha- 
chuNcttH  in  the  autumn  of  Hiil.  it  tvaH  in  thin  vovage  that  they  became 
accpiainted  with  the  tiime  of  ^anep(uhfmet.  The  f'.ngliHh  had  heard  that 
the  IndiauH  in  the  MaHHachum'ttH  had  threatened  ihem,  and  tluty  went  (Hayn 
Mottrt)  '^imrtly  to  see  the  country,  partly  to  make  peace  with  them,  and 
partly  to  procure  their  truck." 

Si/uanto  waa  pilot  in  tluH  voyage.  They  went  anhore  in  the  bottom  of  the 
hay,  and  landed  under  a  cliff  which  Home*  have  HUi>i)OHed  waa  what  has 
Uien  aince  called  C'onp'n  Ilill,f  now  the  noriii  (tnrt  of^ik)Hton.  This  was  on 
20th  Sept.  Ib'^l.  '1  hey  Haw  no  IndintiH  until  nome  time  afler  they  went 
ashore,  but  found  a  parcel  of  lohnterH  which  they  had  collected,  with  which 
they  refr^ehe'l  themnelveH.  Soon  alter,  an  they  were  proceeding  on  an 
excursion,  "  they  met  a  woman  coming  for  her  lohstern."  They  told  her 
what  they  had  «lone,  and  paid  her  tor  tliem.  She  told  them  when  to  find 
Indiana,  and  SqtMnto  went  to  them  to  prepare  them  for  meeting  with  the 
EuK-liah. 

Obbatrnetpot  now  received  the  vovagera.  Tliia  aachem  (if  he  be  the 
same)  had  made  peace  with  the  EngliHh  at  Plimouth  only  aeven  days  pre- 
vious, as  we  have  had  occasion  to  notice.  He  told  them  he  was  sachem  of 
the  place,  and  was  subject  to  Massasott ;  and  that  he  dared  not  remain  long 
in  any  place,  from  fear  of  the  Tarratinca,  who  were  **  wont  to  come  at  har- 
vest and  take  away  their  corn,  and  many  times  kill  them."  Also  that  Sqtuiw- 
^SocA^m  of  Massachusetts  was  his  enemy.  Thia  S(]tiaw-Sa4:hem,i  aewe  be- 
lieve, was  chief  of  those  inland  Indiana  since  denominated  the  Nipnets,  or 
Nipmucks,  and  lived  at  this  time  near  Wachuset  Mountain.  The  English 
intended  §  to  have  viaited  her  at  this  time,  but  found  the  distance  too  great 
to  proceed.  They  received  the  greatest  kindness  from  all  the  Indians  they 
met  with,  and  mentioned  that  of  Obbatinetoat  in  particular.  And  they  say, 
"  We  told  him  of  divers  sachims  that  had  acknowledged  themselves  to  be 
King  Jamu  his  men,  and  if  he  also  xooxdd  submit  himadf,  ||  we  would  be  his 
safeguard  from  his  enemies,  which  he  did." 

At  another  place,  *<  having  gone  three  milea,  in  arms,  up  in  the  country, 
we  came  (say  they)  to  a  place  where  com  had  been  newly  gathered,  a  house 
pulled  down,  and  the  people  gone.  A  mile  from  hence,  ^anepashemd, 
tlieir  king,  in  his  life-time  had  lived.lf  His  house  was  not  like  others,  but  a 
scaflbld  was  largely  built,  with  poles  and  ])lanka,  some  six  foot  from  [the] 
ground,  and  the  house  upon  that,  being  situated  on  the  top  of  a  hill.  Not 
tar  from  hence,  in  a  bottom,  we  came  to  a  fort,"  built  by  Minepashtmet.    It 

*  Dr.  Belknap  appears  to  have  been  (he  first  who  suggested  this.    See  his  Biog.  ii.  224. 

f  Wo  had  supposed  this  eminence  to  have  been  so  called  from  a  copse  or  clump  of  trees, 
which  for  a  long  lime  remained  upon  it,  after  it  became  known  to  the  whiles ;  out  Shaw, 
Detcrip.  Boiton,  G7,  says  it  was  named  from  one  Copp,  a  shoemaker.  And  Snmo,  Hut. 
Boston,  105,  says  WxUxam  Copp  was  the  proprietor  of  "  a  portion  of  the  hill." 

X  "Sachems  or  sagamores, — which  are  but  one  and  the  same  title, — the  first  more  usual 
with  the  southward,  the  other  with  the  northward  Indians,  to  express  the  title  of  him  that  hath 
the  chief  command  of  a  place  or  people."    Hist.  N.  E.  60, 

^  Shattuck  (Hist.  Concord,  2)  says  she  was  visited  at  this  time  by  these  voyagers,  but  I 
am  not  able  to  arrive  at  any  such  conclusion  from  any  source  of  information  in  my  pos- 
session. 

II  It  does  not  seem  from  this  that  he  is  the  same  who  before  had  submitted  at  Plimouth,  ai 
Mr.  Prince  tujpp»te». 

H  Mr.  ShauiKk  inbii  Hitt.  Concord,  says,  this  "  was  in  Medford,  near  Mystic  Pond." 


f'MAP    II 

wan  mnd« 
a-H  they  r< 
some  40  < 
One  wa) 

Hn«lo     8t(M 

About  II  II 
of  nil  liill 
time  of  li 
AcconI 
hia  widow 
He  lefl  fiv 
Hiatory  o 
James.  1 1 
ham,  lallr 
S^yranwre 
Suiigiia. 

Sqiutw-f 
of  nappat 
after,  UW 
land  wiiic 
all  which 
town,  after 
"the  man; 
Captain  Ei 


H'ebcoicU 
next  in  imj 
his  death ; 
not  appear, 
ly  by  his  w 
to  have  be 
events,  we 
been  in  fasi 
countable  f 

In  1(;43,  1 
amaquin,  M 
fit  might  ai 
goveriimeni 
should  he  ii 
of  tlieir  jier 
to  extend  tl 
8ubiects.1f 

What  hai 
was  off  pow 
We  hear  of 
ill  tiie  endei 
asked  the  E 
never  taugh 
he,)  we  mig 
have  been 


*  Might  not, 
t  Hist.  I,yni 
X  Slialtuck, 

residence. 
6  His  name 

Wibhacowitt*, 
II  III  Ihe  Hi 

^ashaxoanon, 

i.  212. 
II  See  Gonk 


Chap  IT  | 


NANEPASIIEMF.T— HIS  DEATH,  tie 


41 


wan  rnnd*^  with  "  polnn  noinn  HO  or  40  (out  long,  stuck  in  the  ground,  fw  thick 
afl  they  ooiihi  \tei  Nrt  one  hv  unotli«>r,  iiiul  with  thprnt  th«>y  »nch)Huil  u  ring 
Bomi"  40  or  TiO  loot  (»vrr.  A  tn-nch,  iHra.st  hi^h,  wu«  digged  on  euch  Hide.' 
One  wu>  tlierc  wiih  *o  get  into  it  with  u  hridge.  In  the  inidHt  f>l'  thin  puii' 
Hndo  skVmI  the  fhune  of  an  houw,  wherein,  lieing  (U'ad,  he  lay  buried. 
About  n  inih*  from  hence,  we  came  to  Niicii  another,  but  aeated  ou  the  tup 
of  nn  liill.  Mere  Nanepruhemet  wau  killed,  none  dwelling  in  it  Hince  the 
time  of  his  death." 

According  to  Mr.  Jttina,  J^nnrpaxhnntt  waw  killed  alwiit  the  year  lGl<.),and 
hiH  widow,  who  wa.s  Sijtutio-Snchem  itefore  named,  continued  the  goveriiment+ 
He  led  five  children,^  four  of  whowe  naitieH  weigatht**  from  the  intercHting 
Mintory  of  Lynn^  viz.  1.  Montowampale,  cidled  by  the  English  Sa^nmort 
Jamts.  He  WUH  sachem  of  Suugus.  'i.  .^//iig-att,  a  (laughter.  'A.  Wonohanua- 
hnm,  called  Sn^anunr  John,  Hacliem  of  WiniicHimeU  4.  Winnepurkitt,  called 
Sftfritmore  Georf^e,  or  Uforge.  liumntytnarxfi,  the  HUccesHor  of  Montoummpnte  at 
Suugus.     Of  most  of  these  we  sliall  speak  in  detail  hereafler. 

SiJiMW-Sa/^hem,  according  to  the  authority  last  mentioned,  waa  the  spouse 
of  n(ipparoic€l,(f  or  Wthrount,  in  KKW.  She  and  her  huslmnd,  four  years 
atler,  KKfi',  deetled  to  Jotham  Gibboms  "  the  reversion  of  all  that  parctd  of 
land  which  lies  against  the  ponds  of  Mystic,  toffcther  with  the  said  ponds, 
all  which  we  reserved  from  Charlestown  and  Cambridge,  late  called  New- 
town, arter  the  death  «)f  me,  the  said  Siniaw-Scuchem.^  The  consideration  was, 
"the  many  kindnesses  and  beiwfits  we  have  received  from  the  hands  of 
Captam  Edward  Gibbones^  of  boston." 

The  Squa-Sachem's  mark  ^^■^ 
Webco wit's  mark  -• — >- 


■  ,«.   .•if 


■  '■■'■}" 


\ ., 


ffebcowU  was  a  powrwow  priest,  or  magical  physician,  and  was  considered 
next  in  importance  to  Nianepashemd  among  the  subjects  of  that  chief,  atler 
his  death  ;  ub  a  matter  of  course,  his  widow  took  him  to  her  bed.  It  does 
not  appear,  that  he  was  cither  much  respected  or  thought  much  of;  especial- 
ly by  his  wife,  as  in  the  alM)ve  extract  from  their  deed,  no  provision  seems 
to  have  been  made  for  him  after  her  death,  if  he  outlived  her.  At  all 
events,  we  may  conclude,  without  hazard  we  think,  that  if  breeches  tiad 
been  in  fashion  among  Indians,  the  wife  of  fVebcowit  would  have  been  ac- 
countable for  the  article  in  this  case. 

In  1(54^},  Massachusetta  covenaiit«!d  with  "  H^assamequin,  JVaahoonoru,  KiUch- 
amaquin,  Moisaconomet,  and  Sqiiatv-S(ju:hem,"\\  to  the  end  that  mutual  bene- 
fit might  accrue  to  each  party.  The  sachems  put  themselves  under  the 
government  of  the  English,  agreeit:g  to  observe  their  laws,  in  as  far  as  they 
should  be  made  to  understand  thenu  For  this  confidence  and  concession 
of  their  jtersons  and  lands  into  their  hands,  the  English  on  their  part  agreed 
to  extend  the  same  protection  to  them  and  their  i)eople  as  to  tlieir  English 
8ubjects.1I 

What  had  become  of  Wtbcomt  at  this  time  does  not  appear;  perhaiis  he 
was  off  powwowing,  or  at  home,  doing  the  ordinary  labor  of  the  household. 
We  hear  of  him,  however,  four  years  aller, (1047,)  "taking  an  active  part" 
in  the  endeavors  made  by  the  English  to  Christianize  his  countrvmeu.  "  He 
asked  the  English  why  some  of  them  had  been  27  years  in  the  land,  and 
never  taught  them  to  know  God  till  then.  Had  you  done  it  sooner,  (said 
he,]  we  nnght  have  known  much  of  God  by  this  time,  and  much  sin  might 
have  been  prevented,  but  now  some  of  us  are  grown  [too]  old  in  sin." 

*  Might  not,  iben,  the  western  mounds  have  be.  n  formed  by  Indians  ? 

t  Hist.  Lynn,  16. 

{  Slialtuck,  it),  who  6xe8  her  residence  at  Concord ;  she,  doubtless,  had  several  places  of 
residence. 

&  His  name  is  spelt  Webcowits  to  MS.  deed  in  my  possession,  and  in  Mr.  Shattuck's  MSS. 
WibhacowitU,  as  appears  from  his  History. 

II  In  the  History  of  the  Narragamet  Country,  these  names  are  written  Wasmmegun, 
fnashawanon,  Cutsliamacke,  Massanomell,  and  Squa- Sachem.  See  3  Col.  Mass  Hist.  Soc. 
i.  212. 

U  See  Gonkin's  MS.  Hitt.  Praying  Indiatu. 


■ "       '.  ■      "'ill 

■ ''''•■'■:'■  Hij 
.  ■'  ■  '-^.'."^ 


12 


SOME  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MASSACHUSETTS. 


[Book  II. 


The  English  said  they  repented  of  their  neglect ;  hut  recollecting  themselves 
answered,  "You  were  not  willing  to  heare  till  now,"  and  tliat  God  had  not 
turned  their  hearts  till  then.* 

Of  the  sachems  who  made  the  covenant  above  named,  the  first  we  suppose 
to  have  been  Massasoit,  on  the  part  of  the  Wanipanoags,  who  at  this  time 
was,  perhaps,  among  the  Nipmuks ;  JVashoonon,  a  Nipmuk  chief,  with  whom 
Massasoit  now  resided.  His  residence  was  near  what  was  since  Magus  Hill, 
in  Worcester  county.  He  was  probably  at  Plimouth,  13  Sept,  1G21,  whore 
he  signed  a  treaty  with  eight  others,  as  we  have  set  down  in  the  life  of  Caun- 
bitant  His  name  is  there  spelt  JMatiaivahunt.  In  Winthrop^s  Journal, 
it  is  N'aahacotoanu,  and  we  suppose  he  was  father  of  JStassowanno,  mentioned 
by  fVhitney.\  Kvichamaquin  was  sachem  of  Dorchester  and  vicinity,  and 
Massaconomtt  was  Masconoromo. 


m§t 


xA-- 


II  iil 


CHAPTER  in. 

Some  account  of  the  Mussachusttts — Geography  of  their  amniry — Chikataubot — 
Wampatuck-  '.ds  war  with  the  Mnhawks — Mascononomo — Canonicus — Mo.n- 
TowAMP>  fE — Small-pox  distresses  the  Indians — WoNoiiAqcAHAM — Winiiepub- 

KIT MANATAH(iaA--SclTTERYOU»SET — NaTTAHATTA WANTS — WaHGCMACUT- 

Jack-Straw — James. 

Not  long  before  the  settlement  of  Plimouth,  the  Massachusetts  had  been 
a  numerous  people,  but  were  greatly  reduced  at  this  time  ;  partly  from  tlie 
great  plague,  of  which  we  have  already  spoken,  and  subsetpiently  from  their 
wars  with  the  Tarratines.  Of  this  war  none  but  the  scanty  records  of  the 
first  settlers  are  to  be  had,  and  in  them  few  particulars  are  preserved; J 
therefore  it  will  not  be  expected  that  ever  a  complete  accotmt  of  the  territo- 
ries and  power  of  the  Massachusetts  can  be  given ;  broken  down  as  they 
were  at  the  time  they  becan-3  known  to  the  Europeans ;  for  we  have  seen  that 
thoir  sachems,  when  first  visited  by  the  Plimouth  people,  were  shilling  for 
their  lives — not  daring  to  lodge  a  second  night  in  the  same  place,  from  their 
fear  of  the  Tarratines.  Hence,  if  these  Indians  had  existed  as  an  independ- 
ent tribe,  their  history  was  long  since  swept  away  "  in  gloomy  tempests," 
and  obscured  in  "  a  night  of  clouds,"  and  nothing  but  a  meagre  tradition  re- 
mained. For  some  time  after  the  country  was  settled,  they  would  fly  for 
protection  from  the  Tarratines  to  the  houses  of  the  English. 

It  is  said,  by  Mr.  Gookin,  that  "  their  chief  sachem  held  dominion  over 
many  other  petty  governors ;  as  tl  e  of  Weechagaskas,  Neponsitt,  Punku- 
paog,  Nonantum,  Nashaway,  some  01  the  Nipmuck  people,  as  far  as  Pokoni- 
takuke,  as  the  old  men  of  Massachusetts  affirmed.  This  people  could,  in 
former  times,  arm  for  war  about  3000  men,  as  the  old  Indians  declare. 
They  were  in  hostility  very  often  with  the  Narragansitts ;  but  held  nmitv, 
for  the  most  part,  with  the  Pawkunnawktitts."^  Near  the  mouth  of  Charles- 
River  "  used  to  be  the  general  rendezvous  of  all  the  Indians,  both  on  the 
south  and  north  side  of  the  country ."||  Hutchinson^  says,  "That  circle 
which  now  makes  the  harbors  of  Boston  and  Charlestown,  round  l)y  Mai- 
den, Chelsea,  Nantasket,  Hingliam,  Wejniouth,  Braintree,  and  Dorchester, 
was  the  capital  of  a  great  sachem,**  much  revered  by  all  the  plantations 
round  about  The  tradition  is,  tliat  this  sachem  had  his  principal  seat  upon 
a  small  hill,  or  rising  upland,  in  the  midst  of  a  body  of  salt  marsh  in  tlie 
township  of  Dorchester,  near  to  a  place  called  Squantum."tf    Hence  it  will 

•  Hist.  Concord,  25.  t  Hist.  Worcester  Co.  174. 

X  This  war  wa.s  caused,  says  Mr.  Iliib'tard,"  upon  the  account  of  some  treacliery  "  on 
the  part  of  the  western  tribes,  1.  e.  the  tribes  west  of  the  Merrimark.     Hist.  New  Eng.  30. 

&  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hisi.  Soc.  i.  148.  ||  Hist.  N.  Eng.  3^2 

TT  From  l\ral's  Hist.  N.  Eng.,  probabl;/,  which  see. 

**  It  will  be  a  good  while  before  the  present  possessors  of  the  country  can  boast  of  such  a 
capital. 

H  Hist.  Mass.  i,  460.    And  here  it  was,  I  suppose,  that  the  Plimouth  people  landed  in  their 


[Book  II. 

ng  themselves 
(^(1  had  not 

8t  we  suppose 
at  this  time 
if,  with  whom 
;e  Mugus  Hill, 
1621,  w'iore 
s  life  of  Caun- 
vp's  Journal, 
no,  mentioned 
[  vicinity,  and 


HIKATAUBUT — 
(iONICUS — Mo.>- 
M — WlNIIEPUR- 
i^AHGUMACUT- 


letts  had  heen 
irtly  from  tlie 
iitly  from  their 
records  of  the 
B  preserved ;  X 
of  the  territo- 
down  as  they 
have  seen  that 
e  shifting  for 
ice,  from  their 
an  independ- 
my  temyiests," 
e  tradition  re- 
would  fly  for 

ominion  over 
onsitt,  Punka- 
far  as  Pokoni- 
)ple  could,  in 
dians  declare, 
held  nmity, 
ith  of  Clinrles 
I,  both  on  the 
"That  circle 
ouiid  hv  Mal- 


Dorchcstcr, 
plantations 
pal  seat  upon 
marsh  in  the 
Hence  it  will 


0  treacliery  "  on 
X,w  Eng.30. 

n  boast  of  such  a 
le  landed  in  their 


Chap.  DL] 


CHIKATAUBUT— VISITS  BOSTON. 


43 


be  ol>8erved,  that  among  the  accounts  of  the  earliest  writers,  the  dominions 
of  tl  different  sachems  were  considered  as  comprehended  within  very 
different  limits ;  a  kind  of  general  idea,  therefore,  can  oidy  be  had  of  the 
extent  of  their  possessions.  It  is  evident  that  the  Massachusetts  were  either 
subject  to  the  Narragansetts,  or  in  alliance  with  thcin ;  for  when  the  latter 
were  at  war  with  the  Pe«i  ts,  Chikaiaubut  and  Sagamore  John  both  went 
with  manv  men  to  aid  Cr.  nicus,  who  had  sent  for  them.  This  war  began 
in  hhh,  and  ended  in  IC^o,  to  the  advantage  of  the  Pequots. 

We  shall  now  proceed  to  speak  of  the  cliiefs  agreeably  Ui  our  plan. 
Chikaiaubut,  or  Chikkatahak, — in  English,  a  house-a-Jire, — ^vas  a  sachem  of 
considerable  note,  and  generally  supposed  to  have  had  dominion  over  the 
Massachusetts  Indians.  Thomas  Morton  mentions  him  in  his  New  Canaan, 
as  sachem  of  Passonagesit,  (about  VVeymouth,)  and  says  his  mother  was 
buried  there.  I  need  make  no  comments  upon  the  authority,  or  warn  the 
rea«ler  concerning  the  stories  of  Morton,  as  this  is  done  in  almost  every 
book,  early  and  late,  about  New  England;  but  shall  relate  the  ibllowing 
from  him. 

In  the  first  settlin";  of  Plimouth,  some  of  the  company,  in  wandering  about 
upon  discovery,  came  upon  an  Indian  grave,  which  was  that  of  the  mother 
of  Chikaiaubut.  Over  the  body  a  stake  was  set  in  the  ground,  and 
two  bear-skins,  sewed  together,  spread  over  it;  these  the  English  took 
away.  When  this  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Chikataubut,  he  complained  to 
his  people,  and  demanded  immediate  vengeance.  When  they  were  as- 
sembled, he  thus  harangued  them  :  "  When  last  the  glorious  light  of  all  the 
sky  was  underneath  this  globe,  and  birds  grew  silent,  I  began  to  settle,  as 
my  custom  is,  to  take  repose.  Before  mine  eyes  were  fast  closed,  me  tho't 
I  saw  a  vision,  at  which  my  spirit  was  much  troubled,  and  trembling  at  that 
doleful  sight,  a  spirit  cried  aloud, '  Behold !  my  son,  whom  I  have  cherished  ; 
see  the  paps  that  gave  thee  suck,  tlie  hands  that  clasped  thee  warm,  and  ivt] 
thee  oft ;  canst  thou  forget  to  take  revenge  of  those  wild  people,  that  hath 
my  monument  defaced  in  a  despiteful  manner;  disdaining  our  ancient  anti- 
quities, and  honorable  customs.  See  now  the  sachem's  grave  lies  like  tinto 
the  common  people,  of  ignoble  race  defaced.  Thy  mother  doth  complain, 
implores  thy  aid  against  this  thievish  people  new  come  hither ;  if  this  be 
suffered,  I  shall  not  rest  in  quiet  within  my  everlasting  habitation.'"* 

Battle  was  the  unanimous  resolve,  and  the  English  were  watched,  and 
followed  from  place  to  place,  until  at  length,  a.s  some  were  going  ashore  in 
a  iMvat,  they  fell  upon  them,  but  gained  no  advantage.  After  maintaining 
the  fight  for  some  time,  and  being  driven  from  tree  to  tree,  the  chief  captain 
was  wounded  in  the  arm,  and  the  whole  took  to  flight  This  action  caused 
the  natives  about  Plimouth  to  look  upon  the  English  as  invincible,  and  this 
was  the  reason  why  peace  was  so  long  maintained  between  them.  Of  the 
time  and  circumstances  of  this  battle  or  fight  we  have  detailed  at  length  in 
a  previous  chapter. 

Mo'Sii's  Relation  goes  far  to  establish  the  main  facts  in  the  al»ove  accotmt. 
It  says,  "  We  brougiit  sundry  of  the  prettiest  things  away  with  us,  and  cov- 
ered the  corpse  up  again,"  and,  "  there  was  variety  of  opinions  amongst  us 
ahout  the  embalmed  person,"  but  no  mention  of  the  bear-skins. 

From  a  comparison  of  th(?  different  accounts,  there  is  hut  little  doid)t,  that 
the  English  were  attacked  at  Namskekit,  in  consequence  of  tlieir  depreda- 
tions u[M»n  the  graves,  corn,  &.c.  of  tiie  Indians. 

In  1(?21,  Chikataubut,  with  eight  other  sachems,  acknowledged,  by  n  writ- 
ten insiniment,  which  we  have  already  given,  them-selves  the  subjects  of 
Kit',.'  James.  Ten  years  after  i.iis,  23  March,  1631,  he  visited  Governor 
Winlhrop  at  Boston,  and  presented  him  with  a  hogshead  of  corn.  Many  of 
"his  saimops  and  squaws"  came  with  him,  but  were  most  of  them  sent 
away,  "n!>«>r  they  had  all  dined."  although  it  thundered  and  rained,  and  the 
governor  urged  their  stay;  Chikataubut  probably   feared   they  would   be 

voya^p  lo  Massachusetts  before  spoken  o(,  and  from  SquatUo  who  was  with  them  it  probably 
received  its  name. 

*  If  this  he  fiction,  a  modern  compiler  has  deceived  some  of  his  readers.  The  article  in 
the  AnaJertic  Afa^zine  may  have  been  his  source  of  information,  but  the  original  may  b« 
»een  i;;  Mr.-im' ^Nrw  Cnnwin,  lOft  and  Jn7. 


'"'«''* 


w:, 


:•/-  'i^ 


■b-M-  ^ 


-31* 


i-'^'-V;^ 


(,■■ 


,.»     . 


■.  *p. '•■.'-■- . 


Ir 


44 


CHIKATAUBUT— HIS  DEATH. 


[Book  II. 


burdensome.  At  this  time  he  wore  English  clothes,  and  sat  at  the  govern- 
or's tuble,  "  where  he  behaved  himself  as  soberly,  &c.  as  an  Englishman." 
Not  long  after,  he  called  on  Governor  Winthrop,  and  desired  to  buy  clothes 
for  himself;  the  governor  informed  hin.  that  "  En«rlish  sagamores  did  not 
use  to  truck ;  *  but  he  called  his  tailor,  and  gave  him  order  to  make  him  a 
Kuit  of  clothes ;  whereupon  he  gave  the  governor  two  large  skins  of  coat 
beaver."  In  a  few  days  his  clothes  were  ready,  and  the  governor  "  put  hinj 
into  a  very  good  new  suit  from  head  to  foot,  and  after,  he  set  meat  before 
them ;  but  he  would  not  eat  till  the  governor  had  given  thanks,  and  after  meat 
he  desired  him  to  do  the  like,  and  so  departed." 

June  14,  1(>J1,  at  a  court,  ChikataufnU  was  ordered  to  pay  a  small  skin  of 
beaver,  to  satisfy  for  one  of  his  men's  having  killed  a  pig, — which  he  com- 
plieJ  with.  A  man  by  the  name  of  Plastotoe,  and  some  others,  having  stolen 
corn  from  him,  the  same  year,  the  court.  Sept  27,  ordered  thn'  Ptastoioc  should 
restore  "  two-fold,"  and  lose  his  title  of  gentleman,  and  pay  £5.  This  I  sup- 
pose tiiey  deemed  emiivalent  to  four-lbld.  His  accoiiij'ices  were  whipped, 
to  the  same  amount.  The  next  year  we  find  him  engaged  with  other  sachems 
in  an  «'xi)edition  against  the  Pequots.  The  same  year  two  of  his  men  were 
convicted  of  assaulting  some  persons  of  Dorchester  in  their  houses.  "  They 
were  put  in  the  bilboes,"  and  himself  required  to  beat  them,  which  he  did.t 

The  small-pox  was  very  prevalent  among  the  Indians  in  1633,  in  which 
year,  some  time  in  November,  Chikataiibut  died. 

The  residence  of  the  family  of  ChikulaubiU  was  at  Tehticut,  now  included 
in  Middleborough.  He  was  in  obedieri>  e  to  Massasoit,  and,  like  other  chiefs, 
had  various  i)laces  of  resort,  to  suit  the  <lifterent  seasons  of  the  year; 
sometimes  at  Wessaguscusset,  sometimes  at  Neponset,  and  especially  upon 
that  part  of  Namasket  \  called  Tehticut.  This  was  truly  a  river  of  saga- 
mores. Its  abundant  stores  of  fish,  in  the  spring,  drew  them  irom  all  parts 
of  the  realm  of  the  chief  sachem. 

In  deeds,  given  by  the  Indians,  the  place  of  their  residence  is  generally 
mentioned,  and  from  what  we  shall  recite  in  the  progress  of  this  article,  it 
will  be  seen  that  the  same  chief  has  difiercnt  residences  assigned  to  him. 

August  5,  1665,  Quiucy,  then  Braintree,  was  deeded  by  a  son  of  Chakatau- 
but,  in  these  terms :-  - 

§  " To  all  Indian  people  to  whom  these  presents  shall  come ;  ffampatuck, 
alias  Josiah  Sagamore,  of  Massathusetts,  in  Newengland,  the  son  of  ChaJcataU' 
but  deceased,  sendctli  greeting.  Know  yoo  that  the  said  Wampatuek,  being 
of  full  age  and  power,  according  to  the  order  and  custom  ot  the  natives, 
liatii,  with  the  consent  of  his  wise  men,  viz.  Squamog,  his  brother  Daniel, 
and  Old  Hahatun,  and  William  Mananiomott,  Job  Naxsott,  Manuntago  William 
JV<7A«h/o»i||  "  "For  divers  goods  and  valuable  reasons  therunto;  and  in 
special  for "£21  10*.  in  hand.    It  was  subscribed  and  witnessed  thus: — 

JosiAH,  alias  Wampatuck,  his  |0  markt. 
Daniel  Squahog,  and  a  mark. 
Old  Nahatun,  and  a  mark. 
William  Manunion,  and  a  mark. 
Job  Noistenns. 

Robert,  alias  Mamuntaqo,  and  a  mark. 
William  Hahatun.. 
In  presence  of 
Thomas  Keyahgcnsson,  and  a  mark  Q, 
Joseph  Manunion,  his  | —  marL 
Thomas  Weymous,  his  O  mark. 

''  Howcvor  true  this  might  have  been  of  thn  governor,  at  least,  we  think,  he  should  not 
have  used  the  plural. 

t  "  Thu  most  usual  custom  amongst  them  in  exercising  punishments,  is,  for  thj  sachem 
either  to  heat,  or  whip,  or  put  to  death  with  his  own  hand,  to  which  the  common  sort  most 
quictlv  submit."      yVilliams. 

X  Namai'iasuck  signified  in  'heir  language ^,«/i<'.?,  and  some  early  wrote  Namaschcuck. 

\  History  of  l^uincy,  by  Rev.  Mr.  Whiliieij,  taken  from  the  original  in  the  possession  of  the 
Hon.  •'.  Q.  Adams. 

U  Niihaion,  or  Ahaton,  and  the  same  sometimes  written  N^oiden.  See  Worthington'* 
Hut.  Didlum,  21.    Hu  sold  Janus  upon  Cbaileit  River  in  1680.    ib. 


"9. 


There 
grandson 
country, 
town  of 
or  some 


[Book  II. 

t  the  govern  • 
i^nglishman." 
buy  clothes 
ores  did  not 
make  him  a 
ikins  of  coat 
or  "put  him 
meat  before 
nd  after  meat 

mall  skin  of 
lieli  he  com- 
laving  stolen 
istoioe  Hhoiild 
Tliis  I  8up- 
Bre  whipped, 
her  sachems 
is  men  were 
ses.  "  They 
hich  he  did.t 
k)3,  in  which 

low  included 
other  chiefs, 
of  the  year ; 
)ecially  upon 
ver  of  saga- 
om  all  ports 

is  generally 
his  article,  it 
id  to  him. 

otChikatau- 


ffampatuck, 
of  Cfnkatau- 
oatuck,  being 
the  natives, 
ther  Daniel, 
'ago  iVUliam 
to;  and  in 
thus: — 

O  markf.. 


a  mark. 


Chap.  III.] 


WAMPATUCK.— HIS  MOHAWK  WAR. 


4.5 


he  should  iioi 

ir  tbi  sachem 
mon  sort  most 

ischcuck. 
tssession  of  the 

WorthingUnii 


There  is  a  quit-claim  deed  from  "  Charles  Jonas,  alias  Josias  ffampatuck, 
grandson  of  CkikatavhtU,  dated  19  Mar.  1695,  of  Boston  and  the  anjucenl 
country,  and  the  islands  in  the  harbor,  to  the  "  proprietated  inhabitants  of  the 
town  of  Boston,"  to  be  seen  among  the  Suffolk  rt^cords.*  fVampaiuck  says, 
or  some  one/or  him,  "  Forasmuch  as  I  am  informed,  and  well  assured  from 
several  ancient  Indians,  as  well  those  of  my  council  as  others,  that,  upon 
the  first  coming  of  the  English  to  sit  down  and  settle  in  those  parts  of  New 
England,  my  above-named  grandfather,  ChikataubtU,  by  and  with  the  advice 
of  his  council,  for  encouragement  thereof  moving,  did  gii^e,  grant,  sell,  alien- 
ate, and  confii-m  unto  the  English  planters,"  the  lands  above  named. 

Besides  Josias,  there  signed  this  deed  with  him,  Jlhaioton,  sen.,  William  Ha- 
haton,  and  Robert  MomerUatige. 

Josias,  or  Josiah  Wampaluck,  was  sachem  of  Mattakeesett,!  and,  from 
the  deeds  which  he  gave,  must  have  been  the  owner  of  much  of  the  lands 
.southward  of  Boston.  In  1G53,  he  sold  to  Timothy  Hatherly,  James  Citdtoorlh, 
Joseph  Tilden,  Humphrey  Turner,  William  Hatch,  John  Hoare,  and  James  Tor- 
rey,  a  large  tract  of  land  in  the  vicinity  of  Accord  Pond  and  North  River. 

In  1662,  he  sold  Pachage  Neck,  j^now  called  Ptckade,]  "lying  between 
Namassakett  riuer  and  a  brook  falling  into  Teticutt  riuer,  viz.  the  most 
westerly  of  the  three  small  brookes  that  do  fall  into  the  said  riuer;"  like- 
wise all  the  meadow  upon  said  three  brooks,  for  £21.  Also,  another  tract 
bounded  by  Plimouth  and  Duxbury  on  one  side,  and  Bridgewuter  on  the 
other,  extending  to  the  great  pond  Mattakeeset ;  provided  it  included  not  the 
1000  acres  given  to  his  son  and  George  Wampey,  about  those  ponds.  This 
deed  was  witnessed  by  George  Wampey  and  John  Wampowes. 

Arter  the  death  of  his  father,  Jonas  was  often  called  Josias  Chikatavbut. 
In  the  PuMOUTH  Records  we  find  this  notice, but  without  date:  "Memoran- 
dum, that  Josias  ChickabiUt  and  his  wife  doe  owne  the  whole  necke  of  Pun- 
kateesctt  to  beloing  vnto  Plymouth  men,"  &c. 

In  1668,  "Josias  CWcfta<u6«/f,  sachem  of  Namassakeeselt,"  sold  to  Robert 
Studson  of  Scituate,  a  tract  of  land  called  JVanumackeuitt,  for  a  "  valuable 
consideration,"  as  the  deed  expresses  it.  This  tract  was  bounded  on  the 
east  by  Scituate. 

Josias  had  a  son  Jeremy ;  and  "■  Charles  Josiah,  son  of  Jeremy,  was  the  last  of 
the  race."J    Of  Josiah,  Mr.  Gooi'dn  gives  us  imjiortant  information. 

War  hetuHien  the  Massachusett  hulians  and  Mohawks.  In  the  year  166}>, "  the 
war  having  now  continued  between  the  Maqiias  and  our  Indians,  about  six 
years,  divers  Indians,  our  neighbors,  united  their  forces  together,  and  made 
an  army  of  about  6  or  700  men,  and  marched  into  the  Maquas'  coimtry,  to 
take  revenge  of  them.  This  enterprise  was  contrived  and  undertaken 
without  the  privity,  and  contrary  to  the  advice  of  their  English  friends.  Mr. 
Eliot  and  myself,  in  particular,  dissuaded  them,  and  gave  them  several 
reasons  against  it,  but  they  would  not  hear  us."  Five  of  the  Christian 
Indians  went  out  with  them,  and  but  one  only  returned  alive.  "The  chief- 
est  general  in  this  expedition  was  the  principal  sachem  of  Massachusetts, 
named  Josiah,  aliqs  Chekatabutt,  a  wise  and  stout  man,  of  middle  age,  hut  a 
very  vicious  person.  He  had  considerable  knowledge  in  the  Christian 
religion ;  and  sometime,  when  he  was  younger,  seemed  to  profess  it  for  a 
time ; — for  he  was  bred  up  by  his  uncle,  Kuchamakin,  who  was  the  first 
sachem  and  his  people  to  whom  Mr.  Eliot  preached."  § 

Of  those  who  went  out  with  Wampatuk  from  other  tribes  we  huve  no  rec- 
ord ;  but  there  were  many,  probably,  as  usual  upon  such  expeditions. 

This  army  arrived  at  the  Mohawk  fort  after  a  journey  of  about  200  miles ; 
when,  upon  besieging  it  some  time,  and  having  some  of  their  men  killed  in 
sallies,  and  sundry  others  sick,  they  gave  up  the  siege  and  retreated.  Mean- 
while the  Mohawks  pursued  them,  got  in  their  front,  and,  from  an  ambush, 

*  Printed  at  length  in  Snow's  Hist.  Boston,  389,  et  cet. 
t  Df ant's  Hist.  Scituate,  144. 

t  Ibid.     Smtanmug  was  a  brother  of  Josiah,  and  ruled  "  as  sachem  during  the  minority  " 
o(  Jeremy.    Dr.  Harris,  Hist.  Dorchester,  16,  17. 
$  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  166. 


i'    \   .'*  J  [  i 

*>  *     ■  ■  xTi 

'■■■'•■  *<''?*■» 


^Jl^S-::-V''. 


';•»./■-' i.I 


■fc>:-i'('|'^..',v| 
■,,c  ii--/\-    ■     •, 


''■  ''■.'  '  .' 

'k 

\    .n| 

•■  \     'H 

'  rfy 

'  '  ^m 

V:^^r.> 

''^  al 

'^w 

'"'"i 

.,■■■    ■  .  ■.• 

■  '•M 

i   ^       '  '  '. 

■  'Vm 

%'iH 


'•■■'■■i.tl 


l' ■:.■._ 

h  ■■■  ':'  •." 

kvWr 


!•■;.•■:■>. 


I I  •      -■' 

III  ^  ^ 


^■"itV^Y'' 


46 


MASCONONOMO  OF  AOAWAM. 


[Book  II 


attacked  them  in  a  defile,  and  a  great  fight  ensued.  Finally  the  Mohawk? 
were  put  to  flight  by  the  extraordinary  bravery  and  prowess  of  Chikatanbvi 
and  his  captains.  But  wliat  was  most  calamitous  in  this  disastrous  expedi- 
tion, was,  the  loss  of  the  great  chief  Chikatavlnit,  who,  afler  performing  prodi- 
gies of  valor,  was  killed  in  repelling  the  Alohawks  in  their  last  attack,  witli 
almost  all  his  captains,  in  number  about  50,  as  was  supposed.*  This  was  a 
severe  stroke  to  these  Indians,  and  they  suffered  much  from  chagrin  on 
their  return  home.  The  Mohawks  considered  themselves  their  masters, 
and  although  a  [^'=ce  was  brought  about  between  them,  by  the  mediation  of 
tiie  English  and  Dutch  on  each  side,  yet  the  Massachusetts  and  otliers  oflen 
suffered  from  their  incursions. 

A  chief  of  much  the  same  importance  as  ChikatavJnit  and  his  sons,  was 
Masconononu),  or  Masconomo,  sachem  of  Aguwam,  since  called  Ipavnch. 
When  the  fleet  which  brought  over  the  colony  that  settled  Boston,  in  1630, 
anchored  near  Cape  Ann,  he  wtlcomed  them  to  his  shores,  and  spent  some 
time  on  board  one  of  the  ships.t 

On  the  tj8th  June,  1G38,  Mascononomet  |  executed  a  deed  of  "  all  his  lands 
in  Ipswich,"  to  John  H'intkrop,  jr.,  for  the  sum  of  £20.§ 

At  a  court  in  July,  1631,  it  was  ordered,  that  "the  sagamore  of  Agawam  is 
banished  from  coming  into  any  Englishman's  house  for  a  year,  under  penalty 
of  ten  beaver-skins."  II  This  was  probably  don(  in  retaliation  for  his  having 
committed  acts  of  violence  on  the  Tarratines,  who  soon  afler  cai>ie  out 
with  great  force  nguinst  Mascononomo ;  he  having,  "as  was  usually  said, 
treacherously  killed  some  of  those  Tarratine  families."1f  It  would  seem 
that  lu>  expected  an  attack,  and  had  therefore  called  to  his  aid  some  of  the 
saciii  ins  near  Boston;  for  it  so  happened  that  Montowampate  and  Wonoha- 
quahum  were  at  Agawam  when  the  Tarratines  made  au  attack,  but  whether 
by  concert  or  accident  is  not  clear. 

To  the  nriiibfr  of  100  men,  in  three  canoes,  the  Tarratines  came  out  on 
this  enterprise,  on  iJ-e  8  August  following.  They  attacked  Mascononomo  and 
his  guests  in  his  wigwam  in  the  night,  killed  seven  men,  wounded  Mascono- 
nomo liinisclf,  and  Montowampate^  ui\A  JFonohaqiiaham,  and  several  others  who 
aflerwards  died.  They  took  the  wife  of  Montowampate  captive,  but  it  so  hap- 
pened that  Abraham  Shurd  of  Pemmaquid  ransomed  her,  and  sent  her  home, 
where  slie  arrived  on  the  17  Septen/oer  the  same  autumn.**  From  Mr.  Coh- 
hePs  account,  it  appears  that  th-^y  came  against  the  English,  who,  but  for  an 
Indian,  named  Robin,  would  have  been  cut  off,  as  the  able  men  at  this  time, 
belonging  to  Ip»wich,  did  not  exceed  30;  and  most  of  these  were  from  home 
on  the  day  the  attack  was  to  have  been  made.  Robin,  having  by  some  means 
found  out  their  intentions,  went  to  John  Ferkins,\\  and  told  him  that  on  such 
a  day  four  Tarratines  would  conie  and  invite  the  English  to  trade,  "and  draw 
them  down  the  hill  to  the  water  sid»^  when  40  canoes  full  of  armed  Indians 
would  be  ready,  under  "  the  brow  of  the  hill,"  to  fall  upon  them.  It  turned 
out  as  Robin  hud  reported ;  but  the  Indians  were  frightened  off  by  a  false 
show  of  numbers,  an  old  drum,  and  a  few  guns,  without  effecting  their 
objeet,tt 

We  hear  no  more  of  him  until  1644,  March  8,  when,  at  a  court  held  in 
Boston,  "  Cuisliamekin  and  Smutw-Sachem^  Masconomo,  JVashacowam  and  Has- 
samagin,  two  sachems  near  the  great  hill  to  the  west,  called  Wachuaeit,  came 
into  tiic  court,  and,  according  to  their  former  tender  to  the  governor,  desired 
to  be  received  luider  our  protectiou§§  and  government,  upon  the  same  terms 


It  is  scarce  spelt  twice  alike 


*  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i,  1G7. 
t  llisl.  N.  England. 

\  This  is  (loubiless  the  most  correct  spelling  of  liis  name, 
the  MS.  records. 

^  Records  of  Gen.  Court,  v.  381,  ||  Prince,  367. 

IT  Huhbard-s  N.  E.  145. 

*»  H'intlirop's  Jour.— Leteis's  Hist.  Lynn,  39,  'V).— Felt's  Hist.  Ipswich,  3. 
fi  Quarter-master,  "  living  then  in  a  lillle  hut  upon  his  father's  island  on  this  side  of  Jeof- 

Neck."  MS.  Narrative. 
i\  Cohbel's  MS.  Narrative. 
$}  'I'hey  desirud  this  from  their  great  fear  of  the  Mohawks,  it  is  said. 


ry's 


fBooK  II 

he  Mohawk? 

Chikataubul 
rou8  expedi- 
iriiiiiig  prodi- 
t  uttuck,  with 

This  wa8  a 
1  chugrin  ou 
lieir  masters, 
i/iediatiou  of 
otliers  often 

lis  sons,  was 

illed  Ipamch. 

ston,  ill  1630, 

spent  some 

a]l  his  lands 

if  Agawom  is 
mder  penahy 
)r  his  having 
er  came  out 
usually  said, 
would  seem 
some  of  the 
and  Wonoha- 
,  but  whether 

came  out  on 

tononomo  and 

led  Mascono- 

il  others  who 

Jut  it  so  hap- 

nt  her  home, 

•oni  Mr.  Cob- 

,  but  for  an 

It  this  time, 

!  from  home 

some  means 

that  on  such 

e, "and  draw 

'nied  Indians 

It  turned 

ff  by  a  false 

fecting  their 

court  held  in 
im  and  fVas- 
chusett,  came 
ruor,  desired 
same  terms 


twice  alike  in 


s  side  of  Jeof- 


Chap.  Ill] 


MONTOWAMPATE.— WONOHAQUAHAM. 


47 


a  melancholy  picture  of  the  distresses  caused  by  the  small-pox  aiiinng  the 
•etched  natives."    "There  are,"  says  Mather,  "some  old  planters  surviving 


_^  that  Pumham  and  Sacononoco  were.     So  we  causing  them  to  understand  the 

'9  articles,  and  all  the  ten  commandments  of  God,  and  they  freely  assenting  to 

^  all,*  they  were  solemnly  received,  and  then  presented  the  court  with  twenty- 

six'  fathom  of  wampum,  and  the  court  gave  each  of  them  a  coat  of  two  yards 
of  cloth,  and  their  dinner ;  and  to  them  and  their  men,  every  one  of  them,  a 
cup  of  sac  at  their  departure ;  so  they  took  leave,  and  went  away  very  joyful."t 

In  the  Town  Records  of  Ipswich,  under  date  18  June  11558,  a  grant  is  made  to 
the  widow  of  JWoacononomo,  of  "tliat  parcel  of  land  which  her  husband  had 
J  fenced  in,"  so  long  as  she  should  remain  a  widow.     Her  husband  was  the  last 

of  the  sachems  of  Agawam,  and  with  him,  says  Mr.  Fell,  descended  "  his  feble 
and  broken  scepter  to  the  grave."  He  died  on  the  6  March,  1G58,  and  was 
buried  on  Sagamore  Hill,  now  within  the  liounds  of  Hamilton.  His  gun  and 
other  valuable  implements  were  interred  with  him.  "  Idle  curiosity,  wanton, 
sacrilegious  sport,  prompted  an  individual  to  dig  up  the  remains  of  this  chieti 
and  to  carry  his  scull  on  a  [mjIc  through  I[)swicli  streets.  Such  an  act  of  bar- 
barity was  severely  frowned  upon,  and  speedily  visited  with  retributive  civil 
justice.''  I 

M  ONTOW  AMP  ATE,  sagamore  of  Lynn  and  Marbleheatl,  was  known  more 
generally  among  the  whites  as  Sagamore  James.  He  was  son  of  JVarKpashemei, 
and  brother  of  fVonohaquaham  and  tVinnepurkitt.^  He  died  in  l(x33,  of  the 
small-pox,  "with  most  of  his  people.  It  is  said  that  these  two  promised,  if 
ever  they  recovered,  to  live  with  the  Elnglish,  and  serve  their  God."|| 
Montowampate,  having  been  defrauded  of  20  beaver-skins,  by  a  man  named 
fVatts,  who  had  since  gone  to  England,  he  went  to  Gov.  fVinthrop  on  the  26 
March,  1631,  to  know  how  he  should  obtain  recompense.  The  governor  gave 
liim  a  letter  to  Emanuel  Djuming,  Esq.  of  London,  from  which  circumstance 
it  would  seem  that  the  chief  determined  to  go  there  ;  and  it  is  said  that  he 
actually  visited  England  and  received  his  due.lf  The  histories  of  those  times 
give 
"  wretc 

to  this  day,  who  helped  to  bury  the  dead  Indians;  even  whole  families  of 
them  all  dead  at  once.  In  one  of  the  wigwams  they  found  a  poor  infant  suck- 
ing at  the  breast  of  the  dead  mother."**  The  same  author  observes  that,  before 
the  di8<;ase  liegan,  the  Indians  had  begun  to  quarrel  with  tlie  English  about 
the  bounds  of  their  lands,  "  but  God  ended  the  controversy  by  sending  the 
small-pox  among  the  Indians  at  Saugus,  who  were  before  that  time  exceeding- 
ly numerous." 

We  have  mentioned  another  of  the  family  of  JVanepashemet,  also  a  sachem. 
This  was  fVonohaquaham,  called  by  the  English  Sagatiiore  John,  of  VVinisimet. 
His  residence  was  at  what  was  then  called  Rumneymarsk,  part  of  which  is 
now  in  Chelsea  and  part  in  SRUgus.§  As  early  as  1631,  he  had  cause  to  com- 
plain that  some  of  the  En^  sh  settlers  had  burnt  two  of  his  wigwams. 
"  Which  wigwams,"  says  Governor  Dudley,]}  "  were  not  inhabited,  but  stootl  in 
a  place  convenient  for  their  shelter,  when,  upon  occasion,  they  should  travel 
that  way."  The  court,  upon  examination,  found  that  a  servant  of  Sir  R.  ScU- 
tonstall  had  been  the  means  of  the  mischief,  whose  master  was  ordered  to 
make  satisfaction,  "  which  he  did  by  seven  yards  of  cloth,  and  that  his  servant 
pay  him,  at  the  end  of  his  time,  fifty  shillings  storling."|J  Sagamore  John  died 
at  Winisimet,  in  1633,  of  the  small-pox.§§  He  desired  to  become  acquainted 
with  the  Englishmen's  God,  in  his  sickiies.s,  and  requested  them  to  take  his 
two  sons  and  instruct  them  in  Christiniiity,  which  they  did.|||| 

Winnepurkitt,^^  who  married  a  daughter  of  Pussaconaway,  makes  f  sidera- 
ble  figure  also  in  our  Indian  annals.  He  was  bom  about  1616,  and  succeeded 
Montowampate  at  his  deeth,  in  1633.     The  English  called  him  George  Rumney- 

*  The  articles  wiiich  they  subscribed,  will  be  seen  at  larq^e  when  the  AfatiHscripl  Hist,  of  the 
Prayincr  Indians,  by  Daniel  Gookin,  shall  be  published.  They  do  not  read  precisely  as 
rendered  by  ^Vinthrop. 

t  Winthrop's  Juurnal.  X  Hist.  Ipswich,  5.  6  Lewis's  Hist.  Lynn,  16,  17. 

j  Hist,  of  New  England,  195.  f  History  of  Lynn,  38.  *•  Ilelatioo,  &-C.  23. 

tt  Letter  to  the  Countess  of  Lincoln,  25,  edition  IG96. 

ii  Pi-ince's  Chronology.  $$  History  of  New  England,  195,  (550. 

II II  Wonder-working  Providence.  HIT  Spelt  also  WinnaperieL 


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48 


MANATAHQUA.—NATTAHATTA  WANTS. 


[Book  U. 


marsh,  and  at  one  time  he  was  proprietor  of  Deer  Island,  in  Boston  harbor. 
*'  In  the  latter  part  of  hw  life,  he  went  to  Barbadoeo.  It  i»  suppowd  tliat  he 
was  carried  there  with  the  prisonera  wiio  wei^e  sold  for  sla''»>8,  at  tiie  end  of 
Philip's  war.  He  died  soon  after  his  return,  in  1(>34,  at  the  hou'w'  of  Mumin- 
qiuuh^  aged  68  years."  Matoayetsm'aine,  daughtei'  of  Poquanumf  is  also  men- 
tioned as  liis  wife,  l)y  whom  he  had  several  children.* 

ManatahqiM,  called  alno  BUuk-ieHliam,  was  a  sachem,  and  propiietor  of  Na- 
liant,  when  the  adjacent  country  was  settled  by  the  whites.  His  father  lived 
at  Swnrnpscot,  and  .  ■  also  a  sagamore,  but  probably  was  dead  before  the 
ICnglisli  settled  in  the  country .f  A  traveller  in  thif  then  %  wilderness  world, 
thus  notices  M'iUiam,  and  his  possessing  Nahant  "One  Black-william,  aii 
Indian  Duke,  out  of  his  generosity  gave  this  place  in  general  to  the  plantation 
of  Saugus,  so  that  no  other  can  appropriate  it  to  himself."  He  was  a  great 
friend  to  the  whites,  but  his  friendship  was  repaid,  as  was  that  df  many  others 
of  that  and  c  en  much  later  times.  There  was  c  man  by  the  name  ot  tValkr 
Bagnall,  nicknamed  Ctreat  Wot,  "a  wicked  fellow,"  who  had  much  wronged 
the  Indian.s,§  killed  near  the  mouth  of  Saco  River,  probably  by  some  of 
those  whom  he  had  defrauded.  This  was  in  October,  16S1.  As  some  vessels 
were  upon  the  eastern  coast  in  search  of  pirates,  in  January,  1633,  they  put  in 
at  Richmond's  Island,  where  they  fell  in  with  Black-william.    This  was  the 

[)lace  where  Bagnall  had  been  killed  about  two  years  before  ;  but  whether  he 
lad  aiiy  thing  to  do  with  it,  does  not  appear,  nor  do  I  find  that  any  one,  even 
his  mnrderers,  pretended  he  was  any  way  implicated ;  but,  out  of  revenge  for 
BagnaWs  death,  these  pirate-hunters  hanged  Black-toilliam.  On  the  contraiy, 
it  was  particularly  mentioned  ||  that  Bagnall  was  killed  by  Squidrayset  and  his 
men,  some  Indians  belonging  to  that  part  of  the  country. 

This  Squidrayset,  or  Scitterypisset,  for  whose  act  Manatahqua  suffered,  was 
the  first  sachem  who  deedct  land  in  Falmouth,  Maine.  A  creek  near  the 
mouth  of  Prcsumpscot  River  pr^rpetuates  his  name  to  this  day.  Mr.  tVillis 
flupj)oses  he  was  sachem  cf  the  Aucocisco  tribe,  who  inhabited  between  the 
Androscoggin  and  Saco  rivers;  and  that  from  Aucocisco  comes  Casco.ir 
There  can  be  but  litde  doubt  that  Bagnall  deserved  his  fate,**  if  any  deserve 
such  ;  but  the  other  was  the  act  of  white  men,  and  we  leave  the  reader  to 
draw  the  parallel  between  the  two :  perhaps  he  will  inquire,  fVere  the  murderers 
of  MANATAHqoA  brought  to  justice?  All  we  can  answer  is.  The  records  are  si- 
lent.   Perhaps  it  was  considered  an  offset  to  the  murder  of  Bagnall. 

JVatlahattawants,  in  the  year  1642,  sold  to  Simon  fVillard,  in  behalf  of  "  Mr. 
Winlhrop,  Mr.  Dudley,  Mr.  JVowell,  and  Mr.  Alden"  a  large  tract  of  land  upon 
both  sides  Concord  River.  "Mr.  Winthrop,  our  present  governor,  1260  acres, 
Mr.  Dudley,  1500  acres,  on  the  S.  E.  side  of  the  river,  Mr.  J^ouxll,  500  acres, 
and  Mr.  Allen,  500  acres,  on  the  N.  E.  side  of  the  river,  and  in  consideration 
hereof  the  said  Simon  giueth  to  the  said  JS/attahattawmits  six  fadom  of  waom- 
pam]>ege,  one  wast'^oat,  and  one  breeches,  and  the  said  JVattahattatvanis  doth 
covenant  and  bind  himself,  that  hee  nor  any  other  Indians  shall  set  traps  with- 
in this  ground,  so  as  any  cattle  might  recieve  hurt  thereby,  and  what  cattle 
shall  receive  hurt  by  this  meanes,  hee  shal'  be  lyable  to  make  it  good."  fin 
the  deed,  J^/attahattaioants  is  called  sachem  of  that  land.] 

Witnessed  by  The  mark  of  %  Natahatta wants. 

three  whites.  The  mark  of  %  Winnipin,  an  Indian 

that  traded/or  Aim.ff 


The  name  of  this  chief,  as  appears  from  documents  copied  by  Mr.  Shattuck,Xl 
was  understood  Tahattmoan,  Tahaftateanls,  Attaivan,  Attawanee,  and  Ahatawa- 
nee.    He  was  sachem  of  Mus.ietaquid,  since  Concord,  and  a  supporter  and 


tHist.  N.Eiig. 
II  Winthrop,  ib. 


*Ki.st.  Lynn. 

t  lfi3S      William  Wood,  author  of  New  Eng.  Prosptct. 
^  WiiUlirop's  Journal,  i.  62,  63, 
TT  Col.  Maine  Hisl.  Soc.  i.  G8. 
•*  K    iiarl,  in  about  three  years,  by  extortion,  =*«  we  infer  from  Winlhrop,  accumulated 
about  £400  from  amon?  the  Indiaiis.    See  Journal  itl  mpra. 
ft  Si'lfulk  Records  of  Deeds,  vol.  i.  No.  34.        W  Hist.  Concord,  Mass.  pastim  chap.  i. 


ch  Kt.  in  ] 


WAHGUMACUT. -JACK-STRAW. 


49 


# 


nrnpni^tor  o"  Christianity  auiDiig  his  people,  luid  an  honcBt  and  iiftri^lir  man. 
The  i-elebrated  fVtiban  married  hiH  eldest  daiif(hter.  John  Tahatlawan  was  his 
fon,  who  lived  at  Nashoba,  where  he  was  i-hiei'  ruler  of  the  praying;  Indians — 
»  dfS4-rvin^  Indian.  He  died  al)out  lb7(.  His  widow  wan  daughter  of  John. 
wjpfimon' of  Patucket,  uj)on  the  Men-ir  la^K,  who  married  Oomimoe-,  another 
lult'i-  of  the  ])raying  Indians,  of  MarilK)rough.  II. .  .)nly  son  l»y  Tnhatlitwan  * 
was  killed  by  some  white  rutHans,  who  came  u{)on  then)  while  in  their  wig- 
wams, «uid  his  laother  was  bailly  wounded  at  the  same  time.  Of  this  aftiiir 
we  shall  have  occasion  elsewhere  to  be  more  |)artirular.  JSTaannahqumv,  an- 
other daughter,  married  JS/'aaniaheouf,  called  John  Thomas,  \vho  died  at  N'atick, 
aged  1 10  years. 

We  know  very  little  of  a  sachem  of  the  name  of  Wahffiimacut,]  excefit  that 
he  lived  uf>on  Connecticut  River,  and  came  to  boston  ii  lOJll,  with  a  re<nu>st 
to  the  governor  "  to  have  some  English  to  plant  in  his  country;"  and  as  iin 
inducement,  said  he  would  "find  them  corn,  and  give  them,  yearly,  80  skins 
of  beaver."  The  governor,  however,  dismissed  him  without  giving  him  any 
encouragement ;  doubting,  it  seems,  the  reality  of  Ins  fri^^ndship.  Kut  it  is 
more  probable  that  he  was  sincere,  as  he  was  at  this  time  in  great  fear  of  the 
Pequots,  and  judged  that  if  some  of  the  English  would  reside  with  him,  he 
sl.ould  be  able  to  maintain  his  countiy. 

There  accompanied  fVahgumacut  to  Boston  an  Indian  named  Jackstrmo^ 
who  was  his  interpreter,  and  Sagamore  John.  We  have  labored  to  iind  some 
further  particulars  of  him,  but  all  that  we  can  ascertain  with  certainty,  is,  that 
he  had  lived  some  time  in  England  with  Sir  Walter  RalegL§     How  Sir  Waller 

*  Mr.  Gookin  wriles  this  name  Tohatooner,  thai  of  the  father  Taliattau-arre.  MS.  Hist. 
Proving  Indians,  105. 

t  Wahginnarul,  according  to  Mr.  Surge's  reading;  of  Winllirop.  Our  text  is  according 
to  Pnvce,  who  also  used  winthrov  in  MS.  It  is  truly  diverting  to  see  how  the  author  o? 
Talt-  'if  the  Indians  has  displaveu  his  invention  upon  the  passage  in  Winthrop'.i  Journal 
bringing  to  our  knowledge  this  chief.  We  will  give  the  passage  of  iVijithrop,  that  the  rriidcr 
may  judge  whether  great  ignorance,  or  misrepresentation  "  of  set  purpose  "  l)c  chargeaMe 
to  hiin.  "  He  [Gov.  Winthrop]  discovered  after  [  VVahginnaciit  was  gone],  that  the  said 
sagamore  is  a  very  treacherous  man,  and  at  war  with  the  Pekoath  (a  far  greater  sagamore.") 
Now,  every  cbilcl  that  has  rcai!  about  the  Indians,  it  seems  to  us,  ought  to  know  that  the 
meaning  of  Pekoath  was  mistaken  by  the  governor,  and  no  more  meant  a  chief  than  the 
Massasoits  meant  what  the  Plimoutli  people  first  supposed  it  to  mean.  In  the  one  case,  the 
name  of  a  tfibe  was  mistaken  for  that  of  a  chief,  and  in  the  other  the  chief  for  the  tribe. 
Mistakes  of  this  kind  were  not  uncommon  before  our  fathers  became  acquainted  with  the 
country.  Winthrop  says,  too,  the  Mohawks  was  a  great  sachem.  Now,  who  ever  thought 
there  was  a  chief  of  that  name  7 

X  Probably  so  named  from  the  Maidstone  minister,  who  flourished  in  Wat  Tyler's  rebellion, 
and  whose  real  name  was  John  Ball,  but  afterwards  nick-named  Jack  Straw.  He  became 
chaplain  to  Wat's  army,  they  having  let  him  out  of  prison.  A  text  which  he  made  great  use 
of  in  preaching  to  his  liberators  was  this : — 

When  Adam  dalfe  and  Eve  span, 
Who  waa  then  a  gentleman .' 

This  we  apprehend  waa  construed,  Down  with  the  nobility!  See  Rapin's  Eng.  i.  457.  In 
Ketmet,  i.  247,  John  Wram  is  called  Jack  Straw.    He  was  beheaded. 

^"  The  imputation  of  the  first  bringing  in  o{  tobacco  into  England  lies  on  this  heroic  knight." 
IVivslanlry's  Worthies,  259.  "  Besides  the  consumption  of  the  purse,  and  impairing  of  our 
inward  parts,  the  immoderate,  vain  and  phantastical  abuse  of  the  hellish  weed,  corrupteth  the 
natural  sweetness  of  the  breath,  stupifieth  the  brain :  and  indeed  is  so  prejudicial  to  the 
general  esteem  of  our  country."  Ibid.  211.  Whether  Jack-straw  were  the  servant  who 
acted  a  part  in  the  often-told  anecdote  of  Sir  Walter  Ralegh's  smoking  tobacco,  on  its  first 
being  taken  to  England,  we  shall  not  presume  to  assert ;  but,  for  the  sake  of  the  anecdote,  we 
\yill  admit  the  fact;  it  is  variously  related,  but  is  said  to  be.  in  substance,  as  follows.  At  one 
lime,  It  was  so  very  unpopular  to  use  tobacco  in  any  wav  in  England,  that  many  who  had  got 
attached  to  itj  used  it  only  privately.  Sir  Walter  was  smoking  in  his  study,  at  a  certain  time, 
and,  bcuig  thirsty,  called  to  his  servant  to  bring  him  a  tankard  of  beer.  Jack  hastily  obeyed 
the  summons,  and  Sir  Walter,  forgetting  to  cease  smoking,  was  in  the  act  of  spouting  a 
volume  of  smoke  from  his  mouth  when  his  servant  entered.  Jack,  seeing  his  master  smoking 
prodigiously  at  the  mouth,  thought  no  other  but  he  was  all  on  fire  inside,  having  never  seen 
such  a  phenomenon  in  all  England  before  ;  dashed  the  quart  of  liquor  at  once  in  his  face,  and 
ran  out  screaming,  "  Massa's  a  fire  I  Massa's  a  fire  !  " 

Having  dismissed  the  servant,  every  one  might  reasonably  expect  a  few  words  concerning 
his  niaster.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh  may  truly  be  said  to  have  lived  in  an  age  fruitful  in  great  and 
worthy  characteis.    Captain  John  Smith  comes  to  our  notice  through  bis  agency,  and  th« 


,  '.■  '  i*'  ■  ."C'JS 


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JAMES-PRINTER,  OR  JAMES-THEPRINTER. 


[Book  II 


came  by  him,  does  not  satisfactorily  appear.  Captains  Amidas  and  Bariotn 
Bailed  t<)  Anierica  in  his  employ,  and  on  their  return  carried  over  V  '  natives 
fnjin  Virginia,  whose  names  were  Wanchtse  and  Manteo.*  It  is  ban  oossible 
that  one  of  these  was  afterwards  Jack-straw. 

A  Nifirnuck  Indian,  of  no  small  note  in  his  time,  it  may  in  the  next  plo  *e  bo 
proi)er  to  notice. 

Jamta  Printer,  or  Jameg-the-vrinter,  was  the  son  of  J^aont,  brother  of  Tuka- 
peieillin]  and  Anawtakiru  When  a  child,  he  was  instructed  at  the  Indian 
cliarity  school,  nt  Cumbridffc.  In  1G59,  he  was  put  apprentice  to  Samuel 
Green,  to  learn  the  printer  s  business ;  {  and  he  is  s[)oken  of  as  having  run 
away  from  his  miiHtcr  in  1()75.  If,  allcr  an  apprenticeship  of  16  years,  one 
could  not  leave  his  master  without  the  charge  of  absconding,  at  least,  both  the 
master  and  apprentice  should  be  pitied.     In  relation  to  this  matter,  Mr.  Hub- 

renownoil  first  Kii^lish  rircumnavie;ator  was  his  conlemporarv.  He,  like  the  last  named,  was 
born  ill  llic  cuiinty  of  Devonshire,  in  1552,  in  the  parish  ot  Budley.  Sir  Humphrey  Gilbert, 
so  well  known  in  our  annals,  was  his  half-brother,  his  father  having;  mariied  8ir  llumphretfs 
mother,  a  widow*,  by  whom  he  had  Walter,  a  fourth  son.t  The  ^•»eat  successes  and  dis- 
coverirs  of  tlio  celebrated  admiral  Sir  Francis  Drake  gave  a  nsw  impetus  to  the  English 
nation  in  mnritimc  affairs,  and  consequent  thereupon  was  the  settlement  of  North  America ; 
as  G^reat  an  era,  to  say  the  least,  &s  was  ever  recorded  in  history.  No  one  shone  more 
ronspici'inus  in  those  undertakings  than  Sir  Waller  Ralegh.  After  persevering  a  long  time, 
he  established  a  colony  in  Virginia,  in  XCXfl.  He  was  a  man  of  great  valor  and  address,  and 
a  favorite  with  the  great  Queen  Elizabeth,  th«  promoter  of  his  u>idertakings,  one  of  whose 
"  maids  of  honor  "  he  married.  In  this  affair  some  charge  him  with  having  first  dishonored 
that  ladv,  and  was  for  a  time  under  the  queen's  displeasure  in  consequence,  out  marrying  her 
restorcif  him  to  favor.  The  city  of  Ralegh  in  Virginia  was  so  named  by  his  direction.  He 
was  conspicuous  with  Drake  and  Hotvard  in  the  destruction  of  the  Spanish  armada  in  1588. 
On  the  death  of  the  queen,  he  was  imprisoned  almost  13  years  in  the  tower  of  London,  upo:! 
the  charge  of  treason.  It  was  during  his  imprisonment  that  he  wrote  his  great  and  learned 
work,  the  History  of  the  World.  The  alleged  crime  of  treason  has  loiig  since  been  viewed 
by  all  the  world  as  without  foundation,  and  the  punishment  of  Ralegh  reflects  all  its  blackntjs 
upon  the  character  of  James  I.  The  ground  of  the  charge  was,  that  Ralegh  and  others  were 
in  a  conspiracy  against  the  king,  and  were  designing  to  place  on  the  throne  Arabella  Stetoart.\ 
He  was  never  pardoned,  although  the  king  set  him  at  liberty,  anc*  permitted  him  to  go  on  an 
expedition  to  South  America  in  search  of  a  gold  mine  of  which  he  had  gained  some  intima- 
tions in  a  prpvious  visit  to  those  countries.  His  attempt  to  find  gold  failed,  but  he  took  the 
town  of  St.  Thomas,  and  established  in  it  a  garrison.  This  was  r.  depredation,  as  Spain 
and  England  vfere  then  at  peace,  bu;  Ralegh  had  the  king's  commi&sioii.  The  Spanish 
nmbassailor  con- ;)lained  loudly  against  the  transaction,  and  the  miserable  •/am:.«,  to  extricate 
himself,  and  a|)pease  the  Spanish  king,  ordered  Ralegh  to  be  seized  on  hh  return,  who,  upon 
the  old  charge  of  treason,  was  sentenced  to  be  beheaded,  which  was  executed  upon  him  z9th 
Ocl.  1618.$  "  I  shall  only  hint,"  says  Dr.  Poholiele,^  "that  the  execuliuii  of  this  great  man, 
whom  JamesMiiHs  advised  to  sacrifice  to  the  advancement  of  the  peace  with  Spain,  hath  left  an 
indelible  stain  on  the  memory  of  that  misguidec!  monarch."  It  appears  from  another  account  IT 
that  Sir  Walter,  on  arriving  at  the  mouth  of  the  Oronoko,  was  taken  "  desperately  sick,"  and 
tent  forward  a  company  under  one  of  his  captains  in  search  of  the  gold  mine.  That  they 
were  met  by  the  Spaniards,  who  attacked  them,  and  that  this  was  the  cause  of  their  assault- 
m^  St.  Thomas,  and  being  obliged  to  descend  the  river  without  effecting  the  object  they 
were  upon. 

The  following  circumstance  respecting  the  celebrated  History  of  the  Worid,  not  'jei."!g 
generally  known,  cannot  but  be  acceptable  to  the  reader.  The  first  volume  (which  is  what 
we  have  of  it)  was  published  before  he  was  imprisoned  the  last  time.  Just  before  his  execu- 
tion, he  sent  for  the  publisher  of  it.  When  he  came,  Sir  Wcdter  took  him  by  the  hand,  and, 
"  after  some  discourse,  askt  him  how  that  work  of  his  sold.  Mr.  Burre  f'tho  name  of  the 
publisher]  returned  this  answer,  that  it  had  sold  so  slowly  that  it  had  undi..  .  him.  At  which 
words  of  his,  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  stepping  to  his  desk,  reaches  his  other  pr.it  of  his  history  to 
Mr.  Burre,  which  he  had  brought  down  to  the  limes  he  lived  in ;  clapping  his  hand  on  his 
breast,  he  took  the  other  unprinted  part  of  his  works  ir.io  his  hand,  with  a  sigh,  saying, '  Ah, 
my  friend,  hath  the  first  part  undone  thee,  the  second  volume  shpM  undo  no  more ;  this 
ungrateful  worid  is  unworthy  of  it.'  When,  immediately  going  to  the  fire-side,  threw  it  in 
and  set  his  foot  on  it  till  it  was  consumed."** 

»See  Cayley's  Life  Sir  W.  Ralegh,  i.  70.  ed.  Lond.  1616,  2  vols.  8vo. 

t  Some  author  of  Indian  tales  might  delight  himself  for  a  long  lime  in  ringing  changes  on 
lis  Indian  preacher's  name,  without  inventing  any  new  ones ;  for  it  is  not,  as  I  remember, 


this 

spelt  twice  alike  in  our  authorities. 


t  Thomas,  Hist.  Printing. 


*  "  Of  Otho  ailheH,  of  Compton,  Esq."  PolvohtUU  Hint.  Devon,  il.  219. 
t  Stith,  Hist.  Virginia,  7.  Second  son,  says  Mr.  PoHkelt,  Devon,  U.  919. 
T  Rapin's  Eitg.  ii.  161.  A  Tindal's  notes  in  Rapin,  ii.  195. 

jl  Hist.  Devonshire,  i.  S5».  IT  Winstanley,  Worthies,  950. 

**  Winstanley,  Worthies,  257. 


time  wi 
Bii|H>nuii 
'Jr.  /. 
the  coui 
Indiuiis 
divers  () 
others,  J 
t!ie  art  o 


name 


[Book  D 

ind  Barhw 
V  '  natives 
t      oossiblo 

Bxt  pb  "e  be 

;r  of  Tuka- 
the  Indian 
to  Samuel 
having  run 
i  yearw,  one 
ist,  both  the 
T,  Mr.  Hvb- 

M  named,  was 
plirey  Gilbert, 
ir  Humph'-e^s 
cases  and  dis- 
o  the  English 
orth  America ; 
in  shone  more 
ig  a  long  time, 
i  address,  and 
one  of  whose 
rst  dishonored 
t  marrying  her 
iireclion.  He 
'mada  in  1588. 
London,  upcr. 
It  and  learned 
e  been  viewed 
II  its  blackncJS 
id  others  were 
bella  Stewart.t 
im  to  go  on  an 
i  some  intima- 
^t  he  took  the 
lion,  as  Spain 
The  Spanish 
I,  to  extricate 
im.  who,  upon 
upon  him  29lh 
lis  great  man, 
in,  hath  left  an 
ther  account  IT 
ely  sick,"  and 
.  That  they 
their  assault- 
object  ihey 

rid,  not  '5€in^ 
which  is  what 
>re  his  execu- 
he  hand,  and, 
name  of  the 
m.  At  which 
'  his  history  to 
s  hand  on  his 
,  sayir-g, '  Ah, 
more ;  this 
threw  it  in 


ig  changes  on 
I  remember, 


chaf.  nt] 


JAMES-THE  PRINTER.-KUTCHMAKIN. 


51 


Jorrf mys,*  "He  had  attained  Bon:'^  skill  in  printing,  and  might  have  attained 
more  had  he  not,  HI<e  a  false  villain,  ran  away  frotn  his  master  Mhrt-  \m 
time  'wao  out."  And  the  same  author  observes  that  tlie  name  printer  v/ua 
HU|M>nulded  to  distinguish  him  from  others  named  James. 

"Jr.  I. Mather \  has  this  record  of  James-printer.  "July  8,  [lfi76.]  Whereas 
the  council  at  Boston  had  lately  emitted  n  declaration,  signifying,  that  such 
Indiuiis  IIS  did,  within  14  days,  come  in  to  the  Knglish,  might  liojie  for  mercy, 
divers  of  them  did  this  day  return  frotn  attioiig  the  Nipmucks.  Among 
others,  James,  an  Indian,  who  could  not  only  read  and  write,  but  had  learned 
tlie  art  of  nrhiting,  notwithstanding  his  apostasy,  did  venture  hims<>lf  upon  the 
mercy  and  trutli  of  the  Knglish  declaration,  which  he  had  seen  and  read, 
pmmising  for  the  future  to  venture  his  life  against  the  common  en«'my.  lie 
uikI  •he  other  now  come  in,  affirm  that  very  many  of  the  Indians  an;  dead 
since  tint)  war  began ;  and  that  more  have  died  by  the  hand  of  God,  in  respect 
of  diseases,  fluxes  and  fevers,  which  have  been  amongst  them,  than  have  b«.'en 
killed  with  the  sword." 

Mr.  Thomas  says.  *  it  was  owing  to  tlie  amor  patrite  of  Jamxs-printfr  that  he 
left  his  mast'-  and  jOinf;d  in  Philip''8  war.  But  how  much  amor  palricB  he 
must  have  htt.i  to  have  kept  him  an  opprentice  16  years  is  not  mentioned. 

It  was  in  1(185  that  the  second  edition  of  the  famous  Indian  Biblit  wa.'^ 
completed.  From  the  following  testimony  of  Mr.  Eliot  will  be  seen  how 
much  the  snccess  of  that  undertaking  was  considered  to  depend  on  James- 
the-printer.  In  1(583,  in  writing  to  the  Hon.  Robert  Boyle  at  London,  Mr.  Eliot 
says,  "  I  desire  to  see  it  done  before  I  die,  and  I  am  so  deep  in  years,  that  I 
cannot  cxpeci  to  live  long;  besitles,  we  have  but  one  man,  viz.  the  Indian 
Printer,  that  is  able  to  compose  the  sheets,  and  correct  the  press  with  under- 
standing." In  another,  from  the  same  to  the  same,  dated  a  year  after,  he  says, 
"  Our  slow  progress  needeth  an  apology.  We  have  been  tnuch  hindered  by 
the  sickness  the  last  year.  Our  workmen  hove  been  all  sick,  and  we  have  but 
few  hands,  (at  printing,)  one  Englishman,  and  a  boy,  and  one  Indian,"  &c. 

This  Indian  was  undoubtedly  James-the-printer.  And  Mr.  Thomas  adds, 
"  Some  of  James's  descendants  were  not  long  since  living  in  Grafton  ;  the\ 
bore  the  surname  of  Printer.'"^ 

There  was  an  Indian  named  Job  JS/esutart,  who  was  also  concerned  in  the 
first  edition  of  the  Indian  Bible.  He  was  a  valiant  soldier,  and  went  with  the 
English  of  Massachusetts,  in  the  first  exj»edition  to  Mount  Hope,  where  he 
was  slain  in  Iwttle.  "  He  was  a  veiy  goo<l  linguist  in  the  English  tongue,  and 
wjis  Mr.  Eliol^s  assistant  and  interpreter  in  his  translation  of  the  Bible  and 
other  books  in  the  Indian  laiignagc."|| 

In  a  letter  of  the  commis.«ioners  of  the  IT.  C.  of  New  England,  to  the 
corporation  in  England,  we  lind  this  postscri|)t. — "Two  of  the  Indian  youths 
formerly  brought  up  to  read  and  writi-,  are  put  apprentice;  the  one  to  a 
carpenter,  the  other  to  Mr.  Green  the  printer,  who  take  their  trades  and 
follow  their  business  very  well."  James-the-printer  was  probably  one  of  these. 
jVe*u/an,  we  presume,  was  only  an  interjireter.  The  above-mentioned  letter 
was  dated  10th  Sept  l(i60. 

In  1698,  James  was  teacher  to  five  Indian  families  at  Hassinammisco.1I 
In  1709,  he  seems  to  have  got  through  with  his  apprenticeship,  and  to  have 
had  some  interest  in  carrying  on  the  printing  business.  For,  in  the  title 
pages  of  the  Indian  and  English  Psalter,  printed  in  that  year,  is  this  imprint: 
"BOSTON,  N.  E.  Upprinihomunne  au  B.  Green,  &  J.  PRINTER,  wuiche 
guhtiantamwe  Chapanvxke  vl  JVew  Eitgland,  &c.  1709." 

We  shall  now  pass  to  notice  a  Massachusetts  sachem,  who,  like  too  many 
others,  does  not  appear  to  fht  best  advantage ;  nevertheless,  we  doubt  not  but 
as  much  so  as  he  deserves,  as  by  the  sequel  will  be  seen.     We  mean 

Kutchmakin,  known  also  by  several  other  names,  or  variations  of  the  same 
name ;  as,  Kutshamaquin,  CiUshamoquen,  Cutchamokin,  and  many  more,  as,  in 


••.  ■  .  if-  '^jff^ 


'A  .; 


Ha---''^'^ 


■  ).'^"- 


•  Narrative  36.  f  Brief  Hist.  89.  t  Hist.  Printing,  i.  290. 

6  Hist.  Prinlinf^,  i.  292,  293.  ||Gookin,  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 

IT  Information  irom  Mr.  E.  Tiickerman,  Jr. — Hassinammisco,  Hassanamesil,  &c.  signified 
a  platt  of  stonea,    Thomas,  ut  supra. 


'■■M 


■>.<'';■' V--'.  'I-V.l 

;;■■■  ■■v*v'  . 


■     \  , 


;Ji;^'i^v  (•.-■;'! 


In 

1  »i  • 

.     • 

'f 

!'■         ' 

•;.• 

5'i 


;'     '      '■ 


?■■■  ::■■■;'■ 


1'    * 


i: 


w 


ij    •-( 


KUTCIIMAKIN— WAR  WITH  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[BooE  II. 


tlitlcront  partH  of  our  work,  extracts  will  DKCOHmrily  show.  He  wm  oiio  of 
tliuHi;  HucliciiiH  who,  in  l(i4.')^,  hIkiiuiI  u  subiiiiaaiou  to  the  English,  na  hatt 
been  irinitio'     "  in  a  prncediug  chapter. 

In  Ki-'Xi,  ^hamakin  Hold  to  the  people  of  Dorchester,  Uncataquiwet, 
iM'ing  the  par  at  town  Hince  called  Milton.    This,  it  app<>nrH,  was  at  ttotno 

|N>rio(l  hin  nssiut,  .  Though  he  waa  a  Hucheni  under  Wooaamtquin,  yet,  lilto 
Citunbitatil,  he  was  op|>oc)ed  to  the  Hettleinent  of  the  English  in  his  country. 
He  H<K)n,  however,  became  reconciled  to  it,  and  became  a  Christian.  When 
IMr.  Kliot  (Ifsired  to  know  why  he  was  opposed  to  his  i)ecj»le's  becoming 
ChristiunH,  he  said,  then  they  would  pay  him  no  tribute. 

When  th';  English  of  Massachusiats  sent  to  Canonictu,  to  inquire  into  the 
muse  of  the  murder  of  John  Oldham,  Kxiiahamakin  accompanied  tliem  as 
iiitrriiretiT,  tighter,  or  whatever  was  requin-d  of  him. 

As  no  sittisikction  could  l)e  had  of  the  Pecjuots,  for  the  murder  of  Mr.  Old- 
ham, it  wiw  resolved,  in  KKW,  to  send  an  army  into  their  country  "to  fight  with 
tiieni,"  if  what,  in  the  opinion  of  the  English,  as  a  recompense,  were  not  to  be 
obtained  without  The  armament  consisted  of  about  90  men.  These  first 
went  to  Block  Island,  when;  they  saw  a  few  Indians  before  they  landed,  who, 
at\er  shooting  a  few  arrows,  which  wounded  two  of  the  English,  fled.  The 
Indians  had  here  "two  plantations,  three  miles  in  sunder,  and  about  60 
wigwams,  some  very  large  and  fair,  atid  above  200  acres  of  com."  This  the 
English  destroyed,  "staved  seven  canoes,"  and  after  two  days  spent  in  this 
business,  tuid  hunting  for  Indians  without  success,  sailed  to  the  main  land, 
where  Kntshamakin  performed  Ids  part  in  hastening  on  the  Pequot  calamity. 
Having  waylaid  one  of  that  nation,  he  shot  and  scalped  him.  The  scalp  he 
sent  to  Canoninis,  who  sent  it  about  among  all  his  sachem  fViends;  thus 
expressing  his  approbation  of  the  murder,  and  willingness  to  engage  his 
friends  to  fight  for  the  English.  As  a  further  proof  of  his  approval  of  tlie  act, 
he  not  oidy  thanked  the  English,  but  gave  Kutahamakin  four  fathom  of 
wampum. 

Cant.  lAon  Gardener  gives  us  some  particulars  of  this  affair,  which  are  very 
\'aluable  for  the  light  they  throw  on  this  part  of  our  early  transactions  with  the 
Pequots.  The  afl'air  we  have  just  mentioned  happened  immediately  after 
EruiicoU,  Turner,  and  Underhill  arrived  at  Saybrook,  from  Block  Island.  Capt. 
Gardener  then  commanded  the  fort,  who  spoke  to  them  as  follows  of  their 
undertaking:  "You  come  hither  to  raise  these  wasps  about  my  ears,  and  then 
you  will  take  wing  and  flee  away  "  It  so  came  to  pass ;  and  although  he  was 
much  opposed  to  tlieir  going,  yet  they  went,  agreeably  to  their  instructions. 
Gardener  instnicted  them  how  to  proceed,  to  avoid  being  surprised ;  but  the 
Indians  played  them  a  Yankee  trick,  as  in  the  sequel  will  appear. 

On  coming  to  the  Pequot  to>vn,  they  inquired  for  the  sachem,*  wishing  to 
[tarley  with  him :  his  iieople  said  "  he  was  from  home,  but  within  three  hours 
he  would  come ;  and  so  from  three  to  six,  and  thence  to  nine,  there  came 
none."  But  the  Indians  came  fearlessly,  in  great  numbers,  and  spoke  to  them, 
through  the  interpreter,  Kvlshamakin,  for  some  time.  This  delay  was  a  strata- 
gem which  succeeded  well ;  for  they  rightly  guessed  that  the  English  had 
come  to  injure  them  in  their  persons,  or  pro[)erty,  or  both.  Therefore,  while 
some  were  enteitaining  the  English  with  words,  others  carried  off*  their  efl!ects 
and  hid  them.  When  they  had  done  this,  a  signal  was  given,  and  all  the 
Indians  ran  away.  The  English  then  fell  to  burning  and  destroying  every 
thing  they  could  meet  with.  Gardener  had  sent  some  of  his  men  with  the 
others,  who  were  unaccountably  left  on  shore  when  the  others  reembarked, 
mid  were  pursued,  and  two  of  them  wounded  by  tlie  Indians. 

"  The  Bay-men  killed  not  a  man,  save  that  one,  Kichomiquim^  an  Indian 
sachem  of  the  Bay,  killed  a  Pequit ;  and  tlirs  began  the  war  between  the 
Indians  and  us,  in  these  parts."  f  The  Pequots  henceforth  used  every  means 
to  kill  tlie  English,  and  many  were  token  by  them,  and  some  tortured  in  their 
manner.     "Thus  far,"  adds  Gardener,  "I  had  written  in  a  book,  that  all  men 

*  Sassacus,  says  Wintlirop  (i.  194.) ;  but  bein?  told  he  was  gone  to  Long  Island,  the  gene- 
ral demanded  to  see  "  the  other  sachem,  &c."  which  was  doubtless  MoTKmoUo. 
i  3  Coll.  Hut.  Soc.  iii.  141,  &c. 


r»Kr.  IV 

and  |M)st(>i 
Mlird,  yen, 
(>mI\  lit-nii 

'i'ti  s;iy 
informed  <i 
n|irrsciit  I 

(ii>\<'riii 
innslimtlv 
W'dttrtowi 
mar  Doirl 

<'|"  K  lit  slut  I 

III  IthlH, 
to  a  drt-il 
firijjin  Wf 
Thf  trai't 
vvliioli  Vail 


Of  the  grtm 
— MiA.vri 
Sells  lifwi 
nanimitij 
rrpt's  it — 
Ills  profile 
errculion- 
Trnilition.' 
—  Clinrarl 
of  plotdnc 
H'lir  lictwr 
Further  ac 

The  lioiii 
"  Puutuckit 
liy  a  brook  i 
tiie  SCO,  or  r 
iiiuiiy  island 
Niiintick,  thi 
within  it.  1 
about  30  or 
Rliode  Islaii 
them  from  1 
at  tlie  ztuiitli 
of  thirtif  the 
futiier,  lived 

III  17t>6,  < 
Narragunset 
sfiii."^.  Mr.  . 
sciioolmastei 
lished  I  canr 

A  census ( 
Feb.  1832,  1 
themselves  n 

Of  the  en 
learned  from 
named  Tash 

*  Suffolk  Re| 

piclure  of  son.c 

t  See  3  Cell. 

J  See  Beatty 


CH*r.  IV.)  OF  TFIK   NARRAOANSKTS— TASIITASSUCK. 


AS 


and  iMwtcrity  iiiitflit  know  liow  uiiil  wliy  so  iimiiy  lionoHt  nifii  lind  tlit-ir  lilmwl 
Hhfd,  vtii,  aiitl  Hoiiii"  llavi«l  ulivr,  otlurs  rut  in  |ticn'M,  ami  wurii'  roiwtrtl  alive, 
<iiil\  Vtcraiisc  Kirhamiikin,  n  Hay  Iniliaii,  killed  lUif  r<'(|iiot." 

'i'o  s;iv  till-  ItaKt  of  our  aiitlior,  In-  had  tin-  Im-hI  |»os8ilil«'  iiicaim  to  he  corrrrtlif 
ynfurinr't  of  lln'!«'  mattt-rs,  and  wr  know  not  that  In?  had  any  motive  to  \\m- 
r«  |»n'srnt  llani.  ... 

(iovrnior  H'inthrop  nM•ntion^s  nndt-r  date  Kilti,  that  Mr.  tlUot  lectured 
iiiiisiantly  "one  week  at  the  wif^wani  of  one  IVabon,  a.  new  sachem  n<ar 
Watertown  mill,  and  the  other  the  next  week  in  the  wif^wam  of  Cutifutmrkin, 
niar  IJorcliester  mill."  We  shall  have  occasion  in  another  chapter  to  x|«'ak 
of  Kiil-iliitiiKtldn, 

In  U'At*,  Cutrhmiukin,  as  he  was  then  i-alled,  and  J(;;V»/ii/np|Mar  ii»  witneswH 
to  a  ileed  niaile  by  another  Indian  called  Calo,  alias  (ioodman.  Lane  and 
(iritfin  were  the  <.'niiitees  "  in  hehalt'  of  the  rest  of  the  people  of  Sudhury  " 
'I'he  tract  of  land  sold  adjoined  Siidhury,  and  was  five  miles  square;  f< 
which  Vato  received  live  pounds.     Jojtuny  was  brother  to  CWo.* 


Ibr 


si'     .  '-rp 


\  .\'^ 


CHAl'TER  IV. 

Of  the  great  nation  of  the  Kurrairansets — Geoirriiphy  of  their  country — Canonicus 
— MiA.NTi'.xNoMiiii — Ilis  reJations — .Uth  the  Kii^lish  in  destroiiing  the  Pequots — 
Sells  Rhode  Island— lU.i  difficulties  with  the  English — Visits  lioston — His  vuig- 
nanimllij  iind  indcjicndinre — Charged  with  a  conspiracij  against  the  whites— My 
repe's  it — Waianhanck  becomes  his  secret  eiitmy — His  speech  to  Waiumlimce  and 
his  people — //('*  ?f(.-  leith  Uncus — His  capture  and  death — Circumstances  of  hit 
exfcution — Participation  of  the  whi'es  thinin — Impartial  view  of  that  affair — 
Traditions — NiMtiRF.T — Mf.xam,  alias  Mkxano — Jffair  of  Cuttaquin  and  Uncas 
—  Character  of  .hcassassolick — j^inigrrt  visits  the  Dutch — Accused  by  the  English 
of  plotting  with  them — .-tbly  defends  himself — A'olices  of  various  other  Indians — 
iVar  between  A'inigrct  and  .Israssassntick — Present  condition  of  his  descendants — 
Further  account  of  Pessacus — Killed  bij  the  Mohuicks. 

The  Imunds  of  Narragunset  were,  as  described  in  th  )  times  of  the  sachems,! 
"  Pautuckit  River,  Quenebage  [Ciualiaojr]  and  Nipmuik," northerly ;  "  westerly 
hy  a  brook  called  Wequajtaug,  not  far|  from  Paqiiatuck  River;  southerly  by 
the  sea,  or  main  ocean ;  and  easterly  by  the  Nanhigansct  Bay,  wherein  lieth 
many  islands,  by  deeds  bought  of  the  Nanbiganset  sachems."  Coweesett  and 
Niantick,  though  sometimes  applied  to  this  country,  were  names  only  of  places 
within  it.  According  to  Mr.  Gookin,  "  the  territory  of  their  sachem  extended 
about  30  or  40  miles  from  Sekunk  River  and  Narragansitt  Bay,  including 
Riiode  Island  and  other  islands  in  that  l)ay."  Pawcatuck  River  s<;parate(i 
them  from  the  Pequots.  This  nation,  under  Canonictw,  hatl,  in  1G42,  arrived 
at  the  zenith  of  its  greatness,  and  was  supposed  to  have  contained  a  population 
of  thirty  thousand.  This  estimate  was  by  Richard  Sinilh,  jr.,  who,  with  his 
father,  lived  in  their  country. 

Ill  1766,  or  about  that  yf  ur,  Mr.  Samuel  Drake  made  a  catalogue  of  the 
Narragunset  Indians.  This  ti\  alogue  contained  the  names  of  about  315  per- 
sons. Mr.  Drake  spent  14  years  among  them,  chiefly  in  the  capacity  of  a 
schoolmaster.  He  wrote  an  account  of  them,  but  whether  it  was  ever  pub- 
lished I  cannot  learn.  § 

A  census  of  those  calling  themselves  a  remnant  of  the  Narragansets,  taken 
Feb.  1832,  was  315;  only  seven  of  whom  were  unmixed.  The  Indians 
themselves  make  their  number  364.  || 

Of  the  earl>  times  of  this  nation,  some  of  the  first  English  inhabitants 
learned  from  the  old  Indians,  that  they  had,  previous  to  their  arrival,  a  sachem 
named  Tasklassuck^  and  their  encomiums  upon  his  wisdom  and  valor  were 

*  Suffolk  Reg.  Deeds.    There  is  no  name  signed  to  the  deed,  but  in  the  place  thereof,  is  the 
picture  of  soinc  foui -legged  animal  drawn  on  his  back. 
t  See  3  Cell.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  210.  t  Four  or  five  miles,  says  Gookin. 

J  See  lieatty's  Journal,  106.  ||  MS.  letter  of  Rev.  Mr.  Ely. 


•:  '  S, 


■ll 


..  .,'   't 

■  J0-    ,w^ 

■•,-^''ivt>: 

•4 

•  '"S 

•.''!'.    '■^' 1 

»'  •-  T- 

y    •li 

■.  ■P-'tt"' 

•-!,'    ■'>'■■■ 

'li^ 

m 

iM 

T*'t* 

--<*.  >« 

t ''*.:'•■ 

-  ^"'^j 

.'  i('  ■.■\'" . 

*  AM 

.  i.r  rs 

v-jfiil 

liij£ui 

1 


54 


rANONICI'S. 


[RonK  II 


Nifric  rm  th»i  Drlnwiin-H  n-portcd  of  tlu'ir  grvnt  i'liirf  Tanuinij ;  that 
<•  liail  imt  Imth  hiH  <'(|iml,  &<•.     Tn.thtiij^xuik  lm<l  hut  two  ohililn-n,  a 


niiii-h  th< 

biiH'f,  ihi 

«>nii  ami  ilan^'htir;  thi'H«>  he  joiiinl  in  inarria;;)',  hiraiiw  h<'  could  tiiid  imur 

worthy  of  iht-rn  out  ot'  liin  family,     'riir  pnnhict  of  thi.s  iiiurriu^^n  wiw  four 

WHiH,  of  whom  Caiumiriu  wiw  the  oldrst.* 

("A.voMci's.f  tlir  >{rci»t  wichciM  of  the  i\«rni^aiiM<tH,  was  coiitfiiiimniry  witii 
.Miantumiomoh,  who  wan  hin  iifplu'W.  Wf  know  not  the  time  of  hin  hirth,  hut 
a  Hon  of  luH  waH  at  Hoston  in  ItlJJi,  thr  ni'Xt  yi-ar  allir  it  waw  m-ttlcd.  Kiit  tin- 
linif  of  hiH  dt-atli  in  minutely  rt'cordrd  hy  (iovi-rnor  ff'inthrop,  in  his  "Journal," 
thuH:  "June  4,  U'yl7.  Cnnonirmt,  the  ffreat  sjichcm  of  iNarniffimwt,  died,  a 
very  old  man."  1I<.'  i^t  gi'iuTully  suppo.scd  to  have  heen  uhout  b5  yt-ufH  ol"  age 
when  he  died. 

The  VVampanonpH  were  in  p-eat  fear  of  the  NnrrnpniHfts  nhont  the  time  the 
Kn^lish  eame  to  I'limouth,  and  at  one  time  war  aetually  existed,  and  .U'>jj(Moi7 
tied  iM'foni  Cnnoninui,  and  applied  to  die  Kn^rlinli  for  pniteetion. 

Hdward  h'initloic  n'lnU'M, 'u\  h'lH  (ioon  Nkwh  krom  Nf.w  Knoland,  that,  in 
Feh.  I(>*yj,  Cnnonicus  went  into  Plimoiith,  hy  one  of  hin  men,  a  himdie  of 
arrows,  lM)und  with  a  mltlesnake's  skin,  and  there  led  them,  and  retired.  The 
i\arnif,'ansets,  who  were  reported  at  this  timc!  "many  thousuid  strong'," hearini? 
of  the  weakness  of  the  hjifrlinh,  "hcfjan,  (says  the  ahove-named  author,)  to 
hreath  forth  many  threats  a^minst  us,"  althoui,di  they  had  tin;  lust  smnmer 
"desinid  luid  ohtuined  |M'aco  with  us." — "Insomuch  as  the  conunon  talk  of 
our  nei^hhor  Indians  on  ull  sides  was  of  the  preparation  they  niud<;  to  com>- 
aj^iinst  us."  They  were  now  iml>oldene<l  from  the  circumstnnct;  that  thf; 
I'^nglish  had  just  u(hled  to  tlu^ir  mmihers,  hut  not  to  their  arms  nor  provisions. 
The  ship  Fortune  had,  not  long  Ix^fore,  landed  ;I5  persons  at  I'limouth,  and 
the  NiUTagans<!ts  8«!em  to  liave  h<!eii  well  informed  of  ull  the  circumstances. 
This,  (sjiys  Mr.  Wina/oif,)  "  occasioned  them  to  slight  and  hrave  us  with  so 
many  threats  as  they  did.  At  length  came  one  of  them  to  us,  who  was  sent 
hy  CoTUJunw,  tli(!ir  chief  sachem  or  king,  accompanied  with  one  Tokamahamon, 
a  friendly  Indian.  This  tiiossenger  inquired  for  Tiaqiiantum,  our  interpreter, 
who  not  heing  at  home,  seemed  rather  to  he  glad  than  sorry ;  and  leaving  for 
him  a  hundle  of  new  armws,  la|)ped  in  a  rattlesnake's  skin,  desired  to  depart 
with  all  expedition." 

When  Squanto  was  made  acquainted  with  the  circumstance,  he  told  the 
English  that  it  was  a  challenge  li)r  war.  Governor  Bradford  took  the  rattle- 
snake's skin,  and  filled  it  with  powder  and  shot,  and  returned  it  to  Canonicus; 
at  the  same  time  instructing  the  mess«'nger  to  hid  him  defiance,  and  invite  hint 
to  a  trial  of  strength.  TIkj  messenger,  and  his  insulting  carriage,  had  the 
desired  effect  upon  Canonicus,  for  he  would  not  receive  the  skin,  and  it  wus* 
cast  out  of  every  community  of  the  Indians,  until  it  at  last  was  returned  to 
Plimouth,  and  all  its  contents.  This  was  a  demonstmtion  that  he  was  awed 
into  silence  aiid  re8|)ect  of  the  English,  by  the  decided  stand  and  -liostile 
attitude  they  assumed. 

In  1(521,  soon  after  the  war  with  Caunbilant  was  over,  among  those  who 
sought  the  friendship  of  the  English,  was  Canoniciut  himself,  notwithstimding 
he  was  now  courting  war  again  so  soon.  I  !(•  had  douhtless  nearly  got  rid  of 
the  fear  that  the  news  of  Standish's  conduct  first  inspired,  and  had  taken  up 
again  his  old  resolution  of  fighting  the  strangers  at  Plimouth. 

He  is  mentioned  with  great  respect  hy  Rev.  Ro^er  JVUliams,  t  in  the  year 
lO.'U.  After  ohscrving  that  many  hundreds  of  th<!  English  were  witnessfss  to 
the  friendly  disposition  of  the  Narragansots,  he  says,  "Their  late  famous  lon^'- 
lived  Caimoninis  so  lived  and  died,  and  in  the  same  most  honorable  manner 
and  solemnity,  (in  their  way,)  as  you  laid  to  nleep  your  prudent  peace-tnaker. 
Mr.  fyinthrop,  did  they  honor  this  their  prudent  and  peaceable  prince;  yea, 

*  Hutchinson,  i.  458,  who  met  with  this  account  in  MS  ;  but  we  do  not  give  implicit  credic 
to  it,  as,  at  best,  it  is  tradition. 

t  This  spelling  does  not  convey  the  true  pronunciation  cf  the  name ;  other  spellings  will  be 
noticed  in  the  course  of  his  biography.  Its  sound  approached  so  near  the  Latin  word  canoiti- 
rtia,  that  it  became  confounded  with  it,     Qunnoune  was  early  •.vritlen, 

t  Manuscript  letter  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts. 


;  it-: .  - 


.U    ' 


:  implicit  credit 


^1 

n 


tinp,  IV.]  CANONICUS  — MASrUS.  fS 

fliroiijrli  nil  thrir  towns  niul  conntrii-H  how  frequently  <lu  many,  nnd  oft  tiinoti, 
our  Kti>riiHliin<'n  fnivi-l  aJuiH'  with  Hiif'cty  mid  loving  kintlntM  ?" 

Tin*  tiillowinf,'  Ktiinint-nt  <>l'  Hofjrr  H'illinmt  is  in  a  ili'iKi.xitioii,  iJHtcd  Nuitu- 
ifiuiHt't,  IH  June,  M'tK'l,  iiiid,  although  varyiiif;  a  littlr  rnnii  tin-  alio\<-,  runiains 
t:ir-ts  vVry  |»rrtiiitiit  to  our  |Mir|M»s«'.  Mr  Mays,"  I  tcstifv  llinl  it  was  the  piicral 
iui<i  rohstarit  dt'i'laration,  that  Canoninui  iiis  fathrr  liad  llirrc  suns,  whcrfot' 
Vitnnniriut  was  tin-  lifir,  an<l  liis  yiani;L'('st  lirolln  r's  son  .Mntnlinonv/  (iMraiisf 
ot'  his  vontli)  was  his  marshal  and  cxrcntioncr,  and  did  notiiiriK  without  lii-* 
unci"'  i'ltiionirus'  i-onscnt.  And  thrn-rorf  I  dfclari-  to  posterity,  that  wcri'  it 
not  lor  till'  tavor  that  <i'od  ^avi-  nu  with  Cimoniruit,  none  oC  iImsc  parts,  no, 
not  Hhodc  Island,  had  hern  purchaiM;d  or  ohtuiiiud ;  Ibr  1  n«!vcr  gi»t  any  thiii;^ 
of  Ciiiiomnu  hut  hy  f:\\\." 

When  iMr.  John  Oldham,  was  killcil  n<'ar  Hlook  Island,  and  nn  invtstifration 
set  on  l<>ot  hy  the  Kn>;hsh  to  sisccrtain  thr  niunh'rcrs,  tiny  were  fully  satisfied 
that  Citnoninu  and  Miantumiomok  had  no  hand  in  the  aUair,  hut  that  "the  six 
other  \arraf,'anset  sachems  had."  No  wonder  In;  took  f,'reat  offence  at  the 
conduct  of  the  |'',n^lish  coni"erniii>;  the  death  of  Aliitntunnoinoh.  'I'he  \\  arwick 
settlers  considered  it  a  ffreat  piece  of  injustice,  and  IMr.  Sdinuel  dtirlon  wrote  u 
letter  for  Cammiciui  to  the  ^ntvcrnment  of  lMa.s«aclnisi'tls,  notilyinj?  them  that 
Ik;  had  resolvinl  to  In;  roven^'ed  upon  tho  Mohe^ans.  I'pon  tluH  the  l''n;,'lish 
dcs|Mitched  inessenficrs  to  Narrapmset  to  incpiire  of  ('aiioniciis  whetlnr  In; 
authori/ed  the  letn-r.  lie  treated  them  with  great  coldness,  and  would  not 
admit  them  into  his  wigwam  lor  the  space  of  two  hours  ulh-r  their  arrival, 
altliou>fli  it  was  exceediiifily  rainy.  Vvlien  they  were  admitted.  In;  frowneil 
upon  them,  inid  >(ave  them  answers  f()reij(n  to  the  purpose,  and  referred  tliern 
to  Pessanis.  This  was  ii  very  cold  reception,  eomparcMl  \,ith  that  whirii  tin; 
niesMeiip-rs  received  when  sent  to  hiui  t<)r  information  re8|)e(;ting  the  death 
of  IMr.  Oldham.  "They  returned  with  acceptance  ntid  go(»d  success  of  their 
husiness;  ohserving  in  the  sachem  much  state,  great  command  of  his  men, 
and  marvellous  wisdom  in  his  answers;  and  in  the  carriage  of  the  whole 
treaty,  clearing  himself  and  his  neighbors  of  the  munler,  and  offering  revenge 
of  it,  yet  upon  very  safe  mid  wary  conditions." 

This  sach«;tn  is  said  to  h.ive  governed  in  great  hurinony  with  his  nephew. 
"The  chiefest  goverinn(;nt  in  the  country  is  divided  between  a  younger  saciiem, 
.Miantunnomu,  and  an  ehlersar-hem,  Caunaunacxm,  of  about  fourscore  years  old," 
this  young  mt'.n's  unch; ;  and  their  agreement  in  tlu;  government  is  remarkable. 
The  old  saeiiem  will  not  be  offend(!(l  at  what  the  young  sjichein  doth  ;  and  the 
young  sachem  will  not  do  what  he  conceives  will  displease  his  ii  icle."f  With 
this  passage  before  him,  Mr.  Durfee  versifies  as  follows,  in  his  poem  c^illeil 
Whatchecr : — 

"  Two  miglity  chiefs,  one  cautiouf  wise,  and  old. 
One  younsf,  and  slronji,  and  terrible  in  tiglil, 
All  Narragiui.sol  and  ("owi'sul  hold  ; 
One  lodge  lliey  build — one  romisi'l  fire  ihoy  liglil." 

"  At  a  meeting  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies  nt  Ronton,  vij 
.Sept.,  lf)43,"  it  was  agreed  that  .'Maasaclmsetts,  in  behalf  of  the  other  colonies, 
"give  Conoonac^is  and  the  Nanohiggunsets  to  understand,  that  from  time  to 
time  "  they  have  taken  notice  of  their  violation  nf  the  covenant  between  them, 
notwithstanding  the  great  mnnifestations  of  their  love  to  them  by  the  English  ; 
that  tiiey  had  concurred  with  Mlantunvnmoh  in  his  late  mischievous  plots,  by 
which  he  had  intended  "to  root  out  the  body  of  the  English"  from  the  coun- 
try, l»y  gifts  and  allurements  to  other  Indians;  and  that  he  had  invaderl  Unm.i, 
contrary  to  the  "tripartie  covenant"  between  himself,  Unca/t,  and  Connecticut. 
Therefore,  knowing  "how  peaceable  Connnncvs  nnd  Masnis,  the  late  fath»>r  of 
Mi/antemmo,  governed  that  great  people,"  they  ascribed  the  late  "tumults  nnd 
outbrenkings"  to  the  malicious,  rash  nnd  ambitions  spirit  of  Miantiinnomoh, 
more  than  to  "any  af!(;cted  way  of  their  own." 

Notwithstanding,  Miantunnomoh  being  now  put  to  death,  the  English  and 
their  confederate  Indian  sachems,  namely,  "  J  ncus,  sagamore  of  the  Mohegins, 


'  This  was  written  about  lG4d. 


tCol.  R.I.  Hist.  Soc.  vol.  i. 


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S6 


CANOMCUS.— HIS  WAR  WITH  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[Book  II 


and  liis  jicoplc,  ffoosamequine  and  his  pooplo,  Sncanocoe  and  his  people,  P«n»- 
h/tm  ant)  his  people,  Avere  disposed,  they  said,  still  to  have  {)eace  with  the 
Namigansets;  but  should  exjiect  a  iriore  iiiitiitid  olwervanee  of  their  agree- 
ment than  they  had  shown  hitherto."  This  determination  was  to  be  imme- 
diately laid  before  them,  and  a  prompt  answer  demanded. 

In  a  trave  assembly,  upon  a  certain  oeeasion,  Canoninis  thus  addressed 
Rogtr  yi'illiams:  "I  have  never  siiHered  any  wronj:  to  be  offered  to  tlie 
English  since  they  landed,  nor  never  will ; "  and  oil  i.  repeated  the  word 
fytmnaunewayean.  "If  the  Englishman  s|)eak  true,  if  lie  mean  truly,  then 
fhall  I  go  to  my  grave  in  peace,  and  lioj)e  tliat  the  English  and  my  posterity 
shall  live  in  love  and  peace  together." 

When  Mr.  Williams  said  he  hoped  he  had  no  cause  to  question  the  English- 
men's wannaumioaiwnck,X\mi  is,  faithfidness,  having  long  been  acquainted  with 
it,  Canonicus  took  a  stick,  and,  breaking  it  into  ten  pi(!ees,  related  ten  instances 
wherein  they  had  proved  false ;  laying  down  a  j)i('ce  at  each  instance.  Mr. 
WUliavis  satisfied  him  that  he  was  mistaken  in  some  of  them,  and  as  to  others 
he  agreed  to  intercede  with  the  governor,  who,  he  doubted  not,  would  make 
satisfaction  for  them. 

In  1635,  Rev.  Roger  WUliams  foimd  Canoninis  and  Mianlunnomoh  carrying 
on  a  bloody  war  against  the  Wampanoags.  By  his  intercession  an  end  was 
put  to  it,  and  he  grew  much  in  fiivor  with  all  the  sacln!ms ;  especially  Canoninut, 
whose  "heart  (he  says)  was  stirred  up  to  love  me  as  his  son  to  his  last  gasp." 
He  sold  the  Island  of  Rhode  Island  to  William  Coildington,  Roger  Williams, 
and  others.  A  son  of  Canonicus,  named  Mriksah,  is  named  by  Williams  as 
inheriting  his  father's  spirit.  This  son  is  also  called  Meika^  who,  after  his 
father's  death,  was  chief  sachem  of  the  Narragansets,  and  was  said  to  have 
been  his  eldest  son.  Many  particulai-s  of  him  will  lie  found  in  our  progress 
onward.   • 

At  the  time  of  the  Pequot  war,  much  pains  was  taken  to  secure  the  friend- 
ship of  Canonicus  more  firndy.  Mr.  Williams  wrote  to  Crovernor  Winthrop 
concerning  him  as  follows:  "Sir,  if  any  thing  be  sent  to  the  princes,  I  find 
Canounicus  would  gladly  accept  of  a  box  of  eight  or  ten  pounds  of  sugar,  and 
indeed  he  told  me  he  would  thank  Mr.  Governor  for  a  box  full."  In  another 
letter  which  Mr.  Williams  sent  to  the  same  by  Mianlunnomoh  himself,  he  sjiys, 
"  I  am  bold  to  retpiest  a  word  of  a<lvice  of  you  concerning  a  proposition  made 
by  Caunoimicus  and  Miantunnomu  to  me  some  half  year  since.  Caunounicus 
giive  an  island  in  this  bay  to  Mr.  Oldham,  by  name  Chihachuwese,  upon 
condition,  as  it  shoukl  seem,  that  he  would  dwell  there  near  unto  them."  The 
death  of  Mr.  Oldham,  it  appears,  prevented  his  accepting  it,  and  they  offered 
it  to  Mr.  Williams  upon  the  same  conditions;  but  he  first  desired  to  know 
whether,  in  so  doing,  it  would  be  perfectly  agreeable  to  Massachusetts,  and 
that  he  had  no  idea  of  accepting,  without  paying  the  chiefs  for  it ;  sjiid  he  told 
them  "once  and  again,  that  fbr  the  present  lie  mind  not  to  remove;  but  if  he 
had  it,  would  give  them  satisfaction  for  it,  and  build  a  little  house  and  |)Ut  in 
some  swine,  as  iniderstanding  the  place  to  have  store  of  fish  and  good  feeding 
for  swine."  When  Mianlunnomoh  heard  that  some  of  the  Massachusetts  men 
thought  of  occupying  some  of  the  islands,  Canonicus,  he  says,  desired  he 
woidd  accept  of  halt  of  it,  "  it  being  spectacle-wise,  and  betweon  a  mile  or 
two  in  circuit ; "  but  3Ir.  IVilliams  wrote  to  inform  them  that,  if  he  had  any, 
he  desired  the  whole.  This  was  not  long  before  the  Pequot  war,  which 
probably  put  a  stop  to  further  negotiation  upon  the  subject. 

There  was  another  chitif  of  the  same  name  in  Philip's  war,  which  Mr, 
Hubbard  denominates  "the  great  sachem  of  the  Narragansets,"  and  who, 
''distrusting  the  profi'ers  of  tin;  English,  was  slain  in  the  woods  by  the 
Mohawks,  his  s(|uaw  surrendering  lierself:  by  this  means  her  life  was 
spared."  He  was  probably  a  younger  sou  of  Canonicus,  or  an  immediate 
descendant. 

In  1032,  a  war  broke  out  betwei^n  the  Narragansets  <,nd  the  Petjuots,  on 
account  of  disputiid  right  to  die  lands  between  PaucatuckR  verand  Wecapaug 
Brook.*     It  was  a  tract  of  considerable  consecpience,  being  about  ten  miles 

*  "  Tlie  natives  are  very  exact  mid  pumiual  in  ilie  bounds  of  llieir  lauds,  belonging  to  this 


1 
I 


[DOOK  II 

pie,  Pum- 

witli  the 

cir  agree- 

be  imme- 

nddressed 
>d  to  tlie 
the  word 
truly,  then 
f  posterity 

e  English- 
liiited  with 
I  instances 
mce.  Mr. 
IS  to  others 
ould  nuike 

>h  carrying 
n  end  was* 
Canonicus, 
lust  gasp." 
r  JVilliams, 
Williams  as 
3,  after  his 
lid  to  have 
ir  progress 

the  friend- 
ir  fVinlhrop 
nces,  I  find 
*  sugar,  and 
In  another 
slf,  he  says, 
sition  made 
^aunoiinicus 
iwese,  upon 
em."    The 
ley  offered 
to  know 
isrtts,  and 
lid  he  told 
but  if  he 
and  ])ut  in 
)od  feeding 
lusetts  men 
desired  he 
a  mile  or 
e  had  any, 
war,  which 


which  Mr, 
and  who, 
(Is  by  the 
life  was 
immediate 


M" 


Pe(iuots,  on 

Weca|)aug 

t  ten  miles 

onging  to  this 


Chap.  FV] 


CANONICUS.— SOKOSO. 


67 


wide,  and  fifteen  or  twenty  long.  Canonicus  drew  along  with  him,  besides  his 
own  men,  several  of  the  Massachusetts  .sagamores.  This  was  maintained  with 
ferocitvaiid  various  succes,s,  mitil  K).'}.!,  when  the  Peqiiots  were  driven  from  it, 
but  who,  it  would  seem,  coiisidei»;d  th(>msclves  but  little  worsted ;  for  Canonicus, 
doulning  his  ability  to  hold  possession  long,  and  ashamed  to  have  it  nitnken  from 
him,  made  a  present  of  it  to  one  of  liis  captains,  who  had  fought  heroically  in 
coiKiuering  it;  but  he  never  held  ])oss('.ssi(in :  however,  alter  the  Pequots  were 
sulMliied  'ly  the  English,  these  lands  were  possessed  by  the  Narragausets  again. 

The  name  of  this  Pequot  captain  was  Sokoso,  sometimes  call«^d  Soso,  Sosoa, 
&CC.  He  had  killed  one  of  his  countrymen  and  fle<l  to  the  Narnigan.sct.s,  who 
protected  him.  Tiiis  tract  of  country  wiis  afterwards  in  dis|)iite  between  the 
Knglisli.  Sokoso  having  deeded  it  to  some  of  them,  (!)  .[une,  KMiO,)  an  Ihiglish- 
maii  afterwards  testified,  that  Sokoso  had  acknov  lodged,  that,  although  he  had 
received  uioney  for  it,  he  never  owned  it.  JJut,  av'cording  to  the  testimony  ol 
H'awaloaiiL,  x\ie  wife  otWliaiUuunomoh^  \]wv(i  was  doubtless  some  false  swearing 
about  it.  It  W!LS  reckoned  to  contain  ^0,000  acres,  and  the  following  is  attoted 
concerning  it: — "I,  ff'airaloam,  i\o  alHrm  it  to  be  .Soc/io's  or  his  assigns',  and 
furtii" ~r,  whereas  my  uncle  JVenegrad  siiyeth  that  it  is  his  land,  I  do  utterly  deny 
it  before  all  men ;  for  it  was  con«]uered  !)y  my  husband  Mianionomy,  and  my 
uncle  Canonicus,  long  Ix'fore  tlic  English  had  any  wars  with  the  Pequots;  and 
my  uncle  y\'inf<!rad  hiui  no  hand  it;  tin;  war.  This  land  was  given  and  past 
over  to  the  valiant  Captain  Socho,  for  service  done  for  us  before  the  English 
had  any  wars  with  tiie  Pe(juots."  * 

It  is  said  that,  in  the  war  between  Uncas  and  Mianiunnomoh,  two  of  the 
sons  of  Canonicus  fought  on  the  side;  of  Mianiunnomoh,  and  were  wounded 
when  he  was  taken  prisoner  at  Sachem's  Plain. 

Canonicus  has  been  the  subject  of  a  poem  which  was  published  at  Boston, 
ui  1803.  t     Among  the  tolerable  passages  arc  the  following: — 

"  A  mighty  prince,  of  venerable  age, 

A  peerless  warrior,  l>ul  of  peace  ihe  friend; 
His  Itreast  a  treasury  of  maxims  sage — 
His  arm,  a  host^to  piiiiisli  or  defend." 

Canonicus,  at  the  age  of  84  years,  is  i  .ide  to  announce  his  approaching 
dissolution  to  his  people  thus: — 

"  I  die. — My  friends,  you  have  no  cause  to  grieve : 
To  aWer  hands  my  regal  power  I  leave. 
Our  god  commands — lo  fertile  realms  I  haste, 
Compared  with  which  your  gardens  are  a  waste. 
There  in  full  bloom  eternal  spring  abides, 
And  swanning  fishes  glide  through  azure  tides ; 
Continual  sunshine  giUls  the  cloudless  skies, 
No  mists  conceal  Kecsuckqnand  from  our  eyes." 

About  im%  a  son  of  Canoninis  died,  at  which  his  grief  was  very  great; 
insotuuch  that,  "having  buried  his  son,  he  burned  his  own  palace,  and  all  his 
goods  in  it,  to  a  great  value,  in  solemn  remembrance  of  his  son." 

Like  other  miii  igiiorjint  of  science,  Canonicus  was  superstitious,  and  was 
<:n;itly  in  fear  of  the  English,  chiefly,  perhaps,  from  a  belief  in  their  ability  to 
li'irt  liim  In'  enchantment,  which  belief,  very  probably,  was  occasioned  by  th(! 
>tory  tliat  Squantn  circidated,  of  which,  in  a  previous  chapter,  we  have  spoken. 
Winn  Roirer  Williams  fled  into  his  country,  he  at  first  viewed  hitn  with  dis- 
tnist,  and  would  only  frown  u|)oii  him;  at  hrngth  he  accused  him,  as  well  as 
till'  other  English,  of  sending  the  plague  among  the  Indians  ;  but,  as  Ave  have 
said  before,  he  soon  became  reconciled  to  him,  gave  hitn  lands,  and  even 
protected  him.  They  became  nmtual  Imlps  to  each  other,  and,  but  for  ani- 
mosities among  the  l-'nglish  themselves,  it  may  he  fair  to  conclude,  friendship 
would  have  continued  with  the  Narragausets  through  several  generations. 


<>t  thai  prince  or  people,  even  to  a  river,  brook,  &c.  .And  I  have  kno.vn  them  make  bargain 
■ind  Side  amongst  themselves,  for  a  sinidl  piece,  or  quanlily  of  ground  ;  nolwillislandlng  a 
sinful  opinion  amongst  many.  Iliat  Chrisiians  linve  riffht  to  lieallien's  lands."     /{.  Williams. 

*Si'o  Potter's  History  of  Narragaiisol,  in  Col.  U.  I.  Hi«l.  Soc.  iii.  218. 

♦  15v  John  Latkrop,  A.  M.  in  8vo. 


*■  \-  .•..■..tfii 


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68 


flIIANTUNNuMOH.— THE  PEQUOT  WAR. 


[Book  IF. 


MiANTUNiVOMoii  *  was  the  son  of  a  chief  called  Mascus,  nephew  of  Canoni- 
cus,  brother  or  brother-in-law  to  JVinigret,\  and  brother  of  Olash.  And,  from 
a  manust^ript  I  among  the  papers  of  the  late  Dr.  Trumbull,  it  apijears  that 
Mossup,  or  Mosipe,^  and  CanjanaquoiiJ,\\  were  also  his  brothers. 

"This  Miantonimo"  says  Mr.  //uitan/,  "  was  a  very  good  personage,  [that 
is,  well  made,]  of  tall  stature,  subtil  and  cunning  in  his  contrivements,  as  wjU 
as  haughty  in  his  dcHign8."1[ 

As  early  as  3  Aug.  I(i32,  this  chief  cam(!  with  his  wife  to  Uoston,  where  ho 
staid  two  nights.  He  was  then  known  by  the  name  of  Mecumeh.  While  hero 
he  went  to  church  with  the  English,  and  in  the  mean  while,  some  of  hie  men, 
twelve  of  whom  had  accompanied  him,  it  seems,  broke  into  a  house,  and 
committtjd  a  theft,  on  5  3Iarch.  Complahit  was  made  to  the  English  gov- 
ernor, wiio  "told  the  sachem  of  it,  and  with  some  difficulty  caused  him  to 
make  one  of  his  sjmnaps  **  beat  them."  The  authora  of  the  mischief  were 
immediately  sent  out  of  town,  but  Miantunnomoh  and  the  others,  the  governor 
took  to  his  house,  "  and  made  much  of  them."tf 

The  English  seem  always  to  have  been  more  favorably  inclined  towards 
other  tribes  than  to  the  Narragansets,  as  appears  from  the  stand  they  took  in 
the  ware  between  tiiem  and  their  enemies.  And  so  long  as  other  tribes  suc- 
ceeded against  them,  the  English  were  idle  spectators;  but  whenever  th<; 
scale  turned  in  their  favor,  they  were  not  slow  to  intercede. 

In  the  Life  of  Canonictis,  the  part  Miantunnomoh  exercised  in  the  govern- 
ment of  the  gi-eat  nation  of  the  Narragansets  is  related. 

In  1634,  Captains  Stone  and  JVorton  were  kille<l  by  the  Peqiiots,  and  in  lfi3G, 
Mr.  John  Oldham,  by  the  Indians  "near  Block  Island."  Miantunnomoh  did  all 
in  his  power  to  assist  in  apprehending  the  murderere,  and  was  at  much  pains 
and  trouble  in  furnishing  the  English  with  facts  n^lative  thereto,  from  time  to 
time.  Anrl  when  it  was  told  at  Boston  that  there  w  is  a  cessation  of  hostilities 
between  the  Narragansets  and  Pequots,  Miantunnomoh  was  immediately  or- 
dered to  ai)pear  there,  which  he  did  without  (U'lay,  and  agreed  to  assist  them 
in  a  war  against  the  Pequots  ;  without  Aviiose  aid  and  concurrence,  the  English 
would  hardly  have  dared  to  engage  in  a  war  against  thetn  at  that  time. 

Early  in  1G37,  (March  21,)  to  show  tlie  governor  of  iMassachusetts  that  he 
kept  his  promisi!  of  warring  against  the  Pe<|UOts,  Miantunnotnoh  sent  him,  by 
26  of  liis  men,  a  Pequot's  liand  and  40  fathom  of  wampom.  The  war  with 
them  now  commenced,  and  though  of  short  duration,  destroyed  them  to  sucli 
a  degree,  that  tliey  a|)pcared  no  more  as  a  nation.  One  hundred  of  the  Nar- 
ragansets joined  themselves  with  the  English  in  its  accomplishment,  and  re- 
ceived a  piul.  of  the  i)risoners  as  slaves  for  their  services.tf  When  the  war 
was  over,  Miantunnomoh  still  adhered  to  the  English,  and  seized  u|)on  such 
of  the  Pequots  as  had  made  their  escape  fi'om  bondage,  and  returned  them  to 
their  English  mastei-s ;  gave  up  to  them  his  claim  of  Block  Island,  and  other 
}»laces  where  the  English  liad  found  Pequots,  and  which  they  consiilercd  as 
belonging  to  thiin  by  right  of  concjuest. 

About  the  same  time,  or  in  the  couree  of  the  year  1638,  troubles  had  grown 
to  an  alarming  height  between  the  Narragansets  and  3Toliegans,  and,  as  usual, 

* Tliis  spelling  is  accordiii";  lo  iVintlirop:  we  prefer  ll'/V/jiiHii's  inellioil.  as  inoro  rorreri. 
wliicli  is  Mianluiniomn :  Iml,  liaviiiij  nnpUiyed  llie  I'orincr  in  our  first  edition,  it  is  relaiiiiMl  in 
this.  It  is,  however,  o(\eiipr  wriucii  Miimiloinmn  now,  whirh  only  shows  anoliier  prdiidticiii- 
tion.  The  accent  is  usually  upon  the  penultimate  syllable.  See  Cullender's  Cent.  Dis- 
course, page  1. 

t  MSS.  of  R.  Williams.  %  Now  publislieil  in  the  "'oil.  Mass.  Hist.  Sou. 

§  Called  also  Cu.v,?«.v(^mpmc/i,  or  Surquanch,  and  I'aticus ;  i'  is,  Pe.'isanis.  He  "was 
killed  by  the  Moqui,  [Mohawks.]  in  the  wilderness,  about  20  n  v,s  above  Prsaln(|na,  in  his 
travel  eastward,  in  the  lime  of  the  Indian  wars,  and  other  Indians  with  him,  and  were  buried 
by  order  of  Major  VVatdron."    S  Colt.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 

'  II  "  Receaued  this  First  of  luly,  1059,  of  ftlaj'.  Ilnmfreij  Aderton,  [Athertmt,']  and  the  rest 
of  his  friends,  the  sumo  of  75  pounds  in  Wampam  peag  w'*"  seueral  other  things  as  "ratuitv 
for  certaine  lands  giueii  y»  said  Maj^  Aderton  and  his  friends,  as  may  ajjpeare  by  two  seiierall 
tleeds  of  gift,     I  say  receaued  by  me. 

CooiSAQOAN     ..^  his  mark." 

[MS.  Di   iimenti. 

IT  [Ti.it.  New  Kris.  4-l/>.  **  A  name  the  sachems  gave  their  allendanls. 

ft  yViiUhrop's  Juuraal.  H  Miantunnomoh.  received  eighty.    Mather's  Relalioa,  39. 


■  'A 


[Book  II. 

of  Canoni- 

Aiifl,  from 

^l^ars  that 

muge,  [that 
nts,  as  w-oll 

1,  where  ho 
While  hero 
)f  hio  riieii, 
house,  and 
[iglish  gov- 
sed  liitri  to 
»chief  were 
le  governor 

ed  towards 
hey  took  in 
■  tribes  snc- 
lenever  the 

the  govcrn- 

ind  in  1036, 
wioh  did  all 
imich  jtains 
i'oin  time  to 
)f  hostilities 
cdialely  or- 
assist  theni 
the  English 
ine. 

etts  that  he 
ent  him,  by 
le  war  witii 
lem  to  such 
of  tlie  Nar- 
lent,  and  re- 
len  the  war 
upon  such 
led  tlieni  to 
I,  and  other 
insiilered  as 

liad  grown 
id,  as  usual, 

inoin  corrcpl, 

is  rolniiUMl  in 

or  prdiiiiiii'ia- 

's  Cent.  Ihs- 

'list.  Sor. 
:s.     He  •'  was 
ntn(|iiii,  in  liis 
.1  wore   biirieil 

,]  and  ihe  rest 
gs  as  gratuity 
y  two  seiicrali 

mnrk." 
t<.  Di   uments. 

Rflatiun,  39. 


Chap.  IV] 


MIANTUNNOMOH.— INTRIGUES  OF  UNCAS. 


59 


Roger  Williams  exercised  all  his  skill  to  restore  tranquillity.  Many  of  the 
Petiuots  who  had  escaped  the  sword  of  the  war  of  1037,  were  among  the 
Mohe"ans,  and  seem  to  have  taken  part  with  them  against  Miantunnomoh. 
Thcv  did  this,  no  doubt,  that  the  Mohegans  might  screen  them  from  the 
iMiglish,  who  were  still  seizing  on  all  of  that  nation  against  whom  they  could 
Hiid  any  cau>«e  of  suspicion  of  having  been  engaged  in  murderhig  the  English, 
or  in  arms  against  them. 

.MiatUunnomoh,  it  is  probable,  had  been  ordered  btifore  the  magistrates  of 
(Jonnecficut,  to  give  some  account  of  the  Petjuot  refugees  in  the  hands  of  the 
3Ii)li('gaiis,  as  well  iiii  of  those  in  his  nation ;  which  may  have  been  a  main 
cause  of  the  war  they  had  now  waged  against  him.  For,  when  he  set  out  lor 
Hartford,  he  had  a  guard  of  "upwards  of  150  men,  and  many  »ich"iiis,  and 
his  wife  and  children."  Mr.  Williuiiis  was  with  him,  and  strongly  urged  liim 
ntit  to  venture  ujjon  the  journey,  even  with  this  fbrci',  because  of  the  hostility 
of  tiie  IVIohegans;  but  the  sachem  woidd  not  be  dissuaded,  although  he  had 
no  dotibt  that  the  Mohegans  and  their  I'etiuots  were  in  great  force  not  liir  olll 
And  while  they  were  on  their  march,  "about  000"  of  them  fell  upon  the 
Wunntu^howatuckoogs,  a  trii)e  under  Canonicus,  where  they  committed  exten- 
sive robberies,  and  destroyed  "about  23  fields  of  corn." 

Pvotwithstaiiding  this  great  Mohegan  army  had  jirejiared  an  ambush  tf> 
iiitereipt  and  cut  olT  Miantunnomoh^  and  gave  out  a  threat  thai  they  would  boil 
him  in  a  kettle,  yet  he  went  to,  and  returned  safe  from,  Connecticut.* 

On  this  occa.sion  he  discovers  great  bravery,  if  it  border  not  too  closely 
u|)on  temerity;  for,  when  ffilliams  urged  him  to  retreat,  they  had  pertbrmed 
lialf  their  journey,  or  about  50  miles;  and  j>/iaw/wn»iomo/i'3  answer  was,  after 
liolding  a  council  with  hi.s  chiefs,  "that  no  man  should  turn  back,  resolving 
ratlier  all  to  die." 

The  Mohegan  sachem,  Uncas,  was  at  the  same  time  ordered  to  appear  at 
Hartford,  to  give  an  account  of  the  IV<(uot  warriors,  or  murderers,  as  the 
liiiglisli  culled  them,  in  his  ktM  jiing,  as  well  as  to  effect  a  reconciliation  of 
(iiliirences  between  him  and  Miantunnomoh;  but,  instead  of  appearing,  lie 
sent  a  messenger,  with  word  that  he  was  lame  and  could  not  come.  The 
governor  of  Comiectictit,  Mr.  Ilaynes,  at  once  saw  throu.^h  the  artifice,  and 
observ(!d  that  it  was  a  tame  excuse,  and  immediately  sent  for  him  to  come 
without  delay. 

Whether  cured  of  his  lameness  or  not  before  coming,  we  .ire  not  informed; 
but,  in  a  few  days  afk-r,  the  sui»tle  sachem  appeared,  not  daring  to  forfeit  the 
friendship  of  the  English,  which,  it  si-eins,  he  preferred  to  hilling  longer  his 
guilty  fiice  from  the  presence  of  the  magiiiuiimous  Miantunnomoh, 

Now  before  the  English,  Uncas  was  charged  with  the  dejiredationi ,  some 
of  which  were  too  well  attested  to  admit  of  a  denial,  and  others  were  dis- 
owned in  [lart.  The  inquiry  seems  to  htive  ended  afte'r  the  parties  wen;  tii(;d 
of  it,  without  any  advantage  to  the  injured  Nurragansets,  and  we  hear  of  no 
measures  taken  for  their  relief. 

The  next  thing  in  order  was  a  call  upon  Uncas  for  an  account  of  the 
INquots  which  he  was  sheltering,  which  resulted  only  in  a  new  series  of 
liilschoods  from  him.  When  he  was  reiiuested  to  give  their  names,  he  said  he 
knc'ii  none  of  them,  and  that  there  were  but  20  in  his  dominions.  Whereupon 
v.itiies.ses  were  called,  whose  testimonies  prov(>il,  in  his  presence,  that  his 
statement  was  false.  "Then  he  acknowledged  that  he  had  30."  At  length 
Mr.  Hai/nes  dismissed  him,  with  orders  to  bring  in  their  names  in  10  days,  ui 
lie  would  take  those  Indians  by  force  out  of  his  i;<iuiitry.  IJiit,  when  Miu: 
fitnnomoh  wius  called  upon  for  the  names  of  tho.se  with  him,  nothing  was 
wi<iiiield. 

At  this  time,  at  the  request  of  the  English,  Miantunnomoh  consented  to  lay 
aside  all  animosities,  and  take  Uncas  by  the  hand.     When  he  had  donc!  this, 
he  urged  Uncus  to  (line  with  him ;  but  the  guilty  sachem  would  not,  thouirh 
Engli.sh  for  some  time  to  do  so ;  and  thus  all  efJbrl 


I)ressed  by  the  Engli.sh  fo 
aliout  a  peace  vanished,  f 


brin£ 


*Coll.  R.  I.  Hist.  Sor 


115, 


flbid.  iii.  14C,  147. 


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60 


MIANTUNNOMOli  SELLS  AQUIDNICK. 


[Book  II 


Rev.  Samuel  Gorton  and  his  assoc'mtcs  purchaBcd  Shaomet,  afterwarus 
railed  Warwick,  from  the  Earl  of  Warwieit,  of  Miantunnomoh ;  but,  as 
Gorton  could  do  nothing  right  in  the  eyes  of  the  Puritans  of  Massachusetts, 
Piimham  was  instigatt^d  to  claim  said  tract  of  country ;  anu,  although  a 
sacii(>iri  under  Miantunnomoh,*  did  not  liesitate,  when  supimrted  by  the  Eng- 
lish, to  assert  his  claitii  as  chief  sachem.  And  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts, .0  give  to  their  interference  the  appearance  of  disinterestedness,  which  it 
would  seem,  from  their  own  vindication,  they  thought  there  was  a  chance  to 
doubt,  ■'  Send  for  the  foresaid  sachems,  [who  had  complained  of  Mr.  Gorton 
and  others,  througli  the  instigation  of  the  English,]  and  upon  examination 
find,  both  by  English  and  Indian  testimony,  that  Miantonomo  was  only  a 
nsur|)er,  anrl  had  no  title  to  the  foresaid  lands."  f  This  is  against  the  testi- 
mony of  every  record,  and  could  no  more  have  been  believed  then,  than  that 
Philip  was  not  sachem  ol'  I'okanoket.  In  all  cases  of  purchase,  in  thosi> 
times,  the  chief  Siichem's  grant  was  valid,  and  maintained,  in  almost  eveiy 
instance,  by  the  purchaser  or  grantee.  It  wjts  "ustomary,  generally,  to  make 
tlif!  inferior  sachems,  and  sometimes  all  their  men,  presents,  but  it  was  by  no 
means  a  law.  The  chief  sjicIkmus  oih>n  permitted  those  under  them  to 
dispose  of  lands  also,  without  IxMug  called  to  account.  This  was  precisely 
the  situation  of  things  in  the  Warwick  controversy,  of  which  we  shall  have 
occasion  again  to  speak,  when  we  come  to  the  life  of  Ptimham, 

In  March,  KKJS,  Miantunnomoh,  with  four  other  sachems,  sold  to  William 
Coddins^ton  and  othei-s,  the  island  now  called  Rhode  Island,  also  most  of  the 
otheiij  in  Narraganset  bay,  "for  the  full  payment  of  40  fathom  of  white  peag, 
to  be  equally  divided"  between  them.  Hence  JWion/u/jnomoA  received  eight 
fathom.  He  was  to  "have  ten  coats  and  twenty  hoes  to  give  to  the  present  in- 
habitants, that  they  shall  remove  themselves  from  the  island  before  next  winter." 
The  deed  of  this  purchase,  a  copy  of  which  is  in  my  possession,  is  dated 
'24tii  March,  and  runs  thus:  "Wi-,  Canonicas  and  Meantinomie,  the  two  chief 
sachems  of  Naragansets,  by  virtue  of  our  genend  command  of  this  Bay,  as 
also  the  paiticidar  subjecting  of  the  dead  sachems  of  Aqnednick,  Kitacka- 
mucknut,  themselves  and  lands  unto  us,  have  sold  unto  Mr.  Coddington  and 
his  friends  *  *  the  great  Island  of  A(iMi(lnick,  lying  from  hence  [Providence] 
eastward  *  *  also  tlie  marshes,  grass  upon  Qunnonigat  and  the  rest  of  the 
islands  in  the  bay,  excepting  Chabatewece,  fornierly  sold  unto  Mr.  Winthrop, 
the  now  Gov.  oi'  Mass.  and  Mr.  Williams  of  Providence,  also  the  grass 
npon  the  rivers  and  coves  about  Kitaekamuckqut,  and  from  thence  to  Pau- 
pasqiiat." 

"  The  mark  of  ^    Cononicus. 

The  mark  of  ^   Yotnesh,  [Otash, 
hotlier  of  Miantunnomoh.] 

The  mark  of  A,    Meantinomie. 

The  mark  of  , — ^  Asotamnet. 

T/io  iiiark  of  v-..^^  Meihammoh, 

Canonic  us  his  sou. 
"This  witnesscth  that  I,  Wanamatanamet,  the  present  sachem  of  the  island, 
have  received  five  fathom  of  wampum  and  consent  to  the  contents. 

The  mark  of  «J?    Wanasiatanamet. 
"Memorandum.   I,  Osemequon,  freely  consent"  tha^  they  may  "make  use 
of  any  grass  or  trees  on  the  main  land  on  Pocasicke  side,"  having  rcceiued 
five  fathom  of  wampum  also. 

The  mark  of  /\    Osameqoen. 

As  late  as  21  Sejit.  I(i38,  the  hand  of  Miantunnomoh  is  set  to  an  instrument, 
with  that  of  Uncas,  Said  instrument  was  a  treaty  of  peace,  a  bond  for  the 
settling  of  difliculties  between   these    two  sachems  and  their  men,  and  an 

*  " 'riii^  liiw  of  llie  liidinns  in  nil  Amerira  is,  that  ihe  iiitVrior  sacliems  ai\(l  suhjorls  shall 
plaiU  and  rcniovo  at  the  plcnsiiro  of  iho  lii(r|icst  and  supremo  sacliems."  Roger  Williams. 
This  is  aiithorily,  and  we  need  no  other  con>".icMtary  on  ttic  arbitrary  proceedings  of  the  court 
of  Massarliiiscit-;. 

t  III  manuscript  on  file,  at  the  slatc-liousc,  lioston. 


-ft 

i 


Chap.  IV.] 

obligation 
between  tl 
follows : 

1st.  Pt!a 
of  tlu!  Niu- 
part  of  till 
and  never i 

2d.  Eac 
side,  they 
whose  dec 
lawfiil  for  t 

M.  The 
their  peopl< 
have  niun 
soon  as  tht 
Pea(iiiots,  t 
take;  of"  hi 
us  that  are 
heads." 

4th.  Ant 
and  Molieg! 
to  provide, 
the  11  thej 
Pi-aqiiots,  s 
Narragansei 
of  wainpori 
papon.sc  out 
and  shall  ni 
but  is  now 
possess  any 

John  Ha 
Rog'r  Ltl 
Edw'rd  ] 


The  wife 
as  a[)peare  b 
right  of  Soh 

On  a  tune 
Indians  at  t 
tunnomoh  Wi 
WUlinms,  be 
remtiined  to 
"Otir  father 
mo/i  rcgoinet 
ever  see  a  S( 
Williams  ha 
other  atlded 
heaven  or  d< 

We  have 
of  the  mint 
edticiition. 

When  it 
the  English 
several  Engl 
would  not  ta 
fit  war  with 
and  tri;ateil  i 
of  the  govc 
This  they  v 
We  shall  pn 


Chap.  IV]  MIANTUNNOMOH.— TREATY  WITH  UNCAS. 


61 


obligation  from  both  to  appeal  to  the  English  when  any  difficulty  should  arise 
betwetjn  them.  This  treaty  was  done  at  Harttbrd,  the  substance  ui'  which 
follows : 

1st.  Peace  and  friendship  is  established  iMHween  Miantunnomoh  on  the  jMirt 
of  the  Narragansets,  and  Poquhn^  as  IJnciui  was  then  8<»metiines  called,  on  the 
part  of  the  Mohegans.  And  all  former  injuries  and  wrongs  to  \ni  forgiven, 
and  never  to  be  renewed. 

2d.  Each  of  the  sachems  agree,  "that  if  there  fall  out  injuries"  from  either 
side,  they  will  not  revenge  them,  but  that  they  will  ap|M>al  to  tlii;  Knglish, 
whose  decision  shall  stand  ;  and  if  either  piu-ty  refuse  to  submit,  "  it  shall  bo 
lawful  for  the  Eiiglisli  to  compel  him." 

3(1.  The  sachems  further  covenant  with  the  English,  that  they  nor  none  of 
their  people  shall  harbor  any  Indians  who  shull  be  enemies  to  them,  or  shall 
have  murdered  any  white  peo|)lf.  Tlmy  further  agree  that  they  will,  "jis 
.soon  as  they  can,  either  bring  the  chief  .sach(Mu  of  our  late;  eiieniies  the 
Peacpiots,  that  had  the  chief  hand  in  killing  tins  English,  to  the  sd  English,  or 
take  of "  his  head.  As  to  the"nnn*ders  that  are  now  agre(;d  upon  amongst 
us  that  are  living,  they  shall,  as  soon  jis  they  can  possibly,  take  off  their 
heads." 

4tli.  And  whereas  it  is  agreed  that  there  ait!  now  among  the  Narragansets 
and  Mohegans,  200  Pequot  men,  i)e,sides  scjuaws  and  papooses;  thic;  article  is 
to  ])rovide,  that  the  Narragansets  have  enough  of  them  to  make  up  Hi),  with 
the  11  tliey  have  already,  "and  Po'/ia'tfie  his  number,  and  that  atk-r  thej,  the 
PeaquoLs,  shall  be  divided  as  above,  shall  no  more  be  called  Peaquots,  but 
Narragan.sets  and  Mohegans."  They  agree  to  pay  for  every  sanop  one  tiitiiom 
of  wanipom,  and  for  every  youth  half  as  much — "and  for  every  Siinop 
papoose  one  hand  to  be  paid  at  killing-time  of  corn  at  Connecticut  yearly, 
and  .*liall  not  suffer  them  for  to  live  in  the  country  that  was  formerly  theirs, 
hut  is  now  the  English's.  Neither  shall  the  Narragansets  or  Mohegans 
possess  any  part  of  the  Pequot  country  without  leaue  of  them." 


.  .  ■<"'■>" 

*>,V  ■■.■■■■        »"! 


^  •,-.■;(•  -;■•'; 


^'''- 


|S;>r';r:i:'-.'v-v,.-,: 


•■tl,.- 


John  Haines, 
Rog'r  Ludlow, 
Edw'rd  Hopkins. 


MlANTINOMMV,      •) 

PoQuiAM,  alias  Unk_as.  -(-" 


The  wife  of  Miantunnomoh,  named  Wawaloam,  was  alive  as  late  as  1601 
as  appeal's  by  an  information  wIil-Ii  she  gave,  dated  25  June,  concerning  the 
riglit  of  Sokoso  to  sell  the  lands  u.ljacent  to  Wccapaug. 

On  a  time  previous  to  1G43,  Rof^er  Willia'tis  delivered  a  discoui-se  to  some 
Indians  at  their  resilience,  as  he  was  i)assing  through  their  country.  Mian- 
tunnomoh was  present,  and  seemed  inclined  to  believe  in  Christianity.  Mr. 
Williams,  being  much  fatigued,  retired  to  rest,  wliile  Miantunnomoh  and  othei-s 
remained  to  converse  upon  what  they  had  heard.  One  said  to  the  i-hief, 
"Our  fiitliers  have  told  us  that  our  souls  go  to  the  south-west ; "  Miantunnc- 
vwh  rejoined,  "How  do  you  know  your  souls  go  to  the  south-west?  did  you 
ever  see  a  soul  go  that  way?"  (Still  he  was  rather  inclined  to  believe,  as  Mr. 
Williams  had  just  said,  that  they  went  up  to  heaven  or  down  to  hell.)  The 
other  added,  "  When  (lid  he  (meaning  Williams)  ever  see  a  .soul  go  up  to 
heaven  or  down  to  hell  ?  " 

We  have  given  the  above  anecdote,  which  is  thought  a  good  illustration 
of  the  mind  of  man  under  the  influence  of  a  superstitious  or  pn-judiced 
education. 

Wiie'.i  it  was  reported,  in  IG-IO,  that  Miantunnomoh  was  plotting  to  cut  off 
the  English,  as  will  be  found  mentioned  in  the  account  of  .Viniirret,  and 
several  English  were  sent  to  him  in  July,  to  know  the  truth  of  the  i.iaiter,  lie 
would  not  talk  with  them  through  a  Pe(piot  interpreter,  bi-cause  he  was  then 
at  war  with  that  nation.  In  other  respin-ts  h(>  complied  with  their  wishes, 
and  treated  them  respectfully,  agreeing  to  comi;  to  Hostoii,  for  the  gratification 
of  the  government,  if  they  would  allow  Mr.  Williatm  to  accompany  him. 
This  they  would  not  consent  to,  and  yet  Ik;  came,  agre(?ably  to  their  desii's. 
We  shall  presently  sec  who  acted  bi;st  the  part  of  civilized  men  in  this  uliiur 


Ai' :■■<     . .    •■■' 


■■>',<•  ■ 


.■'i-M....<.'.:- 


^- 


p;,-'-: 


r 


•   1^ 


M"-'^^^^' 


-■  • .  »* .  ■ 


'   '•<";■ 


1    '-^f.*: 


.'■- 


*.  -■ 


h  ii: 


.■♦-"'  ■  • 


if  r .  -■ 


li-.'^; 


62 


MIANTUNNOMOH  ACCUSED  OF  A  CONSPIRACY.         [Book  U 


He  Imd  refused  to  use  a  Pequot  interpreter  for  good  reiisons,  but  when  he  was 
at  Boston,  and  surrounded  by  armed  men,  lie  was  obliged  to  submit.  "The 
governor  being  as  rrsohite  as  he,  refused  to  use  any  other  interpreter,  tiiinkin;; 
it  a  dishonor  to  us  to  give  so  much  way  to  them ! "  The  great  wisdom  of  tin; 
governnient  now  displayed  itself  in  the  person  of  Governor  Thomas  Dudley. 
It  is  not  to  be  expected  but  that  Miantunnomoh  should  resent  their  pioceedings; 
for  to  the  above  insult  they  added  others;  "would  show  him  no  countenance, 
nor  admit  him  to  dine  at  our  table,  Jis  formerly  he  had  done,  l.ii  be  had 
acknowli'dged  his  failing,  &c.,  which  he  readily  did."  *  By  their  own  ibily, 
the  English  had  made  themselves  jealous  of  a  powerful  chief,  and  they  appear 
ever  ready  afterwards  to  cnsilit  evil  re|)oi1s  of  him. 

That  an  independent  chief  should  be  obliged  to  conform  to  tninsitory 
notions  u|ion  such  an  occasion,  is  absolutely  ridicidous  ;  and  the  justness  of 
the  following  remark  from  him  was  enough  to  have  shamed  good  men  into 
their  senses.  He  said,  "  IF  hen  your  people  come  to  me,  they  are  p'^milted  to  use 
their  own  fcufhions,  and  I  expect  the  same  liberty  when  I  come  to  j/oit." 

In  \M%  Connecticut  became  very  suspicions  of  Miantunnomoh,  and  urged 
Massachusetts  to  join  them  in  a  war  against  him.  Their  feare  no  doubt  grew 
out  of  the  consideration  of  the  probable  issue  of  a  war  with  Uncos  in  his 
favor,  which  was  now  on  the  point  of  breaking  out.  Even  Massachusetts  did 
not  think  their  suspicions  well  founded  ;  yet,  according  to  their  re(|ucst,  they 
sent  to  Miantunnomoh,  who,  as  usual,  gave  them  satisfactoiy  answei>,  and, 
agreeably  to  their  request,  came  agaiii  to  Boston.  Two  days  were  employed 
by  the  coint  of  Massachusetts  in  deliberating  with  him,  and  we  are  aston- 
ished at  the  wisdom  of  the  great  chief,  even  as  reported  by  his  enemies. 

Tliat  a  simple  man  of  nature,  who  never  knew  courts  or  law,  should  cause 
such  acknowledgments  as  Ibllow,  from  the  civilized  and  tvise,  will  always  be 
cont«'mplat(!d  with  intense  admiration.  "When  he  came,"  says  fi'inthrop, 
"the  court  was  assembled,  and  before  his  admission,  we  considered  how  to 
tn-at  with  him,  for  we  knew  him  to  be  a  very  subtle  man."  When  he  was 
admitted,  "  he  was  set  down  at  the  lower  eu(l  of  the  table,  over  against  the 
governor,"  but  wotdd  not  at  any  time  speak  upon  business,  unless  some  of  his 
counselloi-s  were  present;  saying,  "he  would  have  them  present,  that  they 
might  bear  witness  with  him,  at  bis  return  home,  of  all  his  sayings."  The 
same  author  further  says,  "In  all  his  answera  he  was  very  deliberate,  and 
showed  good  understjuiding  in  the  principles  of  justice  and  ecjuity,  and 
ingenuity  witlml." 

lie  now  asked  for  his  accusers,  nrging,  that  if  they  conld  not  establish  their 
allegations,  tliey  ought  to  suffer  what  lie  expected  to,  if  they  did;  but  the 
court  said  they  kneio  of  none;  that  is,  they  knew  not  whom  they  were,  and 
tlieret'oH!  gave  no  credit  to  the  reports  until  they  had  advised  him  accordini; 
to  a  n)rmir  agreement.  He  then  said,  "If  you  did  not  give  credit  to  it,  why 
then  (lid  you  disarm  the  Indians?"  Massachusetts  having  just  then  disarmed 
some  of  the  Merrimacks  under  some  j)retence.  "He  gave  divers  reasons," 
says  Goviuiior  ,*f7n</iro/j, f  "  why  we  shoidd  hold  him  i'ree  of  any  such  con- 
spinicy,  and  why  we  should  conceive  it  was  a  report  mised  by  Uncos,  &c. 
and  therefore  ofTercjd  to  meet  Uncos,  and  would  prove  to  his  face  bis  treacheiy 
against  the  English,  &i'.,  and  told  tis  he  would  come  to  us  at  any  time,"  al- 
1  hough  he  said  some  had  tried  to  dissuade  him,  saying  thiit  the  English  would 
put  him  to  death,  yet  he  feared  nothing,  iis  he  was  innocent  of  the  charges 
against  him.}: 

The  ))unislmient  due  to  tliose  who  had  raised  the  accusations,  bore  heavily 
upon  his  breast,  and  ''he  jiiit  it  to  our  consideration  what  damage  it  had  been 
to  him,  in  that  he  was  forced  to  keep  his  men  at  home,  and  not  suffer  them  to 
go  forth  on  hunting,  Sec,  till  he  bad  given  the  English  satisfaction."  After 
two  days  spent  hi  talk,  the  council  issued  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  English. 

During  the  council,  a  table  was  set  by  itself  for  the  Indians,  which  Mian- 


*  Win'hrnp's  Journal.  \  See  book  iii.  ciiap.  vii, 

t  Horc,  the   reader  may  with  propriety  exclaim,  was  another  Michael  Sen-etus: — "  Poiir- 

qiioii.   Afen^fiirmurs,  je  dernande  que  mon  faiilx  acciisaleur  soil  puiii  poena  talionis,"'&c. 

RoscoeV  Leo  X.  iv.  457. 


Chap.  TV] 

tunnomoh  a| 
been  seal  i 

That  wif 
Connecticui 
dantly  deini 
him  who  d 
Connecticut 
bf  to  IIS  al 
make  war  i 
we  had  fori 
last  niessMg 
he  had  aiisv 
tli(^y  forltan 
pleased  wit 
iltcide  ngaii 
cut]  might 
between  th< 
of  the  real 
would,  ti-oin 
wfus  constai 
union  with  i 

TIhto  cai 
arts,  to  iiill 
progress  of 
as  tlie  Indii 
scale  of  vict 
for  a  nioinei 
operations  o 

Miiintunn 
saeliein,  wh 
retreat.  He 
Gardener,  "  I 
liad  been  dl 
had  destroy( 
'•and  Indi'T 
would  e.isily 

Mr.  Garde 
yVaiandance' 
wiis  there,  as 
Tlier*!  were 
as  follows:— 

"  Foit  mus 
none  of  theii 
given  them, 
should  send  h 
nor  thank  yi 
tliey  did  the 
them  W'lmpu 
and  killed  thi 
therrlhre  give 

Some  till! 
same  |>lace, 
to  Waiandan 

"  Brothera 
destroyed, 
plains  were  ] 
tish.  Hut,  b 
cut  down  tl 
horees  eat  u 
we  shall  sta 
you,  but  rest 
luid  \vest  ha 


[Book  II 

when  he  was 
ibinit.  "The 
cter,  thinking 
r'isdorn  ol'  tin; 
omiis  Dudley. 
])iocccdiiig8; 
countenance, 
,  l.il  liu  liiul 
eir  own  i'olly, 
J  tiiey  appear 

to  transitory 
ic  justnetw  of 
00(1  men  into 

'•tnitted  to  use 

>/i,  and  urged 
o  doubt  grew 
Uncos  in  his 
sachusetts  did 
re(|ucst,  they 
inswei-b,  and, 
;re  (iinphiyed 
ve  are  aiitoii- 
meiuies. 
should  cause 
id  always  be 
lys  H'inthrop, 
lered  how  to 
Vhen  he  avus 
r  against  the 
s  some  of  hi.s 
■lit,  that  thev 
yings."  The 
.'liberate,  and 
e(juity,  and 

stablish  tlieir 
did;  but  tlie 
ey  were,  and 
iin  accorditii,' 
(lit  to  it,  why 
len  disarmed 
ers  reasons," 
ny  such  con- 
V  Uncos,  &c. 
his  trcacheiy 
my  time,"  al- 
nglish  would 
:'  tlie  charges 

bore  heavily 
e  it  had  been 
lifter  them  to 
tion."    Arter 

English, 
which  Mian- 


'etiis: — "  Pmir- 
talionis,"'&c, 


Chap.  IV]  MIANTUNNOMOH.— HIS   WAR  WITH  UNCAS. 


63 


tunnomoh  appears  not  to  have  liked,  and  "  would  not  eat,  until  some  food  had 
been  sent  lim  from  that  of  the  governor's." 

That  wistloni  seems  to  have  dictated  to  Massachusetts,  in  her  answer  to 
Connecticut,  must  be  acknowitidged ;  l)ut,  as  justice  to  JMiontunnomoh  abun- 
dantlv  demanded  such  decision,  credit  in  this  case  is  du(!  only  to  them,  as  to 
him  who  does  a  good  act  because  it  was  his  interest  so  to  do.  Tiiey  urged 
Connecticut  not  to  commence  war  alone,  "alleging  how  dishonorable  it  «(>uld 
111-  to  us  all,  that,  while  we  were  upon  treaty  with  the  Indians,  they  should 
make  war  upon  them ;  for  they  would  account  their  act  as  our  own,  seeing 
we  had  formerly  professed  to  the  Indians,  that  we  wen;  all  as  one  ;  and  in  our 
lust  iiiessagf!  to  Miantunnnmoh,  had  remembered  him  again  of  the  same,  and 
he  had  answered  that  he  did  so  account  us.  Upon  receipt  of  this  our  answer, 
tliev  forliare  to  enter  into  a  war,  but  (it  seemed)  unwillingly,  and  as  not  well 
pleased  with  us."  The  main  consideration  which  caused  Massachusetts  to 
decide  iigainst  war  was,  "That  all  those  informations  [furnished  by  ( /onnecti- 
nut]  might  arise  from  a  false  ground,  and  out  of  the  (?nmity  which  was 
Unween  the  Narraganset  and  Mo'iigaii"  sachems.  Tiiis  was  no  doubt  one 
of  the  real  causes  j  and,  had  Miantunnomoh  overcome  Uncus,  the  English 
would,  from  jwlicy,  as  gladly  have  leagued  with  him  as  with  the  latter;  lor  it 
was  constantly  pleaded  in  those  days,  that  their  safety  must  dejtend  on  a 
union  with  some  of  the  most  powerful  tribes. 

Tiiere  <!aii  be  no  doulit,  on  fairly  examining  the  case,  that  Uncas  used  many 
arts,  to  intluence  the  English  in  his  favor,  and  against  his  enemy.  In  the 
progress  of  the  war  between  the  two  great  chiefs,  tiie  English  acted  ])recisely 
as  the  Indians  have  been  always  said  to  do — stood  aloof,  and  watcdied  the 
scale  of  victory,  determined  to  join  the  conquerors:  and  we  will  here  digress 
lor  a  moment,  to  introduce  a  character,  more  fully  to  illustrate  the  cause  of  the 
operations  of  the  English  against  the  chief  of  the  Narragansets. 

Minntunnomoh  had  a  wretched  enemy  in  WaiandaiKc,  a  Long  Island 
sjicliem,  who  had  assisted  in  the  destruction  of  the  Pecpiots,  at  their  last 
retreat.  He  revealed  the  plots  and  plans  of  Miantunnomoh ;  and,  says  LAon 
Gardener,  "  he  told  me  many  years  ago,"  as  all  the  plots  of  the  Narrajransets 
liad  been  discovered,  they  now  concluded  to  let  the  English  alone  until  they 
had  destroyed  Uncas  and  himself,  then,  with  the  assistance  of  the  >!ohawk5, 
"and  Indi'-ns  beyond  the  Dutch,  and  all  the  northern  and  eastern  Indians, 
woidd  e>Lsily  destroy  us,  man  and  mother's  son." 

Mr.  Gardener  next  relates  that  he  met  with  Miantunnomoh  at  Meanticut, 
Waiandance's  country,  on  the  east  end  of  Long  Island.  That  Miantunnomoh 
W!us  there,  as  fVaiandance  said,  to  break  up  the  intercoui-se  with  those  Indians. 
There  wtn'(!  oth(!rs  with  Miantuntiomoh,  and  what  they  said  to  FVaiandance  was 
as  follows: — 

"  You  must  give  no  more  wampum,  to  the  English,  for  they  are  no  sachems,  nor 
none  of  their  children  shall  be  m  their  place  if  they  die.  They  have  no  tribute 
fCiven  them.  There  is  but  one  king  in  England,  lolio  is  over  them  all,  and  if  you 
should  send  him  100,000  fathom  of  wampum,  he  looxdd  not  give  you  a  knife  for  if, 
nor  thank  you."  Then  said  ffaianrfauce,  " They  will  come  and  kill  us  all,  as 
liiey  did  the  Pequits;"  but  replied  the  Narragansets,  "Ao,  the  Pe({uots  gave 
them  wampum  and  beaver,  ivhich  they  loved  so  tvell,  but  they  sent  it  them  again, 
and  killed  them  because  they  had  killed  an  Englishman ;  but  you  have  killed  none, 
thenfore  give  them  nothing." 

Some  time  after,  .Wan<tmnomoft  went  again,  "with  a  troop  of  men,  to  the 
same  place,  and,  instead  of  receiving  presents  as  Ibrmerly,  he  gave  presents 
to  Waiandance  and  his  people,  and  made  the  following  speech: — 

"  Brothers,  we  must  be  one  as  the  English  are,  or  we  shall  soon  all  Ix; 
destroyed.  You  know  our  fathers  had  plejity  of  deer  and  skins,  and  our 
plains  were  full  of  deer  and  of  turkeys,  and  our  coves  and  rivers  w(!ie  lull  of 
tish.  Hut,  iirothers,  since  these  Englisli  have  seized  upon  our  country,  they 
cut  down  the  grass  with  scythes,  and  the  trees  with  axes.  Their  cows  and 
horses  eat  up  the  grass,  and  their  hogs  spoil  our  beds  of  clains ;  and  finally 
we  shall  starve  to  death !  Therefore,  stand  not  in  your  own  liglit,  I  beseech 
you,  but  resolve  with  us  to  act  like  men.  All  the  sachems  both  to  the  east 
and  west  'luve  joined  with  us,  and  we  are  all  resolved  to  fall  upon  them,  at  a 


'.^>''^^ 
'    r.!;."' 


■.-■•       .■■■■■»• 

'■  ■■  '."vi;! 
'' .  ■    '.1.  ■  .  ■>i 


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.:•  ■■■■'  /'•;^v 


m: 


W.y   ,-;.,  v^Y-  -•.1 


,r\:  -.<: 


.\  .   -    •  ^     ■   ' 


•l 


».'!'. 


;  tf!  .'■ 


64 


MIANTUNNOMOH  DEFEATED  AND  TAKEN  PRISONER.  [Book  II. 


day  apiKiinted,  mid  therefore  I  have  come  secretly  to  yon,  because  you  can 
ptjrsuiuie  llie  Indians  to  do  what  you  will.  Brothers,  I  will  send  over  50 
Jndian.s  to  Manisses,  and  liU  to  you  from  thence,  and  take  an  lUU  of 
Soutliani[>ton  Indians,  with  an  100  of  your  own  here.  And,  when  you 
mm  til*'  three  fins  that  will  he  made  at  the  end  of  40  days  hence,  in  a 
clear  night,  then  act  as  we  a(!t,  and  the  next  day  fall  on  and  kill  men,  women 
and  children,  hut  no  cows;  they  must  be  killed  as  we  need  them  for  pro- 
visions, till  the  deer  come  again." 

To  this  speech  all  the  old  men  said,  "  /Furre/scen,"  i.  e.  "It  is  well."  But 
this  pniat  plot,  if  the  account  given  by  fVaiaruiance  he  true,  was  by  him 
brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the  English,  and  so  fail(!d.  "And  the  plotter," 
says  GarJemr,  "ne.\t  spring  ufhT,  did  as  il'uib  did  at  llainoth-(jil<:ad. — So  he 
to  Mohegaii,*  and  there  had  his  fall."t 

Capture  and  ikitth  of  Mmntutmotnoh. — The  war  brought  on  between  Uncos 
and  Miantuniiomoh  was  not  within  the  jurisdiction  of  tlie  English,  nor  is  it  to 
be  exi»ect<!d  that  th«y  coidd  with  cj'rtuinty  determine  the  justnes.s  of  its  cause. 
The  broil  had  long  exi.sted,  but  the  open  ru|)ture  was  brought  on  by  Unc.as' 
making  war  upon  Seriunsson,  one  of  the  saclKims  under  Miantunnomoh.  The 
English  accounts  say,  (and  we  have  no  other,)  that  about  JOOO  warriora  were 
raised  by  Miantunnomoh,  who  came  u|)on  Uncas  unprepared,  having  only 
about  400  men;  yet,  an  ••*  an  obsthiate  battle,  in  which  many  were  killed  on 
both  sid«s,  the  Nurragansets  were  put  to  fliglit,  and  Miantunnomoh  taken 
prisoner;  that  he  endeavored  to  save  himself  by  fliglit,  but,  having  on  a  coat 
of  mail,  was  known  from  the  rest,  and  seized  by  two|  of  his  own  men,  who 
hoped  by  their  treachery  to  savt  their  own  lives.  Whereupon  they  innne- 
diately  delivered  him  up  to  the  conqueror,  f/ncos  slew  them  bodi  instantly ; 
probably  with  his  own  hand.  This  specimen  of  his  bravery  must  have  had  a 
salutary  eflect  on  all  such  as  aflerwiu-ds  chanced  to  think  of  acting  the  part 
of  traitora  in  their  wars,  at  least  among  the  Narragansets. 

The  English  of  Rhode  Island  rather  favored  the  cause  of  the  Narragansets, 
nor  could  a  different  course  be  expected  of  them,  satisfied  as  they  were,  that 
that  niition  were  greatly  wronged  ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  Connecticut  and 
Massachusetts  rather  favored  the  iMohegans.  That  Miantunnomoh  should  not 
sufler  in  his  pereon,  in  battles  which,  it  was  now  seen,  were  inevitable,  Samuel 
Gorton  furni.shed  him  with  a  heavy  old  English  armor,  or  coat  of  mail ;  and 
this,  instead  of  being  beneficial,  as  it  was  intended,  proved  the  destruction  of 
his  friend.  For,  when  a  retreat  became  necessary,  not  being  used  to  this  kind 
of  caparison,  it  both  obstructed  his  efibrts  at  resistance  and  his  means  of  flight. 
About  JJO  of  his  men  were  killed,  and  many  more  were  wounded. 

Being  brought  before  Uncas,  he  remained  without  speaking  a  word,  until 
Uncas  spoke  to  him,  and  said,  '■^  If  you  had  taken  me,  I  would  have  besought  you 
for  my  life."  He  then  took  his  |)risoner  to  Hartford,  and  at  his  request  left 
him  a  prisoner  with  the  English,  mitil  the  mind  of  the  United  Colonies  should 
be  known  as  to  what  disposition  should  be  made  of  liim. 

The  sorrowful  part  of  the  tale  is  yet  to  be  told.  The  commissioners  of  the 
United  Colonies,  having  convened  at  Boston,  "taking  into  serious  considera- 
tion, they  say,  what  was  safest  and  !)est  to  be  done,  were  all  of  opinion  that  it 
would  not  be  safe  to  set  him  at  liberty,  neither  had  we  sufficient  ground  for  us 
to  i»ut  him  to  death."  §  The  awful  design  of  putting  to  death  their  friend  they 
had  not  yet  fixed  upon ;  but,  calling  to  their  aid  in  council  "fve  of  the  most 
judicious  elders,"  "</iei/  all  agreed  that  he  ought  to  he  put  to  death."  This  was 
the  final  decision ;  and,  to  cojnplete  the  deed  of  darkness,  secrecy  was  enjoin- 
ed upon  all.     And  their  determination  was  to   be   made   known  to  Uncas 

*This  e^ocs  to  show  that  Mhintimvomnh  was  not  killed  above  Hartford,  as  Winthrnp  states; 
(or  (lie  roiiiitry  at  some  distaiu-o  from  the  mouth  of  Pcquol  River  was  called  Mohegan.  It 
probaliiy  included  Windsor. 

t  .T  C'liH.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  155. 

t  In  the  records,  {Hazard,  ii.  'U!,)  but  one  person  is  mentioned  as  having  taken  Miantunno 
moll,  wliDse  name  was  Tantoijiti-soit ;  and  there  he  is  called  a  .Mohegan  captain.  That  thcro 
fore  the  Narragansets  tried  to  kill  him;  came  upon  him  once  in  the  night,  and  daiigerouslj 
wounded  him,  as  he  lay  in  his  wigwam  asleep.    See  vole  in  the  Life  of  Nitugret, 

$  Winthrop,  ii.  131. 


(HAP.   IV,] 

[irivntely,  wi 
tioii,  mid  wit 

I'foiii  tliei 
^tiiiiil  eoiidei 
/  ii'dfi  had 
iiijiii'v ;  •  HiK 
limnonioh  ha 
(.r  rnni.'f,  nil 
I  If  liJH  Iriiiii 
(  wii  ciiiirsc." 
I 'lints  "set  I 
liis  wigwams 

We  will  IK 
cf  this  matte 
.Minntvnnomc 
cdiisideraiile 
(  vcciilioii,  "( 
))iit  him  to  ( 
I'jiglisli  acco 
tioii;  and  tlia 

The  comm 
with  a  compc 
or  assault,  of 
shall  refu.s.;  .' 
Iiy  sea  to  tilt 
inissioiiers  mi 

Here,  then, 
gaiis  IijmI,  by 
""  re  ill  fiiar  f 
would  never  1 
protection  of 

No  one  can 
'foH.  We  do 
ri'"  Mianturr^ 
atl«. w.inis;  b 
into  whose  p« 
denied. 

When  the  d 
to  Uncas,  he 
along  with  hi 
liatli  some  m( 
his  head  witl 
hpa(l."§ 

Dr.  Trumbi 
otiglit  to  caut 
lists  on  the  an 
tioiis  of  one  C( 
(if  his  shoulde 
meat  he  ever  i 

*  Ihihbard,  N. 

t  Wiiilhrop's  . 
fci'ins  to  have  b 
(lircclioii,  from  L 
I  'urns  had  meii  d 

A  genlleman  ' 
heap  of  stones  u 
ini'iital  |)ile  of  th( 
,h[lffrson's  Notes 
iiHirse)  have,  not 
liio  s|)ot.     It  is  in 

«  iilagnalia. 

11  That  this  is 
writer's  publishir 


;R.  [Book  II. 

ise  you  can 
3nd  ov(!r  50 
uii  lUO  of 
when  you 
ht-ncc,  ill  a 
iifii,  woiruiu 
uHi  for  pro- 

k^EI-L."      Hut 

kvuH  l)y  liitii 
tlu)  plotter," 
leaii. — So  he 

ween  Uncos 
I,  nor  iH  it  to 
oi'  its  cause. 
)u  by  Uncas^ 
tomoh.  Tlie 
arriors  were 
having];  only 
;re  killed  ou 
nomoh  taken 
ing  on  a  coat 
n\  men,  who 
I  they  inurie- 
tli  instantly ; 
t  have  had  a 
ing  the  part 

Jarragansets, 
!y  were,  that 
iiiecticut  and 
h,  should  not 
able,  Samuel 
)f  mail ;  and 
jstruction  of 
to  this  kind 
ins  of  flight. 

word,  until 
besought  you 

request  letl 
jnies  should 

onei-s  of  the 

considera- 

linion  that  it 

ound  for  us 

friend  they 

of  the  viost 

This  was 

was  enjoin- 

Ti  to  Uncos 


'itlhrop  states ; 
Mohegan.    h 


>n  Miarihinno 
That  there- 
d  daiigerouslj 
t. 


Chap.  IV.]     MIANTUN.NOMOII.-CONDUCT  OF  THF,  F.NCI.ISII. 


(Vi 


|irivnt< 


Iv  with  (liivction  that  he  should  execute  hiiri  within  liis  own  j'  rivlir- 


,i(Hi,  niiii  without  torture.  ,    .  ,     .     > 

I'roiM  their  own  aci-oiuit  of  this  affair,  the  Knglish  (ot  the  I  luted  (  (ihimr.-<) 
stiiiid  cutideiniied  ill  the  trial  of  lime  at  the  l>nr  of  history.  It  is  nhmvcil  ihnt 
luniH  had  made  war  upon  Secfuasson,  in  July,  HI4M,  and  done  him  minli 
ii,|iii'v  :  *  and  that,  according  to  a  previous  aL'reemcnt  with  the  l'',ii!,'lisli,  Miiiii- 
hiiinniiirih  iiad  com|ilaiiied  to  t!ie  governor  of  Massaciinsi'tts  of  the  c(iU(hu-t 
(.('  rnnt.i,n\u\  iiad  received  answer  from  him,  "that,  if  i'nriis  liitd  doiic  him 
nr  Ills  liicnds  wrong,  and  would  not  giv((  satisfaction,  lie  was  left  to  take  his 
(wn  course."  No  account  is  given  that  .Sc/iw.ssoH  had  injured  Vnrns,  but  that 
I'nat.i  "sit  upon  Sequasson,  and  killed  7  or  8  of  his  men,  wounded  i;i,  burnt 
liis  wigwams,  and  carried  away  the  booty."* 

We  will  now  go  to  the  record,  which  will  {'liable  u.-,  to  judge  of  the  jiistiiess 
(f  tills  matter.  When  the  English  had  determined  that  Unrns  should  e.\e(  iite 
Minnlunnomoh,  Uncos  wm  ordered  to  be;  sent  fiu"  to  Hartford,  "with  some 
considerable  number  of  his  best  and  trustiest  men,"  to  take  him  to  a  place  for 
(  xrcnlion,  "carrying  him  into  the  next  part  of  his  own  government,  and  there 
put  liim  to  death:  jirovided  that  some  discreet  and  faithful  peixtiis  of  the 
I'liglisli  accompany  them,  and  see  the  execution,  for  our  more  full  satisfac- 
tion ;  and  that  the  Engli.sh  meddle  not  with  the  head  or  body  at  all."t 

The  commis.sioners  at  the  same  time  tmlered,  "that  Ilartibrd  furnish  Unrrts 
with  a  competent  strength  of  English  to  defend  him  against  any  present  fury 
or  assault,  of  the  NanohiggimsiUts  or  any  other."  And  "that  in  «'ase  Uncus 
shall  refiis.;  o  execute  justice  upon  Mi/nnlenomo,  that  then  Mifontennmo  be  sent 
by  sea  to  the  Massachusetts,  there  to  be  kept  in  safe  durance  till  the  com- 
missioners may  consider  further  how  to  dispose  of  him,"t 

Here,  then,  we  see  fully  developed  the  real  state  of  the  ca.se.  The  Mohe- 
gaiis  liJid,  by  accident,  captured  Miantunnomoh,  after  which  event,  they  were 
>>\r\v  in  fear  of  his  nation  than  before;  which  proves,  beyond  doubt,  that  they 
would  never  have  dured  to  put  him  to  (h.-atli,  had  they  not  been  jiromised  the 
protection  of  the  English. 

No  one  can  read  this  account  without  being  reminded  of  the  fate  of  .Vapo- 
'eon.  We  do  not  say  that  the  English  of  New  England  dreaded  the  jiower 
I)''  MianlurrMtnoh  as  much  as  those  of  Old  England  tlid  that  of  .Yapoleon 
atl<  .i..tr(ls;  hut  that  both  were  sacrificed  in  consequence  of  the  liars  of  t*  se 
into  whose  power  the  fortune  of  wars  cast  them,  will  not,  we  presume,  lie 
denied. 

AVIien  the  determination  of  the  commissioners  and  elders  was  made  known 
to  Uncos,  he  "readily  undertook  the  execution,  and  taking  Miantunnomoh 
along  with  him,  in  the  way  between  Hartford  and  Windsor,  (where  Uncos 
liutli  some  men  dwell,)  Uncos'  brother,  following  after  Miantunnomoh,  clave 
Ills  head  with  an  hatchet."];  Mather  says,  they  "veiy  fairly  cut  oft"  hi« 
hpa(l."§ 

Dr.  Trumbull  ||  records  an  account  of  cannibalism,  at  this  time,  which  we 
ought  to  caution  the  reader  against  receiving  as  true  history,  as  it  no  doubt 
rests  on  the  authority  of  tradition,  which  is  wont  to  transfer  even  the  transac- 
tions of  one  continent  to  another,  which  is  this: — "  Uncus  cut  out  a  large  jiiece 
of  his  shoulder,  and  ate  it  in  savage  triumph;"  saying,  "'it  was  the  sweetest 
moat  he  ever  ate ;  it  made  his  heart  strong.'  "H 

*  ffiihlmrd,  N.  E.  450.  f  Records  of  the  U.  Colonies. 

}  Winthrop's  Journal,  ii.  134.  As  to  the  plare  of  Miantunnomoh's  execution,  Winthrop 
?i'i'ms  10  liave  been  in  a  mistake.  It  is  not  very  likely  that  he  was  taken  in  the  opposite 
ilirt'ciion,  from  Uncas's  own  country,  as  Windsor  was  from  Hartford.  It  is  also  unlikely  that 
/  'nets  imd  men  dwell  so  far  from  his  country  upon  llie  Tiiames. 

A  geiilliMnan  who  lately  visited  his  sepulrlire,  says  the  wandering  Indians  have  made  a 
henp  of  stones  upon  his  eravc.  It  is  a  well-known  custom  of  the  lacc,  to  add  to  a  nionu- 
mi'iiia!  pile  of  the  dead  whenever  they  pass  by  it.  See  3  Coll.  Afass.  Hist.  iSV.  iii.  1.35.  and 
J''ft'frsoii's  Notes.  [0°  Some  wretchealy  i<jnoranl  nciaflibors  to  this  sacred  pile  {whites,  of 
rcHirsc)  have,  not  long  since,  taken  stones  from  it  to  make  wall !  but  enough  remain  to  mark 
liu-  sjioi.    It  is  in  the  east  part  of  Norwich.     Colls.  IMd. 

1)  Magnalia.  j|  History  of  Connecticut,  i.  135. 

il  That  this  is  tradition,  may  be  inferred  from  tlie  circumstance  of  an  eminently  obscure 
writer's  publishiuij  nearly  the  same  story,  which  he  says,  in  his  book,  took  place  upon  tne 
6» 


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DEATH  OF  MIANTUNNOMOn.-TRADITIONS. 


[nnoK   If. 


Ill' 


!;■ 


..  ;*i  ■ 


r  ;v.-\.-i 


f 


.i''  ^  ■  • 


■#'■ 


iild   1)1'  laid  iK'f'oni  tin'  wcirld,  that  it«  triui  wcijflit  may  hv,  coiisiiltMTd  by 
III)  wiiidd  lie  (-(iri'o'tly  inrortricd  in  this  itii|inrtarit  traiiHactioii. 

|»r(  liiniiiary  to  liis  coiiuinnicutiuii,  Mr.  Htfik  wiys,  "Tlit-  follow- 


W'c  aiv  now  rertnin  tlint  wlint  Dr.  Trumbull  h;i8  giv«'ii  im  an  nnqtiP.stioiialil<> 
history,  frnm  a  "iimmisrript  of  IMr.  llifle"  \h  only  tradition.  Ilavinj^  iM-rti  [tut 
III  puxscssion  of  a  coiiy  of  liiat  inannscript,*  we  dct^ni  it  highly  ini|»ortant  that 
il  fli'  ••'  '    '■     '   '  '    '    '  ■ 

vll  ul 

r>y  way  of 
in^f  IJu'ts  Initi!,'  coiiiMiiniicati'd  to  iiic  from  some  of  tin!  ancient  fathers  of  this 
town,  will)  Wen;  cojitcnipurary  with  Uncas"  &-c.  "That  hcfore  the  Kcttlrmcnt 
ot"  Norwich,  the  sachrni  of  tiie  NiUTapanBct  trilx!  [MiantunnoJtinh]  had  a  p»'r- 
sun.il  <|narn'l  wiili  Uncas,  and  jiroclnimed  war  with  thn  IMoln'p[an]M:  and 
iimniird  with  an  army  of  !K)0  fi^jhtinp  iiirn,  e(|nip|H;d  witli  hows  anci  arrows 
niid  halclii'ts.  Unran  lM'[ini,']  iidormcd  hy  H|)i((H  of  their  rnareh  towards  his 
seat,  Vnrns  calltd  iiis  warriors  together,  al)oiit  GOO,  stout,  hard  men,  li<:ht  of 
foot,  and  skilled  in  the  tise  of  tin;  how;  and,  upon  n  conference,  Unctt.i  told 
ids  men  that  it  would  not  do  to  let  y"  Namigansets  come  to  tlieir  town,  hut 
they  must  j.'o  and  meet  them.  Accordingly,  they  marched,  and  ahont  three 
miles,  on  a  larjr(!  plain,  tin;  armies  met,  and  both  halted  within  bow-shot.  A 
parley  was  sounded,  (uid  gallant  Unras  pro|)ose(l  a  cotderence  with  the  \arni- 
yansi  t  sachem,  who  agreed.  And  being  met,  Uncas  saith  to  his  enemy  word[sj 
to  this  edi-et:  '  I'oit  have  f2;ot  a  nutnber  of  brave  men  toilh  you,  and  so  have  J. 
%Tnl  it  a  ptiif  that  such  brave  men  sliould  be  killed  for  a  quarrel  between  you  and 
I  /  Only  come  like  a  man,  as  you  pretend  to  be,  and  we  willfyrht  it  out.  If  you 
kill  mc,  my  tnen  shall  be  yours ;  but  if  I  kill  you^  your  men  shall  be  mine.''  Upon 
which  the  Narraganset  sacdiem  replied:  ^My  men  came  to  fght,  and  they  shall 

Jk'd.' 

"  I'ncas  having  befon;  told  his  men,  that  if  his  enemy  should  refuse  to  fight 
him,  he  would  fall  down,  and  then  they  were  to  discharge  their  aitillerj' 
[arrows]  on  them,  and  fall  right  on  them  ns  fast  as  they  coidd ;"  this  was 
done,  and  the  Mohegans  rushed  upon  JWtan^unnomoA'a  army  "  like  lions,"  put 
them  to  flight,  and  killed  "a  number  on  the  spot."  They  "pursued  the  rest 
<lriviiig  some  down  ledges  of  rocks."  The  foremost  of  Uncases  men  gol 
uli(;ad  of  Miantimnomoh,  and  impeded  his  flight,  drawing  him  back  as  they 
passed  him,  "to  give  Uncas  opportunity  to  take  him  Idmself." 

"In  the  pursuit,  at  n  place  now  called  Sac/iem's  P/ain,  [/nt'oa  took  him  by 
the  shoulder.  He  then  set  doAvn,  knowing  Uncas.  Uncas  then  gave  a  whoop, 
and  his  men  returned  to  him ;  and  in  a  council  then  held,  'twas  concluded  by 
them,  that  Uricas,  witli  a  guard,  should  carry  said  sachem  to  Hartford,  to  the 
governor  and  magistrates,  (it  being  before  the  charter,)  to  advise  what  tliey 
should  do  with  him."  "  Uncas  was  told  by  them,  as  there  was  no  war  with 
the  English  and  Narragansets,  it  was  not  proper  for  the  n  to  intermeddle,  in 
the  afl'air,  and  advised  him  to  take  his  own  way.  Accordingly,  they  brought 
said  Narraganset  sachem  back  to  the  same  spot  of  ground  where  he  was  took: 
when;  Uncas  killed  him,  and  cut  out  a  large  piece  of  his  shoulder,  roasted, 
and  eat  it;  and  said, '/C  loas  the  sweetest  meel\  ke  ever  eat;  it  made  him  have 
.■j/rong"  hart.^  There  they  bury  him,  and  made  a  pillar,  which  I  have  seen  but 
a  few  years  since." 

This  eommuiucation  was  in  the  form  of  a  letter,  and  dated  at  Norwich,  9 
Oct.  17G9,  and  signed  Richard  Hide.  The  just  remark  of  Mr.  Ely  upon  it  I 
cannot  withhold,  in  justice  to  my  subject. 

"The  above  ^Manuscript  of  Mr.  Hyde,'' as  a  trcufitton,  is  a  valuable  paper, 
and  worthy  of  j)reservation ;  yet,  being  written  125  years  after  the  event 
which  it  describes,  it  is  surprising  that  Dr.  Trumbull  should  have  inserted  it, 
m  his  History  of  Connecticut,  in  its  principal  particulars,  as  matter  of  fact."| 

In  the  proceedings  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies,  the  main 

(Icalli  of  Philip.  Oiifko,  he  says,  cut  out  a  pound  of  Philip's  bleedinff  body  and  ate  it. 
Tiic  honk  is  by  one  Ifenrij  TnimJmll,  and  purports  to  be  a  history  of  the  discovery  of  Amer- 
ica, the  Indian  wars,  &c.  The  reader  will  find  it  about  stalls  by  the  street-side,  but  rarely  in 
a  respectable  book-store.  It  has  been  forced  through  many  editions,  but  there  is  scarce  a 
Word  of  true  history  in  it. 

*  By  Rev.  11  m.  Ely,  of  Connenicut. 

+  'tnimbvll  says  meat,  but  llie  MS.  is  plain,  and  means  meaL 

;  Miinuscript  letter,  1  Mar.  1833. 


Chap.  IV. 

forts  in  r 
account, ) 
liet<)re  tli 
and  now, 
tunniimoh, 
bald.-."' 

It  does 
Miiiutiinni 
his  raiison 
a|i|'<(u-s  c 
Kii;.'lisli,  a 
(|uniitity  o 
the  litl-"of 

m.nk; 

Hhiil,  .VciK 
times  mei 
which  he 
Niaiiticks, 
kiipaug,  n 
and  is  corn 
which  alw 
married  a 
his  uncle. 

The  rein 
the  re[»resi 
setts  in  If] 
"  Some  tlit 
cause  of  w 
by  contiim; 
should  do  t 
hinist'lf  coi 

to  U.S." 

On  the 
Winthrop  a 
Ixiiig  stiitei 
till!  govern 
Pccpiots,  w 
dciiiaiided 
with  the  d 
without,  he 
Tin;  goven 
English  eaj 

On  the 
deputy  and 
"  We  gave 
yyr<iuash  O 
Would  righ 
period,  they 

The  next 
paid  tribute 
Captain  Ma 
tioii.  Janei 
settled.  IT 

When  it 

*  See  Haza 

t  So  wrillcn 

t  Mr.  Prim 

and  wrote  Airi 

Jour.  i.  232." 

^  Prince  sa 

nave  been. 

U  WiiUhrop' 


Chap.  IV]      NINIGRET.-TROUDLE  WITH  MIANTUNNOMOJI. 


f.7 


fnrtH  in  n-fcn'iicc  to  tlio  dt-ntli  of  Minntunnotiuth,  contniiicd  in  the  a!»ov»» 
aciiiinit  nn!  rorrohoniti-d.  Tiit'  rcronlM  of  the  cimiMii.s.xioniTH  wiy,  tliiit  Vnrax, 
iM'lorf  the  liatth',  told  Miantunnomoh,  that  hi!  had  many  ways  muijL'lit  his  hti-, 
and  now,  if  h»!  dan-d,  h«' would  tigiit  liim  in  niiiglf  cornhat;  hut  llnit  .l/((»i- 
ti(/i/i'imo/i,  "|irt>snniing  upon  \m  uunilM'i    of  nini,  would  huvt;  notliint^  hut  u 

hatlle."" 

It  doj'H  not  ai)pour  from  tliesc  recordM,  that  bnras  had  any  ifU-a  of  putting 
Miiiiiliinnomok  to  di-afli,  hut  to  rxtort  a  jrn'at  price  from  his  countrynirii,  (Iir 
his  iimMiMi.  That  a  lar^re  amount  in  wamiimn  waH  collected  for  this  pnrposi-, 
aiiiMiirs  certain;  i»ut,  l)et()re  it  was  paid,  Unriu  rcH-eived  the  decision  oi' the 
Kn^'lisli,  and  then  pretended  that  lie  had  made  no  wiich  aj^ei'inent,  or  that  the 
(|Manlity  or  ijiiality  wuh  not  iim  agreetl  upon,  um  will  more  ut  length  lie  neen  in 
the  lili'  of  Uncns, 

MM(i"|{l''/['  was  ollen  called  JVinicraJl,  and  BometimoH  .Venektiniitjf  JSTini- 
frliitt,  \(iiit(ddt ;  and  his  namc!  was  written  almost  as  many  other  wa\s  as 
tiiiit  s  nioiitioned,  l»y  some  early  writers.  J(tnrirut\  was  tlit;  fust  name  by 
wiiich  he  was  known  to  the  Hnglish.  lie  was  ;renerally  styled  sachem  of  tlic 
Niaiiticks,  a  trihc!  of  the  Niwragansets,  whose  principal  residence  was  at  W'e- 
kapaiifr,  now  Westerly,  in  Rhode  Island.  Il«!  was  cousin  tn  Mianluiinomoh,^ 
and  is  commonly  Mieiitioned  in  history  as  the  chief  sachem  of  the  Niaiiticks, 
which  always  inude  a  part  of  tiio  gniat  nation  of  the  iNarraganscts.  jVini^rtt 
married  a  sister  of  Cashaioaahett,  otlierwisi;  called  Htrmon  Garret,  w ho  wu.s 
his  uncle. 

The  relation  in  which  the  Nianticks  s'ood  to  the  Narra'fnnsrts  is  plain,  from 
the  representation  given  by  JMianttmnomoh  to  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts in  U'A2.  In  treating  with  liim,  at  that  time,  (Governor  IVinthrup  says, 
"  Some  dirticnlty  we  hud,  to  bring  him  to  desert  the  Nianticks,  if  we  had  just 
cause  of  war  with  them.  They  were,"  he  siiid,  "as  his  own  flesh,  being  allied 
by  continual  intermarriages,  &c.  IJut  ut  last  lit;  condescended,  that  if  they 
sliot'ld  do  lis  wrong,  as  he  could  not  draw  them  to  give  us  satisfaction  (or,  nor 
himself  could  satisfy,  as  if  it  were  for  blood,  &c.  then  he  would  leave  them 
to  us." 

On  the  12  Jidy,  1(537,  Jlyanemo,  ns  his  name  was  written  by  Governor 
Winlhrop  at  this  time,  came  to  IJestou  with  17  men.  The  objects  of  his  visit 
being  stated  to  the  governor,  be  promised  him  an  answer  the  next  day;  but 
the  governor,  undei-standii^g  nieaiiwliile,  that  lic^  had  received  many  of  the 
IV'ciMots,  who  had  taken  refuge  in  his  country  aftir  their  <ieii;at  at  Mystic,  fn-st 
deiiiandeil  their  delivery  to  the  English.  A'tVii'grfMvas  very  loath  to  comply 
with  the  (lemaiid  ;  but,  finding  he  could  get  no  answer  to  his  propositions 
without,  he  consented  to  give  up  tlie  I'eipints,  after  a  day's  consideration. 
Till!  governor  shortly  alter  dismissi'd  him,  with  instructions  to  treat  with  the 
Kiiglish  captains  then  iii  the  Pefjuot  country. 

i)\\  the  y  Mar.  IGMd,  ^'- Miantunmmioh  came  to  Boston.  The  governor, 
de|)uty  and  treasurer  treated  wit'  liim,  and  they  jiarted  ti'pon  tiiir  terms." 
"  We  gave  liim  leave  to  right  himself  for  th  i  wrongs  which  Janemoh  and 
H'riitiask  Cook  had  done  him  ;  and,  for  the  wrong  they  had  done  ua,  we 
Would  right  ourselves,  in  our  own  tiine."||  ILuice,  it  appears  that,  ut  this 
period,  they  were  not  so  closi^ly  allied  as  they  were  allerwards. 

The  next  year,  Janemo  was  conii)lained  of  by  the  Long  Island  Indians,  who 
pjiid  tribute  to  the  English,  that  he  iiad  committed  some  robberii  s  upon  them. 
Captain  Mason  was  sent  from  Connecticut  with  seven  men  tt  require  satisfac- 
tion. JfintHio'went  immediately  to  the  English,  and  the  matter  was  amicably 
settled.  H 

When  it  was  rumored  that  Miantunnomoh  was  plotting  to  cut  off  the 


.  •  v;  f!i 


■\^-^m 


.V- 


i.::'^'  'm 


'.'  ^  ,";''■  ■ 

^1 »  ''■'.'  • 
',.'•*  ■>''■'"  ' 
'■■/'■'<'. 

•^  ;.•':'■■ 


,1 


*  See  Hazard's  Historical  Collcciioiis,  ii.  7,  10. 

t  iSo  wrillcii  by  Roger  Williams. 

t  Mr.  Prince,  in  his  edition  of  Hubbard's  Narrative,  probably  mistook  Winthrop's  MS., 
anil  wrote  Aganemo  instead  of  Ayanemo.  See  liie  edition  lT/5,  of  Nar.  p.  40,  and  Winthrop, 
Jour.  i.  232." 

^  Prince  says  he  was  uttcle  to  Miantunnomoh,  (Chronology,  ii.  59.)  but  that  could  no4 
nave  been. 

Ij  WiiUhrop's  Journal,  i.  243.  1[  Ibid.  i.  267 


-¥     ', 

■     Vl.'d 

-V 
V 

J. 

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•^^ 

£ 

0  •■' 

t'f. 

i/  ■ 

' '  -4 

y 

■"'*. 

h 

(• 

•:;■;• 

-'•f.^M 

t: 

•^■' 

'*■•.'■;• 

*'^M 

>:'. 

., 

, , . 

■"■■■' 81 

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■^. 

i*ffi 

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s 

k- 

.  ',.-♦ 

.^^Hj 

ir 


09 


NINKJUKT— DUTCH  AND  INDIAN  WAR. 


[Rook  II. 


1  ,  » 


'':•■.     ■' 


■i  '    •  t. 


Kiitrlisli,  and  iiHiiif^  IiIh  nidoavora  to  unit*!  ntiirr  trilM>H  in  tlio  cntfTpriHi*,  the 
KnV'lJMli  !«'tit  <l<-|intifH  to  iiiin,  to  learn  tlio  triitli  of  tli<>  r«'|Mirt,  aH  will  li«>  thntui 
tl;<i\vlnir  Inlly  Htatrtl.  Tin;  drpnticH  wen-  wi-ll  witistifd  with  thf  carriaj^t!  of 
.Mldultiiinomoh  ;  liiit,  th«'y  m\\,"Jannnoli,i\u'.  Nianiirk  f<ch<'Mi,  carried  hitnst'U' 
prondly,  and  rrfn»<t<d  to  coni)-  to  u>^,  or  to  yield  to  any  tiling;  oidy,  hr  naid,  he 
^^</ldd  not  harm  ns,  ivvccpt  wr  invadrtl  him."  *  Thn^s  we  rannot  hnt  form  un 
♦ixnitt'd  opinion  of  .\'iiiln;rit,  in  tlu;  |icrKt)ii  of  Janvino, 

Jl  Ihil'h  and  Imlinn  war  rajffd  at  this  time,  and  was  conducted  with 
mireleiitin;^  harbarity  hy  tin;  former  jtarty.  It  >,'rew  out  of  a  rtinjfle  murder, 
an  IndiiUi  having'  killed  a  Dutchman  in  a  drunken  frolic.  Tla;  murderer  was 
immediately  demanded,  hnt  could  not  Ix^  olitained;  atid  the  ){overnor  whh 
nri^ed  to  retaliate,  and  ollen  called  upon  to  tak*-  revenue.  He  w.iiveil  th(> 
suhject,  forcHeeinj,',  no  doulit,  that  retaliation  wa.s  a  had  courHe  to  |»ursu(>  for 
^ali^'t!u•lion,  e(*|)ecially  with  Indians.  However,  it  !«oon  happened  that  the 
.Mohawks  ti'll  upon  those  Indians,  killed  ahoiit  'M  of  them,  and  the  rest  fled 
their  country  ;  many  of  whom  souf,'ht  protection  from  the  Dutch  themselvcH. 
Some  evil-minded  pei-HouH  now  thou<;ht  to  revenj^'tr  thcmHelves  on  ihew! 
In<lians,  without  the  datiger  of  Hul)<-rin!(  Irom  resistance;.  It  Ih  reported  that 
an  inhimian  monster,  named  Marine,  a  Dutch  captain,  olitained  the  consent  of 
the  f,'overnor  to  kill  as  many  of  them  as  he  pleased ;  and,  acting  under  that 
authority,  Hiirprised  and  nnirdered  70  or  HO  of  thiMii,  men,  women,  and 
childntn.  No  sooner  wim  thirt  blow  of  assassination  struck,  than  the  IndiauH 
llew  to  their  arms,  and  hefjan  hostilities  of  the  same  kind;  and,  with  such 
fury  was  their  onset  made,  that  thi'y  cut  off  20  persons  or  more,  hefore  the 
alarm  coidd  spread  ;  and  they  were  soon  niiisters  >  ♦'  their  settlements,  and  the 
J)utch  were  contined  to  their  fort.  IJy  employinj?  I'aptnin  Underhill,  however, 
an  experienced  Knglish  olVjcer  in  the  Indian  wars,  and  some  others  of  the 
I'Ji^dish,  the  Dutch  were  enabled  to  maintain  their  >fround ;  and,  fortiinatcdy, 
8oon  al>er,  Rofrer  ff'iUiams  accidentally  arrived  there,  through  whose;  mediation 
a  peac(!  was  etH'<'ted,  and  an  end  wjw  put  to  a  bloody  war.  This  Marine,  who 
wiLS  th(^  principal  cause  of  it,  quarrelled  with  tli«;  governor,  on  account  of  his 
•■mploying  llnderhill  instead  of  him,  and  even  attempted  Ids  life  on  the 
nccotint  of  it.  He  presented  n  pistol  at  his  breast,  wliicli,  l)eing  turned  aside 
by  a  bystander,  the  governor's  life  was  prescrvt;(l.  A  wrvant  of  Mariners 
♦hc:i  discharged  a  gun  at  the  governor,  but  nussing  him,  one  of  the  governor's 
guard  shot  the  servant  dead,  and  Marine  was  made  prisoner,  and  foithwith 
sent  into  Holland.  Williams,  having  b(!en  denied  a  passage  through  N.  Eng- 
land by  the  law  of  banishni(>nt,  was  forced  to  take  passage  for  England  at  N. 
York  in  n  Dutch  ship,  by  way  of  Holland ;  and  this  was  the  reason  of  his 
being  there  in  the  time  of  this  war. 

Kefore  this  war  was  b;  ought  to  a  close,  Captain  Underhill,  with  his  company 
of  Dutch  and  English,  killed  about  300  Indians  on  the  main,  and  V20  more  ois 
Long  Island.  The  Dutch  governor's  employing  the  English  was  charged 
ti|)on  him  as  a  "plot"  to  engage  the  English  in  his  quarrel  with  the  Indians  ; 
"  which,"  sjiys  ffinlhrop,^  "  we  had  wholly  declined,  as  doubting  of  the  justice 
of  the  cause." 

It  was  aliont  the  beginning  of  this  war,  Sept.  104.3,  that  "tlie  Indians  killed 
and  drove  away  all  the  English"  on  the  coast,  from  Manhattan  to  Stamford, 
the  extent  of  the  Dutch  claim  to  the  eastward.  They  then  jiassed  over  "  to 
Long  Island,  and  there  assaulted  the  Lady Moodey  in  her  house  divers  times;" 
but  she,  having  about  40  men  at  her  place  at  that  time,  was  able  to  defend 
lierself.  "These  Indians  at  the  same  time,"  continues  ^'i'n^Arop,}:  "set  upon 
the  Dutch  with  at.  implacable  fury,  and  killed  all  they  could  come  by,  and 
burnt  their  houses,  and  killed  their  cattle  W'.thout  any  resistance,  so  as  the 
governor  and  such  as  escajied,  betook  themselves  to  their  fort  at  Monhaton, 
and  there  lived  and  eat  up  their  cattle." 

Among  the  English  people  who  were  murdered  when  this  war  began,  was 
a  Mrs.  Ann  Hutchinson,  from  whom  was  descended  the  historian  of  Massa- 
chusetts. She,  having  given  offence  to  the  Puritans  of  the  Bay  state,  (aa 
Massachusetts  was  then  called,)  by  her  peculiar  religious  notions,  to  avoid 


fnip.  IV.] 

persi'sntiori 

xions,  not 

broke  up  I 

this  wornaii 

cept  niw  da 

of'  two  olh 

all    I)i  persi 

them  on  tin 

made  at  thii 

was  acting, 

the  boat's  cr 

people.     Tl 

when  she  w 

lier  to  her  fr 

to  he  taken 

gotten,  sent 

to  get  sever 

int<)rined  thi 

girl    was  dc 

accordingly 

Notwitlist 

yet  it  was  ol 

laid  hid  in  it 

Tiie  series  o 

my  research 

guinary  battl 

York,  about 

not  known, 

the  curious  1 

To  return 

We  liear  li 

tlu!  NaiTagai 

time  obliged 

This  affair 

given  all  the 

hy  a  letter  fi 

the  time,  tha 

had  been  sev 

"  I,  with  y^ 

dressed  sevei 

wounded  in 

one  common 

and  one  com 

bullets.     Unc 

won  them  tin 

forces  out  by 

hush,  who  pi 

fought  vario  i 

the  Narragani 

own  play.    1 

[Uncas^  men] 

Sir,  whatever 

brake  the  cor 

one  Tantiqui 

Mlantinomio. 

Tantiquieaoti'i 

through  the  c 

hojie  could  \h 

"The  Engl 

him  to  be  swi 


•  IVinthrop's  Journal,  ii.  8. 


t  Ibid.  ii.  157. 


t  Ibid.  ii.  136. 


. '  -I 


[nonK  II. 

•|»rim',  the 
l>*>  tiiiiiui 
irriiiifi^  of 
il  liiiiiwlf 
i*>  Niid,  liR 
It  tiiriri  an 

ctcd  with 

•  imirdor, 

(Icrcr  wiis 

■riKir  wiiH 

aivfd  thr 

)iirHiif!  (or 

tliiit  tlio 

rest   tied 

iciiisclvftH. 

(Ill    tlit'M; 

lortc'd  tliiit 

■OlIHfllt  of 

iiidir  that 
tiit'ii,  and 
i(>  liidiiiMS 
with  such 
hiifoic  the 
ts,  and  the 
,  liowf^ver, 
crs  of  the 
irtuiiattily, 
iiu'diatiori 
rtmie,  who 
Hint  of  hiH 
ife  on  the 
•nod  aside 

Mariners 
tfovernor'H 

foitliwith 
h  N.  Eng- 
;land  at  N. 
joii  of  his 

company 
0  more  on 
cliarged 
Iiuiians ; 
the  justice 

lans  killed 
Stamford, 
over  "  to 
re  times;" 
to  defend 
"set  upon 
He  hy,  and 
so  as  the 
Mduhaton, 

rpan,  was 

of  Massa- 

state,  (aa 

to  avoid 


rH*r.  IV  1 


NINIGRET.— MOIIEGAN   WAR. 


iciHi  sutioii,  fled  first  to  Rhode  Island,  and  afterwards  to  llic  Dutch  poH» 
ions,  not  liir  heyond   Stamford.     This   was   in    I*i4'^.     Wiien  the  Indi 


OHSPS- 

iaiiH 
Hctilements  tiiere,  in  Sept.  I(U;{,  they  t<>ll  upon  the  family  of 


lirokf  up  tin 

this  woriiaii,  killed  her,  a  Mr,  Collins,  her  son-in-law,  and  all  her  family  ex- 
cept oMi'  daii^'hter  lijfht  years  old,  whom  thtfy  carried  into  captivity,  and  such 
nf  two  other  families,  Throrktturrlon  and  VomhiWs,  as  were  at  home;  in 
all  ill  persons.  They  then  collected  their  cattle  into  tin;  liouses  and  si-t 
tiieiiMiii  tire  and  Iniriied  tiiem  alive!  A  greater  slaii^ht(;r  would  have  lieen 
iiiaile  at  this  time  and  place,  hut  for  the  arrival  of  a  hoat  while  the  tra^redy 
was  acting,  into  which  several  women  and  children  escaped.  Itiit  two  of 
the  hoat's  crew  wen;  killed  in  their  humane  exertions  to  save  these  distressed 
jicojile.  The  daughter  of  Mrs.  Hutrhinson  remained  a  prisoiuT  four  years, 
when  she  was  delivered  to  the  Dutch  governor  at  New  Vork,  who  restored 
her  to  Iter  friends.  She  had  forgotten  her  native  language,  and  was  unwilling 
to  he  taken  from  the  Indians.  This  governor,  with  a  kindness  not  to  he  liir- 
gotten,  sent  a  vessel  into  Coiinecticmt  River,  where  its  captain  contrived 
to  get  several  Petpiots  on  hoard,  whom  he  secured  as  prisoners.  He  then 
iiitormed  their  friends,  that  they  would  not  he  set  at  liheriy  until  the  captive 
girl  was  delivered  to  him.  This  Jiad  the  desired  etl'ect,  and  she  was 
accordingly  rescued. 

Notwithstanding  a  |H>ace  was  brought  ahont  in  the  manner  before  stated, 
yet  it  was  of  short  duration,  and  the  sparks  of  war  which  had  for  a  short  time 
laid  hid  in  its  own  emhers,  was  hy  sordid  spirits  limned  again  into  a  Hanie. 
The  series  of  murderous  acts  which  followed,  are  nowhere  recorded  within 
my  researches,  but  an  end  was  not  put  to  it  until  li)4(i.  It  ended  in  a  san- 
guinary battle  at  Strickland's  Plain,  near  what  is  since  Horse  Neck  in  New 
York,  about  87  miles  ti-om  the  city.  The  numbers  engaged  on  each  side  are 
not  known,  nor  the  numbers  slain,  but  their  graves  are  still  pointed  out  to 
tlie  curious  traveller. 

To  return  to  our  more  immediate  subject. 

We  hear  little  oiWiniffrd  until  alter  the  death  oi ^riardunnomoh.  In  1644, 
the  NaiTagansets  and  Nianticks  united  against  the  Mohegans,  and  for  some 
time  obliged  Unras  to  confine  himself  and  men  to  his  fort. 

This  affair  proiiably  took  place  early  in  the  spring,  and  we  have  elsewhere 
given  all  the  (larticulars  of  it,  lioth  autheiitii;  anil  traditionary.  It  appears, 
hy  a  letter  from  Tho.  Peters,  atldressed  to  Governor  Wirdhrop,  written  about 
the  time,  that  there  bad  lieen  some  hard  lighting ;  and  that  the  Mohegans 
liad  been  severely  beaten  by  the  Narragansets.    Mr.  Pders  writes: — 

"  I,  with  your  son,  [John  Winthrop  of  Con.,]  were  at  Uncas^  fort,  where  1 
dressed  seventeen  men,  and  lell  plasters  to  dress  seventeen  more,  who  were 
wounded  in  Uncos'  brother's  wigwam  before  we  came.  Two  captains  and 
one  common  soldier  were  buried,  and  since  we  came  thence  two  captains 
and  one  common  man  more,  are  dead  also,  most  of  which  are  wounded  with 
l)ullets.  Ujkos  and  his  brother  told  me,  the  Narragansets  had  30  guns  which 
won  them  the  day,  else  would  not  care  a  rush  for  them.  They  drew  Uncos' 
forces  out  by  a  wile,  of  40  appearing  only,  but  a  thousand  [lay  hid]  in  am- 
bush, who  pursued  Uncos'  men  into  their  own  land,  where  the  battle  was 
fought  vario  morle,  till  God  put  fresh  spirit  into  the  Moheagues,  and  so  drave 
the  Narragansets  back  again."  So  it  seems  that  Uncos  bad  been  taken  in  his 
own  play.  Tho  letter  goes  on : — "  'Tv/ould  pity  your  hearts  to  see  them 
[Uncos'  men]  lie,  like  so  niauy  new  circumcised  Sechemites,  in  their  blood. 
Sir,  whatever  information  yoa  have,  I  dare  boldly  say,  the  Narragansets  first 
lirake  the  contract  they  made  with  tho  English  last  year,  for  I  helped  to  cure 
one  Tantiquieson,  a  Moheague  captain,  who  first  fingered  [laid  hands  on] 
Miantinomio.  Some  cunning  squaws  of  Narraganset  led  two  of  them  to 
Tantiquieson's  wigwaiii,  where,  in  the  night,  they  struck  him  on  the  breast 
through  the  coat  with  an  hatchet,  and  had  lie  not  fenced  it  with  his  ai'in,  no 
hope  could  be  had  of  his  life,"  &c.  * 

"  The  English  thought  it  their  concern,"  says  Dr.  /.  Mather,\  "  not  to  sufifer 
him  to  be  swallowed  up  by  those  adversaries,  since  he  had,  (though  for  his 


WitUhrop't  Jour.  ii.  380,  381. 


t  Relation,  58. 


•  1 ."  '  1 


ifr 


■.L( 


#> 


'^  .?*,•■  ■.-•(J  ■-.i-'.i.l' 


» 


'•;»4 


:■ 


'ft-: 


■tf*f 


70 


NINIGRET.— NARRAGANSET  WAR. 


[nooK  II. 


■■■.•'?■"■■'.. 

I 

'^m 

■  i 

i  ■•■-,'  i  * 
li  ■■  ■     -v    • 

■  '»■.*•     "1 


;     .,.-V.;I;..:'^ 


N     ■ 


own  ends,)  sipproved  himself  faitlifnl  to  the  English  from  time  to  time."  An 
army  wa.s  accordingly  raised  for  tlie  relief  of  Uncas.  "  But  as  they  were 
jiist  marching  out  of  Boston,  many  of  the  principal  Narraganset  Indians,  viz. 
Pesseais,  Mexano,  *  and  Witawash,  sagamores,  and  Awastquin,  dej)uty  lor  the 
Nianticks  ;  these,  with  a  large  train,  came  to  Boston,  suing  for  peace,  being 
willing  to  submit  to  what  terms  the  English  should  see  cause  to  impose 
upon  them.  It  was  demanded  of  them,  that  they  should  defray  the  charges 
they  had  put  the  English  to,  \  and  that  the  sachems  should  send  their  son.s 
to  be  kept  as  hostages  in  the  hands  of  the  English,  until  such  time  as  the 
money  should  be  paid."  After  remarking  that  from  this  time  the  Narragan- 
sets  harbored  venom  in  their  hearts  against  the  English,  Mr.  Mather  pro- 
ceeds: — "In  the  first  place,  they  endeavored  to  play  legerdemain  in  their 
sending  hostages;  for,  instead  of  sachems'  children,  they  thought  to  send 
some  other,  and  to  make  the  English  believe  that  those  ba.se  papooses  were 
of  a  royal  progeny ;  but  they  had  those  to  deal  with,  who  were  too  wise  to  b(; 
so  eliuicd.  After  the  exjtected  hostages  were  in  the  hands  of  the  Englisii, 
the  Narragansets,  iiotwitlistjmding  that,  were  slow  in  the  performance  of 
what  they  stood  engaged  for.  And  when,  upon  an  impartial  discharge  of 
the  debt,  their  hostages  were  restored  to  them,  they  became  more  backward 
than  formerly,  until  they  were,  by  hostile  prefmrations,  again  and  again 
terrified  into  better  obedience.  At  last,  Capt.  Jltherton,  of  Dorchester,  was 
sent  with  a  small  party  \  of  20  English  soldiers  to  demand  what  was  due. 
He  at  first  entered  into  the  wigwatn,  where  old  JSfinigrct  resided,  with  only 
two  or  three  soldiers,  appointing  the  rest  by  degrees  to  follow  him,  two  or 
three  dropping  in  at  once ;  when  his  small  company  were  come  about  liim,  the 
Indians  in  the  mean  time  supposing  that  there  had  been  many  more  behind, 
he  caught  the  sachem  by  the  hair  of  his  head,  and  setting  a  pistol  to  his 
breast,  protesting  whoever  escaped  he  should  snrely  die,  if  he  did  not  fortli- 
with  comply  with  what  was  required.  Hereupon  a  great  trembling  and 
consternation  surjH-i.sed  the  Indians ;  albeit,  multitudes  of  them  were  then 
present,  Avith  spiked  arrows  at  their  bow-strings  ready  to  let  fly.  The  event 
was,  the  Indians  submitted,  and  not  one  drop  of  blood  was  shed.'^  This,  it 
must  be  confessed,  was  a  high-handed  proceeding. 

"Some  sjjace  after  that,  JS/inigret  was  raising  new  trouble  against  ut-, 
amongst  his  Nianticks  and  other  Indians ;  but  upon  the  speedy  sending  up 
of  Capt.  Davis,  with  a  party  of  horse  to  reduce  him  to  the  former  peace, 
who,  ui)on  the  news  of  the  captain's  approach,  was  put  into  such  a  panic 
fear,  that  he  durst  not  come  otit  of  his  wigwam  to  treat  with  the  captain,  till 
secured  of  his  life  by  him,  which  he  was,  if  he  quietly  yielded  to  his  message, 
about  which  he  was  sent  from  the  Bay.  To  which  he  freely  consenting,  that 
storm  was  graciously  blown  over."  || 

Thus  having,  through  these  extracts,  summarily  glanced  at  some  prominent 
pas.sages  in  the  life  of  JVinigret,  we  will  now  go  more  into  particulars. 

The  case  of  the  Narragansets,  at  the  period  of  the  treaty  before  spoken  of^ 
had  become  rather  desperate  ;  two  years  having  passed  since  they  agreed  to 
pay  2000  fathom  of  "good  white  wampum,"  as  a  rennnieration  for  the 
trouble  and  damage  they  had  caused  the  English  and  Mohcgans,  and  they 
were  now  pressed  to  fulfil  their  engagements.  JVinigret,  then  called  Janemo, 
was  not  at  Boston  at  that  time,  but  Jlumsaaquen  was  his  deputy,  ai)d  signed 
the  treaty  then  made,  with  Pessaais  and  others.  At  their  meeting,  in  July, 
1647,  Pessacus  and  others,  chiefs  of  the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks,  were 

*  The  editor  of  Johnson's  Wonder-working  Providence,  in  Coll.  Mass.  Htst.  Soc.  makes  a 
great  mistake  in  noting  this  cliiel'  as  Mianlunnomoh.  Mriksuli,  Mixanno.  Meika,  (fee,  arc 
names  of  the  same  person,  wlio  was  the  eldest  son  of  Canonicus.  Aller  the  leath  of  his  (athcr. 
he  was  chief  sachem  of  tiie  IVarragaiiscls.  He  married  a  sister  of  Nini^ret,  wlio  was  "  a 
woman  of  great  power,"  and  no  otlicr  than  tlie  famous  Qnaiapen,  at  one  time  called  Malan- 
tufk,  from  which,  probably.  wa,s  derived  Magnus.  By  sonie  writers  mistaking  him  for  Mian- 
tunnomoh,  an  error  has  spread,  that  has  occasioned  much  confusion  in  accounts  of  tiicir  gene- 
alogy. 

t  A  yearly  tribute  in  wampum  was  agreed  upon.  Manuscript  Narrative  of  the  Rev.  T 
Cobbet,  which  places  the  afTair  in  1645. 

1  MS.  document  among  our  state  papers. 

\  Relation  of  the  Troubles,  &c.,  4lo,  16T7.  ||  Cobbet'i  MS.  Narrativ*?. 


Chap.  IV 

.setit  to  b; 

Being  wf 

flier  into 

draw  up, 

leave  all  I 

and  we  si 

ini.«sioner 

"Augiii 

of  Pe.tsad 

i'rnm  Peqi 

ini.«sion('r! 

on  the  be! 

only  for  h 

spoke  will 

had  not  h 

from  .^Ir. 

.'imold  hrr 

"  it  appear 

in  Ptssack 

to  stand  t 

ceeded  to  ( 

covenant  \\ 

did  not  km 

his  doj)uty 

tr}-,  and  hi 

all  times  re 

"  There  co 

.yinigrft 

wampum  ? 

sinners  the 

messengers 

that  he  kne 

Hartfo-d,  W 

that  if  the 

kill  them  an 

Kinigret  di( 

their  inessei 

In  order  1 

or  wished  tl 

he  might 

they  hari  re 

wards  sorm 

some,  was 

gcrs  had  so 

pound.     Tl 

might  be  Iim 

<W.t    Ofth 

probably  to  : 

an  Engiishn 

set  Indian." 

J^lnigrei  s 

wampum  dii 

the  goods,"  € 

cotnmissione 

kettles  and 

fafliom,  [in  <• 

and  though 

governor,  th 

•  Sanwfl  Sh 

situated  in  BosI 

t  Hence  4£. 


[Book  II. 

;ime."  An 
they  were 
iidiana,  viz. 
(uty  lor  tlie 
eace,  being 
to  inijiose 
:he  clmrges 
1  their  soiih 
time  as  the 
•  Nurragan- 
Mather  pro- 
tin  in  their 
rht  to  send 
poosts  were 

0  wise  to  be 
Jie  English, 
jrmance  of 
lisciiarge  of 
6  backward 

and  again 
jliester,  Avas 
lat  was  dne. 
d,  with  only 
Jiini,  two  or 
)ont  him,  the 
nore  behind, 
pistol  to  his 
id  not  fortli- 
smbling  and 
[ti  were  then 

The  event 
.'§    This,  it 

1  against  ut., 
sending  up 

nner  peace, 

Hich  a  panic 

captain,  till 

lis  message. 

senting,  that 

le  prominent 

nlars. 

e  spoken  of, 

ey  agreed  to 

tion  I'or  the 

s,  and  they 

led  Janetno. 

and  signed 
ting,  in  July, 

nticks,  were 

goc.  makes  a 
iteika,  &c,  are 
Ihofhistalher. 
who  was  "  a 
called  Matan- 
him  for  A/ta«- 
of  their  gene- 

of  the  Rev.  T 


ativo. 


I 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGRET.— MOHEGAN  CONTROVERSY. 


71 


sent  to  by  the  English  commissioners,  as  will  be  found  in  the  Vik  of  Pessacus. 
Rein"  warned  to  come  to  Boston,  Pessacus,  not  being  willing  to  get  any  fur- 
ther Hito  trouble  by  l)eing  obliged  to  sign  whatever  articles  the  English  might 
draw  up,  feigned  himself  sick,  and  told  the  messengers  he  had  agreed  to 
leave  all  the  business  to  J^nigret.  This  seems  to  have  been  well  understood, 
and  we  shall  next  see  with  what  grace  JVinigret  acted  his  part  with  the  com- 
niissioners,  at  Boston.    Their  record  runs  thus: — 

"Aiigtist  3<l,  [1047,]  .\tnegratt,  with  some  of  theNyantick  Indians  and  two 
of  Pc-isack^s  men,  came  to  Boston,  and  desiring  Mr.  John  Winthrop,  that  came 
from  Peqnatt  plantation,  might  be  present,  they  were  admitted.  The  coni- 
inissioners  asked  JVlnegratt  for  whom  he  came,  whither  as  a  publick  [lerson 
on  the  behalf  of  Pessack's  and  the  rest  of  the  Narragansets'  confederates,  or 
onlv  for  himself  as  a  particular  sagamore  ?  He  at  first  answered  that  he  had 
spoke  with  Pessack,  but  had  no  such  commission  from  him;"  and  said  there 
had  not  been  so  good  an  imderstanding  between  them  as  he  desired ;  but, 
from  Mr.  Winthrop's  testimony,  and  the  answer  Tkos.  Stanton  and  Benedict 
.'imold  brought  from  Pessa^tis,  and  also  the  testimony  of  Pessacus'  two  men, 
"  it  «[)pcared  to  the  commissioners  that  whatever  formality  might  be  wanting 
in  Ptssack's  expressions  to  JVinep^rall,  yet  Pcssack  had  fully  engaged  himself 
to  8fand  to  whatsoever  J\inegralt  should  conclude."  Therefore  they  pro- 
ceeded to  demand  of  him  why  the  wampum  had  not  been  paid,  and  why  the 
covenant  had  not  been  observed  in  other  imrticidars.  Ninigret  pretended  he 
did  not  know  what  covenants  had  been  made.  He  Avas  then  reminded  that 
his  dpjxity  executed  the  coveiiaut,  and  that  a  copy  w:ts  carried  into  his  coun- 
trj',  and  his  ignorance  of  it  was  no  excuse  for  liim.  for  Mr.  fVUliams  was  at 
all  times  ready  to  explain  it,  if  he  had  tiikcn  the  j)ain3  to  request  it  of  hinu 
"Tliere  could,  therefore,  be  no  truth  in  his  answere." 

JVinigret  next  demanded,  "  For  what  arc  the  JVarragnnsets  to  pay  so  much 
wampum'}  I  know  not  that  thei/  are  indebted  to  the  English!"  The  commis- 
sioners then  repeated  the  old  charges — the  breach  of  covenant,  ill  treating 
messengers,  and  what  he  had  said  himself  to  the  English  messengers,  namely, 
that  he  knew  the  English  would  try  to  bring  about  a  i)eace  at  their  meeting  at 
Hartfo'-d,  but  he  was  resolved  on  war,  nor  woidd  he  inquire  who  began  it — 
that  if  the  English  did  not  w  ithdraw  their  m<'n  lioni  assisting  Uncas,  he  would 
kill  them  and  their  cattle,  &c.  According  to  tiie  records  of  the  commissioners, 
JVinigret  did  not  deny  these  charges  with  a  very  good  face.  He  said,  however, 
their  messengers  provoked  him  to  say  what  he  did. 

In  order  to  waive  the  criminating  discourse,  A^inigret  called  for  documents; 
or  wished  the  English  to  make  a  .statement  of  their  account  against  him,  that 
he  might  know  "how  the  rcckoningc  stood."  The  English  answered,  that 
they  had  received  of  Pessacus,  170  fathom  of  wampum  at  one  time: — After- 
wards some  kettles  and  about  15  fathom  v;iorc,  "which  beinge  a  contemptible 
some,  was  refused."  As  to  the  kettles,  tliey  ssaid,  "The  Narraganset  messen- 
gers had  sould  them  to  Mr.  Shrimpton,*  a  brasicr  in  Boston,"  for  a  shilling  a 
pound.  Their  weight  was  285  lbs.,  (not  altogether  so  contemptible  as  one 
might  1)0  led  to  imagine,)  which  came  to  14jC.  5s,,  and  the  wampum  to  4£.  As. 
(W.f  Of  the  amount  in  Mv.  Shrimpton's  hands,  the  messengers  took  up  1£. 
probably  to  defray  their  necessary  expenses  wliilc  at  Boston.  The  remainder 
an  Englishman  attached  to  satisfy  "for  goods  stollen  from  him  by  a  Nairagan- 
sct  Indian." 

ATmgTci  said  the  attachment  was  not  \.,lid,  "for  that  neither  the  kettles  nor 
wampiun  did  l)elongc  to  Pessaries  himself,  nor  to  the  Indian  that  had  stollen 
the  goods,"  and  therefore  must  l)e  deducted  from  the  amount  now  due.  "The 
commissionere  thought  it  not  fit  to  press  the  attachment,"  but  reckoned  the 
kettles  and  wampum  at  70  fathom,  and  acknowledged  the  receij)t  of  240 
fathom,  [in  all,]  besides  a  parccil  sent  by  JVinigret  himsolf  to  the  governor ; 
and  though  this  was  sent  as  a  present,  yet,  as  it  was  not  accepted  by  the 
governor,  they  lefl  it  to  Ninigret  to  say  whether  it  should  be  now  so  con- 

*  Samuel  Shrimpton,  probably,  who  bought  a  hcuse  and  lands  of  Ephraim  Turner,  bra«ier, 
situated  in  Boston,  in  1671. 
t  Hence  4£.  4».  6rf.  -J- 15  =  5s.  l^d.  =  value  of  a  fathom  of  wampum  in  1647. 


"►.'>»'■ 

',7  ' 

-(''  1^1 

M 

i''     .'■'; 

A-';- 

>7,, I.  .•.•;.. 

-■■,.  ''..<, 

-    *',*!-?' 

<l''.\,V   .■ 

•';*■»■■■ 

■.■'    '« 

>•■•,■,. 

^^.i, 

-  .     1     (-• 

•.^^ 

'i}: 

;;•.■■'*  ■'^;' 

•e:' 

l''^-r 

'  '■'^■'''^ 

■  ■ , 

^    5Sv-: 

;,>■  ,■ 

»  '*-'    ' 

m 

V'j:w5 

''■:,-.  ? 

■i  ■ 

M 

••''     '.•  « 

\t    ■■.: 


■  .  •■  .':■■■  f 

-i.yi-.'.'-,  •■■■  ■■  '•■•■ 


:'V^^y.^-'  , 

*  i ' 

V, 

■  ■',  f- 

■  ■li 

'-•'■  '    .  •.  ;•  ■■, 

•'    '.     '  '*]      '^'  ■ 

•".' «3 

■,■.■.:■,'■•. ..  ■ 

'M'^-i?. 

■:    ■/•  , ,.,.' 

: :  ,, 

'  ' '   '  ■ .  ■ 

,-''•  <:   ■  ■:'■' 

<  -  ''•'% 

r-  •"  ■  ■  : : 

'  ■'•'^^ 

•  ■ 

:S''- 


ill      ."  •    .:i.'>rt 

- 1' .  •  •  ■»' 


.  h^J 


fir;  .>;.;. 

'    t'    •       ■,  » 

tf.-,"-:'.- 


72 


MNIGRET.— MOHEGAN  CONTROVERSY. 


[Book  II. 


sidered,  or  whether  it  should  be  taken  in  payment  of  the  debt.  JS/inigret  said 
the  governor  sliould  do  as  he  pleased  about  it.  It  was  then  inquired  how 
much  he  had  sent ;  (it  being  deposited  in  Cutghamokiri's  hands,  as  we  have 
elscwliere  stated  ;)  he  said  he  had  sent  30  fathom  of  black,  and  45  of  white,  in 
value  together  105  fathom.  Cuishamokin  was  sent  for  to  state  what  he  had 
received  in  trust.  He  had  produced  two  girdles,  "with  a  string  of  wampum, 
all  which  himself  rated  at  45  fathom,  affirming  he  had  received  no  more, 
except  8s.  which  he  had  used,  and  would  repay."  He  was  brought  before 
Ninigret  and  questioned,  as  there  appeared  a  great  difference  in  their  ac- 
counts. "He  at  first  jrersisted,"  says  our  record,  " and  added  to  his  lyes,  but 
was  at  last  convinced  [confronted]  by  Ninir^rtt^  and  his  messengers  who  then 
brought  the  present,  and  besides  Cutshamokin  had  sent  him  at  the  same  time 
10  fathom  as  a  present  also."  It  still  remained  to  be  settled,  \yhether  this 
wampum  should  be  received  as  a  part  of  the  debt,  or  as  a  present;  and 
Ninigrtt  was  urged  to  say  how  it  should  be.  With  great  magnanimity  he 
answered : — 

"  My  tongue  shall  not  belie  my  heart,  JVhether  the  debt  be  paid  or  not,  I  in- 
tendeait  as  a  present  to  the  governor," 

It  is  unpleasant  to  contrast  the  characters  of  the  two  chiefs,  Cutshamokin 
and  JVtnigret,  because  the  former  had  long  had  the  advantage  of  a  civilized 
neighborhood,  and  the  latter  was  from  the  depths  of  the  forest,  where  he  saw 
an  Englishman  but  seldom.  VVe  could  say  much  upon  it;  but,  as  it  is 
thought  by  many  that  such  disquisitions  are  unprofitable,  we  decline  going 
into  them  here. 

What  we  have  related  seems  to  have  finished  the  business  of  the  day,  and 
doubtless  the  shades  of  night  were  very  welcome  to  Cutshamokin.  The  next 
day,  .Mnigret  came  into  court,  with  the  deputies  of  Pessacus,  and  spoke  to  the 
following  effect : — 

"Before  I  came  here  I  expected  the  burden  had  been  thro^vn  upon  me, 
Pessacus  not  having  done  what  he  agreed  to  do.  However,  I  have  considered 
upon  the  treaty  of  1645,  and  am  n^solved  to  give  the  English  satisfaction  in 
all  things.  I  will  send  some  of  my  men  immediately  to  Narraganset  and 
Niantick,  to  raise  the  wampum  now  due  to  them,  and  hope  to  hear  what  they 
will  do  in  three  days.  In  ten  days  I  think  the  wampum  will  arrive,  and  I 
will  stay  here  until  it  comes.  I  will  tell  this  to  the  Narraganset  confederates. 
But  if  there  should  not  enough  at  tliis  time  be  raised,  I  desire  some  forbear- 
iincc  as  to  time,  as  I  assure  you  that  the  remainder  shall  be  shortly  paid,  and 
you  shall  see  me  true  to  the  English,  ^lenceforth." 

This  speech  gave  the  commissioners  great  satisfaction,  and  they  proceeded 
to  other  business. 

The  messengers  sent  out  by  Ninigrel  did  not  return  so  soon  as  was  ex- 
pected ;  but,  on  the  16  August,  notice  was  given  of  their  arrival ;  sadly, 
however,  to  the  disappointment  of  the  commissioners,  for  they  brought  only 
200  fathom  of  wampum.  The  feelings  of  the  court  were  somewhat  changed, 
and  they  rather  sternly  demanded  "  what  tlie  reason  was,  that,  so  much  being 
due,  so  little  was  brought,  and  from  whon>  this  200  fathom  came."  Ninigret 
answered  that  he  was  disappointed  tliat  more  liad  not  been  brought,  but  said, 
if  he  had  been  at  home,  more  would  have  been  obtained :  that  100  fathom 
was  sent  by  Pessacus,  and  the  other  100  by  hie  people. 

The  commissioners  say,  that,  "not  thinking  it  meet  to  begin  a  present  war, 
if  satisfiiction,  (though  with  a  little  forbearance,  may  be  had  otherwise,)"  told 
JVtni^et,  that,  since  he  had  said  the  wami)uin  would  have  been  gathered  and 
j)aid  if  he  had  been  at  home  himself,  they  would  now  give  him  20  days  to  go 
and  get  it  in  ;  and,  if  he  could  not  procure  enough  by  500  fathom,  still  they 
would  not  molest  him  until  "  next  spring  planting  time."  That,  as  so  much 
was  still  due,  they  would  reckon  the  present  before  mentioned ;  but,  if  they 
did  not  bring  1000  fathom  in  twenty  days,  the  commissioners  would  send  no 
more  messengnrr  into  his  country,  "but  take  course  to  right  themselves." 
That,  if  they  were  "  forced  to  seek  satisfaction  by  arms,  he  and  his  confede- 
rates must  not  expect  to  make  their  peace,  as  late  iy  they  had  done,  by  a  little 
wampum.  In  the  mean  time,  though  for  breach  o;'  covenants  they  might  put 
tlieir  hostages  to  death,  yet  the  commissioners  would  forthwith  deliver  the 


Chap.  IV 

children 

meuts  ful 

charge;  a 

from  JVir 

whole  re 

promised 

Notwit 

their  deb 

about  110 

"  the   con 

aguitist  ti: 

seeking  Ji 

vppoii  l)ii 

A  Nurrag) 

River,  ran 

mortal  wo 

a  consider 

hired  to  at 

Mejinwl 

appeared 

of  deiinqu 

it  respecte 

neither  he 

drawn  thei 

assailant,  t 

fact  was  c 

confirmed, 

that  were  i 

since  he  hi 

one  apperti 

and  no  pro 

desperate  c 

great  engaj 

tity  of  wan 

his  life." 

The  judf 

find  tliem  ( 

got  the  con 

They  say  tl 

fatiiom  hiil 

more  to  aj)] 

wlii<-ii  he  a 

comiiiissioi 

(and  tlioug 

were  williii 

due  408  tilt 

<'/id(!nvoriii^ 

prfiiiises,  a 

to  tlicfn,  th( 

sfavc  iiim 

uii^'-lit  go  lii 

to  their  trc- 

Tiio  com 

aftiiirs  looko 

in  readinest 

{•resent  to  c( 

of  a  niarriaj 

brother's  so 


"  (ilnd,  no  I 
I'cred,  llmt  llie 
•»u  expense. 


t< 


[Book  II. 

nigret  snid 
Hired  liow 
18  we  have 
f  white,  in 
hat  he  had 

wampum, 
I  no  more, 
ght  before 
1  their  ac- 
lis  lyes,  but 
s  who  then 

same  time 
hether  this 
resent;  and 
animity  he 

)r  not,  I  in- 

Jutshamokin 
r  a  civihzed 
dere  he  saw 
mt,  as  it  is 
icline  going 

the  day,  and 

The  next 

spoke  to  the 

n  upon  me, 
e  considered 
itisfaction  in 
■aganset  and 
ir  what  they 
arrive,  and  I 
confederates. 
Dme  forbear- 
tly  paid,  and 

ly  proceeded 

as  was  ex- 
rival;  sadly, 
)rought  only 
lat  changed, 

much  being 
J^nigret 
^ht,  but  said, 

100  fathum 

^resent  war, 

r^vi8e,)"  told 

gathered  and 

JO  days  to  go 

om,  still  tli'ey 

as  BO  much 

but,  if  they 

Buld  pend  no 

themselves." 

his  confede- 

le,  by  a  little 

ey  might  put 

deliver  the 


Chap.  IV.]     NINIGRET.— THE  ENGLISH  PREPARE  FOR  WAR. 


73 


children  to  Ninigret,*  expecting  from  him  the  more  care  to  see  engage- 
ments fully  satisfied.  And,  if  they  find  liitn  real  in  his  performance,  they  will 
charge  all  former  neglects  u|)on  Pessaciis^^  and  "  in  such  case  they  expect 
from  Ninigrd  his  be.st  assistance,  when  he  shall  be  required  to  recover  the 
whole  remainder  from  him.  All  which  JVinigrd  cheerfully  accepted,  and 
promised  to  perform  accoixliugly." 

Notwithsuinding  all  their  pi-omises,  the  Narragausets  had  not  discharged 
their  debt  at  the  end  of  two  yeai"s  more,  though  in  that  time  they  had  paid 
about  1100  fathom  of  wampum.  At  their  meeting  this  year,  1(34!),  at  Boston, 
"the  commi.ssionere  were  minded  of  the  continued  complaint  of  Uncos" 
against  the  Narragansets,  that  they  were  "still  vndermining  his  peace  and 
seekiii>{  lii^  ruine,"  and  had  lately  endeavored  "  to  bring  in  the  Mowhaukes 
vp|)oii  him,"  which  failing,  they  next  tried  to  take  away  Ids  life  by  witchcraft. 
A  Nurraganset  Indian,  named  Cidtaquin,  "  in  an  English  vessel,  in  Mohegan 
River,  ran  a  sword  into  his  breast,  wlierby  hce  receeved,  to  all  appearance,  o 
mortal  wound,  which  murdierus  acte  the  assalant  then  confessed  bee  was,  foi 
a  considerable  sum  of  wampum,  by  the  Narragansett  and  Nianticke  sachems, 
hired  to  atlenifit." 

Mejmwhile  JVinigrd,  understanding  what  was  to  be  urged  against  him, 
appeared  suddenly  at  Boston  before  the  conunissioners.  The  old  caUtlogue 
of  delinquencies  was  read  over  to  him,  with  several  new  ones  appended.  As 
it  respected  Cuttaquin's  attenjpt  ujmn  tlie  life  of  Uncos,  JVinigrd  said  that 
neither  he  nor  Pessacus  hail  any  hand  in  it,  but  that  "he  [Cu/tm/utJi]  was 
drawn  thereunto  by  torture  from  the  Mohegans ;"  "but  he  was  told,  that  the 
assailant,  before  he  came  into  the  hands  of  the  Mohegans,  presently  atb;r  the 
fact  was  committed,  layed  the  charge  upon  him,  with  tlie  rest,  which  he 
confirmed,  the  day  following,  to  Capt.  Mason,  in  the  presence  of  the  English 
that  were  in  the  l>ark  with  him,  and  often  reiterated  it  at  Hartford,  though 
since  he  hath  denied  it :  that  he  was  presente<l  to  Uncos  under  the  notion  of 
one  appertaining  to  Vssarmijuin,  whereby  he  was  acknowledged  as  his  friend, 
and  no  provocation  given  him."  Cidtaquin  had  affirmed,  it  was  said,  that  his 
de8i)erate  condition  caused  him  to  attempt  the  life  of  Uncos,  "through  his 
great  engagement  to  the  said  sachems,  having  received  a  considerable  quan- 
tity of  wamptunj  which  he  had  spent,  who  otherwise  would  have  taken  away 
his  life." 

The  judgment  of  the  court  was,  that  the  sachems  were  guilty,  and  we  next 
find  tliem  engaged  in  settling  the  old  account  of  wampum.  JVinigrd  had 
got  the  commissioners  debited  more  than  they  at  first  were  willing  to  allow. 
They  say  that  it  ai)i)eared  by  the  auditor's  account,  that  no  more  than  1529^ 
fatiiom  hath  been  credited,  "  nor  could  J\rinigrd  by  any  evidence!  make  any 
more  to  a|)pear,  only  he  alleged  that  about  GOO  fiithom  was  paid  by  measure 
wlii<h  he  accounted  by  tale,  wherein  there  was  considerable  difl'enince.  The 
comniissioncrs,  not  willing  to  adhere  to  any  strict  terms  in  that  i)articular, 
(and  though  by  agr'jement  it  was  to  be  paid  by  measure  and  not  by  tale,) 
were  willing  to  allow  G2  fiitlioni  aiul  half  in  tliftt  resjuct,  so  that  there  remains 
du«!  408  fiitiionu  Bat  JVinigrd  persisting  in  his  former  affirmation,  and  not 
endeavoring  to  give  any  reiisonable  sati.-^fiielion  to  the  commissioners  in  the 
prcniisfs,  a  small  inconsiderable  parcel  of  Itcaver  being  all  that  was  tendered 
to  tliern,  diough  they  undcrstootl  he  was  better  provided."  They  therefore 
ga\i;  him  to  understand  that  tliey  were  altogether  di.ssatisfied,  and  that  he 
might  go  his  own  way,  as  they  were  determined  to  protect  Uncos  according 
to  their  treaty  with  him. 

Tiie  commissioners  now  expressed  the  opinion  among  themselves,  that 
affairs  looked  rather  turbulent,  and  advised  that  each  colony  should  hold  itself 
in  readiness  to  act  as  circumstance's  might  require,  «  which  they  the  rathei 
{•resent  to  consideration,  from  an  intbrniation  tlmy  received  since  their  sitting, 
of  a  marriage  shortly  intended  betwixt  J^i^nigreVs  daughter,  and  a  brotlier  or 
brotiier's  son  of  Sassaquos,  the  malignunt,  furious  Peuuot,  whereby  probably 

'  (JIad,  no  clotilil.  to  rid  llipiiisolvos  ol'llin  PxpoiKo  of  keeping  llirni ;  for  it  must  lie  rcmcm- 
liered,  tlint  the  English  look  them  upon  ihe  (.ondiliou  that  tlie_y  should  support  them  at  their 
own  expeiue. 


■i;.; 'v. '»'>■■ :.    VI, 
■A.wV;'>-„>T".>  r?w. 

»y  V.'.;  ■  ,.■•(,,  ■'.;'■' i,% 
"■ .,  V. ^^^  'Vi'  'H- 


^►^■»■ ;.  I'jjv,    r  ^-  \ 


■■  -.1.  ■   ■  .  ,    ■    ■,,      il 


;::-«<. 


'•■Vv^' 


'A-i*?-''''^' 


■!.<■•»  y«v'  :■,• 


1  ,    I'V'.  "';  ■ 


..(■;> 


.■iv  J...  .,  ■ 


-•1 

■■    ■  I''.' 

'''■■>■•■•■.  '•'.• 


-.Hr 


Tl  •,■     r.-v>.'-  . 


,'■■  ■  •"   : 


i-^'-^;? 

;Vt 

^\J. 

!    ■ .   ■       "  »     •"> 

i    ■■    ■^>.;;  ■• 

i'  •  t-  ■'•'».' 

F  •'  ^:--- 

■1- 

•.•■■■!>• 

•*"-'^ 

■  ..•  .,>'.■  i'. 

'■»■■--. 

'  ■  ••,' 


'      lev' 


-Jvi.  4 


''^s    ^  ,%■■ 


r^l\. 


74       WAIANDANCE  SEIZES  MIANTUXNOMOII'S  MESSENGER.      [Book  II, 

their  aims  are  to  gather  together,  and  reunite  the  scattered  conquered  Pe- 
quates  into  one  iKuiy,  and  sot  them  \x\)  airaiu  as  a  distinct  nation,  which  hath 
always  been  witnessed  against  hy  tlie  Liiglisli,  and  may  hazard  the  peace 
of  the  colonies." 

The  four  years  next  succeeding  are  full  of  events,  but  as  they  happened 
chiefly  among  the  Indians  themselves,  it  is  very  diflicult  to  learn  the  particu- 
lars. Ninigret  claimed  dominion  of  the  Indians  of  a  part  of  Long  Island,  as 
did  his  predecessors ;  but  those  Indians,  seeing  the  English  domineering 
over  the  Narragansets,  became  altogether  independent  of  them,  and  even 
waged  wars  upon  them. 

Ascassasotick  was  at  this  period  the  chief  of  those  Indians,  a  warlike  and 
courageous  chief,  but  as  treacherous  and  barbarous  as  he  was  brave.  These 
islanders  had,  from  the  time  of  the  Pequot  troubles,  been  protected  by  the 
English,  which  much  increased  their  insolence.  Not  only  hud  Ninigret,  and 
the  rest  of  the  NaiTagansets,  suffered  liom  his  insidts,  but  the  Moliegans  had 
also,  as  we  shall  more  fully  make  appear  herealler. 

When  the  English  commissioners  had  met  at  Hartford  in  1G50,  Uncos 
came  with  a  comidaint  to  them,  "  that  the  Mohansick  sachem,  in  Long 
Island,  had  killed  som  of  his  men ;  bewitched  diners  others  and  himself 
also,"  which  was  doubtless  as  true  as  were  most  of  his  charges  against  tlm 
Narragansets,  "and  desired  the  commissioners  that  hee  might  be  righted 
therin.  But  because  the  said  sachem  of  Long  Island  was  not  there  to  an- 
swer for  himself,"  several  Englishmen  were  appointed  to  examine  into  it, 
and  if  they  found  him  guilty  to  let  him  know  that  they  "^will  bring  trouble 
upon  themselves." 

At  the  same  meeting  an  order  was  passed,  "that  20  men  well  armed  be 
Gent  out  of  the  jurisdiction  of  the  MassaclniFctts  to  Pessicus,  to  demand  the 
said  wampum,  [then  in  arrears,]  which  is  308  fathom;"  hut  in  case  they 
could  not  get  the  wampum,  they  were  ordered  "  to  take  the  same,  or  the 
vallew  therof,  in  the  best  and  most  suitable  goods  they  can  find."  Or,  if 
they  could  not  find  enough  to  satisfy  all  demands,  they  were  ordered  to  seize 
and  "  bring  away  either  Pessacus  or  his  children,  or  such  other  considerable 
sachem  or  jjersons,  as  they  prize,  and  may  more  probably  bow  them  to 
reason." 

From  Pessacus,  they  were  ordered  to  go  to  JVinigret,  and  inform  him  that 
the  commissioners  had  heard  "  that  he  had  given  his  daughter  in  marriage  to 
Sasecos  his  brother,  who  gathers  Pequois  wider  him,  as  if  either  he  would  become 
their  sachem,  or  again  possess  the  Pequot  country,"  which  was  contrary  to 
"  engagements,"  and  what  they  would  not  allow,  and  he  must  inform  them 
whether  it  were  so.  To  inform  him  also  that  If'equash  Cool'  "  complains  of 
sundry  wrongs."  And  that,  as  to  his  hunting  in  the  Pequot  country,  to  uiform 
him  he  had  no  right  to  do  so,  as  that  country  belonged  to  the  English.  The 
termination  of  tliis  expedition,  in  which  JVinigrtt  was  taken  "  by  the  hair," 
has  been  previously  mentioneil  in  our  extr«f!t  tiom  Dr.  Mather. 

We  have  in  the  life  of  Mimitunnomoh  given  some  account  of  the  acts  of  a 
chief  called  JVaiandanee,  especially  relating  to  the  disorganization  of  the 
plans  of  that  great  chief.  We  come,  in  this  place,  to  a  ])arallel  act  in  relation 
to  JVinigret.  About  a  year  after  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh,  JVinigret  under- 
took to  organize  a  plan  for  expatriating  the  English ;  and  sent  a  messenger 
to  Waiandance,  the  Long  Island  sachem,  to  engage  him  in  it.  Instead  of 
listening  to  his  message,  Waiandarce  seized  upon  JVinigreCs  messenger, 
bound  him,  and  sent  him  to  Captain  Oardener  at  Saybrook  fort.  From  thence 
he  was  sent,  under  a  guard  of  10  men,  ibr  Hartlbrd.  lint  they  were  wind- 
bound  in  their  passage,  and  were  obliged  to  put  in  to  Shelter  Island,  where 
an  old  sachem  lived,  who  was  Waiandance'' s  elder  brother.  Here  they  let 
J^nigreVs  ambassador  escape,  and  thus  he  had  knowledge  that  his  plan  was 
discovered  and  overthrown. 

Since  we  have  here  introduced  the  sachem  Waiandance,  we  will  add  the 
account  of  his  last  acts  and  death.  One  William  Hammond  lu'ing  killed  "hy 
a  giant-like  Indian"  near  New  York,  about  1037,  Captain  Gardener  told 
Waiandance  that  he  must  kill  that  Indian  ;  but  this  being  agauist  the  advice 
of  tlie  great  sachem,  his  brother,  he  declined  it,  and  told  the  captain  that  that 


I 


CUAP.  IV. 

indian  vi 
that  he  h 
Farringtc 
undertooi 
the  servif 
he  (lied,  1 
Island  dl 
have." 

.Yinigri 
This  caii.s 
the  Dutch 
had  rc|)or 
English  ; 
.siotiens  at 
had  lengu 
upon  a  let 
conr.'iitiing 
and  Meeks 
to  h(!  in.>m 
The  qiK 
1.  VVhethc 
'2.  Whethe 

5.  Whethe 
Dut<;h.— 4. 
trary  to  th( 

6.  W  they 
diey  had  n 
were  their 
better  com( 
had  hired  t; 

"The  am 
queries  anc 
Barrell,  the 

Mexam  a 
he  said : — 

"  I  speak 

know  of  no 

Dutch  gov( 

ginis,  powd 

English,  m 

intention  to 

friends.     AV 

English  sac 

g(»0(l.«,  guns 

of  us  and  o 

of  no  such 

reports  agai 

UfMiessary  to 

nii!.sseng(!r8 

niy.i;'lf,"l  an 

to  speak  wit 

to  S|)cak  to 

and  all  En^ 


"  The  third 
ilio  |)r()[)oiin(lei 

t  I'^yt'ry  one 
'.vorlhics,  Josfp 
ihoiiijli  not  nil 
^"iilil  exert 
"  I  am  not  won 
to  do  it."     Dr. 

I  Vdl'tntiiu  I 


v> 


[Book  IL 

lered  Pe- 
liich  hutli 
iiu  peace 

liappened 
[",  purticu- 
iHiuixl,  us 
nineering 
und  even 

irlike  and 
..  Thfse 
ed  by  tlio 
ligret,  and 
sgans  hud 


50,  Uncas 
ill  Long 
1  himselt" 
gainst  tli<^ 
>o  righted 
ere  to  aii- 
ne  into  it, 
ng  trouble 

armed  be 
>inand  the 

case  they 
lie,  or  tlie 
[."  Or,  if 
ed  to  seize 
msiderable 
V  them  to 

1  him  that 

narriage  to 

vld  btcotiie 

ontrary  to 

Ibrni  tlieni 

Tiplains  of 

to  uilbrm 

ish.    The 

the  hair," 

e  acts  of  a 
ion  of  the 
ill  relation 
•ret  iinder- 
niessenger 
usteud  (if 
icssenger, 
GUI  tlieuce 
^erc  wind- 
md,  wliero 
re  they  let 
l>lan  was 

11  add  the 
killed  "by 
■dener  told 
the  advice 
a  that  that 


I 


Chap.  IV]  NINIGRET  ACCUSED  OF  A  PLOT  WITH  THE  DUTCH. 


75 


■•r    (-':•'■ -^l^ 


indian  was  a  mighty  great  man,  and  no  man  dared  meddle  with  him,  anti 
that  he  had  many  friends.  Some  time  after,  he  killed  another,  one  Thomas 
Farrirufton,  and  in  the  mean  time,  JVaiandanct'a  brother  having  died,  he 
undertook  hi?  execution,  which  he  accomplished.  This  was  his  last  act  in 
the  service  of  the  English  ;  "for  in  tiie  thiie  of  a  great  mortality  among  them, 
he  died,  but  it  was  by  poison ;  also  two-thirds  of  the  Indians  upon  Long 
Island  died,  else  the  Narragansets  had  not  made  such  havoc  here  as  they 
have." 

.M'inigret  passed  the  winter  of  1G52 — 3  among  the  Dutch  of  New  York. 
Tills  caused  tlie  English  great  suspicion,  especially  as  they  were  enemies  to 
the  Dutch  at  that  time ;  and  several  sagamores  who  resided  near  the  Diitcii 
liiiii  rejtorted  that  the  Dutch  governor  was  trying  to  hire  them  to  cut  ofl"  the 
Knjilisli ;  consequently,  there  was  a  special  meeting  of  the  English  comniis- 
siiiners  at  Boston,  in  April,  1053,  occasioned  by  a  rumor  that  the  Narragansets 
had  leagued  with  the  Dutch  to  break  up  the  liiiglish  si;ttleineiit.s.  Where- 
upon a  letter  was  sent  by  them  to  their  agent  .,  Narraganset,  Thomas  Slantun, 
<;()iif.Mitiiiig  "divei-s  queries,"  by  him  to  be  interpreted  "to  .Vinefrrelt,  Pessiciiit 
and  Meeksam,  three  of  the  chiefest  Narraganset  sachems,"  and  their  answers 
to  he  immediately  obtained  and  rei>orted  to  the  commissioners. 

Tlie  questions  to  be  put  to  the  sachems  were,  in  substance,  as  follows : — 

1.  Whether  the  Dutch  had  engaged  them*  to  tight  against  the  English. — 

2.  Whether  the   Dutch    governor  did    not  endeavor  such  a  cousjiiracy. — 

3.  Whether  they  hiul  no:  received  arms  and  munitions  of  war  from  tlie 
Dut<!li. — 4.  What  otI:.'r  IndiiUis  are  engaged  in  the  plot. — 5.  Whether,  con- 
trary to  their  engagement,  they  were  resolved  to  tijrht  against  the  English. — 
*>.  If  they  are  so  resolved,  wJiat  tlieu  lldiik  the  Enfrliah  will  do. — 7.  Whether 
diey  had  not  better  be  true  to  the  English. — 8.  Similar  to  the  tirst. — !).  What 
were  their  grounds  of  war  against  the  English. — 10.  Whether  t'ley  had  not 
better  come  or  send  messengers  to  treat  with  the  English. — 11.  Whether  they 
had  hired  the  Mohawks  to  help  them. 

"The  answai'e  of  the  sachems,  viz.  JVtniffrett,  Pessecus  and  jXUxavi,  vnto  the 
queries  and  letters  sent  by  the  inessengei-s,  Sarjeaut  ff^aile  and  Sarjeant  John 
Barrdl,  the  18tli  of  the  second  month,  1(>53." 

Mexam  seems  to  have  been  the  first  that  anawered ;  and  of  the  firet  query 
he  said : — 

"I  speak  unfeignedly,  from  my  heart,  and  say,  witiiout  dissimulation,  that  I 
know  of  no  such  plot  against  the  English,  my  friends;  implicating  eithiir  the 
Dutch  governor  or  any  other  |)ers()n.  Though  I  be  poor,  it  is  not  goods, 
guns,  powder  nor  shot,  that  shall  draw  me  to  such  a  plot  as  this  against  the 
English,  my  friends,  f  If  tlie  Dutch  governor  had  made  known  any  such 
intention  to  me,  I  would  have  told  it,  without  delay,  to  the  English,  my 
friends.  With  respect  to  your  second  question,  I  answer,  Ao.  What  do  the 
English  sachems,  my  friends,  think  of  us.? — do  they  think  we  should  prefer 
goods,  guns,  powder  and  shot,  iKjfbre  our  lives?  our  means  of  living?  both 
of  us  and  ours  ?  As  to  the  4tli  query,  I  speak  from  my  heart,  and  say,  I  know 
of  no  such  plot  by  the  Dutch  governor.  There  may  come  fiilse  news  and 
reports  against  us;  let  them  say  what  they  will,  they  are  false.  It  is  un- 
necessary to  say  more.  But  in  answer  to  tlie  iOtli  query  I  will  say,  It  is  just 
messengers  should  be  sent  to  treat  with  the  English  saeheiiiB,  but  as  for 
iiiys;'lf,  I  am  old,  and  (tannot  travel  two  days  togedier,  but  a  man  shall  Im;  sent 
to  speak  with  the  sachems.  I  have  sent  to  Mr.  Smith,  and  IW/t  his  man, 
to  speak  to  Mr.  Brown,  and  to  say  to  him,  that  I  love  the  English  .sachems, 
and  all  Englishmen  in  the  Bay :  And  desire  Mr.  Bi  own  to  tell  the  sachems 

*  The  thin!  person  singular,  he,  is  used  throughout,  in  the  original,  as  it  was  supposed  by 
tlie  propounders  that  each  oliief  would  l)e  (jucsliuned  separately. 

t  Kvery  one  must  be  forcibly  reminded  of  the  answer  given  by  one  of  our  revolutionary 
worthies,  Joscplt  Reed,  Esq.,  to  a  Urilish  agent,  on  read'iig  this  answer  of  the  chief  Me.rnm. 
ihougli  not  under  circumstances  exactly  similar.  .Mr.  Reed  was  promised  a  forlune  if  he 
ivonid  exert  himself  on  the  side  of  the  king.  Viewing  •'.  in  if>e  light  of  a  bribe,  he  replied 
"  I  am  not  vorth  purchasing,  but,  such  as  I  am,  the  kintr  of  Gr,-at  Hrilain  is  nut  rich  enougl 
to  do  it."     Dr.  Gordon's  America,  iii.  172.  etl.  London,  4  vols.  8vo.  1788, 

t  Vallerdiju  Whitnuin,  an  interpreter,  elsewhere  liauieij. 


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76 


MESSAGE  TO  NINIGRET.-       ^  ANSWER, 


I  Book  II. 


of  the  Bay,  that  the  child  that  is  now  bom,  or  that  is  to  be  bom  in  time  to 
come,  sliali  see  no  war  made  by  ns  against  the  Eiighsli." 

Pessacus  spoke  to  this  j)urpo8e : — 

"  I  am  very  thankful  to  these  two  men  that  came  from  the  Massachusetts, 
and  to  you  Thomas,  and  to  you  Poll,*  and  to  you  Mr.  Smith,  you  that  are 
come  so  far  as  frouj  tlie  Bay  to  bring  us  this  message,  and  to  inform  us  of 
these  things  we  knew  not  of  b<!tbrc.  As  for  the  governor  of  the  Dutch,  we 
are  loath  to  invent  any  falsehood  of  him,  though  we  i)c  'iir  from  him,  to  please 
the  English,  or  any  others  tliat  bring  these  reports.  For  what  I  speak  with 
my  mouth  I  speak  from  my  heart.  The  Dutch  governor  did  never  propound 
any  such  thing  unto  us.  Do  you  think  we  are  mad?  and  that  we  have 
forgotten  our  writing  iliat  we  had  in  the  Bay,  whicli  jloth  hind  us  to  the 
English,  our  friends,  in  a  way  of  friendship?  Shall  we  throw  away  that 
writing  and  ourselves  too?  Have  we  net  reason  in  us ?  How  can  the  Dutch 
shelter  us,  l)eing  so  remote,  against  the  power  of  the  English,  our  friends — 
we  living  close  by  the  doors  of  the  English,  our  friends  ?  We  do  profess,  we 
abhor  such  things." 

Lastly,  we  come  to  the  chief  actor  in  this  affair,  Ninigret.  He  takes  up 
each  query  in  order,  and  answers  it;  which,  for  brevity's  sake,  we  will  give  in 
a  little  more  condensed  fonn,  omitting  nothing,  however,  that  can  in  any 
degree  add  to  our  acquaintance  with  the  great  chief.     He  thus  commences : — 

"  I  utterly  deny  that  there  has  been  any  agreement  made  iM-tween  the  Dutch 
ji,overncr  and  myself,  to  fight  against  the  English.  I  did  never  hear  the 
Dutchmen  say  they  would  go  and  fight  against  the  Etiglish ;  neither  did  I 
hear  the  Indians  say  they  would  join  with  them.  But,  while  I  was  there  at 
the  Indian  wigwams,  there  came  some  Indians  that  tohl  me  there  was  a  ship 
come  in  from  Holland,  which  did  report  the  English  and  Dutch  were  fighting 
together  in  their  own  country,  and  there  were  several  other  ships  coming  with 
ammunition  to  fight  against  the  English  here,  and  that  there  would  be  a  gi-eat 
blow  given  to  the  English  when  they  came.  But  this  I  had  from  the  Indians, 
and  how  true  it  is  I  cannot  tell.  I  know  not  of  any  wrong  the  English  have 
done  me,  therefore  why  should  I  fight  against  them  ?  Why  do  the  English 
sachems  ask  me  the  same  questions  over  and  over  again  ?  Do  they  think  we 
are  mad — and  would,  for  a  few  guns  and  swords,  sell  our  lives,  and  the  lives 
of  our  wives  and  chiMren?  As  to  their  tenth  question,  it  l)eing  indifferently 
spoken,  whether  I  may  go  or  snnd,  though  I  know  nothing  myself,  wherein  I 
have  wronged  the  English,  to  prevent  my  going;  yet,  as  I  said  before,  it  being 
leli  to  my  choice,  that  is,  it  being  indiffenMit  to  the  commissioners,  whether  1 
will  send  some  one  to  speak  with  them,  I  will  send."t 

To  the  letters  which  the  English  messengers  earned  to  the  sachems,  Mexam 
and  Peasants  said,  "  fVe  desire  there  may  be  no  mistake,  but  that  ive  may  be 
understood,  and  that  there  may  be  a  true  understanding  on  both  sides.  We  desire 
to  know  where  you  had  this  neios,  that  there  ivas  such  a  league  made  betttnxt  the 
Dutch  and  us,  and  also  to  know  our  accusers" 

J'^inigret,  though  of  the  most  importance  in  this  affair,  is  last  mentioned  in 
the  records,  and  his  answer  to  the  letter  brought  him  by  the  messengers  is  as 
follows : — 

"  You  are  kindly  welcome  to  us,  and  I  kindly  thank  the  sachems  of  Massa- 
chusetts that  they  should  thhik  of  me  as  one  of  tiie  sachems  worthy  to  be 
inquired  of  concerning  this  matter.  Had  any  of  the  other  sachems  been  at 
the  Dutch,  I  should  have  feared  their  folly  might  have  done  some  hurt,  one 
way  or  other,  but  they  have  not  i)een  there."  /  am  the  man.  I  have  been 
thei-e  myself  I  alone  am  answemble  for  what  I  have  done.  And,  as  I  have 
alrtuuly  declared,  I  do  utterly  deny  and  protest  that  I  know  of  no  such  pl^t  as 
has  been  apprehended.  What  is  the  story  of  these  great  rumors  that  I  hear  at 
Pocatocke— that  I  should  be  cut  off,  and  that  the  English  had  a  quarrel  against 


*  So  prinlod  in  Hazard,  but  proliably  means  lli  • 
been  taken  for  /'.     We  have  known  such  instanr^ 


.me  a.s  Voll ;  V,  in  the  latter  case,  having 


t  'I'ho  prcrcdinff  scnienre  of  niir  text,  the  r.utlior  of  Tales  of  the  Indians  thinks,  "  wouM 
puzzle  tlie  most  mysttfi/iinc  politician  of  monprn  limes."  Indeed!  What!  a  Philadelphia 
lawyer  1  Really,  we  cannot  conceive  that  it  ought  in  llie  least  to  puzzle  even  a  BotUm 
iawyer.    If  a  puzzle  exist  any  where,  we  app'ohend  it  is  in  some  mrfstifijing  word. 


,^-: 


Chap.  IV.] 

me?  I  kn 
thither  to  t 
enteruiinmt 
encourageu 
It  was  win 
the  govern 
it,  to  let  m 
friends." 

Not  long 
relation  of 
.Vinigret,  P 
was  iniine( 
the  followin 

".Wnigre 
hearing  tiie 
Wintkrop  k 
doctor  1 0,  a 
with  sleeves 
That,  while 
Indian  told 
the  Dutch 
brought  hiir 
home  with 
com])any  w. 
other  side  o 
wani|)um,  af 
the  two  guns 
was  tlieti  di 
heaver  skins 
cai)tured  by 

An  Indiat 
one  that  ac 
Matures  tolc 
learned  theii 
Long  Island, 
heard  tliat  so 
the  English.' 
the  English, 
and  gun.s,  for 
alfiriii  that  th 
[stated,]  thou 
atfirmed  also 
they  would  g 

On  exaniii 
was  gtiilty  of 
punishment, 
fore,  desired 
them  again, 
t'lwashaw  ne; 
upon  he  was 
manded  how 
yinigret."  ''. 
dian  and  the 
who  had  con 
demanded  re 
told  him  that 
when  they  hi 
So,  all  this 
plot  there  a| 
great  depredi 
inquire  into  i 


Cbap.  IV] 


NINIGRET.— AWASHAW. 


77 


roe?  I  know  of  no  such  cause  at  all  for  my  part  Is  it  tecause  1  went 
thither  to  take  physic  for  my  health  ?  or  what  is  the  caust;  ?  I  found  no  such 
entertainment  from  the  Dutch  governor,  when  I  was  there,  as  to  give  nte  any 
encouragement  to  stir  me  up  to  such  a  league  against  the  English,  rny  friends. 
It  was  winter  time,  and  I  stood,  a  great  part  of  a  winter  day,  knocking  at 
the  governor's  door,  and  he  would  neither  open  it,  nor  suft'er  others  to  optm 
it,  to  let  me  in.  I  was  not  wont  to  find  such  carriage  from  the  Englisli,  my 
friends." 

Not  long  after  the  return  of  the  English  messengers,  who  brought  the  ahove 
relation  of  their  mission,  Jlwashaw  arrived  at  Boston,  as  "luesseuger"  of 
,\inigret,  Pessacus,  and  Mexam,  with  "three  or  four"  others.  An  hi<iuisition 
was  immediately  held  over  him,  and,  from  his  cross-examination,  we  gather 
the  following  answers: — 

".Vmigrei  told  me  that  he  went  to  the  Dutch  to  he  cured  of  his  disease, 
hearing  there  was  a  Frenchman  there  that  could  cure  him ;  and  Mr.  John 
Wintkrop  knew  of  his  going.  He  carried  30  fathom  of  wampum,  gave;  the 
doctor  10,  and  the  Dutch  governor  15,  who,  in  lieu  thereof,  gave  him  coats 
with  sleeves,  but  not  one  gun,  tliough  the  Indians  there  gave  him  two  guns. 
That,  while  N^nigret  was  there,  he  crossed  Hudson's  River,  and  there  an 
Indian  told  him  about  the  arrival  of  the  Dutch  ships.  As  to  the  corn  sent  to 
the  Dutch  by  JVtnigTef,  it  was  only  to  \my  his  passagt;,  the  Dutch  having 
brought  him  home  m  a  vessel.  Five  men  went  with  JVinim-et.  Four  came 
home  with  him  in  the  vessel,  and  one  came  by  land  beiore.  One  of  his 
comimny  was  a  Mohegan,  and  one  a  Conecticott  Indian,  who  lived  on  the 
other  side  of  Hudson's  River.  A  canoe  was  furnished  with  (50  fathom  of 
wani))um,  after  JVini^et^s  return  frotn  Moidiatoes,  to  be  sent  then;  to  pay  lor 
the  two  guns,  but  six  fathom  of  it  was  to  have  been  paid  to  the  doctor,  which 
was  then  due  to  him.  There  were  in  it,  also,  two  raccoon  coats,  and  two 
heaver  skins,  and  seven  Indians  to  go  with  it.  They  and  the  canoe  were 
ca])turcd  by  Uncas." 

An  Indian  named  "  JVeiocom-Matuxes,  sometimes  of  Rhode  Island,"  wa.s 
one  that  accompanied  Awaakaw.  "  One  John  Lighlfoot,  of  Boston,"  sjiid 
Matuxts  told  him,  in  Dutch,  (he  had  lived  among  them  at  Southhold,  and 
learned  their  language,)  that  the  Dutchmen  woidd  "cutotF"the  English  of 
Long  Island.  "  JVew;co»i  also  confesseth  [to  him]  that  JVinigret  said  that  he 
heard  that  some  ships  were  to  come  from  Holland^  to  the  Monhattoes  to  cut  off" 
the  English."  "  That  an  Indian  told  him  that  the  Dutch  would  come  agaitist 
the  English,  and  cut  them  oft",  but  they  would  save  the  women  and  children 
and  guns,  for  themselves.  But  Capt.  Simkins  and  the  said  Lightfoot  do  both 
atlirm  that  the  said  Nexccom  told  thorn  that  the  Dutchmen  told  him,  as  before 
[stated,]  though  he  now  puts  it  oft",  and  saith  an  Indian  told  him  so."  Simkins 
affirmed  also  that  JVewcom  told  hiin  that  if  he  would  go  and  serve  the  Dutch, 
they  woidd  give  him  £100  a  year. 

On  examining  JVeiocom,  the  commissioners  gave  it  as  their  opinion  that  he 
was  guilty  of  perfidy,  and  that  they  should  not  have  let  him  escape  without 
punishment,  but  for  his  being  considered  as  an  ambassador.  They,  there- 
fore, desired  Awashaio  to  inform  jVinigret  of  it,  that  he  might  send  him  to 
them  again,  "  the  better  to  clear  hiujseltl"  This  we  apprehend  was  not  done. 
t'hccuihnw  next  notified  the  court  that  he  had  not  done;  with  thom,  "  wiicre- 
upoii  he  was  sent  for  to  sjieak  what  he  had  further  to  propound."  He  de- 
manded how  they  came  by  their  information  "of  all  these  things  touching 
JVinigrtt."  They  said  from  several  Indians,  parliciUarly  "  tlie  Moidieage  In- 
dian and  the  Narraganset  Indian,  wliich  were  both  tJiken  by  Uncus  his  men, 
wiio  had  confessed  the  i)lot  before  Mr.  Haines  at  Hartford."  Awashitw  also 
demanded  restitution  of  the  wampum  taken  by  Uncos.  The  connnissioni'rs 
told  him  that  they  had  not  as  yet  undei-stood  of  the  truth  of  thai  action,  but 
wiien  they  had  thoroughly  examined  it,  ho  should  have  an  answer. 

So,  all  this  legislating  was  about  JVinigreCs  going  to  the  Dutch ;  for  as  to  a 

plot  there  a|)pears  no  evidence  of  any ;  but  when   Uncas  had  committed  a 

great  depredation  ujjon  JVinigret,  why — "  that  altered  the  case  " — they  must 

inquire  into  it,  which  doubtless  was  all  right  so  far;  but  if  a  like  complaint 

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NLMGRET.— UNCASS  PERFIDY. 


[DooK  II. 


had  bren  preferred  against  JS/tnigret  by  Uncas.  we  bave  reason  to  tbiiik  it 
would  bave  been  fortliwitb  "inquired  into,"  at  lea.st,  witiiout  an  if. 

A  Htory,  it  cannot  be  called  evide;ice,  told  by  Uncas,  relating  to  NinifrreVs 
visit  to  the  Diitcb,  is  recorded  by  the  conunissioners,  and  which,  if  it  amount 
to  any  thing,  gocw  to  prove  himself  guilty,  and  is  indeed  an  acknowledgment 
of  bis  own  perfidy  in  taking  JMinigieCs  boat  and  goods,  as  charged  by  Awa- 
sliaip.     It  is  as  follows  : — 

"  Uncas,  theMohegan  sachem,  came  lately  to  Mr.  Hains^  house  at  Hartford, 
and  ini'ormed  him  that  JVinnigrett,  sachem  of  the  Niantick  Narragansetts, 
went  tiiis  winter  to  the  JVlonbatoes"  and  made  a  league  witli  the  Dutch  gov- 
ernor, and  for  a  large  jjresent  of  wam|)Uin  received  §0  guns  and  a  great  box 
of  powder  and  bullets.  jVintgrel  toid  him  of  the  great  injuries  he  had 
sustained  from  Uncus  and  the  English.  That  on  the  other  side  of  Hudson's 
River,  JVinigret  bad  a  conference  with  a  great  many  Indian  sagamores,  and 
•iesircd  their  aid  to  cut  off  tbeMohegans  and  English.  Also,  that,  about  two 
years  since,  JVinigret  "  sent  to  the  Monheage  sachem,  and  gave  him  a  present 
of  wampum,  pressing  him  to  procure  a  man  skilful  in  magic  workings,  and 
an  artist  in  poisoning,  and  send  unto  him ;  and  he  should  receive  mrre  one 
bimdredth  liithom  of  wampum,  which  was  to  have  been  conveyed  to  the 
Monheage  sachem,  and  the  powaugh  at  the  return  of  him  that  was  to  bring 
the  j)oison.  Uncas  having  intelligence  of  these  things,  caused  a  narrow 
watch  to  be  set,  by  sea  and  land,  for  the  apprehending  of  those  persons;  and 
accordingly  took  tlieui  rt!turning  in  a  canoe  to  the  number  of  seven:  whereof 
lour  of  them  were  Narragansets,  two  strangers  and  one  Pequatt.  This  was 
done  in  his  absence,  while  he  was  with  Mr.  Haines,  at  Conecticott,  and  carried 
by  those  of  his  men  that  took  them  to  Mohegan.  Being  there  examined,  two 
of  them,  the  [VVampeagc;*]  sachem's  brother,  and  one  Narraganset  freely  con- 
f('s,xe(l  the  whole  plot  formerly  expressed,  and  that  one  of  their  company  was 
that  (lowaugh  and  prisoner,  pointing  out  the  man.  Upon  this,  his  men  in  a 
rag(!  slew  him,  fearing,  as  he  said,  least  he  should  make  an  escape,  or  other- 
wise do  either  mischief  to  Uncas  or  the  English,  in  case  they  should  carry 
him  with  the  rest  before  them,  to  Conecticott  to  be  further  examined.  And 
being  brought  to  Conecticott  before  Mr.  Haines,  and  examined,  did  assert 
these  [)articulars." 

An  Indian  squaw  also  informed  "an  inhabitant  of  Wethersfield,  that  the 
Dutch  and  Indians  generally  were"  confederating  to  cut  off  the  English,  and 
that  election  day,  [1G54,]  was  the  time  s(;t,  "because  then  it  is  apprehended 
the  |)iautations  will  b(!  left  naked  and  unable  to  defend  themselves,  the  strength 
of  the  English  colonics  being  gatiiered  from  the  several  towns.  And  the 
aforesaid  squaw  atlvised  tiic  said  inhabitants  to  acquaint  the  rest  of  the  Eng- 
lish witli  it,  desiring  they  would  remember  how  dear  their  slighting  of  her 
former  information  of  the  Pequots  coming  u|)on  the  English  cost  them."t 

It  would  seem,  from  a  careful  examination  of  the  records,  that  something 
had  been  suggested  either  by  the  Dutch  or  Indians,  about  "  cutting  off  the 
lOiigiisli,"  which  justice  to  JVinigret  requires  us  to  state,  might  have  been  the 
case  without  his  knowledge  or  participation.  For,  the  testiinony  of  the  mes- 
sengers of  "nine  Indian  sagamores  who  live  about  the  Monhatoes "  no  how 
inqilicates  him,  and,  therefore,  cannot  be  taken  into  account,  any  more  than 

*  Soo  <lu('larilioii  onward  in  llio  records,  (llaz.  ii.  222.) 

t  Ki'lerriiig  to  nn  all'air  of  IIJJT,  vvliirli  L)r.  /.  Mather  relates  as  follows:  "In  the  interim, 
f  while  (":i|)t.  Miison  was  protc'cling^  Saybrook  fort,]  many  of  tlie  Pequods  went  to  a  place 
now  called  Wethersfield  on  (Jonnecticul  iliver,  and  having  confederated  with  the  Indians  of 
ilial  place,  (as  it  was  c-eiierally  thought,)  they  laid  in  ambush  for  the  English  people  of  that 
place,  an(l  divers  of  them  going  to  their  labor  in  a  large  field  adjoining  to  the  town,  were  set 
upon  by  the  Indians.  Nine  of  the  English  were  slain  upon  the  place,  and  some  horses,  and 
two  young  women  were  taken  captive."  Relation  of  the  Troubles,  Slc.%. — Dr.  Trttmbuil 
says  this  happened  In  April.    Ilist.  Con.  i.  77. 

The  canse  of  this  act  of  the  I'equots,  according  to  Winthrop,  i.  2G0,  was  this.  An  Indian 
called  Sfi/uin  had  given  the  English  lands  at  WelhersfieUl,  that  he  might  live  by  them  and  be. 
protected  from  other  Indians.  f{ul  when  he  came  there,  and  had  set  down  his  wigwam,  llie 
English  drove  him  away  by  force.  And  hence  it  was  supposed  that  ho  had  plotted  their 
destruction,  as  above  related,  with  the  Pequots. 


Chap.  IV.] 

what  an  Ii 

another  In< 

was  only  a 

,'Hdain  al 

saitii  lie  ra 

iVlonliatoi's, 

asked  the  Ii 

with  them. 

coiirairi'd  1)1 

Jttilnm  til 

().  S.]  the  J 

w(>nt  to  a  pi 

thence  to  M 

tlicnce  to  F 

tlience  he  sr 

with  him  m 

to  the  sagan 

iMi'M ;  and  w 

lie  woidd  g(! 

.sciirii  of  the 

cut  off  the  1 

iinil  he  was  I 

lie  sent  one  ( 

the  s!igamor< 

J{|it  the  sagai 

Govert  gave 

liad  htit  20  n 

vium\  to  fighi 

the  Dutch  gc 

and  tliere  wn 

of  fire,  f  or  tl 

liaiid,  and  he 

the  governor 

Neverthele 

the  English, 

his  physician 

111  a  long  I 

dam,  Pder  S 

ill  part  true, 

slruiige  India 

sets.    But  he 

pass,  as  we  r< 

he  cured  and 

aiiv  a.ssemblv 

[of- it.]     We' 

lie  hath  beer 

with  him,  bu 

only  tiiis  we 

reports,  and  f 

'file  war  w 

finssi'ssion,  \, 

J\%igret. 

In  1G54,  th 
tliat  tlie  last  s 
allfge,  fell  up 
killed  many  o 
"'I'liis  simim 
killed  a  man 


*  A  Dutch  ofT 

t  To  liffht  the 

with  the  fiidians 


[DOOK   11. 

to  think  it 

I  j\ini^refs 
['  it  umouiit 
vvlculgiiuiiit 
•d  by  Awa- 
it Ilurtford, 
•rajfuusetts, 
Dutch  gov- 
i  great  box 
ies  tie  had 
f  IIikIhou'k 
mores,  and 
,  about  two 

II  a  present 
rkings,  and 
e  iiif  re  one 
3yed  to  the 
'as  to  bring 
I  a  narrow 
Tsous;  and 
i:  whereof 

This  was 
anil  carried 
imiiied,  two 
;  freely  con- 
mpany  was 
s  ineu  in  a 
)e,  or  other- 
liould  carry 
lined.  And 
,  did  assert 

Id,  that  the 
■English,  and 
pprehended 
the  strength 
And  the 
of  the  Eng- 
iting  of  her 
lern."  f 
something 
ting  otf  the 
ve  been  the 
of  the  ines- 
is"  no  how 
f  more  than 


n  the  inlerini. 

lit  to  a  place 
Ihe  Indians  of 
people  of  that 
own,  were  set 
horses,  and 
•Dr.  Trumbull 


Chap.  IV.] 


NINIGRET.— .\DDAM. 


79 


s.  An  Indian 
them  and  he 

1  wigwam,  il'c 
plotted  their 


y 


what  an  Indian  named  Ronnessoke  told  J\/^cholu3  Tanner,  ns  interpreted  by 
another  Indian  called  Addam ;  tht;  latter,  though  relating  to  JSTmi^rtCs  visit, 
was  only  a  hearsay  affair.    Ronnessoke  was  a  sagamore  of  Long  Island. 

Aldam  also  interpreted  the  story  of  another  Indian,  called  Powancife,  "  who 
Hfiitli  lie  ranie  from  the  Indians  who  dwell  over  the  river,  over  against  the 
Miiiiliatoes,  where  the  plot  is  a  working,  that  was  this:  that  the  Dutchmen 
asked  the  Indians  whether  they  would  leave  them  at  the  last  cast,  or  stand  up 
wirli  them.  And  told  the  Indians  they  should  fear  nothing,  and  not  be  dis- 
(•(imaifcd  because  the  plot  was  discovered,"  «fec. 

.Uilnm  the  interpreter  had  also  a  story  to  tell.  He  said,  "  this  s|»riiig  f  l(i.">:J, 
().  S.]  the  Dutch  governor  went  to  Fort  Aumnia,  [since  Albany,]  and  firat 
went  to  a  |»lace  called  Ackicksack,  [Hackinsack,]  a  great  place  of  Indian.s,  fniia 
theiici;  to  Monnesick,  [Minisink,]  thence  to  Opingona,  thence  to  Waininoke, 
tliciH'c  to  Fort  Aurama:  And  so  far  he  went  in  his  own  person.  From 
tlience  he  sent  to  Pocomtock,  [Deerfield,  on  the  Connecticut,]  and  he  carried 
with  him  many  note  of  sewan,  that  is,  bags  of  wampum,  and  delivered  them 
to  llie  sagamores  of  the  places,  and  they  were  to  distribute  them  amongst  their 
Miin;  and  withal  he  carried  powder,  shot,  ctoth,  lead  and  guns;  and  told  them 
lie  would  get  all  the  great  Indians  under  him,  and  the  English  should  have  thu 
^('uiii  of  th(;  Indian.s,  and  he  would  have  tho.se  saga;  ires  with  tlieit  iiiiii  to 
cut  <i(f  the  English,  and  to  be  at  his  comtnand  whenever  he  had  use  of  them, 
and  he  was  to  find  them  powder  and  shot  till  he  had  need  of  them.  Further, 
Ik;  si  lit  one  Govert,  a  Dutchman,  to  Marsey,  on  Long  Island,  to  jVittanahom, 
the  s;igamore,  to  a.ssist  him  and  to  dc  for  him  what  he  would  h.  ve  [him]  do: 
Ihit  the  sagamore  told  him  he  woidd  have  nothing  to  [doj  with  it:  whereupon 
Govert  gave  tlie  sagamore  a  great  kettle  to  be  silent.  JVitlanuliani  told  liim  he 
hail  hut  20  men,  and  the  English  had  never  done  him  wrong,  [and]  he  had  no 
caiisf?  to  fight  against  them.  Further,  he  saith  that  jVinnef^reU,  the  fiscal,*  and 
the  Dutch  governor  were  up  two  days  in  a  close  room,  with  other  sagamores  ; 
and  tln!re  was  no  speakuig  with  any  of  them  except  when  they  came  for  a  coal 
of  tire,  t  or  the  like.  And  much  sewan  was  seen  at  that  time  in  A7?i/ie^re/'s 
hand,  and  he  carried  none  away  with  him ;"  and  that  Ronnesseoke  told  him  that 
the  governor  bid  him  fly  for  his  life,  lor  the  plot  was  now  discovered. 

Nevertheless,  as  for  any  positive  testimony  that  JVinigret  was  plotting  against 
the  Fiiiglish,  there  is  none.  That  he  was  in  a  room  to  avoid  company,  while 
lii.s  physician  was  attending  him,  is  very  probable. 

Ill  a  long  letter,  dated  2()th  May,  KJM,  which  the  governor  of  New  Amstcr- 
dniii,  Peter  Sluyvesant,  wrote  to  the  English,  is  the  following  passage : — "  It  is 
ill  part  true,  as  your  worships  conclude,  that,  about  January,  there  came  a 
strange  Indian  from  the  north,  called  JVinm>^ett,  commander  of  the  Narragan- 
fiots.  But  he  came  hither  with  a  pass  from  Mr.  John  H'inthrop.  Upon  which 
pass,  as  we  remember,  the  occasion  of  his  coming  was  expressed,  namely,  to 
he  cured  and  healed  ;  and  if,  upon  the  other  side  of  the  river,  there  hath  been 
any  assembly  or  meeting  of  the  Indians,  or  of  their  sagamores,  we  know  not 
[of  it.]  We  heard  that  he  hath  been  upon  Long  Island,  about  Nayacke,  where 
lie  hath  been  for  the  most  part  of  the  winter,  a<id  hath  had  several  Indians 
with  him,  but  what  he  hath  negotiated  with  them  remains  to  us  unknown : 
only  this  we  know,  that  what  your  woi-ships  lay  unto  our  charge  are  false 
n'ports,  and  feigned  informations." 

'i'he  war  with  Ascassasutic,  of  which  we  shall  give  all  the  particulars  in  our 
possission,  v/as  the  next  afiau*  of  any  considerable  moment  in  the  lifb  of 
^Yimirret. 

Ill  1(J54,  the  government  of  Rhode  Island  communicated  to  Massachusetts, 
that  the  last  summer,  JS/inigret,  without  any  causes,  "that  he  doth  so  much  as 
allege,  fell  upon  the  Long  Island  Indians,  our  friends  and  tributaries,"  and 
killrd  many  of  them,  and  took  others  prisonei-s,  and  wouhl  not  restore  them. 
"This  simimer  he  hath  made  two  assaults  upon  them;  in  one  whereof  he 
killed  a  man  and  woman,  that  lived  upon  the  land  of  the  English,  and  within 

*  A  Dutch  officer,  whose  duty  \»  similar  to  that  of  treasurer  among  the  English. 
t  To  liffhi  tiieir  pipes,  doubtle-s — the  Dutch  agreeing  well,  in  the  particular  of  smoking, 
with  ihe  Indians. 


.'1: 

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80 


NINIGRKT.— ASCASSASOTICK'S  WAR. 


[Book  II. 


i\r^!;^) 


K-  t 


II 


•  •'    v».  V^ 


.'     fit  '•    ■'  '• 


^  I,' ife-^^ 


■*  •■■■  ■^.;.5f':^ 


S  .L-:.» 


1      1     .      -■-■.■« 


'^ 


V->  .."'  ,-, 


I 


•  > 


oim  of  tlieir  to^vnH^lipH;  nnd  another  Indian,  tlmt  kcja  the  cows  of  the  En^r- 
linh."  lie  liiut  drawn  many  of  the  foreign  IndiiuiH  down  from  Connecticut 
nnti  lliidrtoii  RiverH,  wlio  rendezvoimed  n|K)n  VVinthrop's  Island,  wiiere  tlicy 
kill«Ml  some  of  liis  cattle.*  This  war  hegaii  in  105.%  and  continued  "sevi'ral 
years."  f 

Tlie  commis.sionerH  of  the  United  Colonies  seemed  Wind  to  all  com|)laintH 
against  Vnaut ;  hut  the  Narra^anstns  were  watched  and  harassed  without 
ceasing.  Wherever  we  meet  with  an  unnuhlished  document  uf  those  times, 
llie  (iict  is  very  apparent.  The  chief  ot  the  writers  of  the  history  of  that 
period  copy  fhun  tlie  records  of  the  United  Colonies,  wliich  accounts  for 
their  making  out  a  good  ca.se  for  the  Knglish  and  Mohegans.  The  spirit 
which  actuated  the  grave  comniissiotiers  is  easily  discovered,  and  I  ne«;d  oidy 
refer  my  readers  to  the  case  of  Miantunnomoh.  Desjierate  errors  require 
oth<.'r.s,  otlentimes  .still  more  desperate,  until  tJie  first  appear  small  cotiipared 
with  the  magnitude  of  the  la>4t !  It  is  all  along  discoverahle,  that  those 
venerahle  records  are  made  up  from  one  kind  of  evidence,  and  that  when  a 
Narraganset  appeared  in  his  own  defence,  so  many  of  his  enemies  stood 
ready  to  give  him  the  lie,  that  his  indignant  spirit  could  not  stoop  to  contra- 
dict or  parley  with  them  ;  and  thus  his  assumed  guilt  pas.sed  on  for  history. 
The  long-silenced  and  lM)rue-down  friend  of  the  Indians  of  Moosehausic,^  no 
longer  sleeps.  Amidst  his  toils  and  perils,  he  foutid  time  to  raise  his  pen  in 
tlu.-ir  defence  ;  and  though  his  letters  for  a  season  slept  with  him,  they  are  now 
awaking  at  the  voice  of  day. 

When  the  English  had  resolved,  in  1G54,  to  send  a  force  against  the  Nar- 
ragunset.s,  hecause  they  had  had  ditiiculties  and  wars  with  Aacassas6tic,  as  we 
liave  related,  Mr.  Williams  ex|)res8ed  his  views  of  the  matter  in  a  letter  to  the 
governor  of  Massachusetts  as  follows : — "The  cause  and  root  of  all  the  present 
mischiefs  is  the  pride  of  two  harharians,  ^«c«M9CMuh'cL  t!>e  Long  Island  sachem, 
and  J^'tnekunal  of  the  Narigenset.  Tlie  former  is  proud  and  foolish,  the  latter 
is  ])roud  and  fierce.  1  have  not  seen  him  these  many  years,  yet,  from  their 
sober  men,  I  hear  he  pleads,  Ist.  that  Jlacassasotick,  a  very  inferior  sachem, 
(hearing  lumself  u|)on  the  English,)  hath  slain  three  or  four  of  his  people, 
and  since  that  sent  him  challenges  and  darings  to  f.ght  and  mend  himself. 
2d.  He,  J^enekunnt,  consulted  by  solemn  messengers,  with  the  chief  of  the  Eng- 
lish governors,  Maj.  £n(/tcof,  then  governor  of  the  Massachusetts,  who  sent  him 
an  implicit  consent  to  right  himself:  upon  which  they  all  plead  that  the  English 
have  just  occasion  of  disjihsasure.  3d.  After  he  had  taken  revenge  ujjon  the 
Long  Islanders,  and  brought  away  about  14  captives,  (divers  of  them  chief 
women,)  yet  lie  restored  them  all  again,  upon  the  mediation  and  desire  of  the 
English.  4th.  After  this  peace  [was]  made,  the  Long  Islanders  pretending 
to  visit  JVenekunat  at  Block  Island,  slaughtered  of  his  Narragonsets  near  30 
persons,  at  midnight ;  two  of  them  of  great  note,  especially  WepiteammocKs 
son,  to  whom  JVenekunat  was  uncle.  5th.  In  the  prosecution  of  this  war, 
although  he  had  drawn  down  tlie  inlanders  to  his  assistance,  yet,  upon  pro- 
testation of  the  English  against  his  proceedings,  he  retreated  and  dissolved  his 
army.  § 

The  great  Indian  apostle  looked  not  so  much  into  these  particulars,  being 
entirely  engaged  in  the  cause  of  the  praying  Indians :  but  yet  we  occasionally 
meet  with  him,  and  will  here  introduce  him,  as  an  evidence  against  the 
proceedings  of  Uncos,  and  his  friends  the  commissioners : 

"  The  case  of  the  Nipmuk  Indians,  so  far  as  by  the  best  and  most  credible  in- 
telligence, I  have  understood,  jiresented  to  the  honored  general  court,  [of  Mas- 
sachusetts,] 1.  Uncos  his  men,  at  unawares,  set  upon  an  unarmed  poor  people, 
and  slew  eight  persons,  and  carried  captive  twenty-four  women  nnd  children. 
2.  Some  of  these  were  subjects  to  Massachusetts  government,  by  being  the 
subjects  of  Josias,  ||  3.  They  sued  for  relief  to  the  worshipful  governor  and 
majristrates.  4.  They  were  jileased  to  send,  (by  some  Indians,)  a  commission 
to  Capt.  Denison,  [of  Stoniiigton,]  to  demand  these  captives.    5.  Uncos  hia 


Manusi-ripl  documents.  f  Wood's  Hist.  Lonpf  Island.  \  Providfince. 

From  tlie  original  letter,  in  manuscript,  among  the  files  in  our  state-house. 
Son  of  Chikataubut. 


\    I 


CThap.  IV.] 

answer  wb,' 
by  tilthiner': 
of  tliose  cnj 
do.  8,  Voii 
mid  they  sli 
I'.  ^\'iuiroJ) 
matter."  * 

'riii."*  mci 
which  it  is 
by  tlic  hau;.' 
any  wav,  >m 
In  l(i(K),  " 
the  commi 
intoicnihie 
complained 
that  .''ome  Ii 
an  English  1 
Of  wliich  ii 
send  a  sligh 
allow  of  su 
asked  the  pi 
time  they  gii 
could  not  hi 
and  messeii 
ft'oquacatioo. 
four  of  the 
they  should 
They  were 
iiaiit,  and  hi< 
since,  not  to 
8urj)rising  tli 
to  be  an  iusi 
These  are  oi 
ninety-five  J 
general  cour 
company  of 
same  above  i 
persons  be  d 

It  appears 
nor  secure  th 
of  all  the  Na 
were  ]jaid  in 
deed. 

jWiniffret  di 
Dr.  MaUier  ** 
withdrawn  h 
sachem,"  for 

Although 
must  have  s 
people  to  the 
to  appear  hin 
to  Boston,  " 

*  Manuscript 
t  The  additio 

Mr.  Brewster's, 

Hiid  slealinff  cor 
6  Records  of 
11  The  same 

witnesses.  The 
tl  Grandson  c 
**  Brief  HisJc 
tt  Captain  R 

him  there  15  yee 


iiK? 


[Book  II. 

the  Elip- 

niicctii'iit 

here  they 

"  uevcriil 

omplaintH 
I  witlioiit 
0H«'  tinu'H, 
ry  of  thnt 
omits  for 
riie  8|iiiit 
iK.-eil  only 
rs  require 
eoinjiared 
liut  those 
ut  when  ii 
[lies  stood 
to  coritru- 
br  history, 
luusic,!  no 
his  pen  in 
sy  are  now 

!t  the  Nar- 
idlic,  as  W(! 
3tter  to  the 
the  present 
tid  sachem, 
1,  tlie  latter 
from  their 
9r  sachem, 
lis  peo',)le, 
id  himself. 
)ftheEiig- 
lo  sent  him 
he  English 
e  upon  tiie 
them  chief 
:8ire  of  the 
pretending 
ts  near  30 
\teammocKs 
f  this  war, 
upon  pro- 
issolved  his 

ars,  being 
ccasionally 
igainst  the 

rcdible  in- 
rt,  [of  Mas- 
oor  people, 
d  children. 

being  the 
vernor  and 
ommission 

Uncas  his 

'rovidf:nce. 


Ciuf.  IV.] 


NiNir.RF/r. 


61 


answer  was,  (as  I  heard,)  insolent.  <l.  They  did  not  only  abuse  tfio  women 
by  filthinena,  hut  Inve,  since  this  demand,  sold  away  (as  1  hear)  ,>^oine  or  all 
of  those  captives.  7.  Tlie  poor  bereavetl  Indians  wait  to  see  what  you  pirasc  to 
do.  8.  Vou  were  pleased  to  tell  them,  you  would  present  it  to  the  free  c<inrt, 
and  they  should  e.\i>ect  their  answer  from  tliem,  which  they  now  wait  for. 
!•.  .Wnctrojl,  yea, all  the  Indians  of  the  coiuitrv  wait  to  see  the  issue  of  this 
matter."  * 

'I'liis  memorial  is  dated  12th  May,  KmH,  and  signed  by  Juhn  Eliot ;  from 
wliicli  it  is  evident  there  had  lieen  gn^at  delay  in  relieving  those  distressed 
liv  till'  haughty  Unr.aa.  And  yet,  if  lie  were  caused  to  make  remuneration  in 
any  way,  we  do  not  find  any  account  of  it. 

In  lliiO,  "the  general  court  of  Connecticut  did,  by  their  letters  directed  to 
the  coniniissioners  of  the  other  colonies,  this  last  slimmer,  repn^seiit  an 
intolerable  afl'ront  done  by  the  Narragan.set  Indians,  and  the  same  was  now 
coiiiplained  of  by  the  English  living  at  a  new  |)laiitation  at  Mohegaii,  vi/ : 
that  some  Indians  did,  in  the  dead  time  of  the  night,  shoot  eight  bullets  into 
an  English  hou.se,  and  tired  the  same  ;  wherein  five  Englislmien  were  asleep. 
Of  which  insolency  ihe  Narraganset  sachems  have  so  far  taken  notice,  as  to 
send  a  slight  excuse  by  Maj.  ^rltherton,  that  they  did  neither  consent  to  nor- 
allow  of  such  practices,  but  make  no  tender  of  satisfaction."  t  Hut  they 
asked  the  privilege  to  meet  the  commissioners  at  their  next  session,  at  whicFi 
time  they  gave  them  to  understand  that  satisfaction  should  be  made.  This 
could  not  Iiave  been  other  than  a  reasonable  recpiest,  but  it  was  not  granted  ; 
and  messengers  wer«  forthwuh  ordered  to  "  repair  to  jViniffrd,  Pessicvs, 
fVoquacatioose,  and  the  rest  of  the  Nui-ragunset  sachems,"  to  diunand  "  at  least 
four  of  the  chief  of  them  that  shot  into  the  English  house."  And  in  case 
they  should  not  be  delivered,  to  demand  five  hundred  fathoms  of  wam])um. 
They  were  directed,  in  particular,  to  "  charge  JVinigret  with  breach  of  cove- 
nant, and  high  neglect  of  their  order,  sent  them  by  Maj.  WiUaril,  six  years 
since,  not  to  invade  the  Long  Island  Indians ;  and  [that  they]  do  account  the 
surprising  the  Long  Island  Indians  at  Gull  Island,  and  murdering  of  them, 
to  be  an  insolent  carriage  to  the  English,  and  a  barbarous  and  inhuman  act." 
These  are  only  a  few  of  the  most  prominent  charges,  and  five  hundred  and 
ninety-five  J  fathoms  of  wampum  was  the  prict  demanded  for  them ;  and  "  the 
general  court  of  Connecticut  is  desired  and  empo.vered  to  send  a  convenient 
(;ompauy  of  men,  under  some  discreet  leader,  to  force  satisfiiction  of  the 
same  above  said,  and  the  charges  of  recovering  the  same ;  and  in  case  the 
persons  be  delivered,  they  shall  be  sent  to  ilarbadoes,"  §  and  sold  for  slaves. 

It  a[)pear8  that  the  force  sent  by  Connecticut  could  not  collect  the  wampum, 
nor  secure  the  offenders  ;  but  for  the  payment,  condesctndtd  to  take  a  mortgage 
of  all  the  Narraganset  countir,  with  the  provision  that  it  should  be  void,  if  it 
were  jiaid  in  four  months.  Quisroqum,  ||  .Venegfitrf,  and  Scuttup,  %  signed  the 
deed. 

Ninigret  did  not  engage  with  the  other  Narraganset  chiefs,  in  Philip's  war. 
Dr.  Malhtr  **  calls  him  an  "  old  crafly  sachem,  who  had  with  some  of  liis  men 
withdrawn  himself  from  the  rest."  He  must  at  this  time  have  been  "an  old 
sachem,"  for  we  meet  with  him  as  a  chief,  as  early  as  lfi33. 

Although  jVtjiigTe/  was  not  peisonally  engaged  in  Philip's  war,  still  he 
must  have  suflered  considei ably  from  it;  often  being  obliged  to  send  his 
people  to  the  English,  to  gratify  some  whim  or  caprice,  and  at  other  times 
to  appear  himself.  On  10  Sept.  1675,  eight  of  his  men  came  as  ambassadors 
to  Boston,  "  having  a  certificate  from  Capt.  Smith,"  f f  who  owned  a  large 

*  Manuscript  state  paper.  f  Record  of  the  United  Colonics,  in  Hazard. 

t  The  additional  ninety-five  was  for  another  otTcnce,  viz.  '•  for  liie  insolencies  committed  at 
Mr.  Brewster's,  in  killing  an  Ino.'an  servant  at  Mrs.  Brewster's  feet,  to  her  great  afTrightment, 
iiid  stealing  corn,  &c.,  and  other  afTronts."    Hazard,  ii.  433.  i 

S  Records  of  the  United  Colonics,  in  Hazard. 
The  same  called   Quequegunent,  the  son  of  Magnus.     Newcom  and  Awashars  were 
witnesses.    The  deed  itself  may  be  seen  on  tile  among  our  State  Papers. 
H  Grandson  of  Canonicus,  son  of  Magnus,  and  brother  of  Quequeguneni . 
**  Brief  History,  20. 

tt  Captain  Richard  Smith,  probably,  who  settled  quite  early  in  that  country.  We  find 
him  there  15  years  before  this. 


': 

'-i^ 

'•>3 

» , 

■  ■'  ■  ^ 

">  r '*' 

'*.■■ 

■••'   ,r' 

'^'■ 

■i*, 

«? 

"4 

.'v^,- 

•  I 

•■!'• 


■^k'.- 


'^: 


m 


ly>li''-) 


\h: 


m 


MNKJRKT— DIVISION  OP  TIIF  PIiaUOTS. 


[DuoK  II. 


.%..■. 


1   r..'.-'. 


1'-^;^^^;: 


r 


V-.7 


-">  1.-  '•'.■ 


...I   . 


^ 


THtntP  in  NiirrnjfMriHot.  Aflrr  having  fiiiislicd  tlii-ir  hiiHinesH,  tlioy  rcrcived 
(I  [xiMs  troiii  til);  aiulioriticH  to  rctiirii  to  tluiir  own  country.  TIiIh  rcitilicato 
nr  puss  WHS  (hstciiotl  to  a  stafl"  and  earned  hv  one  in  li-ont  of  tlio  rent.  Ah 
tJiey  were  (.roinjr  out  of  Hoston  "  a  l»nck  way,"**  two  men  met  tlieni,  and  seized 
»i|>on  liim  tliat  earrierl  tlie  jiass.  Tliese  men  were  hrotliern,  wlio  liad  hail  a 
lirotlier  killed  Ity  Philip'x  men  some  time  Itefore.  This  Indian  tliey  aeensed 
of  killiiip  liini,  and  in  eonrt  swort;  to  iuH  identity,  and  lie  was  i::  ;k  few  davs 
lianjred,* 

Notwithstanilinir  these  affaim,  nnntiier  emhaxRy  was  soon  after  sent  to 
Rdston.  On  the  15  Sepfemher  "  the  authority  of  Boston  sent  a  jtarty  "  to  order 
.Minvsrrl  to  appear  there  in  person,  to  jrive  an  aeeount  of  his  shelterinj^ 
(limiftprn,  the  sipiiiw-saehem  of  Narrapanset.  He  sent  word  that  he  would 
eome  "provided  he  mi<;lit  he  safely  nfturned  hack."  Mr.  Sinitli,  "livin^j  near 
him,  oOrM-ed  iiimself,  wife  and  children,  and  estate,  as  hostages"  for  his  sjde 
return,  and  the  eniliassy  forthwith  departed  for  Hoston.  A  son,  f  liowever,  of 
^Yinifrrd,  was  dejtuted  prime  minister,  "he  himself  heinj;  very  afred." 

Captain  Smith  iirconi|miii('d  them,  mid  when  they  came  to  Koxhin-y  they 
were  niet  hy  a  company  of  Eufrlish  soldiers,  whose  martial  appearance  so 
frightened  them,  that,  had  it  not  been  tor  the  presence  of  Mr.  Smith,  they 
would  have  escaped  as  from  an  enemy. 

They  remained  at  Boston  several  davs,  until  "  hy  degrees  they  came  to  this 
nffrerment:  That  they  were  to  deliver  the  squaw-sachem  within  so  many 
days  at  JJoston  ;  and  the  lea<ru(!  of  peace  was  th«!n  Ity  them  contirmed,  which 
was  much  to  the  getieral  satisfaction  ;  hut  many  had  hard  thoughts  of  them, 
fearing  they  will  at  last  prove  treac}ierou8."| 

JVinigret  wusojtposcd  to  Christianity  ;  not  perhaps  so  much  from  n  disbelief 
of  it,  a.s  from  a  dislike  of  the  practices  of  tliose  who  jtrofessed  it.  When  Mr. 
Mayhew  desired  J\'inii!;ret  to  allow  him  to  preach  to  his  people,  the  sagacious 
ehief  "bid  him  go  and  make  the  English  good  first,  and  chid  Mr.  Mayhew  for 
hindering  Inm  fi-om  his  business  and  labor."  § 

Then;  W(;re  other  Niantick  sachems  of  this  name,  who  succeeded  jYinigrct. 
According  to  the  author  of  the  "  Memoir  of  the  Mohegans,"  |j  one  would 
suppose  ho  was  alive  in  171(5,  as  that  writer  himself  .wp/>osea;  but  if  the 
anecdote  there  given  be  true,  it  related  doubtless  to  Chmies  JVinigret^  who,  I 
su[»poHe,  was  his  son.  He  is  mentioned  by  Mason,  in  his  histoiy  of  the  Pequot 
war,  as  liaving  received  a  part  of  the  goocis  taken  from  Captain  Stone,  at  the 
time  he  was  killed  by  the  Pecjuots,  in  lt)34.  The  time  of  his  death  has  not 
been  ascertained. 

The  burying-places  of  the  family  of  J^nigret  are  in  Charlestown,  R.  I.  It 
is  said  that  the  old  chief  was  buried  at  a  place  called  Burying  Hill,  "a  mile 
from  tlie  street,"  A  stone  in  one  of  the  places  of  interment  has  this  inscrip- 
tion : — 

"  Here  leth  the  Body  of  George,  the  son  of  Charles  JVinigret,  King  of  the 
.\ativcs,  and  of  Hannah  his  Wife.    Died  Decenf.  y  22,  17J?2:  aged  6  mo." 

"  George,  the  last  king,  was  brother  of  Mary  Sachem,  who  is  now,  [1832,] 
sole  heir  to  tlu;  crown.  Mary  does  not  know  her  age  ;  but  from  data  giv(!n  hy 
her  husband,  John  Harry,  she  must  be  alwnt  66.  Her  mother's  father  wos 
George  J^inigret.  Thomas  his  son  was  the  next  king.  Esther,  sister  of  Thomas. 
George,  the  brother  of  Mary  above  named,  and  the  last  king  crowned,  died 
«ged"about  20  years.  George  was  son  of  Esther.  Mary  has  daughters,  but  no 
sons."  ^ 

On  a  division  of  the  captive  Pequots,  in  1637,  JVinigret  was  to  have  twenty, 
"  when  he  should  satisfy  for  a  man;  of  Eltweed**  Pomroyr^s  killed  by  his  men." 
This  remained  unsettled  in  1659,  a  space  of  twenty-two  yeai-s.  This  debt 
certainly  teas  oy.tlawed.'  Poquin,  or  Poquoiam,  was  the  name  of  the  man  who 
killed  the  mare.ff  He  was  a  Pequot,  and  brother-in-law  to  Miantunnomoh, 
and  was  atnong  those  captives  assigned  to  him  at  their  final  dispersion,  when 

*  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  30.  t  Probably  Catapazat. 

X  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  32.  $  Douglas's  Summary,  ii.  118. 

II  In  I  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  ix.  83.  H  MS.  communication  of  Rev.  IVm.  Ely. 

•*  Familiarly  called  Elty,  probably  from  Elltoood.         ft  Hazard,  ii.  188, 189. 


CHAf.  IV.] 

the  Peqiif 
wcri'  ut  ai 
his  death 
coiisidcral 

of   Wlldtll 

brother  to  . 
I'kmhac  I 
of  ntiincs. 
when  ,'iw  ( 
we  liave  s( 
Kiijflisli,   )i 
,to\v(irds  ,> 
record  of  | 
wlioiM  .VT« 
war  agains 
meet  at  Bo 
under   Mr. 
cotiiiiiaiidei 
"  WHS  to  SOI 
met  by  depi 
took  place. 
The  conn 
according  t( 
larized  in  tli 
remaining  d 
and  none  a|i 
should  be  ta 
in  all  the  art 
sent,  us  if  tli 
old  kettles." 
the  Niantick 
to  file  Nurraj 
of  Mas-sachii 
what  WHS  dii 
He   told  tlie 
performed 
coinmissione 
saclicins  hai 
appeared,  tliu 
anil  with  the 
tlie  English  a 
open  to  right 
they  prize  ]wi\ 
long  Sllffi'l-ill;; 
present  sliouh 
At  the  sam< 
"Mr.  Pe/Aam 
tliey  had  con 
Relioboth,  prt 
the  f)rocedure 
Thus  the  N 
year,  anrl  we  i 
others  to  ass: 
thing  else  but 
principall  can 
1647,1  being," 
the  Narragans 
at  tlio  previo 

*  See  Hazard 
t  IMS.  letter,  SI 

t  MS.  Narrali 


CBxr.lV]    PESSACUS— COMPLAINTS  imodnilT  A(JAINST  llOf. 


83 


me  to  this 

so  iiiunv 

ed,  whicli 

I  of  them, 

»  disbelief 

When  Mr. 

snffiw'ious 

Mayhew  for 

il  jS/tnigrd. 
jne  would 
but  if  the 
ret,  wlio,  I 
the  Pequot 
one,  at  the 
h  has  not 


R.  I.    It 

"a  mile 
is  inscrip- 

ing  of  the 

vior 
)w,  [1832,] 
ta  givcm  by 
ather  was 

f  Thomas. 

lied,  died 
era,  but  no 

ive  twenty, 
his  men." 

This  debt 
man  who 

ttunnomoh, 

lion,  when 


ii.  118. 
Vm.  Ely. 


the  Pequot  war  wns  emled  ;  at  which  titiie  Pomernif  Htntcs  "nil  norts  nf  liorxfn 
were  at  an  hi^h  |)rii>e."  Minntunnomoh  had  a<;r<'t'tl  to  pay  the  diinand,  hut 
his  (leiith  |)rrvented  him.  \inifrrit  wan  railed  u|)i)ii,  im  he  irilniiifd  a 
coiisidt'ial)!"'  [mrt  of  .\liaittn)nioinoh\s  es^fate,  especially  his  part  of  the  l*ci|U<»ts, 
of  wlidtn  Pouuninm  >vus  one.  lie  was  atlerwanJH  culled  a  .Niantick  and 
brother  to  .Miiiprii." 

I'k.hhac  I  -i,  often  mi'iitioiied  iti  the  precedjuj,'  |mfres,  tlioufrh  under  a  variety 
of  niitncH.  »viiM  horn  about  l(iV}.'l,  and,  eoiiHe(|uently,  was  aitout  iiO  years  of  ii!r<; 
when  Iks  hmthcr,  JMuintiinnomoh,  was  killed. f  The  saine  arbitrary  course,  as 
wi'  have  Hceii  alrciady  in  llie  presi'iit  chapter,  was  |)ursued  towards  liiiu  by  the 
llii^disli,  as  had  been  before  towards  .Mutntxinnomiih,  an<{  still  cniiliiiucd 
^towards  A7ni'/c/r/,  and  other  i\arra;ran.set  chiefs.  Mr.  Cohhell  makes  ilii,>i 
record  of  him:  "  In  the  year  H'M,  proud  Pis.viru.i  with  his  Narrajransi  ts,  with 
whom  .Vini^nt  and  his  iViaiitiffs  join ;  so  aw  to  provoke  the  i<n(.'lisli  to  a  Ju.^l 
war  ajrainst  them.  And,  aceordin^dy,  forces  vv(U((  siMit  Irom  aJl  the  towns  to 
nieet  at  Hostoii,  imd  did  so,  and  had  a  party  of  filly  horse  to  jjo  with  tlu'in 
under  Mr.  Levin t,  as  the  captain  of  the  horse."  Kilwnnl  (lilihon.i  was 
comuiatiiler  in  chi*;!!  and  .Mr.  Thompnon,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Hraiiitrce, 
"was  to  sound  the  sih'cf  triini|)et  alon<^  with  his  artny."'^  Hut  they  were 
met  by  deputies  from  Pinsnciui  and  the  other  chiefs,  and  un  acconun«)dation 
took  place,  as  mentioned  in  the  aecount  of  J^inifrnt. 

The  commissioiu'rs,  hav  nji^nK^t  at  New  Haven  in  September  104(1,  exjiectrd, 
according  to  the  treaty  made  at  IJoston  with  the  Narragansets,  as  particu- 
jari/ed  in  the  life  of  Vncas,  that  they  would  now  mec^t  them  here  to  settle  the 
remaining  difliculties  with  that  chief.  Hut  the  time  having  nearly  expired, 
and  none  np|)earing,  "the  commissioners  did  seriously  consider  what  course 
f^liouhl  be  taken  with  them.  They  called  to  minde  their  breach  of  couenant 
ill  all  the  article-  that  when  aboiie  l.'KK)  fadome  of  wampan  was  due  they 
sent,  as  if  they  .\ould  put  a  acorne  vpon  the  [English,]  20fatliome,  anda  few 
old  kettles."  The  Narrngausets  said  it  was  owing  to  the  backwardness  of 
the  Nianticks  that  the  wampum  had  not  been  paid,  and  the  Nianticks  laid  it 
to  the  Narragansets.  One  himdred  liithom  had  been  sent  to  the  governor 
of  Massachusetts  as  a  present  by  the  Nianticks,  they  promising  "to  .send 
what  was  due  to  the  eoloni(;s  uery  s|)cedily,"  hut  he  would  not  accept  of  it. 
He  told  them  they  might  leave  it  with  Cuchitimikiit,  and  when  they  had 
jjcrformed  the  rest  of  their  agreiMiient,  "he  would  consider  of  it."  The 
commissioners  had  und.'rstood,  that,  in  the  mean  time,  the  Narragunsi  t 
sachems  had  raised  wampum  among  their  men,  "and  by  good  euidenc(!  it 
api)eared,  that  by  presents  of  wampum,  tin  y  an;  practisinge  with  tlie  Mohawkrs, 
and  with  the  Judyans  in  tliose  parts,  to  engage  them  in  souk^  dtsigne  against 
the  English  and  Tnciw."  Therefore,  "the  eonmiissionrrs  haue  a  cleare  way 
open  to  right  themselues,  accordingt;  to  iiistice  by  war;  yet  to  shew  how  highly 
they  prize  |)eace  with  all  tnen,  and  |)articularly  to  manifest  their  i()rl)<!arance  and 
long  surteringe  to  these  barbarians,  it  was  agreede,  that  first  the  furementioned 
present  shouki  be  returned,"  and  then  a  declaration  of  war  to  follow. 

At  the  same  court,  (complaint  was  brought  against  the  peo|)l(!  of  Pissacus  by 
"  Mr.  Pe/Aam  on  behalf  of  iZic7iflr</ /roo«(y  and  Mr.  Pincham,"  [Pinchon,^  that 
they  had  committed  stmdry  thefls.  Mr.  Brown,  on  behalf  of  ff'm.  Simlh  of 
Rehoboth,  preferred  a  similar  charge ;  but  the  Indians  having  no  knowledge  of 
the  procedure,  it  was  suspended. 

Thus  the  Narragansets  were  siifTered  to  remain  unmolested  mitil  the  next 
year,  and  we  do  not  hear  that  the  story  about  their  hiring  the  Mohawks  and 
others  to  assist  them  against  Uncos  and  the  English,  turned  out  to  bo  any 
thing  else  but  a  sort  of  bugbear,  probably  invented  by  the  Mohcgans.  "One 
principall  cause  of  the  comissioners  meetinge  together  at  this  time,  [2C  July, 
1647,1  being,"  say  the  records,  "  to  consider  what  course  should  be  lield  with 
the  Narraganset  Indyans  ; "  the  charges  being  at  this  time  much  the  same  as 
at  the  previous  meeting.     It  was  therefore  ordered  that  Thomas  Stanton, 

*  Sec  Hazard,  ii.  162. 

t  MS.  letter,  subscrib'jd  with  the  mark  of  the  sachem  Pumham,  on  the  file  at  our  capita), 
(Mass.)  ,  f 

{  MS.  Narrative.  ^  Mathtr's  ReJalion,  and  Hazard. 


>-l' 


>'v>;, 


.'  '1 


■•i.;^v- 


«  -...".'i^y 


J.V: 


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u-  •;.:. 


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84 


PESSACUS  KILLED  BY   THE  MOHAWKS. 


II 


! 

1     f ':-■:■■• 

■■   ...       it:   '-■': 

i,  ■ 

,rj,j  ;«••;■:  ■■■''-, 
r  *  _ " ' 

I 

.  ■  ■         '"  *  - 

,;  1 

.    '  > 

[Book  II. 


Benedirt  .Arnold,  and  Sergeant  IVaile  should  be  sent  to  Peasacks,  JVenegrate 
and  JVehelfimuk,  to  know  why  they  had  not  paid  the  wampum  as  they  agreed, 
and  wliy  they  did  not  come  to  New  Haven ;  and  that  now  they  might  meet 
i^ncaa  at  Br.^ton;  and  therefore  were  advised  to  attend  there  without  delay; 
hut  "yf  they  refuse  or  delay,  they  intend  to  send  no  more,"  and  they  must 
abide  the  consequences.  When  the  English  messengers  had  delivered  their 
message  to  Pessacus,  he  spoke  to  them  as  follows : — 

"  The  reason  I  did  not  meet  the  Englisli  sachems  at  New  Haven  last  year, 
is,  they  did  not  notify  me.  It  is  true  I  have  broken  my  covenant  these  two 
years,  and  that  now  is,  and  constantly  has  been,  the  grief  of  my  spirit.  And 
the  reason  I  do  not  meet  them  now  at  Boston  is  because  I  am  sick.  If  I  were 
but  pretty  well  I  would  go.  I  have  sent  my  mind  in  full  to  Ninigret,  and 
what  he  does  I  will  abide  by.  I  have  sent  Potcpynamett  and  Pomumska  to  go 
and  hear,  and  testify  that  I  have  betrusted  my  full  mind  with  JVenegratt.  You 
know  well,  however,  that  when  I  made  that  covenant  two  years  ago,  I  did  it 
in  fear  of  the  army  that  I  did  see ;  and  though  the  English  kept  their  cove- 
nant with  me,  yet  they  were  ready  to  go  to  Narraganset  and  kill  me,  and 
the  commissioners  said  they  would  do  it,  if  I  did  not  sign  what  they  had 
written." 

Moyanno,  another  chief,  said  he  had  confided  the  business  with  Ninigret  last 
sj)ring,  and  would  now  abide  by  whatever  he  should  do. 

When  the  English  mc-sengers  returned  and  made  known  what  had  been 
done,  the  commis.sioners  said  that  Pessacws' speech  contained  "seuerall  pas- 
sages of  vntruth  and  guile,  and  [they]  were  vnsatisfyed." 

What  measures  the  Whites  took  "to  right  themselues,"  or  whether  any, 
iminialiately,  is  nut  very  distinctly  stated  ;  but,  the  next  year,  1648,  there  were 
some  military  movements  of  the  English,  and  a  company  of  soldiers  was  sent 
into  Narraganset,  occasioned  by  the  non-payment  of  the  tribute,  and  some 
other  less  important  matters.  Ptssacus,  having  knowledge  of  their  approach, 
fled  to  Rhode  Island.  ^^JVinicraJl  entertained  them  courteously,  (there  they 
staid  the  Lord's  day,)  and  came  back  with  them  to  Mr.  Williams',  and  then 
Pessacus  and  Canonicus^  son,  being  delivered  of  their  fear,  came  to  them  •  and 
being  demanded  about  hiring  the  Mohawks  against  Uncos,  they  solemnly 
■ienied  it;  only  they  confessed,  that  the  Mohawks,  being  a  great  sachem,  and 
their  ancient  friend,  and  being  come  so  near  them,  they  sent  some  20  fathom 
of  wainpum  for  him  to  tread  upon,  as  the  manner  of  Indians  is."*  The 
.natter  seems  to  have  rested  here  ;  Pessacus,  as  usual,  having  promised  what 
vas  desired. 

This  chief  was  killed  by  the  Mohawks,  as  we  have  stated  in  the  life  of  Ca- 
nonicus.  His  life  was  a  scene  of  almost  perpetual  troid)les.  As  late  as  Sep- 
tember, ]6G8,  his  name  stands  first  among  others  of  his  nation,  in  a  complaint 
sent  to  them  by  Massach usee's.  The  messengers  sent  with  it  were.  Rich''. 
Wayt,  C?,ptain  "fV.  Wright,  ana  Captain  Sam'.  Mossly ;  and  it  was  in  terms 
thus : — 

"  Whereas  Capt.  Wm.  Hudson  and  John  Viidl  of  Boston,  in  the  name  of 
themselves  and  others,  proprietors  of  lands  and  farms  in  the  Narraganset 
country,  have  complained  unto  us,  [the  court  of  Mass.,]  of  the  great  insolen- 
cies  and  injuries  offered  unto  them  and  their  people  by  several,  as  burning 
their  hay,  killing  sundry  horses,  and  in  special  manner,  about  one  month  since, 
forced  some  of  their  people  from  their  labore  in  mowing  grass  upon  their  own 
land,  and  assaulted  others  in  the  high  way,  as  they  rode  about  their  occasions ; 
by  iJirowin^  ^nany  stones  at  them  and  their  horses,  and  beating  their  horses  as 
they  rode  upon  them,"  &c.  The  remonstrance  then  goes  on  warning  them  to 
desist,  or  otherwise  they  might  expect  severity.  Had  Mosely  been  as  well 
known  then  among  the  Indians,  as  he  was  afterwards,  his  presence  would 
doubtless  have  been  enough  to  have  caused  cfuietness,  as  perhaps  it  did  even 
ut  this  time. 


Winthrop's  Journal. 


Chap.  V.] 


U»CAS — fi 

account  i 
chirf  III 
vicn  of  It 
moll — £j 
sachem  s 
—  Tiinclij 
Uiicas —  I 

U.NCAS,  ( 

whom  we 
favorable  « 
<  "  those  I 
erroi-s.  M 
Jnmes  Fitcl 
"I  am  apt 
fucliem  of 
man,  a  drt 
o|)po.«er  an 
^lv.  Hubbai 
that  he  wai 
than  those  i 

Uncus  lii 
was  alive  i 
"He  is  aliv 
before  I;:::;. 

From  an 
wo  do  not 
Uncas  "  was 
waggish  En 
himself  an( 
follows: — 


The  com 
several  of  t 
Chieko,  a  soi 

lu  the  be 
and  to  surn 
neutrality  oi 
Wanipanoag 
make  this  r 
Uncas  and 
SOILS  were  tj 
were  remain 
l)een  at  this 


*  1  Coll.  Ma 
north  of  i\ew  I 
Ibid.  ^ 

t  Hist.  New 
coiilimic  paffa)] 

}  The  writer 
Imve  meant  anj 

$  A  genuine 
me  stir  my  insi 
Was  viitrregen ' 


•fi. 


[Book  II. 

^enegrate 
y  agreed, 
ght  meet 
jt  delay; 
ley  inu8t 
red  their 

last  year, 
these  two 
fit.  And 
If  I  were 
igret,  and 
nsks  to  go 
att.  You 
ro,  I  did  it 
heir  cove- 
I  me,  and 
;  they  had 

inigret  last 

t  had  been 
uerall  pas- 

lether  any, 
there  were 
rs  was  sent 

and  some 
■  approach, 
(there  they 
i',  and  then 
them-  and 
y  solemnly 
achem,  and 

20  fathom 
18."  *     The 

nised  what 

life  of  Ca- 

itc  as  Sep- 

complaint 

■err.  Rich''. 

lis  in  terras 

|f  name  of 
Sfarraganset 
eat  insolen- 
as  btmiing 
^onth  since, 
their  own 
occasions ; 
|r  horses  as 
ing  them  to 
jen  as  well 
mce  would 
it  (?id  even 


Chap.  V.]       UNCAS.— HIS  CHARACTER  AND  CONNECTIONS.  95 


CHAPTER  V. 

(jjjCAS His  fhariicler — Convections — Geoffra/ihy  of  the.  Molingan  country — General 

account  of  thiit  nut'on — Uncus  joins  the  Enirlish  ojraiast  the  FequDt.t — Captures  a 
chief  lit  ' ''  irhem's  Head — Visits  Boston — His  speech  to  Governor  Winthrop — Sped- 
vicn  of  the  .Mohegaii  lanifuaire — Set/iiusson — The  war  between  Uncus  and  Miantunno 
fiiQ/i — Examination  of  its  ciiuse — The  JWirragansets  determine  to  avenge  iheit 
saihrm's  death — Forces  raised  to  protect  Uncas — Pessuriis — Great  distress  of  Uncas 

Timely  relief  from  Connecticut — Treaty  of  ]()4r) — Frequent  complaints  against 

Uncus — IVequash — Ohechickwod — Nowehua — IVoosaviequin. 

Uncas,  cnllcd  also  Poquin,  Poquoiam,  Poquim,  sjichoni  of  the  Mohegnns,  of 
whom  wo  liavo  ain-ady  had  occasion  to  sny  coiisidertible,  has  Icfl  no  very 
favoral)!c  character  upon  record.  Mis  life  is  a  series  of  cliangos,  without  any 
( /  those  brilliant  acts  of  magnanimity,  which  tlu'ow  a  veil  over  numerous 
erroi-s.  Mr.  Gookin  gives  us  this  character  of  him  in  the  year  lfi74 :  (Mr. 
James  Filch  having  been  sent  about  this  time  to  preach  among  the  Mohegans:) 
"I  am  apt  to  fear,"  says  he,  "that  a  great  obstruction  unto  his  labors  is  in  the 
sachem  of  those  Indians,  whose  name  is  Unkaa;  an  old  and  wicked,  wilful 
man,  a  drunkaiil,  and  otherwise  very  vicious;  who  hath  always  been  an 
o|)i)oser  and  underminer  of  praying  to  God."  *  Nevertheless,  the  charittxble 
jMr.  Hubbard,  when  he  wrote  his  Narrative,  seems  to  have  had  some  ho|)es 
that  he  was  a  Christian,  with  about  the  same  grounds,  nay  better,  perhaps, 
tiian  those  on  which  IJisImp  Warbtirton  declared  Pope  to  be  such. 

Uncas  lived  to  a  great  age.  lie  was  a  sachem  before  the  Pcjquot  wars,  and 
was  alive  in  1680.  At  this  time,  Mr.  Hubbard  makes  this  remark  upon  liim: 
"He  is  alive  and  well,  and  may  probably  live  to  see  all  his  enemies  buried 
before  !;i::^."t 

From  an  epitaph  on  one  of  his  sons,  copied  in  the  Historical  Collections, 
we  do  not  infer,  as  the  writer  there  seems  to  have  done,  "  that  the  race  of 
t/ncM  "  was  "  obnoxious  in  collonial  histoi-y;"  but  rather  attribute  it  to  some 
waggish  Englishman,  who  had  no  other  design  than  that  of  making  sport  for 
iiiinself  and  othere  of  like  humor.  It  is  upon  his  tomb-stone,  and  is  as 
follows : — 

"  Here  lies  ihe  body  of  Sunseeto 
Own  son  to  Uncas  grandson  to  OrtekoX 
Wlio  were  the  famous  sachems  of  Mohegan 
But  now  they  are  all  dead  I  think  it  is  werheegen."  ^ 

The  connections  of  Uncas  were  somewhat  numerous,  and  the  names  of 
several  of  them  will  be  found  as  we  proceed  with  his  life,  and  elsewhere. 
Oneko,  a  son,  was  the  most  noted  of  them. 

Ill  the  begimiing  of  August,  1675,  Uncas  wjis  ordered  to  appear  at  Boston, 
and  to  siuTetider  his  arms  to  the  English,  and  give  such  other  sectu'ity  for  his 
neutrality  or  coo|)eration  in  the  war  now  begun  between  the  English  and 
Wampanoags,  as  might  be  required  of  him.  The  messenger  who  was  sent  to 
make  this  re(]uisition,  soon  nnurned  to  Boston,  accompanied  by  three  sons  of 
Uncas  and  about  60  of  his  men,  luul  a  quantity  of  anus.  The  two  younger 
sons  were  taken  into  custody  as  hostages,  and  sent  to  Cambridge,  where  they 
were  remaining  as  late  as  the  10  November  following.  They  are  said  to  have 
been  at  this  time  not  far  from  30  years  of  age,  but  tlieir  names  are  not  men- 

*  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  208.  Mohcok,  since  Mimlrille,  Connecticut,  about  10  miles 
norlii  of  New  London,  is  the  place  "where  Unkas,  and  his  sons,  and  Wiinnko,  are  siichcins.'' 
Ibid. 

t  Hist.  New  Eng.  VA. — "  Allhouffh  ho  be  a  friend  to  the  English,  yet  he  and  all  his  men 
continue  pagans  still,"  167G.    Dr.  I.  Mather,  Brief  Hist.  45. 

}  The  writer  or  sculptor  no  doubt  meant  the  contrary  of  this,  if,  indeed,  he  may  bo  said  to 
have  meant  any  thing. 

}  A  genuine  Indian  word,  and,  as  it  is  used  here,  means,  simply,  well.    "  Then  they  bid 
me  stir  my  instep,  to  see  if  that  were  frozen  :  I  did  so.     When  they  saw  that,  they  said  that 
was  wtrregen."    Stockweil's  Nar.  of  his  Captivity  among  tht  Indiiuu  m  1677. 
8 


''■'■■■■'■' '■  "  ' wsS' 


^.T4 


V-V.'v.  •.,^;■,.i'^if^- 
,,,,.>  .,  •••,'<.■.•■>;■■■■.■ 

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•  •■..•»  V.-.'- 

it-:-      •■»'    .':■ 


it 


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■   {J.  t     ,^-.\.  r 


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.:->vf: 


J.   -I    ', 


1^ 


86 


UNCAS  ASSISTS  IN  DESTROYING  THE  PEQUOTS.       [Rook  II. 


tioned.*     Oneko  waa  employed  with  his  GO  men,  and  proceeded  on  an  expe^ 
•lition,  as  will  be  found  stated  elsewhere. 

Uncas  was  originally  a  Pequot,  and  one  of  the  26  war  captains  of  that 
famous,  but  ill-fated  nation.  Upon  some  intestine  commotions,  he  revolted 
against  his  sachem,  and  set  up  for  himself.  This  took  place  about  the  time 
that  nation  became  known  to  the  English,  perhaps  in  1634  or  5;  or,  as  it 
would  seem  from  some  circumstances,  in  the  beginning  of  the  Pequot  war. 
Peters,  f  an  author  of  not  much  authority,  says,  that  the  "  colonists  declared 
liim  King  of  Mohegan,  to  reward  him  for  deserting  Sassacits,"  We  are  told, 
by  the  same  author,  that,  after  the  death  of  Uncas,  Oneko  would  not  deed  any 
lands  to  the  colony ;  upon  which  he  was  deposed,  and  his  natural  brother, 
Ahimileck,  was,  by  the  English,  advanced  to  the  office  of  chief  sachem. 
Omko,  lint  acknowledging  the  validity  of  this  procedure,  sold,  in  process  of 
time,  all  his  lands  to  two  individuals,  named  Mason  and  Harrison.  But, 
meantime,  Jlbimileck  sold  the  same  lands  to  the  colony.  A  lawsuit  followed, 
jind  was,  at  first,  decided  in  favor  of  the  colony  ;  but,  on  a  second  trial,  Mason 
and  Harrison  got  the  case — but  not  the  property ;  for,  as  Peters  tells  us,  "  the 
colony  kept  possession  under  Abimilerk,  their  created  King  of  Mohegan,"  and 
"found  means  to  confound  the  claiui  of  those  competitoi-s  witliout  establishing 
their  own," 

By  the  revolt  of  Uncas,  the  Pequot  territories  became  divided,  and  that  part 
called  MoJieag,  or  Mohegan,  fell  generally  imder  his  dominion,  and  extended 
from  near  the  Connecticui  River  on  the  south,  to  a  space  of  disputed  country 
on  the  north,  next  the  Narragansets.  By  a  recurrence  to  our  account  o*"  the 
dominions  of  the  Pequots  and  Nariagansets,  a  pretty  clear  idea  may  be  had 
of  all  three. 

This  sachem  seems  early  to  have  courted  the  favor  of  the  English,  which, 
it  is  reasonable  to  suppose,  was  occasioned  by  the  fear  he  was  in  from  his 
potent  and  warlike  neighbors,  both  on  the  north  and  on  the  south.  In  May, 
1637,  he  was  prevailed  upon  to  join  the  English  in  their  war  upon  the 
Pequots.  Knowing  the  relation  in  which  he  stood  to  them,  the  English  at 
first  v/ere  nearly  as  afrai<l  of  Uncas  and  his  men,  as  they  were  of  the  Pequots. 
But  when,  on  the  15  of  the  same  month,  they  had  arrived  at  Sayl)rook  fort,  a 
circumstance  happened  that  tended  much  to  remove  their  suspicions,  and  is 
related  by  Dr.  Mather  as  follows:  "Some  of  Uncas  his  men  being  then  at 
Saybrook,  in  order  to  assisting  the  English  against  the  Pequots,  espied  seven 
Indians,  and  slily  encompassing  them,  slew  five  of  them,  and  took  one  prison- 
er, and  brought  him  to  the  English  fort,  which  was  great  satisfaction  and  en- 
couragement to  the  English  ;  who,  before  that  ex|)loit,  had  many  fears  touch- 
ing the  fidelity  of  the  Moheag  Indians.  He  whom  they  took  prisoner  was  a 
[>erfidious  villain,  one  that  could  speak  English  Avell,  having  in  times  past 
ived  in  the  fort,  and  knowing  all  the  English  there,  hacl  been  at  the  slaughter- 
ing of  all  the  English  that  were  slaughtered  thereabouts.  He  was  a  contin- 
ual spy  about  the  fort,  informing  Sassacus  of  what  he  could  learn.  When 
this  bloody  traitor  was  executed,  his  limbs  were  by  violence  pulled  from  one 
another,  and  binned  to  ashes.  Some  of  the  Indian  executioners  barbarously 
taking  his  flesh,  they  gave  it  to  one  another,  and  did  eat  it,  withal  singing 
about  the  fire."  I 

Notwithstanding,  both  Uticas  and  Miantunnomoh  were  accused  of  harboring 
fugitive  Pequots,  after  the  Mystic  fight,  as  our  accounts  will  nbundantly  prove. 
It  is  true  they  had  agreed  not  to  harbor  them,  but  perhaps  the  philanthropist 
will  not  judge  them  harder  for  erring  on  the  score  of  mercy,  than  their  Eng- 
lish friends  for  their  strictly  religious  perseverance  in  revenge. 

A  traditionary  story  of  Uncas  pursuing,  overtaking,  and  executing  a  Pequot 
sachem,  as  given  in  the  Historical  Collections,  may  not  b(!  unqualifiedly  true. 
It  was  after  Mystic  fight,  and  is  as  follows:  Most  of  the  English  forces  pur- 
sued the  fugitives  by  water,  westward,  while  some  followed  by  land  with 
Uncas  and  his  Indians.  At  a  point  of  land  in  Guilford,  they  came  upon  a 
great  Pequot  sachem,  and  a  few  of  his  men.    Knowing  they  were  pursued, 


*  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  16. 

\  Relaliun  of  the  Troubles,  &c.  4C. 


t  In  his  Hist,  of  Connecticut. 


Chap.  V.] 

they  had  go 

have  passed 

liis  tueii  to  S( 

sued,  swam  ( 

waylaid,  and 

di.'atli.     Unca 

tlie  crotch  of 

a  great  man; 

name  the  hai 

Dr.  Mather 

Uncas.     He  s 

jiursiiit  of  the 

of  Mouonowi 

"  .Some  scattc 

iiuclieni,  betbr 

the  name  of  i 

Uncases  fea 

tlieni ;  and  wJ 

unprovoked  s 

nliitions ;  ant 

from  their  mo 

hki8,  '•  U7ikus 

River,  came  t( 

Hiii/nes,  and 

Tills  was  at  c 

liad  given  sat 

much  directed 

after,  having  r 

iug  to  subjnit 

the  differences 

And  about  hal 

ing  speech.     J 

"  This  Iieart 

mand  me  anyd 

against  the  En^ 

death,  were  he  i 

"  So  the  gov 

diet,  and  gave 

to  all  men,  &c. 

For  the  grati 

tious  on  the  M 

dialect.    "  Nog 

ne-an-ne  an-nu- 

tveh  noh  pum-m, 

ne  aun-chu-wut 

nau-nuh  noo-no 

Ohq-u-ut-a-moi 

mou-woi-e-auk 

(]iutii-chth-si-u-} 

maum-teh-keh. 

an-woi;  es-tah 

i)i-noi-een." 

Such  was  th( 
Nipniucks;  or  i 
Ktaiid  the  other 
Uncas  was  st 
nieti,  on  the  pa 
the  infant  settlei 

*  Hist.  Guilford 
t  His  name  is  no 
{   Winlhrop,  So\ 


Book  II. 

in  expe^ 

i  of  that 
revolted 
the  time 
or,  as  it 
|uot  war. 
declared 
are  tokl, 
deed  any 
brother, 
sachem, 
•ocess  <)t" 
HI.      But, 
followed, 
il,  Manon 
i  us,  "  the 
gan,"  and 
tablishing 

[  that  part 
extended 
d  coimtry 
jDt  o*"  the 
ly  be  had 

ih,  which, 
from  his 
In  May, 
upon   the 
English  at 
e  Pequots. 
ook  fort,  a 
3ns,  and  is 
ig  then  at 
[)ied  seven 
lie  prisoii- 
jn  and  en- 
ars  touch- 
jner  was  a 
times  past 
slaughter- 
a  contin- 
.     When 
from  one 
arbarously 
al  singing 

harboring 
ntly  prove, 
anthropist 
their  Eng- 

g  a  Pequot 
fiedly  true, 
forces  pur- 
land  with 
me  upon  a 
pursued, 

necticut. 


Chap.  V.] 


UNC.4S.— MOHEGAN   LANGUAGE. 


87 


tliev  had  gone  into  an  adjacent  peninsula,  "hoping  their  pursuers  would 
have  passed  by  them.  But  Uncos  knew  Indian's  cruil,  and  ordered  some  of 
his  men  to  search  that  point.  The  Pecjuots  perceiving  that  they  were  pur- 
siK'd,  swam  over  the  mouth  of  thj  harbor,  wliich  is  narrow.  Bui  they  were 
waylaid,  and  taken  as  they  lande.l.  The  sachem  was  sentenced  to  be  shot  to 
<i(-atli.  Uncas  shot  him  with  an  aiTovv,  cut  otf  his  head,  and  stuck  it  uj)  in 
tlie  crotch  of  a  large  oak-tree  recr  the  harbor,  where  the  skull  i-emamed  for 
a  great  many  years."  *  Tliis  was  the  origin  of  Sachem's  ILeau,  by  whidi 
nitnic  the  harbor  of  Guilibrd  is  well-known  to  coasters. 

\)r.  Mather  records  the  expedition  of  tiie  Engljsli,  but  makes  no  mention  of 
Uncus.  He  says,  they  set  out  from  Suybrook  fort,  and  "sailed  westward  in 
pursuit  of  the  l*e(iuots,  who  were  fled  that  way.  Sailing  along  to  the  westward 
of  Mononowuttuck,  the  wind  not  answerhig  their  (kssires,  they  cast  anchor." 
"  Some  scattering  Peciuots  were  then  Uikeu  and  slain,  as  also  tlie  Pecpiot 
saclieni,  before  expressed,!  had  his  head  cut  oflj  whence  that  place  did  bear 
ilic  name  of  Sachem's  Heau."  J 

Vivuts's  fear  of  the  Pequots  was  doubtless  the  cause  of  his  hostility  to 
tlieni ;  and  when  he  saw  them  vimquislied,  he  probably  began  to  relent  his 
iiii)in)voked  severity  towards  his  countrymen,  many  of  whom  were  his  near 
relations ;  and  this  may  account  for  his  endeavors  to  screen  some  of  them 
from  their  more  vindictive  enemies.  The  next  s[)ring  after  the  war,  5  March, 
KaJc*,  '•  UnkuSj  alias  Okoco,  the  Monahegan  sachem  in  the  twist  of  Pequod 
River,  came  to  Boston  with  37  men.  He  came  liom  Connecticut  with  JVIr. 
Hiiynes,  and  tendered  the  governor  a  jiresent  of  'iO  fathom  of  wampum. 
This  was  at  court,  and  it  was  thought  lit  by  the  council  to  refuse  it,  till  he 
liad  given  satisfaction  about  the  Pt;(piots  he  kept,  «Jcc.  Upon  this  he  was 
niucli  dejected,  and  made  account  wo  would  have  killed  him  ;  but,  two  days 
after,  having  received  good  satislaction  of  his  innoceticy,  &lc.  and  he  promis- 
ing to  submit  to  the  order  of  the  English,  touching  the  Pequots  he  had,  and 
the  dilFerenccs  between  the  Narragansetts  and  him,  we  accepted  his  present 
And  about  half  an  hour  afler,  he  came  to  the  governor,"  and  made  the  follow- 
ing speech.     Laying  his  hand  upon  his  breast,  he  said, 

"  IViis  Iveart  is  not  mine,  but  yours.  I  have  no  men :  tlmj  are  all  yours.  Com- 
mand me  anydifftcutt  thing,  I  will  do  it.  I  will  not  believe  any  Indians''  ivords 
against  the  English.  If  any  man  shall  kill  an  Englishman,  1  ivUl  put  him  to 
death,  were  he  never  so  dear  to  me." 

"So  the  governor  gave  him  a  fair  red  coat,  and  defrayed  his  and  his  men's 
diet,  and  gave  them  corn  to  relieve  them  homeward,  and  a  letter  of  protection 
to  all  men,  &c.  and  he  departed  very  joyful."  § 

For  the  gratification  of  the  curious,  we  give,  from  Dr.  Edwards's  "  Observa- 
tions on  the  Muhkekaneew  [Mohegan]  Language,"  the  Lord's  prayer  in  that 
dialect.  ^^  JVbgh-nuh,  ne  spummuck  oi-e-on,  tuugh  mau-iveh  wneh  wtu-ko-se-auk 
ne-an-m  an-nu-woi-e-on.  Tangh  ne  aun-chu-wut-am-mun  wa-ioeh-tu-seek  ma- 
weh  noh  pum-mek.  JVe  ae-noi-hit-teeh  mau-iveh  aw-au-neek  noh  hkey  oie-ckeek, 
ne  aun-chu-wut-am-mun,  ne  au-noi-hit-tett  nuk  spum-muk  oie-cheek.  Men-e- 
nau-mdi  noo-nooh  wuh-ham-auk  tquogh  nnh  uh-huy-u-tam-auk  ngum-mau-weh. 
Ohq-u-ut-a-mou-toe-nau-nuh  au-neh  mu-ma-choi-e-au-keh  he  anneh  ohq-u-vi-a- 
mou-wni-e-auk  num-peh  neek  mu-tna-chch  an-nch-o-quau-keet.  Cheen  hqu-uk- 
qnau-chth-si-u-keh  an-neh-e-henau-nuh.  Pan-nce-wch  htou-we-nau-nuh  neen 
maum-teh-keh.  Ke-aii  ng-iveh-cheh  kwi-ou-ivau-iveh  maii-weh  noh  pum-meh ;  kl- 
an-icoi ;  es-tah  aw-aun  tv-tin-noi-yu-toun  ne  au-noi-e-yon ;  han-wee-weh  ne  kt- 
in-noi-een." 

Such  was  the  language  of  the  Mohegans,  the  Pequots,  the  Narragansets  and 
Nipmucks ;  or  go  near  did  they  approach  one  another,  that  each  could  under- 
stand the  other  through  the  united  extent  of  their  territories. 

Uncos  was  said  to  have  been  engaged  in  all  the  ware  against  his  country- 
men, on  the  part  of  the  English,  during  his  life-time.||  He  shielded  some  of 
the  infant  settlements  of  Connecticut  in  times  of  troubles,  especially  Norwich. 


*  Hist.  Guilford,  in  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Sac.  100. 
t  His  name  is  not  mentioned, 
i  WntArop,  Jour.  i.  266-6. 


t  Relation,  49. 

Ij  MS.  conmiiiniralion  of  Rev.  Mr.  Ely. 


!^*Pf 

IJ^ 

1      ttk'y 

m 

^M 

■  i-r  ■■>-* 

.      r 

■■''**4i 

:."  -  '■ 

.  *»11 

■   u  .'V  • 

•    i'"''i        ,0."';  "•'■•■i*Jj| 


■  ■   .iV  ■■  ,T  •■■■/■  ' 


tmmm 

,  ''.i..  ■'  ,        '  .  ■        f        'I 

r:'#*';^v.'.'.v'.;,. 


■y-::fi-'  ■ 


■-V."i 


■ .  fi 

1 

t 

H 

^^C;-v- 

'■  '■^■'•'8 

1  •■.'■- .. 

f  ■■  ■■■  .■  • 

•  ^.»'i« 

ir  ^■^•- " 


i" ?  'V'  V^-'  "■' 


:.,-.V>^i.:';-) 


1 1'  '  i  .  •.'    r  . 

'■ft;  "'vV 
.;  ■  «■."*•*;. 


'■  !."  -.1   ..  ••'  I  r     Vi 

I   !-./■  ;.   :  k:s 

.<■',■" 
,       .•-'•V  i.'lT.-. 


•':>. 


■  C  t      «   . 


..^'.k 


»      ■      uV    I 


f^^' 


Mil' 


88 


UNCAS— TREATMENT  OF  MIANTUIVNOMOH. 


[Book  II. 


To  the  inhubitants  of  this  town  the  Mohegans  seenied  more  particularly 
iittHcheil,  probably  from  the  circimiHtaiicc  of  some  of  its  settler*  having 
relieved  them  when  besieged  by  JVini/p-et,  as  will  b*;  found  related  in  the 
ensuing  history.  The  remnant  of  the  Mohegans,  in  17G8,  was  settled  in  the 
noith-east  comer  of  New  London,  about  five  miles  south  of  Norwich;  at 
which  place  they  had  a  reservation. 

The  Mohegans  had  a  burying-i)lac(?  called  the  Royal  buruing-ground,  and 
this  was  set  apart  for  the  family  of  Uncas.  It  is  close  by  the  ialls  of  the  stream 
called  Yantic  River,  in  Norwich  city  ;  "  a  beautiful  and  romantic  spot."  The 
ground  containing  the  grave  of  Cncas  is  at  present  owned  by  C.  Goddard,  Esq. 
ol"  Norwich.  This  gentleman  has,  very  laudably,  caused  an  inclosure  to  \h; 
set  about  it.* 

When  the  commissioners  of  the  uifod  Colonies  had  met  in  1643,  com- 
plaint was  made  to  them  by  Uncas,  \.h  \  Mianhmnomoh  had  employed  a  Pequot 
to  kill  him,  and  that  this  P(!quot  was  one  of  his  own  subjects.  He  shot  Uncas 
with  an  arrow,  and,  not  doubting  but  tliat  he  hail  accomplished  his  purpose, 
"fled  to  the  Nanohiggansets,  or  their  confederates,"  and  proclaimed  that  In; 
had  killed  him.  "  But  when  it  was  known  Fncas  was  not  dead,  though 
wounded,  the  traitor  was  tnught  to  say  that  Uncus  had  cut  through  his  own 
arm  with  a  fluit,  and  hired  the  l'<M|uot  to  say  he  had  shot  and  killed  him. 
Myantinomo  being  sent  for  by  the  governor  of  the  Massachusetts  upon  another 
occasion,  brought  the  Pequot  witli  him  :  but  when  this  disguise  would  not 
serve,  and  that  the  English  out  of  his  [the  Pequot's]  own  mouth  found  him 
guilty,  and  would  have  sent  him  to  Uncits  his  sagamore  to  be  proceeded 
against,  Myantinomo  desired  he  might  not  be  taken  out  of  his  hands,  promising 
[that]  he  would  send  [him]  himself  to  i'miis  to  be  examined  and  punished; 
but,  contrary  to  his  |)romise,  and  f<'iiring,  as  it  appears,  his  own  treachery 
might  be  discouered,  he  within  a  day  or  two  cut  off  the  Peacott's  head,  that 
he  might  tell  no  tales.  After  this  somi-  attempts  were  made  to  poison  Vncus, 
and,  as  is  reported,  to  take  away  his  life  by  s«jrcery.  That  being  discovered, 
some  of  Sequasson^s  company,  an  Indiiin  sagamore  allied  to,  and  an  intimate 
confederate  with  Myantinomo,  shot  ut  Uncns  as  he  was  going  down  Conectacatt 
River  with  a  arrow  or  two.  Vncus,  according  to  the  foresaid  agreement," 
which  was,  in  case  of  difliculty  between  them,  that  the  English  should  be 
applied  to  as  umpires,  complained  to  them.  They  endeavored  to  bring  about 
a  peace  between  Uncas  and  Seqtutsson ;  but  Sequasson  would  hear  to  no  over- 
tures of  the  kind,  and  intimated  that  he  shoul<(  be  borne  out  in  his  resolution 
by  Miantunnomoh.  The  result  was  the  war  of  which  we  have  given  an 
account  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh.  We  have  also  spoken  there  of  the 
agency  of  the  English  in  the  affair  o¥  Miantunnomoh!  s  death;  but  that  no  light 
may  be  withheld  which  can  in  any  way  reflect  upon  that  important  as  well  as 
melancholy  event,  we  will  give  all  that  the  commissioners  have  recorded  in 
their  records  concerning  it.  But  firetly,  we  shoidd  notice,  that,  after  Miantun- 
no)Tioh  was  taken  prisoner,  the  Indians  affirmerl,  (the  adherents  of  Uncas 
doubtless,)  that  Miantunnomoh  had  engaged  the  Mohawks  to  join  him  in  his 
wars,  and  that  they  were  thi^n  encamped  only  a  day's  journey  from  the  fron- 
tiers, waiting  for  him  to  attain  his  liberty.     The  record  then  proceeds: — 

"  These  things  being  duly  weighed  and  considered,  the  commissioners 
apparently  see  that  Fncus  camiot  be  safe  while  Myantenomo  lives ;  but  that, 
either  by  secret  treachery  or  open  force,  his  liie  will  be  still  in  danger. 
Wherefore  they  think  he  may  justly  put  such  a  false  and  blood-thirsty  enemy 
to  death;  but  in  his  own  jurisdiction,  not  in  the  English  plantations.  And 
advising  that,  in  the  manner  of  his  death,  all  mercy  and  moderation  be  showed, 
contniry  to  the  practice  of  tin;  Indians  who  exercise  tortures  and  cruelty. 
And  Vncus  having  hitherto  shown  himself  a  friend  to  the  English,  and  in  this 
craving  their  advice ;  [therefore,]  if  the  Nanohiggansitts  Indians  or  others 
shall  unjustly  assault  Vncus  for  this  execution,  upon  notice  and  request  the 
English  promise  to  assist  and  protect  him,  as  far  as  they  may,  against  such 
violence." 

We  presume  not  to  connnentate  tjpou  this  affair,  but  we  would  ask  whether 

*  3  Coll.  Masi.  Hist.  Soc.  ill.  135. 


it  does  not  i 

Pequot  8ubj< 

plotted  for  t 

the  Pequot  t( 

his  contessio; 

been  employ 

Inm  to  death, 

if  he  had   m 

sachem,  that 

Miantunnom.c 

his  own  con 

Uncas  was  of 

over  to  Miant 

in  his  plot. 

court,  his  crir 

fession  or  dis( 

As  though 

called  in  quei 

their  n^cords, 

»■      's  in  whi 

was  advised 

ca])tive  he  wa 

•out  violation  i 

federation  wit 

mentioned,  foi 

consideration 

against  Uncas, 

peace  of  the 

safety  of  the  c< 

of  the  lawftiln( 

manners,  and 

ai-e  acciuaiuteti 

:it  present,  yet 

the  Indians,  bi 

It  is  believe 

the  English  c( 

He  will  therei 

ment  was  mac 

had  any  lawye 

AilerMianti 

of  Uncas  for  tl 

cliief:    Tliis  (1 

they  were  met 

to  apjjear  befb 

tile  evidence  v 

It  at)i)ears 
yycdoioisst,  a  si 
pansets,  with  t 
.sion(!rs,  and  t( 
liearing,  the  r 
"ThotiglV  th( 
men,  that  for  s 
a  great  value. 
Hence  it  appe 
tiie  N^arraganse 
'Kit,  it  is  thougl 
these  affairs,  to 


The  same  aflt 

at  lliat  lime  pronoi 

'no-      Winthrop  w 

t  Tho  iiulhor  o 

ibesc  adaiM.  but 

8 


^'^;iv'';''  "• 


<■■■!: 


[Book  II. 

rticularly 
»  having 
3d  in  the 
sd  in  the 
vvich ;   at 

yuTid,  and 
he  Btreani 
ot."  The 
iard,  Esq. 
sure  to  be 

643,  com- 
\  a  Ppquot 
ihot  Uncus 
3  purpose, 
3d  tliat  he 
id,  though 
h  his  own 
tilled  him. 
on  another 
would  not 
found  him 
proceeded 
,  promising 
punished ; 
1  treachery 
1  head,  that 
ison  Vncus, 
discovered, 
an  intimate 
Conectacntt 
igreemeut," 
should  be 
bring  about 
to  no  over- 
resolution 
e  given  an 
lere  of  tlie 
hat  no  light 
It  as  well  as 
recorded  in 
er  Miantun- 
of  Uncos 
him  in  his 
m  the  froii- 
ids: — 
nmissioners 
;   but  that, 
in  danger, 
rsty  enemy 
tions.     And 
be  showed, 
ind  cruelty. 
,  and  in  this 
IB  or  others 
request  the 
gaiust  such 

ask  whether 


Chap.  V.] 


UNOAS. 


89 


it  does  not  appear  as  probable,  that  Uncos  had  conccned  the  plan  with  his 
Pequot  subject  for  the  destruction  of  J^Kanlunnomoh,  as  that  the  latter  had 
plotted  for  the  destruction  of  the  former.  Else,  why  did  Miantunnomoh  put 
the  Pequot  to  death  ?  The  commissioners  do  not  say  that  the  Pequot  had  by 
his  confession  any  how  im|)licated  Miantunnomoh.  Now,  if  this  Pequot  liad 
been  employed  by  him,  it  does  not  seem  at  all  likely  that  he  would  have  put 
him  to  deatli,  especially  as  he  had  not  accused  him.  And,  on  the  other  hand, 
if  he  had  acknowledged  himself  guilty  of  attempting  the  life  of  his  own 
sachem,  that  it  might  be  charged  iqjon  others,  it  is  to  us  u  plaiu  reason  why 
Afiantunnomoh  should  put  him  to  death,  i)eing  fully  siuisfied  of  his  guilt  upon 
his  o^vn  confession.  It  may  be  concluded,  therefore,  that  the  [)Iot  against 
Uncos  was  of  his  own  or  his  Pequot  subjtjct's  planning.  The  Pequot's  going 
over  to  Miantunnomoh  for  protection  is  no  evidence  of  that  cliief's  participation 
in  his  plot.  And  it  is  highly  probable  that,  after  they  had  left  the  English 
court,  his  crime  was  aggravated,  in  Miantunnomoh^ s  view,  by  some  new  con- 
fession or  discovery,  which  caused  him  to  be  forthwith  executed. 

As  though  well  assured  that  the  justness  of  their  interference  would  be 
called  in  question,  the  coinmi.ssioners  shortly  after  added  another  clause  to 
their  records,  as  much  in  exoneration  of  their  conduct  as  they  could  find 
»,  's  in  which  to  express  themselves.  They  argue  that,  "whereas  Uncos 
was  advised  [by  them]  to  take  away  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh  wliose  lawful 
oa]»tive  he  was,  they  [the  Narragansets]  may  well  understand  that  this  is  witli- 
out  violation  of  any  covenant  between  them  and  us ;  for  Uncos  being  in  con- 
federation with  us,  and  one  that  hath  diligently  observed  his  covenants  before 
mentioned,  for  aught  we  know,  and  requiring  advice  from  us,  ujKin  serious 
consideration  of  the  premises,  viz.  his  treacherous  and  murderous  disposition 
against  Uncos,  &c.  and  how  great  a  disturber  he  hath  been  of  the  common 
peace  of  the  diole  country,  we  could  not  in  respect  of  the  justice  of  the  case, 
safety  of  the  country,  and  faithfulness  of  our  friend,  do  otherwise  than  approve 
of  the  lawfiilness  of  his  death  ;  which  agreeing  so  well  with  the  Indians  own 
manners,  and  concuiring  with  the  [)ractice  of  other  nations  with  whom  we 
are  accjuaiuted  ;  we  persuaded  ourselves,  however  his  death  may  be  grievous 
:it  present,  yet  the  peaceable;  fi-uits  of  it  will  yiehl  not  only  matter  of  safety  to 
tlie  Indians,  but  profit  to  all  that  iidiabit  this  continent." 

It  is  believed  that  the  reader  is  now  put  in  possession  of  every  thing  that 
tiie  English  could  say  for  themselves,  upon  the  execution  of  Miantunnomoh. 
He  will  therefore  be  able  to  decide,  whether,  as  we  have  stated,  their  judg- 
ment was  made  'jp  of  one  kind  of  evidence  ;  and  whether  the  Narragansets 
had  any  lawyers   o  advocate  their  cause  before  the  conunissioners. 

After,W^tan<imn.'mfl^  was  executed,  the  NaiTagansets  demanded  satisfaction 
of  Uncas  for  the  n  oney  they  had  raised  and  paid  for  the  redemption  of  their 
chief.  This  demhnd  was  through  the  English  commissioners;  who,  when 
they  were  met,  in  Sept.  1G44,  deputed  Thomas  Stanton  to  notify  both  parties 
to  appear  before  tliem,  that  they  might  decide  upon  the  case  according  to 
till"  evidence  whicJi  should  be  produced. 

It  appears  that  Kicnvmo*  the  Niantick  sachem,  immediately  deputed 
yyeehioisst,  a  sachem,  Pawpiamet  and  Pummurnshe,  captains,  from  the  Narra- 
<;iiiis('ts,  with  two  of  their  men,  to  maintain  their  action  before  the  commis- 
.«i(m(!rs,  and  to  complain  of  some  insolences  of  Uncas  besides.t  On  a  full 
lieariiig,  the  commissioners  say,  that  nothing  was  substantiated  by  them. 
"  Tlioiigli,"  they  say,  "  several  discoiu'ses  had  passed  from  Uncas  and  his 
men,  that  for  such  quantities  of  wampum  and  such  parcels  of  other  goods  to 
a  great  value,  there  might  have  been  some  [)robability  of  sparing  his  life." 
Hence  it  appears  that  Uncas  had  actiuilly  entered  upon  a  negotiation  with 
llie  Narragansets,  as  in  the  life  of  Miantunnomoh  has  betai  stated ;  and  it  does 
not,  it  is  thought,  require  but  a  slight  acquaintance  with  the  general  drift  of 
tln;se  affairs,  to  discern,  tliat  Uncas  had  encouraged  the  Narragansets  to  send 

*  The  same  afterwards  called  Ninigvet.  Junemo  was  doubtless  the  pronunciation,  J  being 
at  tlint  time  pronounced  /i ;  therefore  Jiunemo  nii^ht  have  been  somclimcs  understood  Kiane- 
mo.     Winthrop  writes  the  name  Ayanemo  in  one  instance. 

t  The  author  of  Tales  of  the  Lidiaris  seems  dismally  confused  in  attempting  to  narrate 
these  aflair*  but  see  Hazard,  ii.  25  and  26. 
8* 


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UNCAS— PESSACLS. 


[Book  II. 


wampum,  that  is,  their  money,  giving  them  to  underfrtund  tliat  he  would  not 
Be  liard  with  them ;  in  so  fur,  that  tliey  had  trusted  to  his  generosity,  and  sent 
hi/n  a  considerable  amount.  The  very  face  of  it  shows  clearly,  that  it  was  u 
trick  of  Uncos  to  leave  the  amount  indefinitely  stated,  which  gave  him  tiie 
chance,  (that  a  knave  will  always  seize  upon,)  to  act  according  to  the  cajtrice 
of  his  own  mind  on  any  j)retence  afterwards. 

The  commissioners  say,  that  "no  such  parcels  were  brought,"  though,  in 
a  few  lines  after,  in  their  records,  we  read:  "And  ibr  that  wampiuns  und 
goods  sent,  [to  Uncos,]  as  they  were  but  small  parcels,  and  scarce  considcrubie 
for  such  a  purpose,"  namely,  the  redemption  of  their  chief:  and  still,  they 
add ;  "  But  Uncos  denieth,  and  the  Narraganset  deputies  did  not  alledj;!'. 
much  less  prove  that  any  ransom  was  agreed,  nor  so  much  as  any  treatv 
begun  to  redeem  their  imprisoned  sachem."  Therefore  it  appears  ((uite 
clear  that  Uncos  had  all  the  English  in  his  liivor,  who,  to  preserve  his  frientl- 
sliip,  caressed  and  called  him  their  iriend ;  while,  on  the  other  hand,  the 
agents  from  the  Narragansets  were  frowned  upon,  and  no  doubt  labored  under 
the  disadvantage  of  not  being  personally  known  to  the  English. 

As  to  the  goods  which  imcas  had  received,  the  commissioners  say,  "A 
part  of  them  [were]  disposed  [of]  by  Miantunnomoh  himself,  to  Uncas^  coun- 
sellors and  captains,  lor  some  favor,  either  past  or  hoped  lor,  and  part  were 
given  and  sent  to  Uncos,  and  to  his  squaw  for  preserving  his  life  so  long,  and 
using  him  courteously  during  his  imprisonment." 

Here  ended  this  matter ;  but  before  the  Narraganset  deputies  left  the  court, 
the  English  made  them  sign  an  agreement,  that  they  would  not  make  war 
upon  Uncos,  "vntill  after  the  next  jdanting  of  corn."  And  even  then,  that 
they  should  give  30  days'  notice  to  the  English  before  commencing  hostili- 
ties. Also  that  if  "any  of  the  Nayantick  Pecotts  should  make  any  assault 
upon  Uncos  or  any  of  his,  they  would  deliver  them  up  to  the  English  to  be 
punished  according  to  their  demerits.  And  that  they  would  not  use  any 
means  to  procure  the  Mawhakes  to  come  against  Uncus  during  this  truce." 
At  the  same  time  the  English  took  due  care  to  notify  the  Narraganset  com- 
missioners, by  way  of  awing  them  into  terms,  that  if  they  did  molest  the 
Mohegans,  all  the  English  would  be  upon  them. 

The  date  of  tliis  agreement,  if  so  we  may  call  it,  is,  "  Hartford,  the  xviijth 
of  September,  lf)44,"  and  way  signed  by  four  Indians ;  one  besides  those 
named  above,  called  Chimough. 

That  no  passage  might  be  left  open  for  excuse,  in  case  of  war,  it  was  also 
mentioned,  that  "proof  of  the  ransom  charged  "  must  be  made  satistiictory 
to  the  English  before  war  was  begun. 

The  power  of  Pessacus  and  J^inigret  at  this  time  was  much  feared  by  the 
English,  and  they  were  ready  to  believe  any  rei)orts  of  the  hostile  doings  of 
the  Narraganst  ts,  who,  since  the  subjection  of  the  Pequots,  had  made  them- 
selves masters  of  all  their  neighbors,  except  the  English,  as  the  Pequots  had 
done  before  them.  The  Mohegans  were  also  in  great  fear  of  them,  as  well 
after  as  before  the  death  of  Miantunnomoh ;  but  for  whose  misfortune  in 
being  made  a  prisoner  by  a  stratagem  of  Uncos,  or  his  captains,  the  Englis^li 
might  have  seen  far  greater  troubles  from  them  than  they  did,  judging  lioni 
the  known  abilities  of  that  great  chief. 

There  was  "a  meeting  extraordinary"  of  the  commissioners  of  the  United 
Colonies,  in  July,  1G45,  at  Boston,  "concerning  the  French  but-iness,  and  tlic 
wars  between  Pissicus  nnd  Vncus  being  begun."  Their  first  business  was  to 
despatch  away  messengers  to  request  the  appearance  of  the  head  men  of  tiie 
belligerents  to  appear  themselves  at  Boston,  or  to  send  some  of  their  chief 
men,  that  the  difficulties  between  tiicm  might  \)e  settled. 

These  messengers.  Sergeant  John  Dames,  [Davis  '^]  Benedict  Arnold,  and 
Francis  Smyth,  on  their  first  arrival  at  Narraganset,  were  welcomed  by  the 
sachems,  who  ofTercd  them  guides  to  conduct  them  to  Uncas ;  but,  either 
having  understood  their  intentions,  or  judging  li-om  their  appearance  tlmt 
the  English  messengers  meant  them  no  good,  changed  their  deportment 
altogether,  and  in  the  n)ean  time  secretly  despatched  messengers  to  the 
Nianticks  before  them,  giving  them  to  understand  what  was  going  forward. 
After  this,  say  the  messengers,  "  tliere  was  notliing  but  proud  and  insolent 


r 


Chap.  V.] 

passages  [fi 
tlieni  fi'om  i 
di.^couraged 
sachems  sa 
English  wo 
ti'ilhoul  Unc 
were  resolv 
soldiers  fro 
and  woidd 
against  thci 
chiu'ging  it  i 
now,  if  he  d 
fore,  not  bei 
ragan.sets,  ai 
furnish  tliei 
them  an  old 
Th.!    mes 
sacred  ;  "  tin 
suspicious  m 
and  express 
without  miK 
Pfssacus,  the 
ofl'tliat  nighl 
to  them.     In 
them  with  gu 
to  risk  the  jo 
tcstihed  that 
be  lx)rne  in  i 
veracity  of  Ji 
J\Ieunwhil€ 
hazards.     Tc 
provocations 
upon  the  Na 
weigiit  and  g 
to  all  tiie  coI( 
eldei-s  of  the 
chief  militan 
Fii-st,  that  ou 
Secondly,  the 
Jiis  fort  or  1 
covenants  or 
to  aid  him  as 
tills  aid  nuist 
and  so  come 
"  Ac<;ordin, 
considering  t 
been  divers 
agr(!(Hl  to  lia\ 
tenant  Mhvrlo 
"  Cutcliamuki) 
"attenijtt  upo 
of  C'oiinectic 
were  ordered 
teiiiu.t  Seali). 
now  aim  at  tli 
neglected  to 
of  iiif'n,  their 
the  Nianticks 
glad  they  mig 
particularly  tr 
time  that  Mas 
to  invade  the 


niut 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS.— DEFENDED  BY  THE  ENGLISH. 


01 


passajjes  [from  JVTn^e/.]  The  Indian  guides  which  they  had  brou{,'lit  with 
them  from  Pumham and  Sokakanoco  were,  by  frowns  and  tiireatuning  speeches, 
discouraged,  and  returned;  no  otlicr  guides  couki  he  obtained."  Tlie 
sachems  said  they  knew,  by  what  was  done  nt  Hartford  hist  year,  tliat  the 
English  would  urge  peace,  "  but  they  were  resolved,  they  said,  to  have  no  peace 
tctthout  Uncas  his  head."  As  to  wlio  began  the  war,  they  cai-ed  not,  but  tliey 
were  resolved  to  continue  it;  that  if  the  English  did  not  witiulraw  tlieiV 
soldiore  from  Uncas,  they  should  consider  it  a  breach  of  former  covenants, 
and  would  procure  as  many  Mohawks  as  the  English  liad  soldiers  to  biing 
against  tliem.  They  reviled  Uncas  lor  having  wounded  him.sclf,  and  tiien 
charging  it  upon  them,  and  said  he  was  no  friend  of  the  English,  but  would 
now,  if  he  durst,  kill  the  English  messengers,  and  lay  that  to  them.  There- 
fore, not  being  able  to  proceed,  the  English  messengers  returned  to  the  Nar- 
ragansets,  and  acquainted  Pessacus  of  what  had  passinl,  desiring  he  would 
furnish  them  with  guides;  "he,  (in  scorn,  as  they  apprehended  it,)  offered 
them  an  old  Peacott  squaw." 

Th(!  messengere  now  thought  themselves  in  danger  of  being  mas- 
sacred ;  "  three  Indians  with  hatchets  standing  behind  th(!  inter|)reter  in  a 
suspicious  manner,  wliile  he  was  speaking  with  Pessacus,  and  tlie  rest,  frowning 
and  expressing  n\uch  distemper  in  their  coimtenance  and  carriage."  So, 
without  much  loss  of  time,  they  began  to  retrace  their  steps.  On  leaving 
Prxsacus,  they  told  him  they  should  lodge  at  an  English  trading  lious(!  not  far 
ofl'tiiat  night,  and  if  he  wanted  to  send  any  word  to  the  English,  he  might  send 
to  tliein.  In  the  morning,  he  invited  them  to  return,  and  said  he  would  furnish 
them  with  guides  to  visit  Uncas,  but  he  would  not  suspend  iiostilities.  Not  daring 
to  risk  the  journey,  tlie  messengers  retiu'ned  home.  Arnold,  the  inter|)reter, 
tcstilied  that  this  was  a  true  relation  of  what  had  (lassed,  which  is  necessary  to 
be  lx)rne  in  mind,  as  something  may  apjKjar,  as  we  proceed,  impeaching  the 
veracity  of  Arnold. 

J\Ieuiiwhile  the  comnnssioners  set  forth  an  armament  to  defend  f/nco.?,  ataJI 
hazards.  To  justify  this  movenient,  they  declare,  that,  "  considering  the  great 
provocations  offered,  and  the  necessity  we  should  be  put  unto  of  making  wiu* 
upon  the  Nai-rohiggin,  &c.  and  being  also  careful  in  a  matter  of  so  great 
weight  and  general  concernment  to  see  the  way  cleared  and  to  give  satisfaction 
to  all  the  colonists,  did  think  fit  to  advise  with  such  of  the  tnagistrates  and 
eldere  of  the  Massachusetts  as  were  then  at  hand,  and  also  with  some  of  the 
chief  military  connnanders  there,  who  being  assembled,  it  was  then  agreed  : 
Fii-st,  that  our  engagement  bound  us  to  aid  and  defend  the  Mohegan  sachem. 
Secondly,  that  this  aid  could  not  be  intended  oidy  to  defend  him  and  his,  in 
his  fort  or  habitation,  but,  (according  to  the  common  acceptation  of  such 
covenants  or  engagements  considered  with  the  ground  or  occ!:sion  thereof,)  so 
to  aid  him  as  bee  might  be  preserved  in  his  liberty  and  estate.  Thu'dl y,  that 
this  aid  iiuist  he  speedy,  least  he  might  be  swallowed  up  in  the  mean  time, 
and  so  come  too  late." 

"  According  to  the  counsel  and  determinadon  aforesaid,  the  comnnssioners, 
considering  the  present  danger  of  Uncas  the  Mohegan  siichem,  (his  fort  having 
been  divers  times  assaulted  l)y  a  great  army  of  the  Narrohiggausets,  ikc.) 
agreed  to  have  40  soldiers  sent  witli  all  (ixpi'dition  for  his  defense."  Lieu- 
tenuiit  Jltherlon  and  Sergeant  John  Davis  I'd  this  company,  conductid  by  two  of 
"  CulcJmmakin^s"  Indians  as  guides.  Alherton  was  ordered  not  to  make  an 
"attempt  u|K)n  the  town  otherwise  tiian  in  Uncus'  defence."  Cajitain  Mason 
of  (Jonnecticnt  wsis  to  join  him,  and  take  the  chief  coiumand.  Eoity  men 
were  ordered  also  from  Connecticut,  and  80  from  New  Haven  uiuler  Lieu- 
tenai.t  Sealy.  In  their  instructions  to  Mason,  the  commissioners  say,  "  W^e  so 
now  aim  at  the  protection  of  the  Mohegans,  that  we  would  liavt;  no  opportiniity 
neglected  to  weaken  tlie  Narragansets  and  their  confederates,  in  their  nundier 
of  men,  their  cane  canoes,  wigwams,  wampum  and  goorls.  We  look  U|)on 
the  Nianticks  us  the  chief  incendiaries  and  causes  of  tli(i  war,  and  should  be 
glad  tii(!y  might  first  feel  the  smart  of  it."  The  Nianticks,  therefore,  were 
particidarly  to  be  had  in  view  by  Mason,  and  he  was  informed  at  the  same 
tiuK!  that  Massachusetts  and  Plimouth  were  forthwith  to  send  "another  arniy 
to  invade  the  Narragansets." 


r.:  ••       .  :.►  ■     a* 

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tA-jVi.-;  vy^'  ■  *  'if.-' 


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4        'r  .-.■  '..'■ 


92 


UNCAS.— BESEIGED  IN  HIS  FORT. 


[Book  II. 


!  -■» 

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■^;:i 

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3^j^..^K^^ 


The  romni'iHflionera  now  proceodnd  to  make  choice  of  a  commnnder  in 
diicC  of  the  two  armies.  Major  Edward  Gibbons  was  unanimously  elected. 
In  his  instructions  is  this  jmssanrc :  "  Whereas  the  scope  and  cause  of  this 
expedition  is  not  only  to  aid  the  Moheffans,  hut  to  oflTend  the  NarrafTJUisets, 
Nianticks,  and  other  their  confederates."  He  was  dirrsctcd  also  to  conclude  a 
peace  witli  them,  if  tiiey  desired  it,  j)rovided  it  were  made  with  8|>ecinl 
reference  to  damages,  &c.  And  they  sav,  "But  withal,  accordiiifr  to  our 
en<ra!(ements,  you  are  to  provide  for  Uncos'  future  safety,  that  his  plantations 
Ih)  not  invaded,  that  his  men  and  squaws  may  attend  their  planting  and  fishing 
and  other  occasions  without  fear  or  injury,  and  Vssamequine,  Pomham, 
Sokakonoro,  Cuichamakin,  and  other  Indians,  friends  or  subjects  to  the  English, 
be  not  mol((st('(l,"  &c. 

S()c»n  tit)vr  the  death  of  Mtnntunnomnh,  which  was  in  September,  lfl4!{,  his 
hrotlnT  Pe.isaais,  "the  new  sachem  of  Narraganset,"  then  "a  young  man 
about  20,"  sent  to  Governor  lyinlhrop  of  Massachusetts,  as  a  present,  an  otter 
coat,  a  girdle  of  wam}ium,  and  some  of  that  article  besides,  in  value  about 
£]~>.  Tlie  messenger,  nametl  Washose,*  also  a  sachem,  told  the  governor  tliat 
his  chief  desired  to  continue  in  peace  with  the  English;  but  that  he  was 
about  to  make  war  upon  Uncus,  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  brother,  and  hoped 
they  would  not  interfere,  nor  aid  Uncos.  The  governor  said  they  wished  to 
hi!  at  peace  with  all  Indians,  and  that  all  Indians  would  be  at  peace  airiong 
themselves,  and  that  they  must  agree  to  this,  or  they  could  not  accept  their 
j)resent.  fVfuihose  said  be  was  instructed  no  further  than  to  make  known  his 
mission  and  leave  the  present,  which  he  did,  and  returned  to  his  own  country. 
This  was  in  February,  1(544,  N.  S.  Within  the  same  month,  the  same  messenger 
a])peared  again  at  Boston  ;  and  "  his  errand  was,  (says  Governor  Wiitlhrop,)  tliat, 
seeing  they,  at  our  request,  had  set  still  this  year,  that  now  this  next  year  we 
would  grant  their  request,  and  suffer  them  to  fight  with  Onkus,  with  many 
argumi'iits."  But  he  was  answered,  that  the  English  would  not  allow  such  a 
proceeding,  and  if  they  persisted  all  the  English  woidd  fall  upon  them. 

Planting  time,  and  30  days  besides,  had  passed  before  the  English  sent  an 
army  to  invade  the  Narragansets.  Pessacus  and  the  otiicr  chiefs  had  done  all 
they  coidd  do  to  cause  the  English  to  remain  neutral,  but  now  determined  to 
wait  no  longer,  and  hostile  acts  were  committed  on  both  sides. 

The  traditionary  account  of  Uncases  being  besieged  in  his  fort  by  the 
Narmgansets  will  very  properly  be  looked  for  in  this  connection,  as  it  lias 
not  only  adorned  some  ioles  of  the  Indians,  but  has  been  seriously  urged  as 
truth  in  more  imposing  forms.  What  we  are  a])Out  to  give  is  contained  in 
a  letter,  dated  at  New  Haven,  IS)  Septemlier,  179G,  by  fVm.  Leffingwell,  and  di- 
rected Wr.  Trumbull. 

"At  the  time  the  Mohegan  tribe  of  Indians  were  besieged  by  the  Narragan- 
set tril)e,  in  a  fort  near  the  River  Thames,  between  Norwich  and  New 
London,  tiie  provisions  of  tlie  besieged  being  nearly  exhausted.  Uncos,  their 
sachem,  found  means  to  inform  the  settlers  at  Saybroo'k  of  their  distress,  and  the 
danger  they  would  be  in  from  the  Narragansets,  if  the  Mohegan  tribe  were  cut 
off.  Ensign  Thomas  I^rffingwell,  one  of  the  first  settlers  then^,  loaded  a  canoe 
with  beef,  com  and  peas,  and  in  the  night  time  paddled  from  Saybrook  into  the 
Thames,  and  had  the  address  to  get  the  whole  into  the  fort  of  the  besieged  ; — 
received  a  deed  from  Uncos  of  the  town  of  Norwich,  and  made  his  escape 
that  very  night.  In  consequence  of  which,  the  besiegers,  finding  Uncos  had 
procured  relief,  raised  the  siege,  and  the  Mohegan  tribe  were  saved,  and  have 
ever  proved  strict  friends  to  the  N.  England  8ettlei's."f 

The  above  agrees  very  well  with  Mr.  Hide's  account.  "  When  Uncas  and 
tribe  were  attacked  by  a  potent  enemy,  and  blocked  up  in  their  fort  on  a  liill, 
by  the  side  of  the  great  river,  and  almost  starved  to  death,  Lieut.  Thos. 
Leffingwell,  Capt.  Btnj.  Brewster,  of  said  Norwich,  and  others,  secretly  carried 

*   Peril.  |)s  '.he  same  as  Awasliers, 

t  r'opicd  from  llie  original,  for  llie  autlior,  by  Rev.  IFm.  Ely,  who  thus  remarks  upon  it  : 
"This  tmdilloii,  from  a  hig-hly  respectable  source,  Tnindndl  states  as  history;  yet,  in  some 
minor  points,  at  least,  it  would  seem  obvious  that  the  tradition  could  not  have  been  strictly 
preserved  for  150  years."     MS.  letler. 


Chap.  V.] 

their  provisioi 
In  considerafi 
At  the  coiif 
it  was  ascertai 
and  therefore 
with  their  des 
stood,  Captaii 
coininissioned 
"  Pisctis,  Cam 
liet()re  mentio 
tlicir  begimiii 
wounded  and 
I)ri.>«)nerH,  spo 
I'd  th(;  Englisl 
Boston,  they  s 
('Xce|)t  themsc 
English  were 
them. 

Harding  ant 
them.  But  h( 
venture  amon^ 
with  them,  or  i 
the  retider  to  ji 
Reverend  Mr. 
by  the  comniis 
sfichems,  and  c 
to  ciiarge  thei 
charges,  it  app 
Till'  chiefs  sai( 
htu  had  now  se 
iiis  assent  and 
lisli  sliould  agr 
It  was  i.  tl: 
otliers,  should 
which  they  did 
the  old  present, 
They  arrived  at 
for  their  counti 
treaty  should  b( 
It  appeared,  < 
not  fully  under! 
their  country,  a 
record  goes,  tlu 
parties  concernt 
against  Uncas, 

*  Some  ver}'  bei 
"hich  it  seems  the 
DtliiT  observations  : 
which  still  retains 
ptTishina^  with  hun{ 
from  it: — 


t  MS.  letter  to  E 


Chap.  V] 


INTERFERENCE  OF  THE  ENGLISH. 


93 


:as  and 
a  hill, 
Thos. 

carried 


ipon  It  : 

in  some 

slriclly 


their  provision,  in  the  night  seasons,  upon  which  the  enemy  raised  the  siege."  • 
In  conHiderution  ot'wliich,  "  Uncas  gave  sundry  donations  of  land,"  &.e.t 

At  the  congress  of  the  conunissioners  at  Boston,  in  1(545,  above  mentioned, 
it  was  ascertained  that  the  present  from  Pesscmis  still  remained  among  them, 
and  therefore  he  might  think  it  was  probable  that  the  English  had  complied 
with  their  desires,  as  they  had  not  returned  it.  Lest  this  sliould  be  so  under- 
stood, Ca[)tain  Hardiiif^,  Mr.  fVelhorne,  and  Benedict  Arnold,  were  ordered  and 
(•,()tnmis.><ioned  to  repair  to  tlx;  Narragansct  country,  and  to  see,  if  possible, 
"  Pinnt.t,  Canownacus,  Jantiiw"  and  other  sachem.s,  and  to  return  tin;  pn;sent 
lietiire  mentioned,  and  to  inforiti  them  that  tJie  English  were  well  aware  of 
their  beginning  and  prosecuting  a  war  upon  Uncas,  and  their  "  having 
wounded  and  slain  divers  of  his  men,  seized  many  of  his  cano(\s,  taken  some 
prisoners,  spoiled  much  of  his  corn,"  refused  to  treat  with  him,  and  threaten- 
ed the  English.  Nevertheless,  if  they  would  come  themselves  forthwith  to 
Jlcston,  they  should  be  heard  and  protected  in  their  journey,  but  that  none 
r'.xcept  themselves  would  be  treated  with,  and  if  they  n,'fu.sed  to  come,  the 
English  were  prepared  for  war,  and  would  proceed  inunediatcly  against 
tlieni. 

Harding  and  Wtlhome  proceeded  to  Providence,  where  Arnold  was  to  join 
them.  But  he  was  not  there,  and  they  were  informed  that  lie  dared  not 
venture  among  the  Narragansets.  Whether  he  had  been  acting  the  traitor 
with  them,  or  something  quite  as  nnich  to  merit  condcaaiation,  we  will  leave 
tiie  reader  to  judge  from  the  relation.  The  two  former,  therefore,  made  use  of 
Reverend  Mr.  Williams  as  interpreter  in  their  business,  but  were  reprimanded 
hy  the  commissioners  for  it  on  th(;ir  return.  On  going  to  the  Niuraganset 
siichems,  and  opening  their  business,  it  appeared  that  all  they  were  ordered 
to  charge  thern  with  was  not  true;  or,  at  least,  denied  by  them.  These 
charges,  it  appears,  had  been  preferred  hy  Arnold,  and  sworn  to  u[)on  oath. 
The  chiefs  said  "that  lanemo,  the  Nyantick  sachem,  had  been  ill  divers  days, 
hut  hud  now  sent  six  men  to  present  bis  respeet.s  to  the  English,  and  to  declare 
iiis  assent  and  submission  to  what  the  Narroliiggenset  sachems  and  the  Eng- 
lish should  agree  upon." 

It  was  i.  the  end  agreed,  that  the  chiefs,  Pessacus,  Mexam,  and  divers 
others,  should  i)roceed  to  Boston,  agreeably  to  the  desire  of  the  English, 
which  they  did,  in  company  with  Harding  and  Welbome,  who  brought  back 
the  old  present,  and  for  which  they  also  received  the  censure  of  the  congress. 
Tliey  arrived  at  Boston  just  as  the  second  levy  of  troops  were  marching  out 
for  their  country,  and  thus  the  expedition  was  stayed  until  the  result  of  u 
treaty  should  be  made  known. 

It  apjM'ared,  on  a  conference  with  the  commissioners,  that  the  sachems  did 
not  fully  understand  the  nature  of  all  the  charges  against  them  before  leaving 
their  country,  and  in  justice  to  them  it  should  lie  observed,  that,  so  far  us  the 
record  goes,  their  case  appears  to  us  tlie  easiest  to  be  defended  of  the;  three 
parties  concerned.  They  told  the  conunissioners  of  sundry  charges  they  had 
against  Uncas,  but  tliey  said  they  could  not  hear  them,  for  Uncas  was  not 

*  Some  very  beautiful  verses  appeared  several  yi'ars  since  in  the  (""oiinecliciit  IVIirror,  to 
wlilch  it  seems  the  above  had  given  rise.  Tliev  were  prefared  with  the  following  among 
iithiT  observations  :  "  In  the  neighborhood  of  Moliegan  is  a  rude  recess,  environed  by  rocks, 
wliicli  still  retains  the  name  of  the  'chair  of  Uncus;'  and  that  the  people  of  Uncus  were 
p«rlsliing  with  hunger  when  LeffingweU  brought  him  relief.  We  give  the  following  stanzas 
from  it:  — 

"  The  monarch  sat  on  his  rocky  throne, 
JJefore  him  the  waters  lay  ; 
His  guards  were  shapeless  columns  of  stone, 
Their  lolly  helmets  with  moss  o'ergrown. 
And  their  spears  of  the  bracken  gray. 

"  His  lamps  were  the  fickle  stars,  that  beamed 

Through  tlie  veil  of  their  midnight  shroud, 
And  the  reddening  flashes  that  fitfully  gleamed 
When  the  distant  fires  of  the  v,  Hr-danc  ^ireamed 
Where  his  foes  in  frantic  revel  screamed 
'Neath  their  canopy  of  cloud,"  &c. 

t  MS.  letter  to  Dr.  Trumbull,  before  cited,  and  life  of  Miantunnomoh. 


'.''.<  "  .  ■■ 

.^'^ 

* .' 

.,.»V 

.•'..-.■■^: 

.    ' 

M       ."* 

■:  •■; 

■     ■  ■    * 

r. 

;•  ■»■•.* 

i  .r   • 

'>■  ,-••" 

#0 

■,   ;,''. 

" 

'■  V^' 

}  M 

•  •'  ■  "^ 

•.■.„;■, 'J 

.;V;,i.'VV 

:M 

:.  ^'i 

,  ;■'   .' 

•■•    ;u: 

^f:  ■-■■■ 


•;  VT*; 


•  /  •  J---'-  lit''  ;■•  i''i .  •  '->•»■ 


I 


I  . 


•     >•.'■>',■'■'••. 

'  .    "•.•     :C*... 
.  •.<    ••% 

■•■  •'  •-•  ;<".■# 

II    ■,•■■■>    fi;. 


■■  ■'  ,.  1  ,    . 
•    '  -  ■'.*  "  *:■■.* 

*  ».  >.  .•  I  > 

1  ,.■    v,,..7   ■  -. 

'(■■■•  >'■■  ■ - 


ft:'-- ■•■■:■ 


;*?;'.'"■  ■■■■:■■' 


94 


UNCAS— TREATY  MADE  AT  BOSTON. 


[nooK  II. 


llicre  t(»  spoiik  for  liiirisclf ,  ,  ."I  thnt  tliey  lin«J  tiiiidfirod  Jiis  Iwiinp  notified  of 
tlieir  roriiiiif^.  Ah  to  a  Itroii  ■  .if  coveiiuiit,  tlicy  iiiniritained,  for  8ome  lime, 
tlioy  liad  coiiiniittod  iioiio,  Ui  ihat  tlioir  treatment  of  t)ie  I0nf,'li8li  liud  been 
mi.sn|)re.si'nt('d.  "Hut,  (says  our  record,)  atlcr  a  long  debate;  and  Home 
priiiate  eorifcrrcnre,  they  bad  with  Serjeant  Cidliniit,  they  acknowledged 
they  had  brookeii  promise  or  couenant  in  the  afore  nienconed  warre, 
ancl  ofl'erred  to  make  another  truce  with  Vncas,  either  till  next  planting 
tyine,  as  they  had  done  last  yeare  at  Hartford,  or  for  a  yeare,  or  a  yeare  and 
a  cuiarter." 

They  had  been  indticed  to  make  this  admission,  no  doubt,  by  the  persua- 
sion i)i'  CtUlicut,  who,  j)rol)ably,  was  in.strticted  to  inform  them  that  the  nafcty 
of  their  eountry  depended  upon  their  compliance  with  the  wishes  ol'the  Eng- 
lish at  this  time.  An  army  of  soldiers  was  at  that  moment  parading  the 
streets,  in  all  the  pomjKj.sity  of  a  modern  training,  which  must  have  naniiided 
them  of  the  horrible  destruction  of  their  kindred  at  Mystic  eight  years 
before. 

The  pro[iosition  of  a  truce  being  objected  to  by  the  English,  "one  of  tlie 
sachems  ofl'ereil  a  stick  or  a  wand  to  the  commissioners,  ex|»ressiiig  himself, 
that  therewith  they  j)ut  the  power  and  disposition  of  the  war  into  their  handN 
and  desired  to  know  what  the  English  would  require  of  them."  They  were 
answered  that  the  expenses  and  trouble  thev  had  caused  the  English  were 
very  great,  "besides  the  damage  Vncas  had  sustained;  j'et  to  show  their 
moiJeracon,  tlusy  would  require  of^  them  but  tivoo  thousand  fathome  of  white 
wanipon  for  their  owne  satisfaoeon,"  but  that  they  should  restore  to  Uncus  nil 
the  captives  and  canoes  taken  from  him,  and  make  restitution  for  all  the  corn 
they  had  spoiled.  As  for  the  last-mentioned  ofience,  the  sachems  asserted 
there  had  been  none  such ;  for  ii  ivas  not  the  manner  of  the  Indians  to  de- 
strou  com. 

'lliis  most  excellent  and  indirect  reproof  must  have  had  no  small  effect  on 
tliose  who  heard  if,  as  no  doubt  some  of  the  actors  as  well  as  the  advisers  of 
the  destruction  of  the  Indians'  corn,  pnivious  to  and  during  the  Pequot  war, 
were  now  present:  Block  Island,  and  the  fertile  fields  upon  the  shores  of  tht- 
Coimectieut,  must  have  magnified  before  their  imaginations. 

Considering,  therefore,  tiiat  this  charge  was  merely  imaginary,  and  that 
Uncus  had  taken  and  killed  some  of  their  people,  the  English  consented  that 
Uncus  "might"  restore  such  captives  and  canoes  as  he  had  talten  from  them. 
Finally,  they  agreed  to  pay  the  wampum,  "cmuing  onely  some  ease  in  the 
manner  and  tymes  of  payment,"  and  on  the  evening  of  "the  xxvij/A  of  the  G 
j«oni/i,  (August,)  1()4.'),"  articles  to  the  following  eti'ect  were  signed  by  the 
princijial  Indians  present : — 

1.  That  the  Narragansets  and  Nianticks  had  made  war  upon  the  Mohegans 
contrary  to  former  treaties;  that  the  English  had  sent  messengera  to  them 
without  success,  which  had  made  them  prepai'e  for  war. 

2.  That  chiefs  duly  authorized  were  now  at  Boston,  and  having  acknowl- 
edged their  breach  of  treaties,  having  "  thereby  not  only  endamaged  Vncas, 
but  had  i)rought  much  charge  and  trouble  v|)on  all  the  English  colonies, 
which  they  conf.st  were  just  they  should  satisfy." 

3.  That  the  sachems  agree  for  their  nations  to  pay  to  the  English  2000 
fathom  "of  good  white  wampum,  or  a  third  part  of  good  black  wampem- 
peage,  in  four  payments,  namely,"  500  fathom  in  20  days,  500  in  four  months, 
500  at  or  before  next  j)lanting  time,  and  500  in  two  years,  which  the  English 
agree  to  accept  as  full  "  satistaccon," 

4.  That  each  party  of  the  Indians  was  to  restore  to  the  other  all  thing.s 
taken,  and  where  canoes  were  destroyed,  others  "in  the  roome  of  them,  full 
as  good,"  were  to  be  given  in  return.  The  English  obligated  themselves  for 
Uncus. 

5.  That  as  many  matterii  cannot  be  treated  of  on  account  of  the  absence  of 
Unrcts,  they  are  to  be  d-f erred  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners 
at  Hartford,  in  Sept.  1()46,  where  both  parties  should  be  heard. 

6.  The  Narraganset  and  Niantic  sachems  bind  themselves  to  keep  peact 
with  the  English  and  their  successors,  "  and  with  Vncas  the  Mohegaii  sachcin 


Chaf.  v.] 

and  his  nu 

Passuronat 
to  apply  to 

7.  They 
time  be  fbi 
harvest,  ev« 
tlieni,"  ace 
watnpimi  < 
and  one  ha 
imsh  Cuke{ 
)iii.'ganset  s 
uj)  to  the  £ 

a  The  s( 
the  Englisl 
brother  to  j 
l)e  kept  as  f 
had  met  Ur 
rlcs.  A.s  tli 
If'aughwam^ 
aenej)ted. 

0.  Both  t 
the  English, 

10.  That 
and  before  ii 
tioii  thereof, 

11.  They 
eoiiimissioni 

12.  If  any 
li.«h,  they  W( 
a  mark  to  ea 


We  do  no 
he  is  mentlo 
him.  There 
Seigeant  Cu 

From  this 
semis  not  to 
without  any 
selves  under 
alleged  ofj'en 
Morton  and 
accounts  of 
tlint  Uncas  w 
01(1  ur  to  a  tri 

Meanwhile 
not  appearin_ 
Naineoke,  si 
was  the  seen 
edged  iiimse 
near  to  the  p 
lish  there  hat 

*  Oitsavieqiti 
t  Sep  pag-e  <!t 
H  AiBosequin 


' .  -^-^^l 


Chap.  V.] 


UNCAS— MF.XAM. 


OS 


r)rother  lo  fissacus,  ^iwasnanot  iiia  somi,  and  j^waiigcion  soiin,  a  i>yai 
1k!  k('|)t  as  pl»!(lg(!8  or  liostagon,"  until  tlie  wampiini  hIiouIiI  Ite  all  paid,  i 
lind  met  Lticas  at  Hartforil,  and  Junemo  and  H'ifpetorkn  had  si<.'ned  tin 
{'Irs,     As  the  cliildron  were  to  he  sent  for,  IVilotoajih,  Pomnmse,  Jawaa 


and  his  men,  witJi  Vsaamequin,*  Pomham,  SohaJcnooco,  CtUrhamnJciv,  Shnnnnn,^ 
Pasmconawny,  and  all  others.  And  that,  in  case  diHicultieM  occur,  they  are 
to  aj)j)ly  to  the  English. 

7.  riiey  promise  to  deliver  up  to  the  English  all  fugitives  who  shall  at  any 
time  he  found  ainonj'  them  ;  to  pay  a  yearly  trihute,  "a  inonlh  hefore  Indian 
harvest,  every  year  after  this,  at  Boston,"  "  tor  all  such  I'erotts  as  live  amongst 
them,"  according  to  the  treaty  of  l({.'}8;t  "namely,  one  fathom  of  white 
warii|)um  "or  each  Pequot  man,  and  half  a  fathom  for  each  I'eaeott  youth, 
niid  one  hand  length  of  wamjuim  for  each  Peacott  nian-ehild ;  and  if  Hitk' 
wash  Cake^  refuse  to  pay  this  trihute  for  any  Peacotts  with  him,  the  Nnrro- 
hii'ganset  sagamores  |)r«>jnise  to  assist  the  English  against  him  ;"  and  lo  yield 
U])  to  the  English  the  whole  Pequot  country. 

8.  The  sachems  promise  to  dcdiver  four  of  their  children  into  the  lumdsof 
the  I'nglish,  "  vi/'.  Plssacus  liis  eldest  sonn,  the  sonn  of  Tasswjwtniimlt, 
hrotlier  to  Pissanui,  ^Iwashaiioe  his  sonn,  and  Eioniuresai's  sonn,  a  Nyantirk,  to 

, and  they 

hese  arti- 
xssof,  luid 

ffaus^hivamino  offered  their  persons  as  security  f!)r  their  delivery,  who  were 

ucrepted. 

9.  Both  the  securities  and  hostages  were  to  be  supported  at  the  charge  of 
the  English. 

10.  That  if  any  hostilities  were  committed  while  this  treaty  was  making, 
and  hefore  its  provisions  were  kiiowu,  such  acts  not  to  be  considered  a  viola- 
tion thereof. 

11.  They  agree  not  to  sell  Any  of  their  lands  without  the  consent  of  the 
commissioners. 

12.  If  any  Pequots  should  be  found  among  them  who  had  rmirdered  Eng- 
lish, they  were  to  he  delivered  to  the  English.  Here  follow  the  names,  with 
a  mark  to  each, 

Pessecus, 
AuMSAAQUEN,  IT  ihpxity 

for  the  J^anticks, 
Abdas, 

POMMUSH, 

cutchamakins, 
Weekesanno, 

WiTTOWASH. 

We  do  not  see  Mexam^s  or  Mixannol's  name  among  the  signers,  although 
he  is  mentioned  as  being  present,  unless  another  name  was  then  applied  to 
liini.  There  were  four  interpreters  enii)loyed  upon  the  occasion,  namely, 
Sergeant  Cullicut  and  his  Indian  man,  Culcharnakin  and  Josias.^* 

From  this  time  to  the  next  meeting  of  the  commissioners,  the  country 
seems  not  to  have  been  much  disturbed.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  Uncaa, 
witiiout  any  regard  to  the  promise  and  obligations  the  English  had  laid  them- 
si'lves  under  for  him,  undertook  to  chastise  a  Narraganset  sachem  for  some 
alleged  offence.  On  opening  their  congress,  at  New  Haven,  letters  from  Mr. 
Morion  and  Mr.  Peters,  at  Pequot,  were  read  by  the  commissioners,  giving 
accounts  of  Uncas'a  perfidy.  The  complainants  were  sent  to,  and  informed 
that  Uncas  was  shortly  to  be  there,  and  that  they  should  bring  theii*  proof  in 
order  to  a  trial. 

Meanwhile  Uncas  came,  who,  after  waiting  a  few  days,  and  his  accusers 
not  appearing,  was  examined  and  dismissed.  It  appears  that  the  English  at 
Naineoke,  since  Saybrook,  were  the  suffering  party,  as  their  neighborhood 
was  the  scene  of  Uncas's  depredations.  Of  some  of  the  charges  he  acknowl- 
edged himself  guilty,  especially  of  fighting  JVeckwash  [Wequash]  Cooke  so 
near  to  the  plantation  at  Pequot ;  although  he  alleged  that  some  of  the  Eng- 
lish there  had  encouraged  Wequash  to  hunt  upon  his  lands.    He  was  informed 


*  Otisavifqnin, 

t  Sep  page  (51,  ante. 

If  Awusequin. 


t  Perlmps  Slwsltanim,  or  Sholan. 
&    IVequash  Cook.  11  Wepileamock 

**  Son  of  Chit 


Chikatauhut,  probably. 


'•;:;! 


'^^■ 


<.        .I- 


Vfv:x.,'/..s^.Xr,^'^l 


m^: 


W:W-l 


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98 


UNCAS— NUMEROUS  CHARGES  AGAINST  IlIM. 


[nooK  II 


I  J  .::•'-•■'•■■■ 


■  .^•''v 

A-^ii 

■     •. 

■:5 

,-  <  • 

''-•.., 

•  ■.r,-*^;. 

:*:i*''^ 

...  ..''.   :, 

'  •  . ■  /. 

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.•'■". 

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■^  .•  ■ 

•*.-'' 

>  I.*. 

■,:.:-.i'. 

.  Q. 

w 

.•♦»..■. 

■>  <^ 

•'•'■r<i,;- 


rT,, 


:,-  .  .'.-a, 


'I-..,' 


thot  IhH  lirotlier  liad  alHo  Iwon  guilty  of  sotne  ofTonco,  hut  nrithrr  the  acciispr 
nor  the  n<Tiis»!(l  wvm  prcwnt,  mul,  tlifrefon',  it  could  not  ho  acted  upon.  So, 
nlh-r  II  kiixl  of  reprimand,  Vnats  wan  (lisiniHwcil,  hh  wi;  huv«  just  iiicntioncd. 
But  l)t'forr  Ih!  had  WW  tin;  town,  Mr.  H'm.  Morton  urriviul  at  court,  witli  tlin-o 
Indian^  to  maintain  tiit?  action  ufcaiiiHt  him ;  he;  was,  therefore,  called  in,  and  a 
hearing'  wuh  liad,  "hut  the  coinmiMiionerH  foundu  noo  cause  to  alter  the  former 
writiii;,'e  j,'iueii  him."  TIuh  wuh  a.s  rej^arded  tlie  nfluir  with  tVcaiuvili,  Mr. 
Morton  then  j)roduced  a  IV'(|uot  powwow,  named  fVainpiuhet,  who,  hi-  said, 
had  charged  Vnca/i  with  having  hired  him  to  do  violenct!  to  another  Indian,  or 
to  procure  it  to  Im'^  done,  wiiich  accordingly  was  efl'ectod,  the  Indian  lieiti;^ 
wounded  with  a  liatchet.  This  crime-  was  at  firet  laid  to  the  charge  of  ft'c- 
quaith,  »is  Unau  had  intended.  "  Hut  after  [wards,]  tlu;  INnjuot's  powwow, 
trouhled  in  con.science,  could  have  no  rest  till  he  hud  discoured  Vnnui  to  he 
the  author."  He  first  related  his  guilt  to  Robin,*  an  Indiiui  servant  of  Mr. 
JVinthrop;  hut,  to  the  surprist*  of  the  whole  court,  Wampushct,  the  only  wit- 
ness, on  heing  (piestioned  through  Mr.  Stanton,  the  interpret<T,  told  a  story 
diametrically  the  revei-s(!  of  what  he  hud  hefon;  stated.  "Jle  cleared  J'nnm, 
and  cast  the  plot  and  guilt  vpon  JVeckwash  Cooke  and  Robin;"  "and  timugii 
the  other  two  I'equats,  whereof  the  one  was  Robin^s  hrother,  seemtid  much 
oft'ended,"  and  said  Unras  hud  hired  him  to  ulter  his  charge,  "yet  he  persisted, 
and  said  JVeckwash  Cooke  and  Robin  hud  giuen  him  a  payre  of  hreeehes,  aiul 
promi.sed  him  S.'i  fadonie  of  wuin|>um,  to  cost  the  plot  u|>on  Vnniui,  and  that  the 
English  plantacon  and  l'e(|uats  knew  it.  The  commissioners  uhhorring  this 
diuihsh  fulshoode,  mid  udvisinge  Fncus,  if  he  expected  any  favoure  and  respect 
from  th(!  English,  to  liuue  no  liund  in  any  such  desigties  or  vniiist  vvuycs." 

Hence  it  appears  that  the  court  did  not  doubt  much  of  the  villun^  of  Uncus, 
but,  for  reasons  not  required  here  to  be  named,  he  was  treated  as  a  fond 
parent  often  treats  a  disobedient  child  ;  reminded  of  the  end  to  which  such 
crimes  lead ;  and  seem  to  threaten  chastisement  in  their  words,  while  their 
deportment  holds  out  quite  dift'erent  lunguuge. 

At  the  congress  of  the  United  Colonies,  ut  Boston,  in  July,  1647,  IMr  John 
/rinZ/iropof  Connecticut  presented  u  petition,  "in  the  name  of  many  Pecjuutts," 
in  the  preamble  of  which  Casmnmon  and  Obechiquod  are  named,  requesting 
that  they  might  have  liberty  to  dwell  somewhere  under  the  protection  of  the 
English,  which  they  might  ap|)oint.  They  acknowledged  that  their  sachems 
and  people  had  done  very  ill  against  the  English  formerly,  for  which  they  liad 
justly  suft'cred  and  been  rightfully  con(|uere(l  by  tlie  English  ;  but  that  they  had 
had  no  hand,  by  consent  or  otlmrAvise,  in  shedding  the  blood  of  the  English, 
and  that  it  was  by  the  advice  of  JVecf/uflwAt  that  they  fled  from  their  country, 
being  jjromised  by  him  that  the  English  would  not  hurt  them,  if  they  did  not 
join  against  them.  The  names  of  62  craving  pardon  and  protection  were  at 
the  same  time  communicnted. 

In  answer  the  commissioners  say,  that  while  Wequash  lived  he  had  made  no 
mention  of  "such  innocent  Pcquats,  or  from  any  other  person  since;"  and  on 
"  enquiiy  from  Thomas  Stanton,  from  Foxon,  one  of  Uncus  his  men,  and  at  last 
by  confession  of  the  Pcquats  present,  found  that  some  of  the  petitioners  were 
in  Mistick  fort  in  fight  against  the  English,  and  fled  away  in  the  smoke,"  and 
that  others  were  at  other  times  in  arms  against  the  English  and  Mohegans, 
and,  therefore,  the  ground  of  their  petition  was  false  and  deceitful. 

It  appears  that  they  had  taken  refuge  under  Uncos,  who  had  promised  them 
good  usage,  which  was  probably  on  condition  that  they  should  pay  him  a 
tribute.    They  resided  at  this  time  at  Namyok. 

At  the  same  court,  Obechiquod  complained  that  Uncos  had  forcibly  taken 
away  his  wife,  and  criminally  obliged  her  to  live  with  him.  "  Foxon  being 
present,  as  Uncases  deputy,  was  questioned  about  this  base  and  iinsufterable 
outrage  ;  he  denied  that  linear  either  took  or  kept  UAvay  Obechiquod's  wife  by 
force,  and  affirmed  that  [on]  Obechiquod's  withdrawing,  with  other  Pequots, 

*  His  Indian  name  was  Casnuimon,  perhaps  the  same  as  Cassassinnamon,  or  Casamnemoii, 

t  Wequash,  the  traitor.  He  became  a  noted  praying  Indian,  after  the  Pcquot  war,  aiid 
was  supposed  to  have  died  by  poijoii.  Frequent  luenliou  will  be  found  of  him  elsewhere  in 
our  work. 


Chap.  V  ] 

from  fincax 
ii^ur.l  Nvli(>n 
nflirmed  th 
her  will." 
Though 
liii/ii,^'  iliat 
iiiittigateo  I 
(Hifc'iiipiod 
l\\f\  sliould 
(■oiiipiairi 
he  ('(puceive 
(if,  •ire  (III  rr 
v(l  tiiat  he  l< 
that  Ik'  had 
(•lyiiit  say  th 
corn  and  hi 
Peepiol,  in 
seeiiiH  not  n 
guilty;  and 
should  makf 
necticut  Iiid 
also. 

To  the  ch 

drawiiiffo  w 

ghien  him  w 

sent  wampai 

ever  deliven 

num  divers 

liiin  fur  the 

altogether  ii\, 

There  wei 

Pequots,  wlii 

that  Fnciu!  h 

owiie  or  prot 

courses."    A 

rascality  of  i 

distressed  Pe 

liiu's  of  such 

of  which,  it : 

people  had  n 

the  ca[)rice  o 

Mr.  John 
qiiaiter:  the 
JVowequa,  a  h 
hut  robbed  tl 
•'35  fathom  of 
hear  skins,  df 
for  that  he  ki 
it  [Septembei 
commissionei 
time  robbed  e 
It  was  also 
niissioners  in 
to  Fisher's  Isli 
alarmed  his  n 
next  "hovere 
or  50  of  his 
onely  of  the 
goods  to  the  '. 

*  This  chief  i 
Abbachickwood. 
the  Pocomptuck 


Chap.  V ) 


UNCAS  ArrUSED  OF  PF.RFIDY. 


97 


from  Ihirn.t,  liin  wifo  refiistMl  to  go  with  Iiiiti ;  niid  that,  (tmnng  tho  Indinii!',  it  id 
iiMiinl  whrn  ii  wiH"  so  dt'sertH  Iht  hnHhiitid,  another  may  taki-  htr.  ( Xtfi hvjuod 
nfhniK'd  that  L'nca.1  hud  doalt  rriiniiiallv  Ik  for*',  iiiid  Htill  k<>pt  h<>r  nguiimt 
hrr  will." 

'riioiiLdi  not  HHtisfifd  in  point  of  proof,  tiic  coininiHsioiUTH  waiil,  "Yi-t  ah- 
Imiii.^'  that  lustful  adidtf-roiis^  cnmnirf  <>f  f'/irrt*,  as  it  in  a<kii*)wli'd<rt'd  and 
niittif.'ati'(i  'tv  Foron"  and  ordered  that  he  slionld  rer-ture  the  wife,  and  lli;it 
()l)rr''i'iun({  ti.'e  liherty  to  st'ttie  under  the  proteetion  of  the  l',nf,'ii«h,  where 
the\  slioulil  direi  I.* 

( !oni|>lainf8  nt  this  time  were  ns  tliirk  upon  the;  head  of  Vncns  an  ran  well 
he  roneeived  of,  und  Mtill  we  do  not  iniajrine  that  half  the  erimcH  he  waiJ  trnilty 
of,  'ire  on  rneord.  Another  Indian  named  .SW »«»,»,  at  the  sjime  time,  complain- 
ed that  he  h.  d  dealt  in  like  manner  with  the  wife  of  another  ihicf,  since  dead; 
that  h''  had  laken  away  hin  corn  and  heims,  and  alteinpted  his  life  also.  The 
c<iMit  Hay  they  found  no  proof,  "  fir>«t  or  last,  of  theMi-  ehiir>,'>s,"  still,  as  to  the 
corn  and  heans.  "  Foxon  conceives  Unca.i  wci/ed  it  hecanse  Siiiinojf,  with  a 
Pe(|not,  in  a  disorderly  manner  withdrew  himself  from  i^imtny  llcnce  it 
seems  not  much  evidence  was  required,  as  l't)(nn\t  deputy  uniformly  piraded 
friiilty;  and  the  court  could  do  no  less  than  order  that,  on  investijriitioti,  he 
should  make  restitution.  As  to  .San ko;;,  who  was  "no  I'eqiiot,"  hut  a  "(Con- 
necticut Indian,"  he  had  liheity  to  live  under  the  protection  of  the  English 
also. 

To  the  charges  of  the  Pequots  agaiiist  Unras,  of  "his  vnju.'stico  and  tyranny, 
drawinire  wampjuu  from  them  v)K)n  new  pretences,"  "they  say  they  haue 
gnien  him  wampam  40  times  since  they  came  vnder  him,  and  that  they  haue 
sent  wampam  hy  him  to  the  English  25  times,"  "'"'  '"'•'  "'•  •>'"coimt  that  he 
ever  delivered  it ;  it  was  answered  hy  Foxon,  that  Uncas  had  received  wem- 
j)um  divers  times  as  trihute,  hut  denied  that,  in  particular,  any  iiad  hceii  given 
liim  for  the  English,  und  that  "he  thinks  tlie  numher  of  25  times  to  be 
altogether  false." 

There  were  u  long  train  of  charges  against  Uncas  for  his  oppression  of  the 
Pequots,  which  when  the  comiTiissioners  had  heard  through,  they  "ordered 
that  Vncus  be  duly  reproved,  and  seriously  etiformed  that  llie  English  cannot 
owne  or  protect  him  in  any  vnlawlul,  miicli  lesse  trecherous  aiui  outrageous 
courses."  And  notwithstanding  the  commissioners  seem  not  to  doubt  of  the 
rasculity  of  their  ally,  yet  nothing  erenis  to  huve  been  done  to  relieve  the 
distressed  Pequots,  because  that  "after  the  [Pequot]  warre  they  spared  the 
lines  of  such  as  hud  nor  hand  in  the  bloude  of  the  English."  To  say  the  least 
of  which,  it  is  a  most  extraordinary  consideration,  that  because  some  innocent 
people  had  not  been  destroyed  in  war,  they  might  be  !iarassed  according  as 
the  cujiricc  of  abandoned  mindn  might  dictate. 

Mr.  Jo/in  Winthrop  next  prefers  a  complaint  against  Uncas  from  another 
quarter :  the  Niumuks  had  been  attacked,  in  KMG,  by  130  Mohegans,  under 
.Votvequa,  a  brother  of  Uncas.  It  does  not  ap^'ear  that  he  killed  any  of  them, 
hut  robbed  them  of  effects  to  a  great  amount ;  among  which  are  enmneratcd 
35  fathom  of  wampum,  10  copper  kettles,  10  " great  hempen  baskets,"  many 
hoar  skins,  deer  skins,  &c.  Of  this  cnarge  Foxon  said  Uncas  was  not  guilty, 
for  that  he  knew  nothing  of  JVoivequn^s  j)rocecdings  in  it ;  that  at  the  time  of 
it  [September]  Uncas,  with  his  chief  counsellors,  was  at  New  Haven  with  the 
commissioners  of  the  United  Colonies ;  and  that  Mwequa  had  at  the  same 
time  robbed  some  of  Uncas's  own  people. 

It  was  also  urged  by  Ml.nthrop,  that  not  long  before  the  meeting  of  the  com- 
missioners in  September,  1647,  this  same  JVowequa  had  been  with  40  or  50  men 
to  Fisher's  Island,  where  he  had  broken  uj)  a  canoe  belonging  to  him,  and  greatly 
alarmed  his  man  and  an  Indian  who  were  there  at  that  time.  That  JYowequa 
next  "hovered  against  the  English  plantation,  in  a  suspicious  manner,  with  40 
or  50  of  his  men,  many  of  them  armed  with  gunns,  to  the  affrightment  not 
oncly  of  the  Indians  on  the  shore  [soe  that  some  of  them  began  to  bring  their 
goods  to  the  English  houses)  but  divers  of  the  English  themselues." 

*  This  chief  is  the  same,  we  believe,  called  in  a  later  part  of  the  records  (Hazard,  ii.  413) 
Abbachickwoocl.  He  was  fined,  with  seven  others,  ten  fathom  of  wampum  for  going  to  fight 
the  Pocomptuck  Indians  with  UncaB,  in  the  summer  of  1669. 


^\ !;.•,';';•', ..'.-.iV';  ,     ''ji 


■ :.'.  >    ■  • 


'■:■'■  "Vfi    5V-^^ 


I 


■   .  »  >,  *  -   -   - 


.  ■.:>■•''>    ■/■' 


m  ",1.  ••,'■•'      '■: 


'f*  '■■■..'(.•,.■  '••• 

ill ;  t   ,•'»•■, :'  ■•■''*• 

1/  V.,;  vjxv 

'...vJ*.*./ 

[1   -. ''■•sw^;.^ 


y 


( •; 


-■•...  t»   ;.V  .  ■ 
„    ,..-:"..■ !,-  ;■,■#: 

'  if'  '*  'V. 


■  ;  ■•'■  ■-fi 


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\%  ■■■■'■'■ 


■Hi' 

n 

.'  < 

ill'  *<■:'  .■"' 
iiH*  ■'    ' 

M  '.' 

ill 

99 


UNCAS.— WAR  WITH  THE  NIPMUKS. 


[Book  II. 


lomas  Stantnn^s  einployiiiont 

ond  ill  ten  years  inorr,  and 

Hitlierto  all  male  children 


These  charges  being  admitted  by  Foxon,  the  commissioners  "  ordered  that 
Vncus  from  them  be  fully  informed,  that  he  must  either  regulate  and  continue 
his  brother  in  a  righteous  and  peaceable  frame  for  tl)e  future  vnderstandinge, 
jmd  providing  that  vpon  due  proof  due  restitution  to  be  made  to  such  us  liaue 
been  wronged  by  him,  or  else  wholy  dist'-t  and  Icaue  him,  that  the  Narrageii- 
sett  and  others  may  reciuere  and  recouer  satisfaction  as  they  can." 

We  pass  now  to  the  y<''tr  KI51,  omitting  to  notice  some  few  events  more  or 
less  connected  with  our  &uli|>  ct,  which,  in  another  chapter,  may  properly  |)ass 
under  review. 

Jja.><t  year,  Thomas  Stanton  had  been  ordered  "to  get  an  account  of  the  nuin- 
btTand  names  of  the  several  Pequots  living  among  the  Narragansets,  Nianticks, 
or  JMoliegaii  Indians,  &c. ;  who,  by  an  agreentent  made  after  the  Pequot  war,  are 
justly  tributaries  to  the  English  colonies,  and  to  receive  the  tribute  due  for  this 
last  year."  Stanton  now  appeared  as  interpreter,  and  with  him  came  also 
Uncas  and  siivcral  of  his  men,  Wequash  Cook,  and  some  of  "  JVinnacraJVs"  men, 
*^  Robert,  a  Pequot,  sometimes  a  servant  to  Mr.  fVinthrop,  and  some  with  him, 
and  some  Piujuots  living  on  Long  Island."  They  at  this  time  delivered  812 
fathom  of  wami)um.     Of  this  Uncas  brought  79,  J\%7ii^et^s  men  91,  &:c. 

"This  wampum  being  laid  down,  Uncas  and  others  of  the  Pecpiots 
demanded  why  this  tribute  was  required,  how  lon^f  it  was  to  continue,  and 
whether  tlie  children  to  l)e  born  hereafter  were  to  pay  i',"  They  were 
answerful  that  the  tribute  had  been  due  yearly  from  the  Pequots  since  ]()38, 
on  account  of  their  murdere,  wars,  &c,  upon  the  English.  "  Wherefore  the 
conmiissioners  might  have  required  both  accoui  t  and  payment,  as  of  a  just 
debt,  fi)r  time  past,  but  are  contented,  if  it  be  ihankfully  accepted,  to  remit 
what  is  past,  accounting  only  from  1C}50,  when 
and  salary  began."  Also  that  the  tribute  shoulii 
that  children  hereafter  born  shoidd  be  exempt, 
were  taxed. 

The  next  matter  with  which  ^m'  shall  proceed,  has,  in  the  life  of  Ousame- 
quin,  been  merely  glanced  at,  and  resei-ved  for  this  place,  to  which  it  more 
oroperly  belongs. 

We  have  now  arrived  to  the  year  ICGl,  and  it  was  in  the  spring  of  this  year 
that  a  war  broke  out  between  Uncas  and  the  old  sachem  before  named.  It 
seems  very  clear  that  the  Wampanoags  had  been  friendly  to  the  Nai  lagansets, 
for  a  long  time  previous;  being  separated  from  them,  Avere  not  often 
involved  in  their  troubles.  They  saw  how  Uncas  was  favored  by  the  English, 
and  were,  therefore,  cart-fid  to  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  Mohegans,  from 
whom  they  were  still  farther  removed.  Of  the  rise,  progress  and  termination 
of  their  war  upon  the  Cuabaogs,  a  tribe  of  Nipmuks  belonging  to  M'asamagin, 
the  reader  may  gatlier  the  most  importjint  facts  from  some  documents,*  which 
we  shall  in  the  next  place  lay  before  him. 

"MERcrRios  DE  QuABACONK,  Or  a  declaration  of  the  dealings  of  Uncas 
and  the  Mohegin  Indimis,  to  certain  Indians  the  inhabitants  of  Quabaconk, 
ai,  3d  mo.  imi 

"  About  ten  weeks  since  Uncas^  son,  accompanied  with  70  Indians,  set  upon 
the  Indians  at  Quabaconk,  and  slew  three  persons,  and  carried  away  six  pris- 
oners; among  which  were  one  S(]uaw  and  her  two  children,  whom  when  he 
had  brought  to  the  fort,  Uncas  dismissed  the  squaw,  on  conditions  that  she 
would  go  l)ome  and  bi'ing  him  £.i.5  in  peag,  two  guns  and  two  blankets,  for 
the  release  of  herself  and  her  children,  which  as  yet  she  hath  not  done,  being 
retained  l)y  tiic  sagamore  of  Weshakeim,  in  hopes  that  dieir  league  with  the 
r.iglish  will  free  them. 

"  At  the  same  time  he  carri«;d  away  also,  in  stuff"  and  money,  to  the  value 
of  £37,  and  at  such  time  as  Uncas  received  notice  of  the  dis[)leasur(;  of  the 
English  in  the  Massachusetts  by  the  worshipful  Mr.  Winthrop,  he  insolently 
laughed  them  to  scorn,  and  professed  that  he  would  still  go  on  as  he  had 
begun,  and  assay  who  dares  to  controll  him.  Moreover,  four  days  since 
there  came  home  a  prisoner  that  escapetl ;  two  yet  remaining,  whor.  Uncas 

*  In  manuscript,  and  never  before  published. 


Chap.  V] 

threatens,  tl 
still  threate 
ti(jM  what.-so 
wander  llir 


From  tlui 
pleasure  of  i 
K<  jit  them  i 
111 'igl  I  hoi's. 
filLrliiiiig  theii 
grossest  in.M 
lliat  tlicy  an- 
It  iiiiist,  ho\ 
nafcd — upon 
!*i<l('  by  Iiid 
Pequots,  but 
still  it)  the  I: 
gratify  it;  tin 
bh  he  kept  o 
had  made  ma 
times  to  one 
remedy;  and 
to  go  into  ai 
get  along  wi 
here,  as  some 
taken  into  ac 
till'  more  nee 
niiii-ii,  perhaj 
artiili!  of  Ind 
'I'lie  nan-at 
ictlrred  to  a  .' 
'i'liat  Ictci'r! 
of  till-  iiijurii': 
I'Diik,  wiio 
iiarrative.     T 
make  rcstitnti 
(■oiiie  all  KUi- 
^lioiild  do  liii 
priiof;  cause   i 
"taiid  and  ass 
then   resolved 
might  be  pur 
tile  sayd  fVas 
three  or  four 
of  powder,  I)u 
wi\'il  ff'assnma 
qiiets  so  ofter 
enemies  of  ff'( 
l^'t  and  his  .su 
aeliiiowled^rii,, 
captives  to  be 
that  they  migl 
quire  fVassaim 
protioking  of 


Chap.  V.] 


REFLECTIONS.— MESSAGE  TO  UNCAS. 


09 


a  value 
of  the 

olciitly 

«  had 

since 

UlKCU 


tlii-oatcns,  the  ono  of  thetn  to  kill,  and  the  other  to  sell  away  as  a  slave,  and 
still  threatens  to  continue  his  war  against  them,  notwithstanding  any  prohibi- 
tioii  whatsoever;  whose  very  threats  are  so  terrible,  that  our  Indians  dare  not 
wander  far  from  the  towns  about  the  Indians  for  fear  of  surprise. 

From  the  relation  of 

Pambassda, 
and  festimony  of 

VVasamagin, 

QUAQUEQUr.VSF.T, 

and  others." 

From  tliis  narrative  it  is  very  plain  that  Uncos  cared  very  little  for  the  dis- 
pleasure of  the  Engli.sh :  it  is  plain,  also,  that  he  knew  as  well  as  they  what 
ki  pt  them  from  dealing  as  s(;ver<'ly  with  him  as  with  the  Narragansits,  his 
iui<.dil)oi-s.  They  must  succnnd)  to  him,  to  keep  him  in  a  temper  to  aid  in 
tijL.'iitiiig  their  battles  when  called  upon.  Hence,  when  he  had  committed  the 
frnissest  insults  on  other  Indians,  the  wheels  of  ju.sticc  often  moved  so  slow, 
that  they  arrived  not  at  their  olijeet  until  it  had  become  fpuie  iUiother  matter. 
It  must,  how<!ver,  be  considered,  that  the  English  were  very  pe(;uliarly  sit- 
uated— upon  the  very  margin  of  an  luiknown  wilderness,  inclosed  but  on  one 
side  by  Indians,  whose  chief  business  was  war.  They  had  destroyed  the 
l'((|iiots,  but  this  only  added  to  their  feai-s,  for  they  knew  that  revenge  lurked 
still  in  the  breasts  of  many,  who  only  were  waiting  for  an  opportunity  to 
•gratify  it ;  therefore,  so  long  as  oiu^  of  the  most  numerous  tribes  eoidd  possi- 
bly be  ke[)t  on  theii  .-^ide,  the  English  considered  themselves  in  safety.  They 
had  made  many  missteps  in  their  proceedings  with  the  IndiaiiS,  owing  some- 
times to  one  cause  and  sometimes  to  another,  for  which  now  there  was  no 
remedy ;  and  h  is  doubtful  whether,  even  at  this  day,  if  any  set  of  men  were 
to  go  into  an  unknown  region  and  settle  among  wild  men,  that  they  woidd 
get  along  with  them  so  nnich  better  than  our  fathers  did  with  the  Indians 
iiere,  as  Fome  may  have  imagined.  These  are  considerations  which  must  be 
taken  into  accoimt  in  estimating  the  "  wrongs  of  the  Indians."  Tlii'y  seem 
till'  more  necessary  in  this  place  ;  for,  in  the  biography  of  Uncas,  there  is  as 
iiincli,  perhaps,  to  censure  regaixling  the  acts  of  tlie  English,  as  in  any  other 
article  of  Indian  history. 

'J'lie  narrative  just  nn-ited,  being  sent  in  to  the  court  of  Massachusetts,  was 
rof'ried  to  a  select  committee,  who,  on  the  1  June,  reported, 

'i'liat  let.ors  should  be  sent  to  Unca.f,  signifying  how  sensibh;  the  court  was 
of  the  injuries  Ik;  had  done  them,  by  his  outrage  upon  the  Indians  of  Quaba- 
coiik,  who  lived  under  their  sag«in')r(>,  /F«s«r7nagi«,  i>s  set  forth  in  the 
iiarrative.  That,  tlierel()re,  tlicy  now  desireil  him  to  gi\e  up  the  captives  and 
make  restitution  for  all  iIk;  goods  taken  from  them,  and  to  forbear  i()r  time  to 
come  all  such  unlawtiil  acts.  That,  if  H'nss(imn<fin  or  his  subjects  had  or 
sliould  do  him  or  his  subjects  any  wrong,  the  iMiglish  would,  upon  iliie 
proof,  cause  recompen.se  to  be  mad(>.  Also  that  Uncus  be  given  to  under- 
stand and  a.ssurcd,  that  if  he  refuse  to  comply  with  the  request,  they  were 
then  resolved  to  right  the  injuries  upon  him  luid  his,  and  for  all  costs  they 
might  be  put  to  in  the  service.  "That  for  the  encouragement  and  safl-ty  of 
the  sayd  Wassamagin  and  his  subjects,  there  be  by  order  of  Major  H'illard 
three  or  four  armed  men,  well  acconiodate  in  all  respects,  with  a  proporcon 
of  ])owder,  bulletts  and  match  sent  from  Lancaster  to  Quabaconk  vnto  the 
wi\(l  JFassamagin,  there  to  stay  a  night  or  two,  and  to  shootc  of  their  mus- 
tiuets  so  often,  and  in  such  wise,  as  the  major  shall  direct,  to  terrific  the 
eni'mies  of  IVassmnngin,  and  so  to  rennn  home  again."  To  iiifonn  Wassnma- 
f^n  ;u)d  his  subjects,  that  the  authorities  of  IMassachusetts  would  esteem  it  an 
acknowledgment  of  their  regani,  if  they  would  permit  them  to  have  the 
rn|)tives  to  be  recovered  from  Uiira.i,  to  bring  them  uj)  in  a  pro|)er  manner, 
that  th(!y  might  be  serviceable  to  tlnir  friends,  &c.  Also,  "aduice  aiul  re- 
quire fVassamoffin  and  his  men  to  be  verie  carefull  of  iniuring  or  any  ways 
prouoking  of  Vncas,  or  any  of  his  men,  as  he  will  answer  our  dLspleasure 


•Vi,'.'«t.',-  •■•,,-'•. 


. ,»«*_,:.-'?,•.>■. ,.^<V  ....;,  ./■■•■I 


■^;i%^.  ■      ■    ■    ■'■■. 

'.'1  .^y^i^.J,   I      ■,.   *\' 


m:,:^:::. 

^'j^''-:i^' 


' 

■i"     ■•,^Vi;,fl  -.'Si.^ 

;»'.i.'v-:Aj.  t:-  - 

■'■■,;■;;,'''•.'■•    ■ 

•j 

■::*:  '  . 

4 

r 


■  ■  ■.'■\ 


^ 


"•■i.^-'."i. 


}...>n^i 


'S  >    ■■■•"■ '.vT 


■• :  • .    V  ■  •  iV 


ft 


i 


I  J- 


100 


UNCAS  WAR  WITFI  ALKXANDER. 


[Book  II. 


tlieroiii,  and  iiiriirr  due  piinisliin<;iit  for  the  same."  That  if  Uncos  committed 
any  otiicr  liosiilo  acts,  iw  rrnist  complain  to  them,  &c.*  Thus  Waasamegin 
waw  as  much  threatened  as  Uncos. 

INlntlcrs  seem  to  have  remained  thus  until  the  meetinjf  of  tJie  commission- 
ers in  S(|)teml)cr  Ibllowing;  when,  in  due  course,  the  business  was  called  up, 
and  acted  upon  as  follows : — 

"  Vpon  ('otn|»laint  made  to  the  comissionars  of  th  i  Massachusetts  against 
liikiis,  tills  Ibllowing  message  was  sent  to  liitri : — 

"  J')tc(us,  wee  haue  receiued  information  and  complaint  from  the  gencrall 
court  of  the  Mnssncluisetts  of  yoiier  hostile  invading  of  Wosamtquin  imd  the 
Indians  of  Quabakntt,  whoe  are  and  longe  haue  bine  subjects  to  the  English, 
killing  some  and  carrying  away  others;  spoyling  theire  goods  to  the  valine  of 
'A'.\[h.  as  they  allege."  That  he  had  done  this  contrary  to  his  covenants,  and 
had  taken  no  notice  of  the  demands  of  the  Massachusetts,  though  some  time 
since  they  had  ordered  him  to  s'eliver  up  the  captives,  make  remuneration, 
&.C.  And  to  all  he  had  retm'iHsd  no  answer ;  "  which,"  continues  the  letter, 
"  seemes  to  bee  an  insolent  and  j)roud  carriage  of  youcrs.  We  cainiot  but 
wonder  att  it,  and  must  beare  witness  against  it."  lie  was,  as  before,  required 
to  return  the  ca|)tives,  &c.  and  give  reasons  for  his  operations;  and  if  he 
neglected  to  do  so,  the  Massachusetts  were  at  lilMirty  to  right  themselves. 

In  the  mean  time,  as  we  ap})relK}ntl,  a  lett«u'  from  Uncas  was  received,  writ- 
ten by  Captain  Mason,  which  was  as  Ihllows  : — 

'  Whereas  there  was  a  warrant  sent  from  the  court  of  Boston,  dated  in  my 
last  to  fiicas,  sachem  of  Mohegen,  wherin  it  was  declared  vpon  the  com- 
jdaint  of  f('esamequen,j  a  sachem  sid)j('ct  to  the  Massachusetts,  that  the  said 
Vncas  had  otli-red  great  violence  to  theire  subjects  at  Quabauk,  killing  some  and 
taking  others  captiue ;  which  warrant  came  not  to  Uncas,  not  aboue  20  daies 
before  these  ])resents,  who,  l)eing  simunoned  by  Major  John  Mason,  in  full 
scope  of  the  said  warrant,  wherein  he  was  deeply  charged  if  he  did  not  return 
the  capliues,  and  £33  damage,  then  the  Massachusetts  would  recouer  it  by 
force  of  amies,  which  to  him  was  iiery  gricuous :  professing  he  was  altogether 
ignorant  that  they  were  sid)jects  belonging  to  the  Massachusetts  ;  and  liirther 
said  that  they  were  none  of  IVtsamequen's  men,  but  belonging  to  Onopequin,  his 
deadly  enemie,  whoe  was  there  borne ;  one  of  tiie  men  then  taken  was  his 
own  cousin,  wlio  had  formerly  fought  agiiinst  him  in  his  own  person  ;  and  yett 
sett  him  att  libertie;  and  further  saith  that  all  the  captiues  were  sent  hom«i. 
Alsoe  that  /resamf(/im?['s]  son  \  and  diners  of  his  men  had  fought  against  him 
diuers  times.  This  he  desired  might  bee  returned  as  his  answare  to  the 
comissionei-s. 

^'^  Allexander  allis  Wamsutta,  sachem  of  Sowamsett,  being  now  att  Plymouth, 
hee  challenged  Quabauke  Indians  to  belong  to  him  ;  and  further  said  that  hee 
did  warr  against  Vncas  this  summer  on  that  accoimt.  § 

Signed  by 

John  Mason." 


*  Here  end  our  MS'S.  relnt'mg  to  this  affair. 

\  \\y  this  it  would  so'-!!>  iliai  Massasoit  had,  for  some  time,  resided  among  the  Nipmucks. 
He  had,  |)robat)ly,  given  up  Poi-.anoki'l  to  his  sons. 

t  Tliere  can  sVarce  he  a  doubt  that  this  refers  to  Alexander,  and  that  the  next  paragraph 
oonfirnis  it ;  hence  Massasoit  was  ahve  in  May, '.fi61,  as  we  have  before  stated.  And  the 
above  loiter  of  Masmt  was  probably  written  in  September,  or  while  the  commissiouers  were 
in  session. 

6  It  seems  always  to  have  been  uncertain  to  whom  the  Nipmncks  belonged.  Roger 
TViV/wHii-  says,  in  fl)()i!,  "Thai  all  the  Neepmucks  were  unquestionably  subject  to  the  Nan- 
higonset  saciioms,  and,  in  a  special  manner,  lo  Mejksah,  the  son  of  Camioimcns,  and  late 
husband  to  this  old  Squaw- Sachem,  now  only  surviving.  I  have  abundant  and  daily  proof  of 
it,"  &c.     MS.  letter.     See  life  Massasoit,  b.  ii.  ch.  ii. 

At  one  lime,  Kutshaiiuxicin  claimed  some  of  the  Nipmucks,  or  consented  to  be  made  a  tool 
of  by  some  oflliem,  for  some  iirivate  end.  But  Mr.  Pynchon  said  they  would  not  own  him  as 
a  sachem  any  longer  "  than  the  sun  shined  upon  him."  Had  they  belonged  to  him,  Massa- 
chusetts must  have  owned  them,  which  would  have  involved  them  in  much  difficulty  in  1648 
by  reason  of  several  murders  among  tliem. 


much  about  Unc 


:«»» 


nucks. 


Roger 
lie  Nan- 
and  late 
proof  of 

[Ic  a  tool 

II  him  as 

Massa- 

in  1648 


Chap.  VI]  UISCAS.— SASSACUS.  101 

Th(!  iKirticulars  of  tlie  issue  of  tlirsn  troubles  were  not  recorilrd,  and  tho 
j»resinii|)tiou  is,  tliut  Uncas  coinplit'd  with  the  r(!nsonubie  requests  of  the  Knjj- 
lisli,  and  the  old,  peuceuhle  Ousamequin,  heiuf?  unwilhng  to  get  into  difhculty, 
put  up  witli  the  result  without  avenging  liis  wrongs.  His  son,  H'ainaulta,  aa 
will  li(^  seen,  about  this  time  fbinid  hitnself  itivolved  in  difliculties  nearer 
lioini',  which  probably  prevented  l)ini  from  continuing  the  war  against  Uncas, 
had  he  been  otherwise  disposed. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

Of  llu  P.-t/tiot  nation — Gr.ograjiliy  of  tlirir  country — Sassacus,  their  first  chief,  known 
to  Ihr  Eiiirl'sh — Tassaqunnoit — War — Thr.  cmise  of  it — WEquASii — Canonicus  and 
Mianlunnomnh  accused  of  htirlwriTi"^  fugitive  I'cqiwts — Sassamon — Mononotto — 
Otash — Cassassinnamon. 

"  Hut  siiici!  I'vp  niRntioned  Samacus'  grn;il  name, 
'J^liiit  (lay  HO  iiiucli  a  tt?rr(»r  whore  it  camo  j 
I,et  111!',  in  proseriiltoii  of  my  Blnry, 
Say  soiiictliiii!;  of  lii»  priile  and  kiiij;(l(im'!i  glory." — Woi-cott. 

It  is  said  by  Mr.  Hubbard,*  that  the  Pe(piots,f  "being  a  more  fierce,  cruel, 
and  warlike  f)eople  than  the  rest  of  the  Indians,  came  down  out  of  the  more 
inland  parts  of  the  continent,  and  by  force  seized  upon  one  of  the  goodliest 
places  near  the  sea,  and  became  a  terror  to  ail  their  neighbors."  The  time  of 
the"""  emigration  is  unknown.  They  madt;  all  the  other  tribes  "stand  in  awe, 
though  fewer  in  number  than  the  Narragansets,  that  bordered  next  u{)on 
thetn."  t 

Their  country,  according  to  Mr.  Gookin,§  "the  English  of  Connecticut 
jurisdiction,  doth  now,  [1()74,]  lor  the  most  part,  jwssess."  Their  dominion, 
or  that  of  their  chief  sachem,  was,  according  to  the  same  author,  "over  divers 
))etty  sagamores ;  as  over  part  of  Long  Island,  over  the  Mohegans,  an<l  over 
the  sagamores  of  Quinapeake,  [now  New  Haven,]  yea,  over  all  the  people  that 
dwelt  upon  Connecticut  River,  and  over  some  of  the  most  sotitherly  inhabit- 
iuits  of  the  Nipmuck  country,  about  Quinabaag."  The  principal  seat  of  the 
sagamores  was  near  the  mouth  of  Pequot  River,  now  called  tlie  Thames, 
where  New  London  stands.  "  These  Pcquots,  as  old  Indians  relate,  could,  in 
former  times,  raise  4000  men  fit  for  war."  ||  The  first  great  chief  of  this 
nation,  known  to  the  English,  was 

Sassacus,  whose  name  was  a  terror  to  all  tho  neighboring  tribes  of  Indians. 
From  the  fruitful  letters  of  the  Reverend  Roger  Williams,  we  learn  that  he  had 
a  brother  by  the  name  oP Puppompoges,  whose  residence  was  at  Monahiganick, 
probably  Mohegan.  Althoiigh  Sassaciislf  principal  residence  was  upon  the 
Thames,  yet,  in  his  highest  j)rosperity,  he  had  under  him  no  less  than  26 
sachems,  and  his  dominions  were  from  Narraganset  Bay  to  Hudson's  River, 
in  the  direction  of  the  sea-coast  Long  Island  was  also  under  him,  and  his 
authority  was  undisputed  far  into  the  country. 

A  brother  of  Sa^S'tcus,  named  Tassaquanott,  survived  the  Pequot  war,  and 
was  one  of  those  com|)laine(I  of  by  Uncas  in  l(vl7,  for  giving  his  countrymen 
"crooked  counsell"  about  a  present  of  wamjium,  which  he  had  advised  to  be 
given  to  the  English  instead  of  liim.  It  appears  that  on  the  death  of  a  child 
of  Uncas,  the  Pequots  had  presented  him  with  100  fathom  of  wampum,1T 
which,  when  Tassaquanott  knew,  he  disapproved  of  it,  politicly  urging,  that 
if  the  English  were  conciliated  by  any  means  towards  them,  it  mattered  not 
much  about  Uncas. 

*  Narrative,  i.  116. 

t  We  believe  lliis  name  meant  Gray  foxes,  hence  Gray-fox  Indians,  or  Pequots. 

i  Ilisl.  New  England,  33. 

6  See  his  Collections  in  I  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  147.  ||  Ibid. 

*S  Hasard,  Hist.  Col.  ii.  90. 

9* 


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102 


SASSACUS.— PEQUOT  WARS. 


[Hook  11, 


We  are  informed,*  that  Connecticut  was  claimed  by  right  of  conquest  at 
sne  time  by  the  first  white  settlers,  who  found  much  of  it  cultivated  and  set- 
tled by  its  Indian  inhabitants,  although  they  entieavored  that  it  should  be 
understood  otherwise.  The  numbers  of  the  natives  in  that  region  were 
"thousands,  who  had  three  kings,  viz.  Connecticote,  Quinnirnofi;,  and  Sassa- 
cus."  Connecticote  was  "emperor,"  or  chief  of  chiefs,  an  elevation  in  which 
he  and  his  ancestors  had  stood  for  about  400  years,  according  to  their  tra- 
ditions. 

About  the  time  the  English  had  determined  on  the  subjugation  of  the  Pc- 
quots,  Roger  Williams  wrote  to  Governor  ff'inthrop  of  Massachusetts,  giving 
him  important  directions  how  they  should  proceed  to  advantage,  and  what 
was  very  important  then,  gave  the  ibllowing  rude  draft  of  their  country  : — 

River  Qimnihlicut.t 

O  a  loft  of  the  Niantttquit|  men,  confcileralc  witli  the  Pequts. 
Mohiganic  River. 


Ohom-  I 
swamp  I 


n\vaukc,$  thn 
3  ur  4  miles  from 


O  Weinsliaukfl,  where 

Sasacous,  the  chief  saeliim,  is. 
Mis-  0  ^ic^t  where  is  Jfamofto,||  another  chief  sacbim. 

River. 

Nayan-  Q  laquit,!  where  is  iVcpitcammok  ami  our  fiiendg 

River. 

In  the  same  letter,  Mr.  WiUiamt  urges  the  necessity  of  employing  faithful 
guides  for  the  English  forces;  "as  shall  be  best  liked  of  [to]  be  taken  along 
to  direct,  especially  two  Pequts;  viz.  fVequash,  [whose  nan)e  signified  a  swan,] 
and  Widtackquiackommin,  valiant  men,  csj)ecially  the  latter,  who  have  lived 
these  three  or  four  years  with  the  Nanhifrgonticks,  and  know  every  pass  and 
passage  amongst  them,  who  desire  armor  to  enter  their  houses." 

In  1()34,  as  has  been  before  incidentally  mentioned,  one  Captain  Stone  was 
killed  by  the  Pequots,  while  upon  a  trading  expedition  in  Connecticut  River. 
Without  knowing  the  reason  of  their  killing  Stone  the  English  demanded  the 
murderers  soon  after,  and  as  Sassacus  was  involved  in  troubles  with  the  Nar- 
ragansets  and  all  his  neighbors,  he  thought  it  not  best  entirely  to  slight  the 
dematid  of  the  English  ;  he  therefore  sent  messengers  to  Boston,  where  they 
arrived  6  November,  with  offers  of  peace,  which,  after  considerable  delibera- 
tion on  the  part  of  the  English,  were  accepted,  and  a  treaty  was  entered  into 
on  the  9th  following. 

A  messenger  had  been  sent,  in  October,  upon  the  same  errand,  but  was 
dismissed  with  orders  to  inform  Sassacus,  that  he  must  send  i)ersons  of  greater 
(juality,  and  then  the  English  would  treat  with  him.  "lie  brought,"  says 
Winthrop,  "two  bundles  of  sticks,  whereby  he  signified  how  many  beaver  and 
otter  skins  he  would  give  us  for  that  end,  and  great  store  of  wam[>ompeage, 
(about  two  bushels,  by  his  description.)"  He  had  a  small  ])resinit  witii  him, 
which  was  accepted  by  the  English,  who  gave  him  in  return,  "  a  moose  coat 
of  as  good  value." 

The  treaty  entered  into  on  the  9  November,  1G34,  between  the  Pequots  and 
EiMflish,  stipulated  that  the  murderers  of  Captain  Stone  should  be  given  up  to 
the  ''"iUglish,  of  v/hom  there  were  at  that  time  left,  but  two,  as  attested  by  the 
ambab.-iJor8  jf  SaasacMS,  who  further  observed  in  explanation,  that  the  sachem 
in  whosL  ti  ne  the  act  was  committed,  was  dead,  having  been  slain  in  a  war 
with  the  Dutch,  and  that  all  the  men  concerned  in  it,  except  two,  had  also 
died  of  the  small-pox.  This,  together  with  the  facts  given  in  concerning  the 
death  of  S/one,  inclined  the  English  to  believe  the  account  altogether;  and. 
but  for  what  liappened  afterwards,  it  is  probable  that  the  historians  of  that 


•  But  witli  what  truth  I  know  not,  for  it  rests  upon  the  nulhoiity  of  Peters. 
t  Connecticut.  |  Niantick.  ^  A  name  signifying  an  Oic/'s  nest. 

II  Probably  Mvnonotto. 


Same  letter 


Chap.  VI.] 

period  would 
eral  rumor.     I 
fate,  nay,  the 
tions!     liut 


In  the  pros 

men  then  livir 

death,  they  wc 

as  lo  themselv 

of  their  act  v 

seized  upon  t 

sittiation,  oblif 

far  as  he  desi 

Indians,  went 

who,  when  the 

them  and  mas; 

Considering 

this  act ;  two  c 

who,  from  eve 

an  act  of  pure 

hands  of  an  ini 

Therefore,  I 

peace  with  the 

send  for  them 

and  40  beaver 

send  a  vessel  v 

The  namer  c 

with  the  mariv 

The  same  c 

who  had  marc 

discovery  bein^ 

at  Roxhiny,  an 

the  fiirtherance 

with  a  poition 

coming  from  t 

The  Narragani 

retired  satisfiec; 

Di.stru.«t  soon 

and  those  witl 

gone  on  hoard 

Slone  asleep  in 

except  Captain 

defended  himsc 

which  for  the 

exploded,  by  w 

could  hold  but 

This  matter 

according  to  tli 

circumstances  o 

."Mr.  John  Oldha 

Island,  in  a  sma 

made  hi.screw[ 

IiidiaiLS.     The  s 

in  a  hark  of  20 

seeing  a  vessel 

mediately  knew 

received  no  ans 

full  of  men  and 

her  fastening,  ai 


Chap.  VI] 


SASSACUS.— TREATY. 


103 


period  would  have  relied  more  upon  the  Pequots'  own  account  than  the  gen- 
eral rumor.  Such  are  th»!  events  of  time — a  circutnstiaice  may  change  the 
fate,  nay,  the  character  of  a  nation,  for  a  period,  in  the  eyes  of  many  genera 

lions!     But 

"  O  Time  !  the  beaiilifier  of  the  dead  ! 
Aitoriier  of  llic  riiiii  1— comforlcr, 
And  only  healer,  ulien  the  heart  halli  bled ! 
Time,  llie  corructer  where  our  judpnenls  err." 

In  the  progress  of  the  treaty,  the  Pequot  ambassadors  said,  that  if  the  two 
men  then  living  who  had  been  concerned  in  Stone's  death,  "  were  worthy  of 
«leath,  they  would  move  their  sachem  to  deliver  them"  to  the  Englisli,  i)ut  that 
as  lo  themselves,  they  had  no  {lower  to  do  so,  and  at  once  lU'gcd  the  justness 
of  their  act  without  qualification.  Stone,  they  said,  came  into  their  river  and 
seized  upon  two  of  their  men,  and  bound  them  hand  and  foot,  and,  in  that 
situation,  obliged  them  to  pilot  him  up  the  river.  When  he  had  gone  uf)  as 
far  as  he  desired,  himself  and  two  other  white  men,  and  the  two  manacled 
Indians,  went  on  shore.  Meanwhile  tiiey  had  been  watched  by  nine  Indians, 
who,  when  they  fotmd  the  Englishmen  asleep  on  the  following  night,  fell  upon 
tiiem  and  massacred  them. 

Considering  the  state  of  the  Indians,  no  blame  could  be  attached  to  them  for 
this  act;  two  of  their  countrymen  were  in  the  hands  of  an  unknovvii  people, 
who,  from  every  ap|)earance,  were  about  to  put  them  to  death,  and  it  was  by 
an  act  of  pure  benevolence  and  heroism  that  they  delivered  them  out  of  the 
hands  of  an  invading  foe. 

Therefore,  being  satisfied  with  the  ac(  ount,  the  English  agreed  to  have 
peace  with  them,  provided  they  would  give  up  the  two  men  when  they  should 
send  for  them;  "to  yeld  up  Connecticut;"  to  give  400  fathom  of  wampom, 
and  40  beaver  and  30  otter  skins ;  and  that  the  English  should  immediately 
send  a  vessel  with  a  cargo  of  cloth  to  trade  with  them. 

The  namer  of  these  ambassiidors  are  not  recorded  ;  but  one  signed  the  treaty 
with  the  maru  of  a  bow  and  arrow,  atid  the  other  with  that  of  a  hand. 

The  same  day  about  2  or  300  Narragansets  were  discovered  at  iVeponset, 
who  had  marched  out  for  the  |)urj)ose  of  killing  these  aml»ass«idor3.  This 
discovery  being  made  !»efore  the  treaty  was  concluded,  the  English  met  them 
at  Roxbuiy,  and  there  negotiated  a  treaty  between  the  Petjuots  and  them.  For 
the  furtherance  of  which,  the  Pe(|uots  instructetl  the  English  to  pre«"!nt  them 
with  a  portion  of  the  wampom  which  they  were  to  give  to  them  ;  but  not  as 
coming  from  them,  because  they  disdained  to  purchase  peace  of  that  nation. 
The  Narragansets  readily  conceding  to  the  wishes  of  the  English,  all  parties 
retired  satisfied. 

Distrust  soon  grew  again  into  antipathy  ;  it  having  l)een  reported  that  Stone 
and  those  with  him  were  treacherously  surprised  by  the  Pequots  who  had 
gone  on  board  his  vessel  in  a  friendly  manner  to  trade ;  and  seeing  Captain 
Stone  asleep  in  his  caljin,  tliey  killed  him,  and  the  other  men  one  ailer  the  other, 
except  Captain  J^orton,  who,  it  seems,  was  with  him  ;  he  b(!iiig  a  resolute  man, 
defended  himself  for  some  time  in  the  cook-room,  but  at  length,  some  powder, 
which  for  the  more  ready  use  he  had  placed  in  an  open  vessel,  took  fire  and 
exploded,  by  which  he  was  so  seriously  injured,  especially  in  his  eyes,  that  he 
could  hold  out  no  longer,  and  he  was  forthwith  despatched  by  them. 

Tins  matter  at  length  having  become  fixed  in  the  minds  of  the  English 
according  to  the  latter  relation,  they  were  th(!  more  ready  to  charge  other 
circumstances  of  a  like  nature  upon  the  Pequots.  On  the  20  .luly,  IGiiii,  as 
Mr.  John  Oldham  was  on  his  pass}ig<!  passing  near  Manisses,  that  is.  Block 
Island,  in  a  small  pinnace,  14  Narraganset  Indians  attacked  and  kilh^d  him,  and 
made  his  crew  prisoners,  which  consisted  only  of  two  boys  and  two  Narraganset 
Indians.  The  same  day,  as  John  Gallop  was  on  his  passage  from  Connecticut, 
in  a  hark  of  20  tons,  an  adveree  wind  rlrove  him  near  the  same  island.  On 
seeing  a  vessel  in  possession  of  Indians,  he  bore  down  u[)on  her,  and  im- 
mediately knew  her  to  be  Captain  Oldham's.  He  hailed  those  on  board,  but 
received  no  answer,  and  soon  saw  a  boat  pass  from  the  vessel  to  the  shore 
full  of  men  and  goods.  As  Gallop  neared  the  suspicious  ves.sel,  she  slipped 
her  fastening,  and  the  wind  being  oft"  the  land  drifted  her  towards  Narragan- 


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104 


SEA-FIGHT.— JOHN  GALLOP. 


[Book  II. 


set  Notwithstanding  some  of  the  Indians  were  armed  with  sfuns  and  swords, 
GcUlop,  heinj^  in  a  stouter  vessel,  resolved  on  rinniing  tiieni  down  ;  he  there- 
fore made  all  aail,  and  immediately  stemmed  the  pirate  vessel  on  the  quarter 
with  sneh  force  as  nearly  to  overset  her,  and  in  their  Irij^fht  six  Indians  jumped 
overheard  and  were  drowned.  The  rest  standinjr  upon  the  defensive,  and 
h(!ingyet  far  superior  in  nun/.^ers  to  Gallop^s  crew,  which  consisted  of  two  little 
hoys  and  one  man,  to  hoard  them  was  thougiit  too  hazardous;  Ga//op  therefore 
stood  off  to  n^peat  his  hroadside  luctliod  of  atfick.  Meanwhile  he  contrived 
to  lash  his  anchor  to  his  bows  in  such  a  manner,  that  when  he  came  down 
upon  the  Indians  a  second  lime,  the  force  was  sufHcient  to  drive  the  fluke  of 
the  anchor  through  their  quarter;  which,  holding  there,  both  vessels  floated 
along  together.  The  Indians  had  now  become  so  terrified,  that  they  snod  not 
to  the  fight,  hut  kej)t  in  the  hold  of  the  pinnjicc.  Gallop  fired  in  upon  them 
sundry  times,  hut  without  much  execution,  and  meniitinH!  the  vessels  got  loose 
from  one  another,  and  GitUop  stood  off  again  for  a  tiiird  attack.  As  soon  as  he 
was  clear  of  them,  four  i>iore  of  the  Indians  junip<^d  overboard,  and  were  also 
drowned.  Gallop  now  ventured  to  board  his  prize.  One  of  the  remaining 
Indians  came  up  and  surrendered,  and  was  bound  ;  another  came  up  and 
submitted,  whom  they  also  bound,  but  faring  to  have  both  on  board,  this  last 
was  cast  into  the  sea.  Two  out  of  the  14  now  remained,  who  had  got  posses- 
sion of  the  hold  of  the  pinnace,  and  there  successfully  defended  themselves 
with  their  swordo  against  their  enemy.  Captain  Oldham  waa  found  dead  in 
the  vessel,  concealed  under  an  old  soiiie,  and  as  his  Ixjdy  was  not  entirely  cold, 
it  was  evident  that  he  had  been  killed  aboi'.t  the  time  his  pinnace  was  discov- 
ered by  Gallop. 

From  the  condition  in  which  Oldham's  body  was  found,  it  was  quite  uncer- 
tain whether  he  had  fallen  in  an  affray,  or  been  murdered  deliberately ;  but  it 
is  very  probable  that  the  former  was  the  fiict,  Ijccause  it  was  unconunon  for 
the  Indians  to  disfigure  the  slain,  unless  killed  as  enemies,  and  Oldham's  body 
was  shockingly  mangled.  But  Captain  Oldhnm  had  l)een  killed  by  the  Indians, 
and  the  cry  of  vengeance  was  up,  and  cool  investigation  must  not  be  looked 
for.  The  murder  had  been  committed  by  the  IiKlians  of  Manisses,  but  Ma- 
nisses  was  under  the  Narragansets  ;  therefore  it  was  believed  that  the  Narra- 
ganaets  had  contrived  his  death  because  he  was  carrying  into  eftect  the  articles 
of  the  late  treaty  between  the  Pequots  and  r'nglish. 

The  two  boys  who  were  with  Mr.  Oldham  were  not  injured,  and  were 
immediately  given  !?p  and  sent  to  Boston,  where  they  arrived  the  30th  of  the 
same  month.  As  soon  as  Miantunnomoh  heard  of  the  affair  of  Captain  Oldham, 
he  ordered  JVinigret  to  send  for  the  boys  and  goods  to  Block  Island.  The 
l)oys  he  caused  to  be  delivered  to  Mr.  HilUams,  and  the  goods  he  held  subject 
to  the  order  of  the  English  of  Massachusetts. 

Meanwhile,  26  July,  the  two  Indians  who  were  in  Mr.  Oldham's  pinnace 
when  she  was  taken,  were  sent  by  Canonicus  to  Governor  Vane.  They 
brought  a  letter  from  Roger  Williams,  which  gave  an  account  of  the  whole 
affair,  and  some  circumstances  led  the  English  to  believe  these  messengers 
were  accessory  to  the  death  of  Oldham  ;  but  we  know  not  if  any  thing  further 
were  ever  done  about  it.  The  same  letter  informed  the  governor  that  Mian- 
tunnomoh had  gone,  with  200  men  in  17  canoes,  "to  take  revenge,  &c." 

Thesn  events  and  transjictions  soon  caused  tht;  convening  of  the  governor 
pnd  co\n)cil  of  Massachusetts,  who  forthwith  declared  war  against  the  Indians 
of  Manisses.  Accordingly  90  men  w<>re  raised  and  ])Ut  under  the  command 
of  Caf»tain  John  Endecoti,  who  was  general  of  the  exptidition.  John  UnderhUl 
and  JVathamel  Turner  were  captains,  and  Jenijson  and  Davenport  ensigns. 
EndecotVs  instructions  were  to  put  to  death  the  men  of  Block  Island,  but  to 
make  captives  of  the  women  and  children.  This  armament  set  forth  in  three 
pinnaces,  with  two  Indians  as  guides,  25  September,  1(>36. 

On  arriving  at  Manisses  they  saw  many  Indians,  but  could  not  get  near 
them.  At  Pequot  harbor,  a  part  of  the  armament  seized  a  quantity  of  com 
Iwlonging  to  the  Pecpiots,  and  were  attacked  and  obliged  to  fly.  However,  the 
Narragansets  reported  that  there  were  13  Pequots  killed  during  the  expedition. 
The  English  were  satisfied  that  they  had  harbored  the  murderers  of  Oldham, 
which  occasioned  their  sailing  to  Pequot  harbor.  It  being  now  late  ui  tlie 
season,  the  expedition  was  given  up,  to  be  resumed  early  in  the  spring. 


Chap.  VI.] 

The  Pequc 
ever  they  da 
Haybrook  we 
were  attackec 
which  circun 
two  men  wen 
six  of  the  whi 
but  two.  Th 
bowshot  of  S 
others. 

On  the  210 

came  to  Bostc 

about  20  men 

of  soldiers  mei 

into  a  treaty  w 

should  make  j 

put  to  death  oi 

About  the  i 

most  barbarou 

bark,  he  landec 

fowl,  the  repoi 

IM-isoner  at  firs 

his  hands  wck 

him  the  reput 

facts  were  repc 

T^Uey  was  at  tl 

On  I' ..  22  F« 

fort,  and  were  d 

escaped  with  g 

On  A|)ril  12, 

the  sjune  time  I 

Alarm  was  n 

having  sent  a  ii 

sent  away  theii 

sent  to  Narragn 

of  faJliiig  upon 

In  the  meai 

raised  by  Con 

pani(Hi  by   Urn 

Say  brook,  1,5  ] 

hi'ing  taken  ali 

English  cause<l 

iinrl  set  up  on  tl 

Iiiiinediately 

fiirts  of  Sassa'ri 

town  of  Grotoi 

ofMiiy;  and  or 

and  began  a  fur 

far  on  a|)pr(»;i. 

dare  to  attack  it 

situated,  Cai)taii 

making  a  halt,  f 

who  \v!is  a  fiigii 

follow  him  ut  ai 

English  they  di 

would  fight.     J 

*    IKiW/irop'*  J<i 
lias  Imen  given  in  ll 

t  'I'lie  same,  i(  h 
I.  Matlifr)  was  l)y 
received,  lio  went  ( 
MiaiUmuwmoh." 


were 


Chap.  VI.] 


PEQUOT  DEPREDATIONS. 


105 


The  Pequots,  being  now  left  to  tlienis(?lve8,  commenced  de|)redationH  wher- 
ever they  dared  appear.  AI)out  the  beginning  of  October,  as  five  men  from 
riaybrook  were  collecting  hay  at  a  meadow  four  miles  above  that  place,  they 
were  attacked,  and  one  of  tisem.  named  Bidlerjkld,  was  taken  anrl  killed ;  from 
wliich  circumstance  the  meadow  still  bears  his  name.  About  14  days  after, 
two  men  were  taken  in  a  cornfield  two  miles  from  Saybrook  fort.  Tliere  were 
six  of  the  whitos,  and  they  were  surrounded  by  2  or  300  Indians,  yet  all  escaped 
but  two.  Thus  imboldeued  by  success,  they  carried  their  depredations  within 
bowshot  of  Saybrook  fort,  killing  one  cow  and  shooting  arrows  hito  sundry 
others. 

On  the  21  October,  JV/ian/itnuoTno/i,  fearing  for  the  safety  of  his  English  friends, 
came  to  Boston,  accompanied  by  two  of  Canonicus's  sous,  another  sachem,  autl 
about  20  men.  Kulshnmakin  had  given  notice  of  his  cotning,  and  a  company 
of  soldiers  met  him  at  Roxbmy  and  escorted  him  into  the  town.  Here  he  entered 
into  a  «reaty  with  the  English,  by  which  it  was  mutually  agreed  that  neither 
should  make  peace  with  the  Pequots  without  the  consent  of  the  other ;  and  to 
put.  to  deadi  or  deliver  up  murderers. 

About  the  same  titne,  John  Tilley  was  taken  and  killed,  and  tortured  in  a 
most  Imrbarous  manner.  As  be  was  sailing  down  Comiecticut  River  in  his 
bark,  he  landed  about  three  miles  above  Saybrook  fort,  and  having  shot  at  some 
fowl,  the  report  of  his  gun  direcrted  the  Indians  to  the  spot.  They  took  him 
j)risoner  at  first,  and  then  cut  off'  his  hands  and  feet  He  lived  three  days  after 
iiis  hands  were  cut  of^  and  bore  this  torture  without  complaint,  which  gaine<i 
him  the  reputation  of  Iteing  "  a  stout  man "  among  his  tormentors.  These 
tacts  were  reported  by  the  Indians  themselves.  Another  man  who  was  with 
Tilley  was  at  the  same  time  killed. 

On  t'  e  22  February,  Lieutenant  Gardner  and  nine  men  went  out  of  Saybrook 
fort,  and  were  drawn  into  an  ambush,  where  four  of  them  were  killed,  and  the  rest 
escaped  with  great  difficulty. 

On  April  12,  six  men  and  three  women  were  killed  at  Weathersfield.  They  at 
the  ssime  time  killed  20  cows  and  a  horse,  and  carried  away  two  young  women. 

Alarm  was  now  genend  throughout  the  English  plantations.  Miantunnomoh 
having  sent  a  messenger  to  Boston  to  notify  the  Engliish  that  the  Pequots  had 
sent  away  their  women  and  children  to  an  island,  40  men  were  immediately 
sent  to  Narraganset  to  join  others  raised  by  Miantumomok,  with  the  intention 
of  falling  upon  th(!m  by  surprise. 

In  the  mean  time,  Captain  Mason,  with  a  company  of  90  men,  had  been 
raised  by  Connecticut  and  stint  into  the  Pequo;  country.  He  was  accom- 
imiiiwl  by  Uncas  and  a  large  body  of  his  vyurriora,  who,  in  their  march  to 
Saybrook,  1.5  INIay,  fell  uj)ou  about  30  Pequots  and  killed  7  of  them.  One 
being  taken  alive,  to  their  everlasting  disgrace  it  will  be  remembered,  that  the 
English  causwl  him  to  be  tortured  ;  and  the  heads  of  all  the  slain  were  cut  off, 
and  si!t  U|>  on  the  walls  of  the  fort.* 

Immediately  after  Captains  Mason  and  Underhill  set  out  to  attack  one  of  the 
flirts  of  Sassacus.  This  fort  svas  situated  upon  an  eminence  in  the  present 
town  of  Grotoii,  Connecticut.  The  English  arrived  in  its  vicinity  on  the  25th 
ol May  ;  and  on  the  2Gtb,  before  day,  with  about  500  Indians,  encompassed  it, 
and  began  a  furious  attack.  The  Mohega'is  and  Narragansets  discovered  great 
fiar  oti  approaching  the  fort,  and  coul.i  not  btslieve  that  the  English  would 
dare  to  attack  it  When  they  came  to  the  foot  of  the  hill  on  which  it  was 
situated.  Captain  Mason  was  apprehensive  of  being  abandoned  by  them,  and, 
making  a  halt,  sent  for  Uncas.  who  led  the;  Mohegans,  and  Wequash,  their  [»ilot, 
who  Wfis  a  fugitive  Peqiiot  chief,f  and  lU'ged  them  not  to  desert  him,  but  to 
follow  him  at  any  distance  they  pleased.  These  Indians  had  all  along  told  the 
Engiisli  tiiey  dared  not  fight  the  Pequots,  but  boasted  how  they  themselves 
ivonld  fight     Mason  told  them  now  they  should  see  whether  Englishmen 

*  Winthrop's  Joiirnnl,  and  Mason's  Flisl.  Pcquol  War. — Dr.  Mather's  account  of  this  atFair 
lias  been  given  in  the  life  of  Uiiras. 

t  'I'lie  same,  it  is  believed,  elsewhere  called  VVaqnash  Cook  ;  "which  W'equash  (savs  Dr. 
/.  Afallifr)  was  by  birlh  a  sachem  of  tiiat  place  [where  Sassacus  lived],  but  upon  some  disgust 
received,  he  went  from  the  FequoLs  to  llio  Narragansets,  and  became  a  chief  captain  under 
MiatUiiniwinok." — Rdalioti,  1\. 


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106 


DESTRUCTION  OF  THE  PEQUOTS. 


[Book  II 


would  fight  or  not.  Notwitiistantling  tlioir  honstings,  tfiey  could  not  overcome 
the  terror  which  tlic  name  of  Sassaciis  had  iiis|)ired  in  tliem,  and  they  kept  at 
a  safe  distance  until  the  fight  was  over;  hut  assisted  considerahiy  in  n;f)elliiig 
the  attacks  of  the  Pequots,  in  the  retreat  from  the  fort ; — for  their  warriors,  on 
recovering  from  their  consternation,  colleetijd  in  a  considcrahle  body,  and 
fought  the  confederates  for  niany  miles. 

The  English  had  but  77  men,  which  were  divided  into  two  com{)anies,  one 
led  by  Mason,  un<l  the  other  by  UnderhiU.  The  Indians  were  all  within  their 
fort,  asleep  in  tlitjir  wigwams,  and  the  barking  of  u  dog  was  the  first  notice 
they  had  of  the  approach  of  the  enemy,  yet  very  few  kntsw  the  canst;  of  the 
alarm,  until  met  by  the  naked  swords  of  the  foj".  The  fort  had  two  ('ntrances 
at  op[)osite  points,  into  which  each  party  of  English  were  led,  sword  in  hand. 
"^^'anux'  Wanux!'"*  was  the  cry  of  Scw^aciw'*  men ;  and  such  was  their 
suiji-ise,  that  they  made  veiy  feeble  resistance.  Having  otdy  their  own 
FTi'ssilc  weapons,  they  could  do  nothing  at  hand  to  hand  with  the  English 
ra,.  V:  s.  They  were  puraued  from  wigwam  to  wigwam,  and  slaughtenKl  in 
<!V(  r}  ;ecr(a  i)Iace.  Women  &nd  children  were  cut  to  jtieces,  while  endeavor- 
ing to  i  •  ^  themselves  in  and  inder  their  beds.  At  length  fire  was  s<t  in  the 
mats  thui  lovered  the  wigwar is,  which  furiously  sjjread  over  the  who!*!  fort, 
and  the  disad  and  dying  were  together  consumed.  A  part  of  the  Englisli  had 
Ibrmed  a  circumference  U()ou  the  outside,  and  shot  such  as  attempted  to  fly. 
Many  ascended  the  ])ickels  to  csca|)e  the  flames,  but  were  shot  down  by  those 
stationed  for  that  purpose.  About  GOO  |)crso';s  were  supposed  to  have  perisii- 
ed  in  this  fight ;  or,  perhaps  I  should  say,  massacre,  f  Tliere  were  but  two 
English  killed,  and  but  one  of  those  by  the  eneni>,and  about  yO  wounded. 
Sassacus  himself  was  in  another  fort;  and,  being  informed  of  the  ravages  of 
the  English,  destroyed  his  habitations,  and,  with  about  80  others,  fled  to  the 
Mohawks,  who  treacherously  beheaded  him,  and  sent  his  scalp  to  the  English. 

The  author  of  the  following  lines  in  "  Yamoy den,"  alludes  to  this  melan- 
choly event  happily,  though  not  truly  : — 


"  And  Sassacnus,  now  no  more, 
Lord  of  a  thousand  bowmen,  fled  ; 
And  all  the  chiefs,  his  boast  l>eforc, 
Were  mingled  wiili  the  unhonored  dead. 
Saiump  and  Saguinore  were  slain, 


On  Mystic's  banks,  in  one  red  night: 
The  oiicc  far-dreaded  king  in  vain 
Sought  safety  in  inglorious  flight ; 
.\nd  reft  of  all  his  regal  pride, 
\\y  the  fierce  Mnqua's  hand  he  died." 


m 


One  of  the  most  unfeeling  passages  flows  from  the  pen  of  Hubbard,  in  his 
account  of  this  war ;  which,  together  with  the  fact  he  records,  forms  a  most 
distressing  picture  of  depravity.  We  would  gladly  turn  front  it,  but  justice 
to  the  Indians  demands  it,  and  we  give  it  in  his  own  words : — 

The  NiUTagansets  had  surrounded  "some  hundi-eds"  of  the  Pefjiiots,  and 
kept  them  until  some  of  Captain  Sloitghton^s  soldiers  "made  an  easy  con- 
quest of  thein."  "The  men  among  them  to  the  number  of  30,  wen;  presently 
turned  into  Charon's  feny-boat,  under  the  coimnand  of  Skij)j)er  Gallop,  who 
dis|)atched  them  a  little  without  the  harbor!" 

Thus  were  'SO  Indians  taken  into  a  vessel,  carried  out  to  sea,  murdered,  and, 
in  the  agonies  of  death,  thrown  overboard,  to  be  buried  under  the  siiciit 
waves!  Whereabouts  they  were  captured,  or  "  without"  what  "harbor"  t!i( y 
]»erished,  we  are  not  informed  ;  but,  from  the  nature  of  the  circtnustances,  it 
would  seein  that  they  were  taken  on  the  bonlers  of  the  Nan'aganset  country, 
and  murdered  at  the  mouth  of  some  of  the  adjacent  harbors. 

That  these  poor  wretches  were  thus  revengefully  sacrificed,  should  hav(; 
been  enough  to  allay  the  hatred  in  the  human  breast  of  all  who  knew  it, 
especially  the /ttsfon'on.'  But  he  must  imagine  tliat,  in  their  passfjge  to  their 
grave,  they  did  not  go  in  a  vesvsel  of  human  contrivance,  but  in  a  boat  belong- 
ing to  a  river  of  hell !  thereby  forestalling  his  reader's  mind  that  they  had 
been  sent  to  that  abode. 

*  Allen's  History  of  the  Peqiiot  War.  It  signifierl,  Eiifflishmen!  Englishmen!  XnMitson't 
history,  it  is  written  Oteantix.     Allen  merely  copied  from  Mason,  wilh  a  few  such  variations. 

+  "It  was  supposed,"  says  Mather,  "  that  no  less  than  500 or  600  Pequot  souls  were  brought 
down  to  hell  that  day."  tielation,  47.  We  in  charity  suppose,  that  by  hell  lUe  doctor  ouly 
meant  death. 


If: 


Chap.  VI.] 


LETTER  OF  CAPTAIN  STOUGHTON. 


107 


Notwithstanding  the  great  slaughter  at  Mistick,  there  were  great  niiiiibers 
of  Peqiiots  in  the  country,  wlio  were  hunted  from  Bwunip  to  Nwuinp,  and  tlieir 
inuMliers  thinned  continually,  until  a  renuiant  promised  to  appear  no  more  U8 
a  nation. 

The  Englisli,  luider  Captain  Slouirhlon,  came  into  Pequot  River  alwiit  a 
fortnight  ailer  the  Mistick  tigiit,  and  a.-^sisted  in  the  work  of  tht^ir  (extermina- 
tion. Atler  his  arrival  in  the  enemy's  countrj',  he  wrote  to  th(!  gjivcrnur  of 
]M(is.sarhu8ette,  as  follows :  "  By  this  pinnace,  you  shall  receive  4rt  or  .")() 
women  and  children,  mJess  tiiere  stay  any  Ihtc  to  be  lR'l|)fid,  &.<;.  Cun<'tTii- 
ing  wliich,  there  is  one,  I  Ibrmerly  nKtntioned,  that  i.s  the  fiiinst  and  largest 
that  I  saw  amongst  them,  to  whom  I  have  given  a  (;oate  to  cloathe  her.  It  is 
niy  desire  to  have  her  for  a  servant,  if  it  may  stand  with  your  good  liking,  else 
not.  There  is  a  little  squaw  that  .steward  CiUaciU  desireth,  to  whom  he  hath 
given  a  coate.  Lieut.  Davenport  also  dtisireth  one,  to  wit,  a  small  one,  that 
iiatii  three  strokes  upon  her  stomach,  thus:  —  |||  +•  He  desiretJi  her,  if  it 
will  stiuid  with  your  goinl  likuig.  Sosomon,  the  Indian,  desireth  a  young  littlf 
«|iia\v,  wliieh  I  know  not. 

"  At  ])resent,  Mr.  Ilaipies,  Mr.  Lmllo,  Ca|)tain  Mdson,  and  30  men  are  with 
us  in  Pequot  River,  juid  we  shall  the  next  week  joine  in  seeing  what  we  can 
do  against  Sasaacus,  and  another  great  .sagamore,  Almowaltuck,  [Mononotto,] 
Here  is  yet  goo«l  work  to  be  done,  and  how  dear  vvi'i  cost  is  unknown. 
Sassacus  is  resolved  to  sell  his  lite,  and  so  the  othc.  wi'  their  company,  a.H 
deiu-  as  they  can."  * 

Perhaps  it  will  be  judged  tliat  .S'<oi(g'/(<<m  was  h.  king  more  aller  the  profit 
arising  h-om  the  sale  of  captives,  than  for  warriors  to  fight  with.  Indeed, 
Miixon^s  account  does  not  give  him  much  credit. 

Speaking  of  the  English  em|)loyed  in  this  exp<  .ition,  Wolcott  thus  im- 
mortalizes them  : — 

"  Tliese  were  tlio  men,  this  wus  the  lid       and, 
That  durst  tlie  forre  of  the  new  world  withstand. 
Tliese  were  tlie  men  tlial  hy  their  swords  made  way 
For  peace  and  safely  in  America." 

Vacant  Hours,  4-1. 

There  was  a  manifest  disposition  on  the  part  of  Uncas,  Canonicua, 
J\I{antunnomoh  and  JSItnisTft,  and  perhaps  other  chiefs,  to  screen  the  poor, 
♦Icnounced,  and  flying  Peqiiots,  who  had  escaped  the  flames  and  swords 
of  the  English  in  their  war  with  them.  Part  of  a  coiTespon(len«;e  alx)ut 
these  sachems'  harboring  them,  between  R.  Williams  and  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts,  is  preserved  in  the  Collections  of  the  Massachusetts  Historical 
Society ;  from  which  it  apftears,  that  Mtissachusetts  had  requested  Mr. 
Ifilliams  to  explain  to  the  chiefs  the  cons(;quences  to  be  depended  upoti,  if 
they  did  not  strictly  observe  tlitjir  agreomcnt  in  regard  to  the  fugitive  Pequots. 
Olash  f  carried  to  Mr.  Ifilliams  a  letter  from  the  Massiichusetts  governor  upon 
this  subject.  After  Ik;  had  obeyed  its  contents,  as  fiir  as  he  was  able,  he 
an.swered,  that  he  went  with  Olash  "  to  the  Nanhiggonticks,  and  liaving  got 
Ciinounicus  and  Mianlitrrnonm,  with  their  council,  together,  I  actpiainted  them 
faitlifiilly  with  the;  contents  of  your  letter,  6o</i  grievances  and  threatenings ; 
:iii(l  to  demonstrate,  I  produced  the  cony  of  the  league,  (which  Mr.  [Sir 
Ilenn/]  Vane  sent  nie,)  and,  with  breaking  of  a  straw  in  two  or  three  places,  I 
showed  them  what  they  had  don(>." 

These  chiefs  gave  Mr.  Williams  to  understand,  that,  when  Mr,  Governor 
understood  what  they  had  to  say,  he  would  be  satisfied  with  their  conduct ; 
tliat  they  did  not  wish  to  make  trouble,  btit  they  "cowW  relate  many  particulars 
wherein  the  English  had  broken  their  promises  "  since  the  war. 

In  regard  to  some  squaws  that  bad  escaped  from  the  English,  Canonicus 
said  he  had  not  seen  any,  but  heard  of  some,  and  immediately  ordered  tliem  to 
be  carried  back  again,  and  had  not  since  heard  of  them,  but  would  now  have 
the  country  searched  for  them,  to  satisfy  the  governor. 

Miantunnomoh  said  he  had  never  heard  of  but  six,  nor  saw  but  foin-of  them  ; 

*  Mai''*.^-npl  letter  of  Captain  Stovghton,  on  lile  among  our  state  papers. 

*  i  w/(Mi/i,  3Ir.  )ri//w/;ii  writes  his  name. 


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108 


OF  THE  PEQUOT  NATION. 


[Book  II. 


which  Iwinpr  hrou(»ht  to  Jiim,  he  wns  niipT»  nn*'  nski'd  thosn  who  broiiglit  thorn 
why  they  iUd  not  carry  thcin  to  Mr.  IfitiinmK,  ihut  ho  iiiigtit  roiivoy  tlioiii  to 
tho  I'ligli.sli.  They  told  him  the  s(|iin\v,s  wore  laiiic,  utid  could  not  go ;  upon 
which  .Minntuniwmoli  went  to  Mr.  WilliitDis  to  coitio  and  take  thcni.  Mr.  nil- 
linms  could  not  attend  to  it,  and  in  Iuh  turn  ordered  Minntunnomoh  to  do  it, 
who  said  ho  was  huwy  and  could  not;  "as  indeed  lie  was  (miyn  ff'illianut)  in  a 
strange;  kind  of  Hoieninity,  wlierein  tho  HnchiniH  cat  nothing  but  ut  night,  and 
all  the  natives  roiuid  about  tho  country  were  feasted."  In  the  mean  tinje  the 
squaws  escape*!. 

Mifmtunnomoh  siiid  he  was  .sorry  that  th<!  governor  shoidd  think  lie  wanted 
these  Bipiaws,  li>r  Ik;  did  not.  Mr.  H'illinms  told  him  he  knew  ot"  his  sending 
tor  one.  Of  this  charge  he  fairly  cleared  himself,  eaj  iig,  the  on(!  sent  for  was 
not  li)r  hiuiw.lf,  but  tor  Sasaamun,*  who  wiw  lying  lame  at  his  hou.^o  ;  that 
Siuisrimrin  fcdl  in  tlien;  in  his  way  to  Pequt,  whither  he  had  been  sent  by  the 
govcnior.  The  s(iuaw  he  wanted  was  n  sjichem's  daughter,  who  had  In^eii  a 
particular  friend  of  Mianlunnomoh  during  his  lifetime  ;  therefore,  in  kindnesss 
to  his  dead  friend,  li«;  wished  to  nuisom  her. 

Moreover,  Mianlunnomoh  sjiid,  ht;  and  his  people  wore  tnie  "to  tho  F'nglisii 
in  life  or  death,"  and  but  for  which,  he  said,  Okast  [Unkus]  and  his  Mohigo- 
iieucks  had  long  since  proved  lidse,  us  he  still  fean!d  they  would.  P"'or,  he 
said,  they  had  never  found  a  I'equot,  and  added,  "  Chenock  ejuse  tvelompati- 
viurkji'.f"  that  is,  "Did  ever  fri(!nds  deal  so  with  friend.s.'"  Mr.  h'iuiams 
requiring  nifire  ])articular  explanation,  Miantunnomoh  proceeded  : — 

"flly  brother,  Yotaujih,  had  seized  upon  Pnttaquppuunck,  Qiime,  and  20 
I'equots,  and  tiO  squaws ;  they  killed  three  and  bound  the  rest,  whom  they 
watched  all  night.  Then  they  sent  for  the  English,  and  delivered  them  in 
the  nioniing  to  iheni.  1  cutne  by  land,  according  to  promise,  with  :200  men, 
killing  10  Pe(juots  by  tho  way.  I  desired  to  see  the  great  snehem  Pultaquppu- 
unck,  whom  niy  brother  had  takm,  who  was  now  in  the  English  houses,  but 
the  i'nglish  thrust  ut  uie  with  a  pike  many  times,  that  I  durst  not  come  near 
the  door." 

Mr.  Willinms  told  him  they  did  not  know  him,  else  they  would  not ;  but 
Minntunnomoh  answered,  "AH  my  company  were  disheartened,  and  they  all, 
and  C'Htshamof/uene,  desired  to  be  gone."  Besides,  he  said,  "two  of  my  men, 
Haf^onckwhitt  j  an<l  Maunnmoh  [Meihnmoh]  were  their  guides  to  Sescjuankit, 
from  the  river's  mouth."  Upon  which,  Mr.  Williams  adds  to  the  governor: 
"  Sir,  I  dare  not  stir  coals,  but  I  saw  tin  ni  too  much  disregarded  by  many." 

Mr.  Williams  told  the  sachems  "they  received  Pequts  and  wam|K)m  without 
Mr.  (jovtrnor's  cons^cuit.  Cannounicus  replied,  that  although  he  and  Miantun- 
nomu  had  paid  nuiiiy  hvindred  fathom  of  wampum  to  their  soldiers,  as  Mr. 
(jovciiior  did,  yet  he  had  not  received  one  yard  of  beads  nor  a  Pequt.  Nor, 
saitli  Mianlunnomu^iVid  I,  but  one  small  pn  sent  from  tour  women  of  Long 
Island,  which  were  no  Ptupits,  but  of  that  isle,  being  afraid,  desired  to  put 
th(Mnsilvcs  under  my  ))rotoction." 

Tlie  Petpiotwar  has  jreneruUy  been  looked  upon  with  regret,  by  all  good 
men,  since.  To  exteniiinate  a  j)eople  before  they  had  any  opportunity  to 
h(;come  enlightened,  that  is,  to  Ix;  made  acquaintecl  with  the  reason  of  other 
usages  towards  their  fellow  beings  than  those  in  Avhich  they  had  been  brought 
nj),  is  a  gi-eat  cause  of  lamentation ;  and  if  it  proves  any  thing,  it  proves  that 
^ircat  ignonsiiee  and  barburiain  lurk(  d  in  the  hearts  of  their  exterminators. 
We  do  not  mean  to  exclude  by  this  remark  the  great  body  of  the  present 
itdiabitants  of  the  earth  from  the  charge  of  such  h.iriMirism. 

In  the  records  of  the  United  Colonies  for  the  year  1647,  it  is  mentioned  tiiat 
"  Mr.  John  Jf'inthnp  making  claim  to  a  great  quantity  of  land  at  Niuntic  by 
purchase  from  the  Indians,  g*ave  in  to  the  commissioners  a  petition  in  those 
words  : — 'Whereas  I  had  the  land  of  Niantick  by  a  deed  of  gift  and  purchase 
from  the  sachem  [Sassacus]  l)efor«!  the  [Pequot]  wars,  I  desire  the  commis- 
sioners will  be  j)leased  to  confirm  it  unto  me,  and  clear  it  from  any  claim  of 


*  Prol>nl>ly  llie  snino  mciilioned  afterwards. 
mon,  or  his  brother  liowUiml. 
t  Perhaps  Hii/ijijMmacH/,  oi  WuhginnactU. 


He  might  have  been  the  famous  John  Sassa- 


Chap.  VI.  I 


MONONOTTO. 


109 


Long 


Sassa- 


F.iiplicli  nnd  Indians,  nccordinj^  to  the  p{|iiity  of  the  rnse.'  "  IVinthrop  liiid  no 
writing  from  Snsancus,  nnd  full  ten  y<;arH  had  clnpsed  v,\ncv  tlx-  transiirtion,  but 
Fromittush,  IVtiinhirqun.ike,  ntu\  Jinluppo  tcHtififd  Honic  time  artcr,  that  "u|»oii 
thfiir  knowl(>d>^»>  liefort!  thf>  wars  were  against  the  IV-iiiiots,  S'l.iHnru.i  llu'ii 
saclxMU  of  Niantif*  di<i  call  iIiimm  and  all  his  miimi  togctht-r,  and  told  that  lit-  was 
n^solved  to  givr  his  country  to  tho  governor's  son  of  the;  Massjicinistlts,  who 
lived  then  at  PattaqnasMit  alias  ('onnecticnt  River's  tiiouth,  and  ail  his  men 
declared  themselves  willing  therewith.  Thereupon  he  went  to  him  to  I'atta- 
qiiassets,  and  when  he  came  l)ack  he  told  them  he  had  gratited  ull  his  coimtr}' 
to  him  the  said  governor's  son,  nnd  snid  he  was  his  good  friend,  and  he  hoped 
he  would  send  some  Knglish  thither  some  time;  lier«'uft<  r.  iMoreover,  he  told 
him  h»;  had  receiv«!d  coats  from  him  for  it,  which  they  saw  him  bring  home." 
This  was  not  wiid  by  those  Indians  themselves,  but  several  English  suiil  they 
heanl  them  say  so.  The  commissioners,  however,  set  aside  his  claiiri  with 
considenible  a[ipeurance  of  independence. 
Dr.  Ditnght  thus  closes  his  poem  u|)on  the  destruction  of  the  Pequots: — 

"  UndauiiU-d,  on  iheir  foos  lliey  llerrely  flow  ; 
As  liorcfi  llic  dusky  warriors  crowd  the  fiffhl ; 
Despair  iiis|)ires  ;  lo  coml)ars  lace  they  f;ltip  ; 
^Villl  ;rroaiis  and  shouts,  they  rai^c,  unknowin;;^  Hij^dit, 
And  close  their  sullen  eyes,  in  sliudes  of  endless  night. 

Indulf^c,  my  native  land,  indulge  the  tear 

That  steals,  impassioned,  o'er  a  nation's  doom. 
To  me,  each  twig  from  Adam's  stock  is  near, 

And  sorrows  (all  upon  an  Indian's  tomb." 

And,  O  ye  chiefs  !  in  yonder  starry  home, 

Accept  the  huinlile  tribute  of  this  rhyme. 

Your  frnllaiit  deeds,  in  Greece,  or  haughty  Rome, 

Uv  Maro  siniir,  or  Homer's  harp  siililimc, 

Ilad  charmed  the  world's  wide  round,  and  triumphed  over  time.'' 

Another,  already  mentioned,  and  the  next  in  consequence  to  Sassncus,  was 
MoNONOTTO.  Hubbard  calls  him  a  "noted  Indian,"  whose  wife  and  children 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  and  as  "it  was  known  to  be  by  her  media- 
tion that  two  English  maids  (that  were  taken  away  from  W(!atliers(ieid,  upon 
Connecticut  River)  were  saved  from  death,  in  reqiiittal  of  whose  pity  and 
humanity,  the  life  of  herself  and  children  was  not  only  granted  her,  hut  she 
was  in  special  recommended  to  the  care  of  Gov.  IVinthrop,  of  Massachusi'tts." 
Mononotto  tied  with  Sassncus  to  the  Mohawks,  for  protection,  with  several 
more  chiefs.  He  was  not  killed  by  them,  as  Sussaciis  was,  but  escaped  from 
them  wounded,  and  probably  died  by  the  hands  of  his  English  enemies.  He 
is  thus  mentioned  by  Governor  fVolcott,  in  his  poem  upon  IVinthrop^s  agen- 
cy, &c. 

"  Prince  Mononotto  sees  his  squadrons  fly. 

And  on  our  general  havinfj  fixed  his  eye. 

Rage  and  revenge  his  spirits  quickening. 

He  set  a  mortal  arrow  in  the  siring." 

On  the  5  August,  1637,  Governor  IVinthrop  makes  the  following  entiy  in  his 
joiu'iial : — "Mr.  Ludloio,  Mr.  Pincheon,  and  about  12  more,  catne  by  land  from 
Connecticut,  and  brought  with  them  a  part  of  the  skin  nnd  lock  of  hair  of 
Sasncus  and  his  brother  and  5  other  Pequod  sachems,  who  being  fled  to  the 
Mohawks  for  shelter,  with  their  wampoin  (being  to  the  value  of  £500)  were 
by  them  surprised  tmd  slain,  with  20  of  their  best  men.  Mononottoh  was  also 
taken,  but  escaped  wounded.  They  brought  news  also  of  divers  other  Pequoda 
which  had  been  slain  by  other  Indians,  and  their  heads  brought  to  the  English  ; 
90  that  now  there  had  been  slain  and  taken  between  8  and  900." 

The  first  troubles  with  the  Pequots  have  already  been  noticed.  It  was 
among  the  people  of  Mononotto,  that  the  English  caused  the  blood  of  a  Pequot 
to  flow.  Some  English  had  been  killed,  but  there;  is  no  more  to  excuse  the 
murder  of  a  Peqtiot  than  an  Englishman.  The  English  hail  injured  the 
Indians  of  Block  Island  all  in  their  power,  which,  it  seems,  did  not  satisfy 
them,  and  thev  next  undertook  to  make  spoil  upon  them  in  their  own  cotmtry 

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MO.NONOTTO,— CASSASSINNAMON. 


IHooK   II 


ii|K)ii  (  oniHTtirnt  Rivrr.  "Ah  they  were  nniliiiff  up  the  rivor,  wiysj  Dr.  /. 
Mntlier,  tiumy  ot'tiic  I'i'(|ii(itH  on  hotli  s'kIch  (>ftli<>  river  ciillt'd  to  tlwMii,  tliniroiiB 
to  know  ulidt  WHS  tlit'ir  riid  in  I'oiniii^  tliittuM'."  *  'I'lii'}  iinswin  d,  tliat  tlH'\ 
(icsirnl  to  H|ii'iik  with  Snnadnix  ;  Ix-iiig  tohi  thiit  San.vinia  liiul  ^oiic  to  Loup 
IsIiiikI,  thrv  then  (liiiiaiidi'd  tliut  JMononollo  nlioiild  apiiiar,  and  tiicy  itntiiidi-d 
h*!  W(H  troiii  lioini-  also.  Ilowtvcr,  they  w*>iit  on  tshorr  and  diniandcd  the 
innrdrn  IS  (tf  Captain  Sloiir,  and  were  tohl  that  if  they  woidd  wait  they  would 
send  tiir  thi'Mi,  and  that  Minutnollo  would  conii'  iinniiMliatdy.  lint  very  wisely, 
the  l'r(|iiots,  in  the  mean  time,  "transported  their  poods,  women  and  ehildntn 
to  another  piaee."  f  One  oC  th*Mn  then  told  the  liiipiish  that  MunonttUi)  would 
not  come.  Then  the  Knplish  hepan  to  do  whut  rnisehii't'  they  eoidd  to  tiiem, 
:md  a  skirmish  followed,  wherein  one  Indian  wuh  killed,  uiid  un  En^lidhman 
was  wounded."  { 

'I'lie  name  of  Mononollo^s  wife  appears  to  have  been  Wincumbo.nk.  .She 
slionld  not  he  overlooked  in  s|ieaking  (tt'Munonotto,  uh  she  was  instrinniMital  in 
s.i\iiii'  the  life  of  an  I'in^lishman,  as  disinterestedly  U8  fof»/ion^M  saved  that 
of  Cajjtain  Smitli.  Some  Knglish  had  gone  to  tradi;  with  tla;  I'e(|nots,  and  to 
recover  some  horses  wiiich  they  had  stolen,  or  picked  up  on  tiieir  lands.  Two 
of  the  I'nijiish  W(;iit  on  shore,  and  one  went  into  the  sachem's  wigwam  and 
demanded  the  Jiorses.  The  Indians  within  slyly  absented  themselves,  and 
IHnniinhonc,  knowing  their  intention,  told  him  to  Hy,  for  the  Indians  were 
m;.kiiig  preparations  to  kill  him.  He  barely  escaped  to  the  boat,  being  follow- 
ed liy  a  crowd  to  the  shore. 

(  'assassi.vnamon  was  a  noted  Petinot  chief,  of  whom  we  have  some  account 
i;s  early  as  K!;")'.),  fn  that  year  a  difhcidty  arose  about  the  limits  of  Southerton, 
since  called  Stoniiigton,  in  Connecticut,  and  several  Knglish  were  sent  to  settle 
;he  (litliculty,  whicli  was  concerning  the  location  of  Wekapauge.  "For  to 
I. rip  us  (they  say)  to  understand  where  Wekapauge  is,  we  desired  some  Po- 
i;iialucke  Indians  to  go  with  us."  Cassassinnainon  was  one  who  assisted. 
They  told  the  English  that  '■'■  Ca^hawassvt  (the  governor  of  Wekapauge)  did 
charge!  them  that  they  should  not  go  any  further  than  the  east  side  of  a  little 
swamp,  near  the  east  end  of  the  first  great  pond,  where  they  did  pitch  down  a 
stake,  and  told  us  [the  English]  that  Cushawussd  said  that  that  very  place  was 
Wekapauge ;  said  that  he  saicf  it  and  not  them  ;  and  if  they  should  say  that 
Wekapauge  did  go  any  further,  Cashawasset  would  be  angry."  Cashawassel 
ailer  this  liad  confirmed  to  him  and  those  under  hitn,  8000  acres  of  lan<l  in  tin 
Pecpiot  country,  with  the  |)rovision  that  they  continued  subjects  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  should  "not  sell  or  alienate  the  said  lands,  or  any  part  thereof,  to  any 
English  man  or  men,  without  th(!  court's  approbation." 

The  neck  of  land  called  Qmnicuntdiifre  was  claimed  by  both  parties ;  but 
Cassassinnamon  said  that  when  a  whale  was  some  time  before  cast  ashore 
there,  no  one  disputed  Cashuwas.ieCs  claim  to  it,  which,  it  is  believed,  setflid 
the  question :  Cashawasset  was  known  generally  by  the  name  of  Hunnon 
Garrett.  § 

We  next  nneet  Avith  Cassassinnamon  in  Philip's  war,  in  which  he  command- 
ed a  company  of  Pequots,  and  uccompanied  Captain  Denison  in  his  suceessftil 
career,  and  was  present  at  the  ca|)ture  of  Cawmrhd.  || 

In  November,  16.51,  Cassassinnamon  and  eight  others  executed  a  sort  of  an 
agreement  "with  the  townsmen  of  Pequot,"  afterward  called  ^ew  London. 
What  kind  of  agreement  it  was  we  are  not  told.  His  name  was  subsciibed 
Casesymamon,  Among  the  otlK^r  names  we  see  Obbachickivood,  jVecsouivee^in 
alias  Daniel,  Cuichamaqiiin  and  Mahniaicdmham.  Cassassinnamon,  it  is  said, 
signed  "in  his  own  behalf  and  the  behalf  of  the  rest  of  Nameeag  Indians." H 

*  Relalioa,  44.  t  Il)id. 

{  Ibid.     Capttiin  Lion  Gardener,  who  liad  some  men  in  tliis  affair,  gives  q-iite  a  diflcrcut 


accounl.     Sec  life  of  Kutshamoqiiin,  alias  Kutshamakin. 
6  Several  manuscript  documents. 
^  1  CoU.  Mass.  Hiit.  Soc.  x.  101. 


II  Hubbard. 


CH^r.  Vll] 


PRAVING   INDIANS. 


Ill 


CHAPTER  VII. 


Of  the  Prnving  nr  Christian  Indiana  in  A'lW  Enijlnnd — DiJJiniU  to  Chrigliantze 
thnn — hiiors  of  Jt>liii  Kliot — VVahhan  the  Ji rut  Lhrislinn  .iniraniurr—lniliun  lairs 
— UliciiH  inotrsti  against  the  attim/it  to  ronrirt  hin  iifople — Ninijfri't  rrj'tmrs  to 
rfciirr.  vu.isionariii — The  Indian  liiblr — Piamhiiuiiou — Si'kkn — I'kmn ah anmi- — 

Tl'KAI'KWII.I.IN — OoNAMOO — AllATAWANCK — W  ATTAgSACOMI'ONUM — lllACOUMKS 

— MioiiHSoo — OccuM — TrruBA, 


'■  "■«•■< 


It  must  bn  oxrccdiiifrly  ditririilt,  as  all  cxiMrienci!  lias  shown,  t<»  cans*!  any 
pi'opli'  to  ahaiidnn  a  hciiet' or  faitli  in  u  matter,  unless  it  he  m\v  on  whicii  the 
r*-iL<oiiiii<;  |io\v(>i'H  of  tlie  mind  can  he  hrou^ht  to  art.  'Y\\v  most  iifiioinnt 
jii(i|ilc  must  he  ••oiivinc(!(l,  that  many  ('trcets  whicii  they  witnrss  are  jn'oiinced 
liy  oh\iiiiis  causes;  hut  there  are  so  many  others  for  whicli  they  cannot  dis- 
cover a  cause,  that  they  hesitate  not  to  deny  any  nntunil  cause  for  tliem  at 
once.  And  notwithstanilini;  that,  fr(»m  day  to  day,  causes  are  developing,' 
tlienisclvcs.  and  showinj;  tiiem,  that  many  results  wiiich  tiu'y  had  viewed  .iS 
liroceedin;.'  from  a  super  natural  causi;  hitherto,  was  nothing  hut  a  natural 
one,  luid  which,  when  discovered,  apiieared  perfectly  sim|»le,  too,  yet,  (or  the 
want  of  the  incims  oi' investigation,  they  would  he  looked  upon  as  miraiidoiis. 
Tliitse  tiicts  iiavo  l)eon  more  than  enouf,'li,  amon<r  the  scientilic  world,  to 
caust-  them  to  look  upon  the  most  latent  causes,  with  a  hojie  that,  in  dun 
time,  they  would  unfold  themselveH  also;  and,  hnally,  leave  nothing.'  for  any 
ajrenf  to  peiibrin  hut  nature  itself.  When  the  Indian,  theri^iore,  is  driven  hy 
reason,  or  tin;  light  of  science,  from  his  strouf^-hold  of  ignorance,  or,  in 
other  words,  sii|)ei-stition,  ho  is  extremely  lialile  to  fall  into  the  opposite 
extreuie,  to  which  allusion  liaH  Just  heen  made,  because  he  will  mdiesitatingly 
say,  what  once  appeared  past  uU  discovery  has  been  shown  to  he  most  plain, 
and  therefore  it  is  not  oidy  possible,  but  even  i)robabl«!,  that  others  will  be 
disclosed  of  a  like  character. 

It  S"  lia|)|)ens,  that  in  attempting  to  substitute  one  faith  for  tmother,  in  the 
mind  of  Indians,  that  the  one  proposed  admits  of  no  better  demonstration 
than  the  one  already  possessed  by  them ;  for  their  manner  of  transmitting 
tliii  _'s  to  be  remembered,  is  the  most  impressive  and  sacred,  as  will  be  else- 
where observed  in  our  work.  That  any  thing  false  should  lie  handed  down 
Irom  their  aged  matrons  and  sires,  cotild  not  be  for  a  moment  believed  ;  and 
hence,  that  the  stories  of  a  strange  peojile  should  he  credited,  instead  of  what 
tiiey  had  heard  from  day  to  day  from  their  youth  up,  from  those  who  coidd 
have  no  [)Ossihlo  motive  to  deceive  them,  (MJiild  not  be  expected  ;  imd  there- 
fore no  one  will  wonder  for  a  moment  that  the  gospel  has  imt  with  so  few 
believers  among  the  Indians.  All  this,  aside  from  their  dealers  in  mysteries, 
the  powwows,  conjurers  or  priests,  us  they  are  variously  denominated,  wiiose 
olhce  is  healing  the  sick,  appeasing  the  wrath  of  the  invisible  s|)irits  hy 
charms  and  unintelligible  mumniei7.  These  characters  took  U|>on  them- 
selves, also,  the  important  atlair  of  determining  the  happiness  each  was  to 
enjoy  aller  death;  assurhig  the  brave  and  the  virtuous  that  they  should  go  to 
a  |)lac(!  of  jierpetual  spring,  where  game  in  the  greatest  plenty  abounded,  and 
every  thing  that  the  most  perfect  hap[)iness  recpiired.  Now,  as  a  belief  in 
any  other  religion  |)roniised  no  more,  is  it  strange  that  a  new  one  should  be 
slow  in  gaining  credence? 

Considerations  of  this  nature  inevitably  press  in  ui)on  us,  and  cause  us  not 
to  wonder,  as  many  have  done,  that,  lor  the  first  thirty  yeius  after  tfie  settle- 
ment of  New  England,  so  little  was  effected  by  the  gospel  among  the  Indians. 
The  great  dirticulty  of  conununicathig  with  them  hy  inter|>reters  nuist  have 
been  slow  in  the  extreme;  and  it  nnist  be  considered,  also,  that  a  great  lei,,  h 
of  time  must  have  been  consumed  beibre  any  of  these  could  perform  '  ir 
ofhce  with  any  degree  of  accuracy;  the  Indian  language  being  unlike  '  -  y 
other,  and  bearing  no  analogy  to  any  known  tongue  whatever ;  and  then,  (lie 
peculiar  custom  of  the  Indians  must  be  considered ;  their  long  delays  before 
they  would  answer  to  any  proi)Ositioii ;  but  more  than  all,  we  have  to  coa- 


,«,  •     .•  ■ 


.1  /•  -,,1,  ■■ 


:^^'W . 


h.y 


112 


PRAYING   INDIANS— NESU  IAN. 


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•.r.=»* 


[l!i)lt!v  II. 


sider  the  natural  diptnist  thiit  ninst  iiocessarily  arise  in  tlie  minds  of  every 
people,  at  tli(!  sudden  inthix  of  stranjrers  anu)ii<r  tliem.  Wlien  any  nciw 
theory  was  jm'sented  to  their  minds,  tJie  first  (pu'stions  that  wouhl  jjresent 
tliemselves,  Avouhi  most  un(iMe»-:tionahly  be,  What  are  the  real  motives  off  ids 
new  people? — Do  tliej  reai'y  love  us,  as  tliey  pretend ? — Do  tiiey /eft//;/ love 
one  another?  or  do  fliey  vnit  liv«!,  inanj'  of  them,  upon  one  another? — Is  not 
this  new  state  of  thin<ffi,  which  they  desire,  to  enable  them  to  sulisist  iiy  us, 
and  in  time  to  enshi' e  us,  or  deprive  us  of  our  j)osseHsions  ? — Does  it  not 
appear  tliaf  these  siran^ers  are  full  of  selfishness,  and,  therefore,  liave  every 
motive  which  that  passion  gives  rise  to  for  deceiving  us? — Hence,  we  repeat, 
that  it  cjin  hardly  be  thought  strange  tiiat  Christianity  has  made  so  slow 
progress  among  the  Indians. 

Notwithstanding  one  of  the  ostensible  objects  of  nearly  all  the  royal  char- 
ror.s  and  patents  i.'^sned  for  British  Noilh  America  was  the  Christianizing  of 
the  Indians,  few  coidd  be  found  e(]ual  to  the  task  on  arriving  here ;  where 
wants  of  every  kind  required  nearly  all  their  labors,  tew  coidd  be  found 
willing  to  forego  every  comfort  to  engage  in  a  work  which  presented  so 
many  diHicnlfies.  Adventurers  were  those,  generally,  who  emigrated  with  a 
view  to  bettering  their  own  condition,  instead  of  that  of  others. 

At  length  Mr.  John  Eliot,  seeing  that  little  or  nothing  could  be  effected 
through  the  mediiun  of  his  own  language,  resolved  to  make  himself  master 
of  the  Indian,  and  then  to  devote  himself  to  their  service.  Accordingly  he 
hired  *  an  oldf  Indian,  named  Jot  .VesH^o.n,  j^  to  live  in  his  family,  and  to  teach 
him  his  language.  When  he  had  accomplished  this  arduous  task,  which  he 
did  in  "a  lew  months,"§  he  set  out  upon  his  first  attempt;  liaving  given 
notice  to  some  Indians  at  jyonnntvm,\\  since  Newton,1[  of  his  intentioit.  With 
three  others  he  met  the  Indians  for  the  first  time,  28  October,  104(5.  fVaau- 
hon,**  whose  name  siginfied  unnd,f\  "a  wife  and  grave  man,  though  no 
Sachem,  with  five  or  six  Indians  met  them  at  some  distance  from  their  wig- 
wams, and  bidding  them  welcome,  conducted  them  into  a  large  apartment, 
where  a  great  number  of  the  natives  were  gathered  together,  to  hear  this  new 
doctrine."  l\.  After  I)raycr8,  and  an  explanation  of  the  ten  commandments,  Mr. 
Eliot  iidbrmed  them  "of  the  dreadful  curse  of  God  that  would  fall  ui)on  all 
those  that  brake  them  :  He  tl)en  told  them  who  Jesus  Christ  was,  where  he 
was  now  <!:one,  and  how  he  Avould  one  day  come  again  to  judge  the  world  in 
flaming  fire." 

After  altout  an  hour  spent  in  this  manner,  the  Indians  had  liberty  to  ask 
any  (luestions  in  relation  to  what  had  been  said.  Whereujion  one  stood  up 
and  asked.  How  he  could  l-noiv  Jes^is  Christ^ — Another,  H'hether  Enirlishmen 
were  ever  so  iu;noranf  of  him  as  the  hvlinns ") — A  third,  Whether  Jesus  Christ 
could  understand  prayers  in  Indian  ? — Another,  How  there  coidd  be  an  irnas:;e  of 
God,  since  it  ivas  forbidden  iii  the  second  commandment  9 — Another,  ff  hethcr, 
accordins:  to  the  second  commandment,  the  child  tniutt  suffer,  fhous;h.  he  be  S!:ood, 
for  the  sins  of  its  parents  ? — And  lastly,  Hoio  all  the  world  became  fidl  of  people, 
if  Ihni  were  all  once  droimed  in  the  flood'? 

T'le  .=ircoiid  meeting  was  upon  1 1  November,  follov/ing.  Mr.  Eiiot  met  the 
Indians  again,  and  after  catechising  the  cliildren,  and  preaching  an  hoi, r  to 
the  congr.igation,  heard  and  answered,  atnoiig  othei-s,  tlie  following  (jues- 
lions. — How  the  Ens;lish  came  to  differ  so  much  from  the  Indians  in  their  'Knowl- 
edge of  (lod  and  Jes^t-s  Christ,  since  they  luid  all  at  first  but  one  Father '? — An- 
other d(!sired  to  know.  How  it  came  to  pass  that  sea-water  was  salt  and  river 
water  fresh  9 — .And  another.  That  if  tlie  water  was  higher  than  the  earth,  how  it 
happene  i  thai  it  did  not  overflow  it"/ 

riie  third  meeting  took  place  soon  afle;,  namely,  on  2(1  of  the  same  month, 


*  Nml,  HLst.  N.  Ena;,  i.  222.  t  N.  Eng.  Hiojr.  Difiioinrv,  art.  Ei.iot. 

t  Spc  p.  51  of  this  bonk,  milp.  ^  Nerd.  Hist.  N.  Eng-.  i.  I'i.l. 

II  "  Near  Watcrtowii  mill,  upon  the  .south  side  of  Charlt^s  Rivrr,  almut  (bur  or  live  miles 
from  his  own  liouse,  [in  Roxliury,]  'here  lived  a[  that  lime  H'dAan,  one  of  Iheir  principal 
men,  and  some  Indians  with  him."     ilookin,  (Hist.  Col.)  1(18. 

11   IVonanluni,  or  Noonatiinien,  signified  a  place  of  rejoicing,  or  rejoicing.    Neal,  i.  21(5. 

**  Wauhaii,  Maznalia,  iii.  IfMi.  ff  Ibid, 

tt  Day-breaking  of  the  Gospel  in  N.  Eng.,  in  iVM/,  i.  223. 


M 


fffy.^' 


Thap.  VII  ] 


PUAYINO   iNDlANS— TUF.ni  LWVS. 


in 


lint  W!X8  not  so  well  attrnded.  Tic;  powwows  and  sacl.r'iiis  Imd  dissuaded 
some,  and  hy  tlir  ats  deterred  otnors  from  mcrtinjr  npiii  s'leli  oi-ensions. 
Still  tli''re  were  eonsiderahle  nnmlteis  llir.t  jrot  artacled  to  .Mr.  Kliat,  and  in  Ji 
ti'W  days  atJer,  IVampas,  "a  wise  and  sa^^e  Indian,"  ami  twu  oiiicrs,  wiili  some 
(jf  his  cliililren,  carm-  to  the  Eiiglisli.  ilc  desired  that  these  rniirlit  he  edii- 
(jtied  in  llio  >'in-istiaii  fiiitli.  At  the  next  nu'etinir  all  t!ie  Indinns  jiresent 
'■  ol!i  nd  their  eiiildren  to  !)e  eatiM-hised  and  instructed  hy  the  l!iif;lish,  ulio 
njinii  this  motion  ri'solvtid  tf>  set  u|>  a  school  amonij;  them." 

i\Ii\  />7/o^  notwithstanding  ids  /(-al,  s;'enis  well  to  have  understood,  that 
simiething  h^side  preaching  was  necessary  to  rel'orm  tht;  lives  of  the  Indians  ; 
and  that  was,  theii-  civilization  hy  (!ilncation.  It  is  said  that  oni;  of  his  iiotcd 
sayings  \\as,  Tin-  In'tinna  mu^t  he  civilizid  as  well  af,  if  not  in  ordei  In  their 
beimr,  Chnatianize,  L*  Therefiire,  the  reipie.-t  of  the  Indi.ins  at  Noiiantum 
was  not  carried  into  (dfei't  until  a  place  could  he  ti\ed  upmi  whcr.'  a  icgidar 
S'tdenieut  should  In-  made,  and  the  catechumens  had  shown  their  zeal  for 
the  cause  hy  «s.send)ling  themselves  there,  and  coiUiirmini.'  to  ihe  Mie.dish 
ni(>de  of  living.  In  th;'  end  this  was  agreed  upon,  and  Natick  svas  (ixed  as 
the  place  for  u  town,  and  the  I'ollowing  siiort  code  of  laws  was  set  up  and 
agreed  to: — I.  If  any  man  h  ■  idle  a  week,  or  at  most  a  fortnight,  li«!  shall  y;\y 
five  shillings.- -II.  If  any  unmarried  man  shall  lie  with  a  veiiuir  woman 
unmarried,  he  lall  pay  twenty  shillings. — III.  If  any  man  shall  hiat  his  wife, 
his  hands  shall  his  tii'd  behind  him,  and  In;  shall  \)('  carritul  'o  the  |)laei'  of 
'MStice  to  be  severely  punished. — IV.  Kvery  young  man,  if  not  anotlier's 
i:  -mt,  and  if  unmarried,  shall  be  comjxdUul  tf)  set  up  a  wigwam,  and  plant 
.  (  unself,  and  not  shift  up  and  down  in  other  wigwams. — V.  If  any  woman 
sli„  i  not  hav<!  her  hair  tied  up,  hut  hang  loose*,  or  be  cut  as  men's  hair,  she 
shall  pay  five  shillings. — VI.  If  any  woman  shall  go  with  naked  breasts,  she 
shall  pay  two  shillings. — VII.  All  men  that  wear  long  locks  shall  pay  five 
shillings. — VIII.  If  any  shall  kill  their  li(!e  between  their  teeth,  tliey  shall  pay 
live  siiillings. 

In  .laniiary  following  another  company  of  praying  Indians  was  establislmd 
at  Concord ;  and  there  were  soon  s«!veral  other  places  where  meetings  were 
held  throughout  the  country,  from  Cape  Cod  to  Narragauset.f  Of  tli.se,  Mr. 
Elint  visited  as  many  and  as  often  as  In;  was  able.  From  the  following  pas- 
sage in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  Mr.  JVinslow  of  Plimouth,  some  idea  may 
be  formed  of  the  hardships  he  underwent  in  his  pious  labors.  He  says,  "I 
have  not  ijeen  dry  night  nor  day,  from  the  third  day  of  the  week  unto  the 
sixth,  but  so  travelled,  and  at  niglit  jiull  off  my  boots,  wring  my  stockings, 
and  on  with  them  again,  and  so  continue.     But  God  ste|>s  in  and  helps."  { 

The  chiefs  and  powwows  would  not  have  suffered  even  so  nmeli  groiin<l 
to  have  been  gained  by  the  gos{)el  btit  for  the  awe  they  were  in  of  the;  J'Jng- 
lish  |)ower.  "Nor  is  this  to  be  wondered  at,"  says  the  very  good  historian, 
Mr.  J\\al,  "  for  if  it  be  vei-y  difficult  to  civilize  barbarous  nations,  'tis  nnieh 
more  so  to  make  them  Christians:  All  men  hnvc  natur.ally  a  veneration  foi 
the  r(>ligion  of  their  ancestors,  and  tlie  ])rejudices  of  education  §  are  insupera- 
ble witliout  the  ext'-'ioidinary  grrce  of  God." 

"TheMonbegin  Indians  were  so  jealous  of  the  general  court's  obliging 
them  tfi  pray  to  God,  that  Uncas,  their  sachem,  went  to  the  eouit  at  llarttiird 
to  jirotest  against  it.  Cutshamoquin,  another  sachem,  (;ame  to  the  Indian 
lecture,  and  opeidy  protested  against  their  bifilding  a  town,  telling  the  Eng- 
lish, that  all  the  sachems  in  the  country  were  against  it.  He  was  so  honest 
as  to  tell  Mr.  Eliot  the  reason  of  it ;  for  (says  he)  the  Indians  that  |)ray  to  God 
do  not  pay  me  tribute,  as  formerly  they  did  ;  which  was  in  part  true,  lor 
whereas  before  the  sachem  was  absohU(^  mast(>r  of  his  subjects;  their  lives 
and  tortunes  being  at  his  dispo.sal ;  they  gave  him  now  no  mor(>  than  they 
thought  reasonable  ;  but  to  wipe  off  the  re|)roach  that  CiUshamoquin  had  laid 
upon  tlvm,  those  few  praying  Indians  present,  told  Mr.  Eliot  what  they  had 


*  Hittckinaon,  Hist.  Mass.  i.  1(53,  t  Neal,  i.  22()— 230.  |  Mairnalia,  ill.  196. 

}  Tliis  word,  when  ap|ilied  lo  the  education  of  llie  Indians  among  theinst'lvus,  is  to  bu  un- 
derstood in  an  opposite  sense  froip  its  common  acceptation  :  tliu.«,  to  instruct  iu  superstitions 
and  idolatry,  is  wiiat  is  not  meant  by  education  amoni;  us. 
10* 


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114 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— INDIAN  BIBLE. 


[Book  II. 


...  '-I^^.... 
•;  •,\.:'y'■!•■ 


1. 


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(lone  for  thoir  sachem  tho  two  last  years,  leaving  him  to  judge  wlietlier  their 
prince  had  any  reiuson  to  complain."  They  said  tln^y  had  given  him  yfi 
imshejs  of  corn  at  one  time,  and  si.x  at  another;  that,  in  hunting  for  him  two 
days,  they  liad  killed  him  15  <ieers ;  hrohe  up  for  him  two  acres  of  land; 
made  him  a  great  wigwam ;  "made  him  20  rods  offence  with  a  ditch  and 
two  raii.s  ahont  it ;"  jiaid  a  deht  i()r  him  of  £3,  10s.  "One  of  them  gave  him 
(1  skin  of  heaver  of  two  ]tounds,  hcsides  many  days  works  in  i)lanting  com 
altogether;  yea,  they  said  they  would  willingly  do  more  if  he  would  govern 
tlieiri  justly  hy  tin;  word  of  God.  IJut  the  sachem  swelling  with  indignation, 
ut  tills  iiimiiuinerly  discourse  of  his  vassal.s,  turned  ^lis  hack  u{)on  the  eoin- 
|)any  and  went  away  in  the  greatest  rage  imaginahle ;  though  upon  better 
(onsidcration,  hims(  If  turiKul  Christian  not  long  after." 

Mr.  Experience  .Maifheiv  uiut  with  similar  occurrences  many  years  after. 
Upon  a  visit  to  the  Narraganscts,  he  sent  for  JVinif^et,  the  sachem,  and 
desired  of  liim  have  to  |)reacli  to  his  people;  hut  the  sachem  told  him  to  go 
and  make  the  r.iiglish  good  lirst ;  and  observed,  further,  that  some  of  the 
English  k(;pt  Saturday,  others  Siniday,  and  others  no  day  at  all  for  worship  , 
so  that  if  liis  people;  should  hav(;  a  mind  to  turn  Christians,  they  could  not 
tell  what  religion  to  be  of  A'inigrd  fiu'ther  added,  that  Mr.  Ahyliew  might 
try  his  skill  first  with  the;  Pequots  and  Mohegans,  and  if  they  submitted  to  the 
Christian  religion,  possibly  he  and  his  people  might,  but  they  would  not  be 
the  first.* 

In  the  meanwhile,  Mr.  Eliot  had  translated  the  whole  Bible  into  Indian,  f 
also  B.ixtkr's  Call,  Mr.  SlieplierfPs  Sincere  Convert,  and  his  Sound  Be- 
liever,! besides  some  other  |)erformances,  as  a  Grammar,  Psalter,  Primers, 
Catechisms,  the  Pr.vctice  ok  Pietv,  &-c.  § 

It  is  amusing  to  Iknu-  what  our  old  valued  friend,  Dr.  C  Mather,  says  of 
ElioCs  Bible.  "This  Bible,"  he  says,  "was  printed  here  at  our  Cambridge; 
and  it  is  tho  only  Bible  that  ever  was  printed  in  all  America,  from  the  very 
foundation  of  tlic!  world."  ||  The  same  author  observes,  that  "the  whole 
translation  was  writ  with  but  one  pen,  which  [ten  had  it  not  been  lost,  would 
have  certainly  deserved  a  richer  case  than  was  bestowed  upon  that ;  en,  with 
which  Holland^  writ  his  translation  oi' Plutarch" 

It  was  long  sinci!  inquired,  "  What  benefit  has  all  this  toil  and  suffering 
produced? — Is  th(!re  a  vcistige  of  it  remaining? — Were  the  Indians  in  reality 
bettered  by  the  great  efforts  of  their  friends?"  "31r.  Eliot,"  says  Dr.- Doug- 
lass, "  with  immense  labor  translated  and  printed  our  Bible  into  Indian.  It 
was  done  with  a  good,  pious  design,  but  it  must  be  reconed  among  the  Otio- 
sorum  hominum  negotia:  It  was  done  in  the  Natic.k  [Ni|)inuk]  language.  Of 
the  Naticks,  at  jtreseiit,  there  are  not  20  families  subsisting,  aad  scarce  any 
of  these  can  read. — Cui  boni!"** 

By  the  accounts  left  us,  it  will  be  perceived,  that  lor  many  years  after  the 
exertions  of  Eliot,  Gookin,  Mayhew  and  others,  had  been  put  in  operation, 
there  was  no  inconsiderable  progress  made  in  the  great  undertaking  of 
Christianizing  the  Indians.  iVatick,  the  oldest  praying  town,  contained,  in 
1074,  2;>  fiimilie.s  in  which  periiaps  were  about  145  jiersons.  The  name 
JVatick  signified  a  place  of  hills.  H'aban  was  the  chief  man  here,  "  who," 
says  Mr.  Gookin,  "  is  now  about  70  ycu-s  oi'  age.  He  is  a  jterson  of  great 
prudence  and  pitity :  I  do  not  know  any  Indian  that  excels  him." 

Pakemitt,  or  Punkapaog,  ("which  takes  its  name  from  a  spring,  that  riseth 
out  of  red  earth,")  is  the  next  town  in  order,  and  contained  12  families,  or 

*  N'-al's  N.  Eii^hiiiii,  i.  '2,57.  f  Sec  hook  ii.  chap.  iii.  p.  57,  ante. 

t  Moore's  Lir<'  l:ii(il,  \n.  \S  Man-nalia,  b.  iii.  197.  ||  Ibid. 

11  I'liiliuiwn  lloltdud  \v;is  rnllnil  ilio  Iranslator-goncral  of  liis  age  ;  he  wrote  several  of  his 
transliitiuns  with  one  pen,  iinon  wliicli  he  made  the  following'  verses: 
With  one  .sole  pen  I  writ  this  book, 

Made  of  a  grey  goose  (juill ; 
A  pen  it  was,  when  I  it  took, 
And  a  pen  I  leave  it  still. 

Fuller's  Worthies  of  England. 
**  Douglass,  Ilist.  America,  i.  172,  note.    See  aisu  Haiket,  Hist.  Notes,  248,  &c.    Doug- 
lass wrote  about  1745. 


m-- 


I'll 


Chap.  Vll] 


PRAYING  INDIANS— VVAUnAN. 


115 


about  no  j)ersons.  It  was  14  miles  south  of  Boston,  and  is  now  included  in 
Stoiigliton.  The  Indians  here  removed  from  the  Neponset.  Hassannmesil 
is  the  third  town,  and  is  now  included  in  (Jniftoii,  and  contained,  like  the 
second,  (JO  souls.  Okonnnakaniesit,  now  in  ]Maril>orouyli,  <'ontained  ahout 
50  people,  and  was  the  fourth  town.  Wamesit,  sinct!  included  in  Tewks- 
hury,  tiie  titlh  town,  was  upon  a  neck  of  land  in  Merrimack  River,  and 
contained  ahout  75  souls,  of  five  to  a  family.  Nashohaii,  now  liittleton,  was 
till'  sixth,  and  contained  hut  ahout  50  inhai)itants.  Magunkaipu)!.'',  now  l!o[t- 
kinton,  sijrnitied  a  place  of  great  trees.  Here  were  ai)out  55  jx-rsons,  anil 
this  \\as  the  seventh  town. 

There  were,  hi'sides  these,  seven  other  towns,  which  were  called  th(>  new 
prayiuff  towns.  These  wen?  amonjr  tlii^  Niptnuks.  The  first  was  .'Manclia<;e, 
since  Oxtord,  and  contained  ahout  (iO  inhahitants.  The  second  was  ahout 
six  miles  ti"om  the  first,  and  its  name  was  Chahanakon^rkonniii,  since  Dudley, 
and  contained  ahout  45  pei-sons.  The  third  was  !\Iaanexit,  in  the  north-east 
part  of  Woodstock,  and  contained  ahout  iOO  soids.  The  fourth  was  Ciuan- 
tisset,  also  in  Woodstock,  ami  coiitainiuir  100  jm  rsons  likewise.  AValiipiissit, 
tli(!  fil'th  town,  also  in  Wondsiock,  (hut  now  included  in  Connecticut,)  i-on- 
tained  1.50  soids.  Pakachooir,  a  sixtii  town,  partly  in  Worcester  anil  j)artly 
in  Ward,  also  contained  ]0()  jxjople.  Weshakim,  or  Nashaway,  a  seventh, 
contaiiu'd  ahout  75  persons.  Waeimtuji  was  also  a  |)rayinj.'  town,  included 
now  by  Uxhridge ;  hut  the  numher  of  peojde  there  is  not  set  down  hy  Mr. 
Godkin,  our  chief  authority. 

Hence  it  seems  there  were  now  suppose  I  to  he  ahout  1150  praying'  Indians 
in  the  ])laces  enmnerated  ahove.  There  is,  however,  not  the  least  prohahility, 
that  even  one  iburth  of  these  were  (wer  sincere  believers  in  Christianity. 
This  calculation,  or  rather  su])position,  was  made  tln3  yt!ar  Ixdbre  Philip's 
war  be<!;an ;  and  how  many  do  we  find  who  adhered  to  their  profession 
tliroujrh  that  war?  That  eviuit  not  oidy  shook  the  faith  of  the  common  sort, 
hut  many  that  had  been  at  the  head  of  the  [)'.ayin5i  towns,  the  Indian  minis- 
ters themselves,  wen;  fiiund  in  arms  a,<:ainst  their  white  Christian  neij^dibors. 

At  the  close  of  Pltilip\'i  war,  in  1()77,  Mr.  Gookia  enumerates  "seven 
])laces  where  they  met  to  worship  God  and  keep  the  sal)bath,  viz.  at 
Nonatum,  at  Pakemit,  or  I'uiikapoir;  at  Covvate,  alias  the  Fall  of  (Jharies 
River,  at  \atik  and  Atedfield,  at  Concord,  at  Namekeake,  near  t'heimsford." 
There  were,  at  each  of  thes(!  places,  he  says,  "a  teac.er,  and  schools  lor  the 
youth."  JJut,  notwithstiuidiudr  they  had  occupied  sinijii  towns  in  the  spring' 
of  Iti7(),  on  th(!ir  return  'rom  imprisomnent  u|)on  tin?  bleak  islands  in  Hoston 
liai  hor,  they  were  too  linihle  lonir  to  maintain  so  many.  TIk;  appearance  of 
some  straffi!linjr  Mohawl<s  <rreatly  alarmed  these  Indians,  and  they  were  glad 
to  come  within  the  protection  ol'  the  llnglisii;  and  so  the  remote  towns  soon 
h(!ca.  40  abandoned. 

We  have  seen  that  1150  |)rayinir  Indians  were  claimed  before  the  war,  in 
the  ( nd  of  the  year  1(374,  bm  nut  iiaif  this  mmibrr  could  bo.  Uniud  when  it 
was  proclaimed  that  all  such  must  conK!  out  of  their  towns,  and  go  by 
themstilves  to  a  ])lace  of  safety.  Mr.  Gnokin  says,  at  one  tiini!  there  were 
about  500  upon  tin;  islands:  but  when  some  had  been  employed  in  the  army, 
and  other  ways,  (generally  sia-h  as  were  indifferent  to  ndigion,)  theri;  were 
but  about  800  remaining.  Six  years  after  that  disastrous  war,  Mr.  Eliot 
could  claim  but  four  towns!  viz.  "Natick,  I'unkapaog,  Wamesit,  and 
Chachaubimkkakowok." 

Rcfore  we  pass  to  notice  other  towns  in  Plimouth  colony,  we  will  give  an 
account  of  some  of  the  most  noted  of"  the  praying  Indians. 

Wauhan  we  have  several  tim  s  introduced,  and  will  now  close  our  account 
of  him.  He  is  supposed  to  have  been  originally  of  Concord ;  but,  at  the 
time  Mr.  Eliot  began  his  labors,  he  resided  at  Nonantimi,  since  \ewtf)ji. 
At  >ratik,  or  Natick,  he  was  one  of  the  most  eflicient  otlicers  until  his 
death. 

When  a  kind  of  civil  conmiimity  was  established  at  Natik,  JVnuhan  was 
made  a  ruler  of  fitly,  and  subsequently  a  justice  of  the  peace.  The  follow- 
ing is  said  to  be  u  copy  of  a  warrant  which  he  issued  against  sonu-  of  iho 


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116 


PllAVING  INDIANS.— PIAMBO.-^rUKAPWWILi, IN.         tR«<>K  '». 


iransjfre.ssors.  "  lou,  _j/ou  hi^  constable^  quick,  ymi,  mif.k  um  J(f;»emiah  Offscow 
stroni!  you  hold  um,  safe  i/oa  bring  um^  iifim   nu ,  VN'alm/i,  juntii  e  peace"  * 

A  yoiiiif,'  jiiHticc  !isK(!(l  fVaulinn  wliut  he  would  do  w)i(;ii  Indians  got  drunk 
juid  (|iiarrell«d  ;  lie  rejilied,  "  7V'e  uin  all  up,  ami  whip  um  plaintiff,  and  whip 
nmfendmd,  and  whip  um  iinlne.is." 

We  liav(i  not  lcaru(!d  the  (yreeise  tiriK"  f)f  iVauUavUs  death,  f  but  he  was 
ccitaiMly  alive;  in  the  end  of  the  year  I<l7(i,  and,  we  think,  in  1677.  For  iic 
was  atnoiiir  those  sent  to  Deer  Island,  ;{0  Octolier,  ]*;75,  and  vvas  among  the 
sick  that  returned  in  May,  1(570;  and  it  is  particularly  irieutioned  that  he  was 
one  that  recovered. 

Piambmihoul  wnsi  the  next  man  'o  ffmiban,  tind  tlie  ',oxt  after  him  that 
received  tia;  g,)S|)«'l.  At  the  !-:econd  meeting  at  Nonantiini,  he  brought  a 
great  many  of  his  people.  At  Natik  lie  was  made  ruler  of  ten.  When 
the  ehnrcir  at  Hassanamesit  was  gatiien.'d,  he  was  calliHl  to  i)e  a  ruler  in  it. 
Wlien  tliat  town  was  broken  up  in  /'/u'/iy/s  war,  he  returned  again  to  Natik. 
where  li(!  died.  He  was  one  of  these  also  confined  to  Deer  Island;  lufiice, 
he  lived  until  after  the  war.  The  ruling  elder  of  ilas.sanamesit,  called  by 
some  Pinmbow,  was  the  same  person. 

Johji  Speen  was  another  teacher,  contemporary  with  Piambo,  and,  like  him, 
vvas  a  "grave  and  pious  man."  In  Kilil,  Timothy  Dwiixhl,  of  Dedham,  suetl 
John  Spci'ii  and  his  lirother,  Thomas,  lor  the  reco\(My  of  a  delit  of  sixty 
pounds,  and  Mr.  Eliot  bailed  them.  This  he  prolial)ly  did  with  safety,  as 
Jo/tH  .S/iPCH  and  "his  kiiulred"  owned  nearly  all  tiie  Natik  lands,  when  the 
Christian  commonwealth  was  established  there.  This  valualtle  possession 
he  gave  nj)  freely,  to  he  used  in  common,  in  JG.'jO.  Notwithstanding  "he 
was  among  the  first  that  i)rayed  to  God"  at  Nonaiu'iiu,  and  "was  a  diligent 
reader,"  yet  he  died  a  drunkard;  having  been  somi  lime  before  discarded 
iiom  the  church  at  Natik. 

Pennahannit,  called  Captain  Josiah,  was  "Marshal  General"  over  all  the 
praying  towns.  He  used  to  attend  the  courts  at  Natik;  but  his  residence 
was  at  Nashobah. 

Tukapewillin  was  teacher  at  Hassanamesit,  and  liis  brother,  Jlnaweakin, 
ruler.  He  wis,  accoruing  to  Major  Gookin,  "a  iiieus  and  able  man,  and  apt 
to  teach."  He  suffered  exceedingly  in  Philiji'.i  war;  himself  and  his 
congregation  together  with  thosi-  of  the  two  praying  towns,  "  Magunkog 
and  Chohont  konlionom,"  having  been  enticed  aNVuy  Ity  Philip''s  followers. 
His  father,  .\'<yoas,  v-a^  deacon  of  his  chiu'ch,  and  among  the  nmnber. 
They,  however,  tn^'.-;  .  make  their  escajte  to  the  English  soon  afler,  agree- 
ably to  a  plan  coneerten  with  Job  Katleiuinil,  when  he  was  among  Pliilip^s 
I>eople  ;v^  a  spy;  f,  '  ,  .  '  it  hajtpened,  in  the  attempt,  they  fell  in  with  an 
English  scout,  under  Cajitain  Gibbs,  who  treated  them  as  prisoners,  and  with 
not  a  little  barbarity;  robl)ing  them  of  every  thing  they  had,  even  tli(i  nfinis- 
ler  of  a  pewter  cup  which  he  used  at  sacraments.  At  Marlborough,  though 
under  the  protection  of  ofiicers,  they  were  so  insulted  and  abused,  "espe- 
cially by  women,"  that  Tukapeivillin^s  wife,  from  fear  of  being  murdered, 
escaped  into  the  woods,  ieaving  a  sucki'ig  child  to  be  taken  curt;  of  by  its 
father.  With  her  went  also  her  son,  12  years  old,  and  two  others.  The 
others,  JVaoas  and  Tukapexoillin,  with  six  or  "even  children,  were,  soon 
alter,  sent  to  Deer  Island.     Mtoits  was,  at  this  time,  about  80  years  old. 

Oonamog  was  rider  at  Marlborough,  and  a  sa(;hem,  who  died  in  the 
sunnner  of  1(574.  His  de.-vth  "was  a  great  blow  to  the  ])lace.  He  was  a 
]»ious  and  discreet  man,  and  tiie  very  soul,  as  it  were,  of  the  place."  The 
troubles  of  the  war  ffdl  very  heaxily  upon  his  fiunily.  A  barn  containing 
corn  and  hay  wa,,  burnt  at  Chelmsford,  liy  .some  of  the  war  party,  as  it 
proved  afterwards;  hut  some  of  the  violent  lOnglish  of  that  j)lace  determined 
to  make  the  Wamesits  suffer  for   it.    Accordingly,  about   14   men  armed 

'  Allen's  Hiog.  Diet.  art.  Waban. 

t  Dr.  Unmcr,  Hist.  Newloii,  says  iiR  rlipd  in  lf)7'l',  liiit  f^ivcs  no  iiiitiiority.     Wo  liavc  cited 


se 


veral  aiilliorilics,  showhif;  tlmt  lie  was  alive  a  year  later,  (see  I),  iii.  p|».  10  and  79.) 
X  Piam  Boolian,  Ovokin's  Hist.  Coll.  IH.—Piambow,  [m  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 


Chap.  VII.] 


PRAYING  INDIANS.- WANNALANCET. 


117 


was  a 
'     The 


tliemselvo;  and,  under  a  prt'teiico  of  Hroiitiiip,  went  t(»  tlio  W'l^wams  of  tlie 
VV^aniesil.s,  (uid  onlcnul  them  to  come  out.  Tliev  obeyed  \vit!i(iiit  licHitation, 
being  chiefly  helpless  women  and  ehildren,  and  not  eoneeivinff  any  liarni 
could  lie  intended  them;  hut  they  were  no  sooner  out  than  tired  upon,  when 
five  were  wounded  and  one  kilieil.  Whi'ther  the  eouriigi  ot'  tli(!  brav"  i''.ug- 
li.sii  now  failed  them,  or  whethe-r  they  were  satisfied  with  what  Itlood  Wiis 
iilrcady  shed,  is  not  clear;  hut  they  did  no  more  at  this  time.  The  one  t-laiti 
was  a  little;  son  oi  Tahalooner ;  and  Oonnin()u;'s  widow  wa.s  s»!verely  wounded, 
whose  name  wa.s  Sarah,  "a  woman  of  I'ood  report  lor  religion."  fcjhe  was 
daughter  of  Sngnniure-John,  who  lived  and  died  at  the  same  place,  belore  the 
war,  "a  great  friend  to  the  English."  Sarah  had  had  two  husl)ands:  the  tirst 
was  OoTiamog-,  the  si'coii.l  Tah/itooncr,  who  was  sou  iti'  Tahallawan,  sachem  of 
Muski'ta(piid.     This  afliur  took  ])la(re  on  the  ]5  Nf.vemher,  1(57"). 

J\''umphotv  was  ruler  of  the  praying  Indians  at  W'amesit,  and  Samuel,  his  son, 
wa-s  teacher,  "a  young  man  of  good  parts,"  s^iys  Mr.  (lookhi,  "and  can  sjn-ak, 
read  and  write  English  and  Indian  com|)etently  ;"  heing  on<!  of  thosi;  taught  at 
the  expense  of  the  corporation.  .Vumphnw  experitMiced  wretched  trials  in  the 
tiiiK!  of  the  war;  he  with  his  jjeoplc  having  lied  away  from  their  homes 
iniiuediately  after  the  horrid  barbarity  of  which  we  have  just  spoken,  fearing 
to  he  tnurdered  if  th"y  should  continui;  there.  However,  after  wandering  a 
while  up  and  down  iu  the  woods,  in  the  dismal  month  of  December,  tliey 
returned  to  Wamesit.  in  a  forlorn  condition,  and  hoi»ed  the  carriage  of  their 
neighbors  would  he  such  that  they  might  contiiuu!  there.  It  did  not  turn  out 
so,  for  in  February  they  again  tpiitted  tiieir  habitations,  and  went  oil'  towards 
Canada.  Six  or  seven  old  pereons  remained  behind,  who  were  hindered  froiri 
going  by  infirmity.  These  poor  blind  and  lame  Indians  were  all  burnt  to 
death  in  their  wigwams.  This  act,  had  it  occurred  by  accident,  would  have 
called  forth  the  dee|)est  pity  from  the  brejusi  of  every  human  creature  to  whose 
knowledge  it  should  come,  iiut  horror,  anguish  and  indignation  take  the 
place  of  pity,  at  being  told  that  the  flames  which  consumed  them  were  lighted 
by  the  savage  hands  of  white  men  ! !  It  was  so — and  whites  are  only  left  to 
remember  in  soitow  this  act  of  those  of  their  own  color !     liut  to  return — 

jJuring  the  wanderings  of  J^umphoiv  and  his  friends,  famine  and  sickness 
destroyed  many  of  them.  Himself  and  Mistic  George,  or  George  Miaitc  a 
((!acher,  were  uurnLiied  Willi  the  dead.  The  others,  having  joined  Wanmtl  a- 
cet  to  avoid  falling  in  with  war  parties  on  both  sides,  at  the  close  of  the  '.,•  .-, 
surrendered  themselves  to  the  English,  at  Dover,  in  August,  1G7G.  Nf"*,' 
troubles  now  came  upon  them.  Some  Ei-glish  captives  testified  that  son  -i 
them  had  been  in  arms  against  them,  and  such  were  either  sold  into  slav  ry, 
or  executed  at  Boston.  Several  share<l  the  latter  fate.  JVumphow''s  son  Samiul 
barely  escaped,  and  another  son,  named  Jonathan  George,  was  pardoned ;  mso 
Symon  Bctokam. 

JVumphow  was  in  some  public  business  as  early  as  lt)o().  On  8  June  th:it 
year,  he,  John  Line  and  George  Mistic,  were,  upon  tlic  part  of  the  "Indiun 
court,"  (Muployed  to  run  the  line  from  Chelmsford  to  Wamesit.*  And  23 
years  after  he  accompanied  Captain  Jonathan  Danforth  of  Uillerica  in  renew- 
ing the  bounds  of  Bre.nton^s  Farm,  now  Litchfield,  N.  H.  f 

If'annalancet,  whose  history  will  be  found  spoken  upon  at  large  in  our  next 
hook,  countenanced  religion,  and  it  was  at  his  wigwam  that  Mr.  Eliot  and  Mr. 
Gookin  held  a  meeting  on  the  5  May,  1G74.  His  house  was  near  Pawtuck*  t 
Falls,  on  the  Merrimack.  "He  is,"  said  Major  Gookin,  "a  sober  and  gtiva 
person,  and  of  yeai-s,  between  50  and  (iO." 

John  Ahalaxoance  was  ruler  of  Nashobah,  a  pious  uian,  who  died  previous  to 
lti74.  After  liis  deceasi,*,  Pennahannit  was  chief.  John  Thomas  was  their 
teacher.  "  His  father  was  nuu'dt!red  by  the  Maqujis  in  a  secret  manner,  as  he 
was  fishing  for  eels  at  hi;-:  wear,  some  years  since,  during  the  war"  with  them. 

Wailasacompanum,  called  also  Captain  Tom,  is  thus  8[)oken  of  by  Mr.  Gookin^ 
who  was  with  him  at  I'akach'-og,  17  September,  ]»i74.  "  My  chief  assistant 
was  JVattasacompanum,  ruler  (  the  Ni|)nuik  Indians,  n  grave  and  pious  man, 
of  the  chief  sachem's  blood  ot    'le  Nipniuk  country,     lie  resides  at  Hassana- 


Ht 


.lU-.'t- 


jj;  ,'v» 


I^J 


■X 


AUen's  Hist.  Chelmsford. 


t  MS.  loiter  of  Jvhn  Farmer,  Esq. 


mr  ■■■■■' . 

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V-r^-V^^-    : 


118 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— HIACOOMES. 


[Book  II. 


\npsit ;  but  by  former  appointment,  calleth  here,  together  with  some  others." 
Captain  Tom  was  among  Tuknpemllin^s  company,  that  went  off  with  tlie 
enemy,  a.s  in  speaking  of  him  we  have  made  mention.  In  that  company  there 
were  about  200,  men,  women  and  children.  The  enemy,  lieing  about  300 
strong,  obhged  tiie  praying  Indians  to  go  off  with,  or  be  i<ilied  by  them.  There 
were,  however,  many  wlio  doul)tiess  preferred  their  company  to  that  of  their 
friends  on  Deer  Island.  This  was  about  the  beginning  of  Decend)er,  ]()75. 
Ca[)tain  Tom  afterwards  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Engli :?h,  and,  being  tried 
ami  condemned  as  a  rebel,  was,  on  20  June,  1676,  executed  at  Hoston  ;  much 
to  the  grief  of  such  excellent  men  as  Gookin  and  Eliot. 

Altiiougli  something  had  been  done  towards  Christianizing  the  Indians  in 
PliiMduth  colony,  about  a  year  before  iMr.  EHofs  first  visit  to  Nonantum,  yet 
for  .some  years  afhn-,  31assachusetts  was  considerably  in  advance  in  this  respect. 
Some  of  the  principal  congregations  or  praying  towns  follow  : — 

At  iMeesiiawn,  since  Provincetown  or  Truro,  and  Punonakanit,  since  Bil- 
lingsgate, were  72  |)ersons  ;  at  Potanumaquut,  or  Nauset,  in  Ea.stham,  44  ;  at 
MoMiUMoyik,  since  Chatham,  71;  at  Sawkattukett,  in  Harwich;  Nobsqassit,  in 
YariMoiitli ;  at  J\latak(!(!s,  in  Barnstable  and  Yarmouth  ;  and  Weeijuakut,  in 
Barnstabli!,  12^2;  at  Hatuit,  Pawjmesit,  Coatuit,  in  Barnstable,  Mash  pee,  VVako- 
quet,  near  Masiipee,  !>.') ;  at  Codtarnruit,  in  Mashpee,  Ashimuit,  on  the  west 
line  of  Mashpee,  Wees(pi()bs,  in  Sandwich,  22 ;  Pispogutt,  Wawayoutat,  in 
Waifiham,  Sokones,  in  Falmouth,  36.  In  all  these  places  were  4(52  souls ;  142 
of  whom  could  read,  and  72  write  Indian,  and  9  could  read  J^nglish.  This 
account  was  furnished  Major  Gookin  in  1674,  by  the  Rev.  Richard  Bourne  of 
Sandwich.  Pliilip^s  war  broke  uj)  many  of  the^e  communities,  but  the  work 
continued  long  alter  it  dwindled  to  almost  nothing  in  Massachusetts.  In  1685 
till  -e  were  143'J  considered  as  Christian  Indians  in  i^limouth  colony. 

Mr.  Thomas  Mayhew  Jr.  settled  in  Martha's  Vineyard,  called  by  the  Indians 
JVope,  in  1642.  lie  was  accompanied  by  a  few  English  families,  who  made 
him  their  minister;  but  not  being  satisfied  with  so  limited  usefulness,  he  learn- 
ed tin;  Indian  langiia  ;■ ,  and  began  to  preach  to  them.     His  first  convert  was 

Iliacoomes,  in  1(543,  a  man  of  small  repute  among  his  own  people,  whose 
residence  was  at  Great  Harbor,  near  wherr,  ihe  English  first  settled.  He  was 
regula'-'.y  ordained  22  August,  1(570,  but  he  began  to  preach  in  1646.  John 
Tok  nosh  was  at  the  same  time  ordained  teacher.  His  residence  was  at  Nuni- 
pa.ng,  on  th(;  east  eri<l  of  th(!  island.  He  died  22  January,  1(584,  and  Hiacoomes 
pi-eaclied  his  funeral  sermon.  For  some  years  before  his  dealii  Hiacoomes  was 
ijnable  to  preach.  He  was  supposed  to  have  been  about  80  years  old  at  the 
time  of  his  death,  which  happened  about  1690. 

Pahkthpimnassoo.  saciiem  of  Cliappequiddik,  was  a  great  opposer  of  the 
gospel,  and  at  one  ixnw  beat  Hiacoomes  for  jirofessing  a  belief  of  it.  Not  long 
after,  as  himself  and  another  were  at  work  upon  a  chinmey  of  their  cabin,  they 
were  both  knocked  down  by  lightning,  and  the  latter  killed.  Pahkehpunnassoo 
fell  partly  in  the  fire,  and  but  for  his  friends  would  have  i)erished.  Whether 
this  escape  awakened  him,  is  not  mentioned;  but  he  soon  after  became  a 
Christian,  and  Mr.  Mayhew  aptly  observes  that  "at  last  he  was  a  brand  plucked 
Old  of  the  fire." 

J\1ioh(j3oo,  or  Myoxeo,  was  another  noted  Indian  of  Nope.  He  was  a  convert 
of  Hiacoomes,  whom  he  had  sent  for  to  inquire  of  him  about  his  God.  He 
asked  Hiacoomes  how  many  gods  he  had,  and  on  being  told  but  ONE,  imme- 
diately re<'koned  iq)  37  of  his,  and  desired  to  know  whether  he  should  throw 
them  all  away  for  one.  On  being  told  by  Hiacoomes  that  he  had  thrown  away  all 
thoy(>  and  many  more,  and  was  better  off  by  so  doing,  Miohqsoo  said,  he  would 
forthwith  throw  away  his,  which  he  did,  and  becatne  one  of  the  most  eminent 
of  the  Indian  converts.  One  of  his  children,  a  son,  sfiiled  for  England  in 
1(557,  with  Mr.  Thomas  Mayhew  Jr.,  in  a  ship  commanded  by  Captain  James 
Garrrtt,  and  was  never  heard  of  after.  The  time  of  the  death  of  Miohqsoo  is 
unknown,  but  he  lived  to  a  great  age. 

Among  the  Mohegans  and  Narragansets  nothing  of  any  account  was  effect- 
ed, in  the  Wi>y  of  Christianizing  them,  for  a  long  time.  The  chief  sachems  of 
those  nations  were  determined  and  fixed  agu'  ■•t  it,  and  though  it  was  from 
time  to  time  urged  upon  them,  yet  very  little  v      ever  done. 


yet 


OIAP.  VIl] 


PRAYING  INDIANS.— OCCUM 


no 


Sampson  Occum,  or,  as  his  name  is  spelt  in  a  sermon  *  of  liis,  Occom,  wns  a 
Moliegan,  of  tlie  family  of  Benoni  Occum,  who  resided  near  New  Lcindon,  in 
(^'onnecticut.  He  was  the  first  of  that  tribe  who  was  conspicnoiis  in  reliwioii, 
if  not  the  oidy  one.  He  was  l)om  in  172.M,  and  becoming  attached  to  the  Rev. 
Elecaar  Whedock^  the  minister  of  Lebanon  in  Coiniecticut,  in  1741  he  became 
a  Christian.f  Possessing  talents  and  great  piety,  Mr.  ^Vheelock  entertained 
sanguine  hopes  that  he  would  be  able  to  effect  much  among  his  countrym"ii 
as  a  {)reMcher  of  the  gos|)ei.  He  went  to  England  in  ]7().5  to  procure  aid  for 
the  keeping  up  of  a  s(diool  for  the  instruction  of  Indian  children,  whicli  wiis 
begun  by  Mr.  Wheelock,  and  furthered  by  a  Mr.  Moore,  by  a  donation  of  a 
iiiiool  house  and  Ituid,  al)out  17G3.  Wiiile  in  England  he  was  introduc^'d  Ui 
Lord  Dartmouth,  ut\d  other  eminent  [tersons.  He  preached  there  to  crowds 
of  peo|)le,  and  returned  to  America  in  September,  17t)8,  having  lan<led  (it 
Hoston  on  his  return.  J  It  is  said  he  was  the  first  Indian  that  pn-ached 
in  England.  He  was  ordaintid,  in  17.')!>,  a  [)reacher  to  tiie  Montaiiks  on  L. 
Island.  About  this  time  he  visited  the  Cherokees.  He  finally  settled  among 
the  Oneida  Indians,  with  many  of  his  Mohegan  brethren,  about  17()8  ;  thi  y 
having  l)een  invited  by  the  Oneidas.  He  died  in  .Tuly,  17!.)2,  at  N.  Stork- 
hriflge,  N.  York,  ageil  69. 

Tituba  is  noticed  in  the  aimals  of  New  England,  from  her  participation  in 
the  witch  tragedies  acted  here  in  1()91.  In  a  valuable  work  giving  a  history  of 
tliat  horrible  delusion,  §  mention  is  thus  made  of  her.  "  It  Wiis  the  latter  end  of 
February,  1G91,  when  divers  young  persons  belonging  to  [Rev.]  Mr.  Parris'  || 
family,  and  one  more  of  the  neighborhood,  began  to  act  afler  a  strange  and 
nnusnal  manner,  viz.,  as  by  getting  into  holes,  and  creeping  under  chairs  and 
stools,  and  to  use  other  sundry  ochl  postures,  and  antic  gestures,  utterinir  fool- 
ish, ridiculous  speeches,  whicli  neither  they  themselves  nor  any  others  could 
make  sense  of."  "  March  the  11th,  Mr.  Parris  invited  several  neighboring 
ministers  to  join  with  him  in  keeping  a  solenni  day  of  prayer  at  liis  own 
house  ;  the  time  of  the  exercise  those  persons  were,  for  the  most  part,  silent, 
(mi  afler  any  one  prayer  was  ended,  they  woidd  act  and  s))eak  strangely,  ;inu 
ridiculously,  yet  were  such  as  had  been  well  educated  and  of  good  behavior, 
the  one  a  girl  of  1 1  or  12  y(>ars  old,  would  sometimes  seem  to  be  in  a  convul- 
sion fit,  her  limbs  being  twisted  several  ways,  and  very  stiff,  but  presently  her 
tit  would  be  over.  A  few  days  before  this  solemn  day  of  prayer,  Mr.  Parris' 
Indi.in  man  and  woman,  made  a  cake  of  rye  numl,  with  the  ehildn-n's  water, 
itnd  l)ak(!d  it  in  the  ashes,  and,  as  it  is  said,  gave  to  the  dog  ;  this  was  done  as 
ii  means  to  discover  witchcrafh  Soon  after  which  those  ill-afl'ected  or  afflicted 
persons  named  several  that  tney  said  they  saw,  wrrcn  in  their  fits,  afllicting  fif 
tlietn.  The  first  complained  of,  w;\s  the  said  Indiii!!  wnnian,  natneil  Titiibd. 
She  confessed  that  the  devil  in*ged  her  to  sign  a  book,  wiiich  he  presented  to 
her,  and  also  to  work  mischit^f  to  th<'  children,  &c.  She  was  afterwards  com- 
mitted to  |)rison,  and  lay  there  till  sold  for  her  fi'es.  The  accoiuit  she  since 
gives  ot  it  is,  that  her  master  did  i)eat  her,  juid  otherwise  abuse  her,  to  make 
her  i-onfess  and  accuse  (sucli  as  he  called)  her  sister  witches  ;  and  that  what- 
soever she  said  by  way  of  confessing  or  accusing  others,  was  the  effect  of 
sii(;h  usage ;  her  master  refused  to  pay  her  fees,  uidess  she  woidd  stand  to 
what  she  liad  said." 

We  are  able  to  add  to  our  information  of  Tituha  f  >  ii  another  old  and 
curious  work,1f  as  follows: — That  when  she  was  examined  she  "confessed 
the  making  a  cake,  as  is  above  mentioned,  and  said  her  mistress  in  her  own 
I'ountry  was  a  witch,  and  had  taught  her  some  means  to  be  used  for  the 
discovery  of  a  witch  and  for  the  prevention  of  being  bewitched,  &c.,  but  said 
"that  she  herself  was  not  a  witch."  TIk;  (diildren  who  accused  her  said  "that 
she  did  pinch,  prick,  and  grievously  torment  them ;  and  that  they  saw  her  here 


*'    "  ■■■■'¥.  '■:'■  "■  ••>' 

.  '  i..i,>  »•  .»'-.-,;  ,•  41.., 

'  .  i'-il,i^f">.[\ 


•  V^•'■*tK^' 

•  ■"  V' 


t' . 


,  .■'•tj 


■f1(!Ct- 
1118  of 

froni 


*  At  the  excoulioii  of  Moses  Pauf,  for  murder,  at  New  Haven,  2  September,  1772.  To  liis 
letter  to  Mr.  Keen,  his  name  is  Occum. 

+  Life  Dr.  Wheelock.  Ifi.  X  His  liCttor  to  Mr.  Keen,  in  Life  Wlieelock,  175. 

4  Wonders  of  the  hivisihle  World,  by  R-  Calef,  90,  91,  4lo.  London,  1700. 

II  "  i^amucl  Paris,  pastor  of  the  church  in  .Salem- villaije."  Modest  Enquiry  into  the  Nafurt 
nf  Witrhcnift.  by  John  Halo,  pastor  of  the  church  in  Beverly,  p.  23,  IGmo.  Boston,  1702. 

IT  Modest  Enquiry,  &c.  25. 


■  l,Jl-r-:  Vi/j'.I.^- 
.S'''':.'.''  *■  ■■■'•'• 


1 


-  ■•■  V  •%,  .  .     • 


i-  r 


li!0 


TITUBA.— WITCHCRAFT. 


[Book  ]I 


find  thoro,  wliere  nobody  else  could.  Yea,  they  co>dd  tell  where  she  was,  and 
what  she  did,  when  out  of  their  human  sight."  Whether  the  author  was  a 
witness  to  this  he  does  not  say ;  but  probably  he  was  not  Co  through  the 
wliole  of  our  early  writers,  and  you  will  scarce  find  one  who  witnessed  such 
matters :  (Dr.  Cotton  Mather  is  nearest  to  an  exception.)  But  they  generally 
preface  such  marvellous  accounts  by  observing,  "I  am  slow  to  Itelieve  rumors 
of  this  nature,  nevertheless,  some  thmgs  I  have  had  certain  information  of."  * 

The  Rev.  Mr.  Felt  t  gives  the  following  extract  from  the  *'  Quarterly  Court 
Papers."  "March  1st.  Sarcth  nsbom,  Sarah  and  Dorothy  Good,  Titiiha^  servant 
of  Mr.  Parris,  Martha  Cory,  Reucrxa  Mirse,  Sarah  Cloyce,  John  Proctor  and  his 
wife  Elizabeth,  all  of  Salem  village,  are  committed  to  Boston  jail  on  charge  of 
witchcraft." 

The  other  servant  of  Mr.  Parris  was  the  husband  of  Tituba,  whose  name 
was  John.  It  was  a  cl..irge  against  them  that  they  had  tried  means  to  discover 
witches.  But  there  is  little  probability  that  these  ignorant  and  simple  Indians 
would  ever  have  thought  of  "trying  a  project"  for  the  detection  of  witches, 
had  they  not  learned  it  from  some  more  miserably  superstitious  .^'hite  i)er8ons. 
We  have  the  very  record  to  justify  this  stricture. |  Take  the  words.  "Mary 
Sibly  having  confessed,  that  she  innocently  counselled  John,  the  Indian,  to 
attempt  a  discovery  of  witches,  is  permitted  to  commune  with  Mr.  Parris' 
church.  She  had  been  previously  disciplined  for  such  counsel  and  appeared 
well."  We  are  not  told  who  disciplined  her  for  the  examination.  Was  it  Mr. 
Parris'? 

This  is  tlie  only  instance  I  have  met  with  of  Indians  being  implicated  in 
white  witchcraft. 

»  /.  Mather's  Brief  Hist.  Philip's  War,  34. 

t  In  his  valuable  Annals  of  Salem,  303. 

\  Danvers  Records,  published  by  (he  author  last  cited. 


'•*">  •:.■! 


M  "  •■■'  "<l-'-  *!■' 


END   OF   BOOK   SECOND. 


w 


»>  -,■•».• 

•■■■ii'v,  .1 
■  V\i.\*  ' . 

•..{.' ■V■^^    . 


s.-S 


BIOGRAPHY   AND   HISTORY 


OF   THE 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


■!'^."'' .■<'■<,:•  ■•■'•»»,-, 

''..!,"  ■■<'■■■■'.,■■■       '  ■ 


■■■:«;>• 


"^f^. 


BOOK  III. 


..'If        -^  'nL'    • 


I    '.■ 

•'\ 

.{.-.' 

'*-':: 

.»'■'-.'-  , 

■  v' 

■'» ':  - 

,*'■" 

.i* '  .'• 

I*'.'-'  ■ 

AV. 

'■-4-  ■ 

', ;. 

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'^'^ 

I'.V  tf 

-< 

'*. 

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■:*  ■•. 

",'•••;. 

»■ 

S'.-  f 

'■;*■'• 

•V, 

,^ 

''.(■'. ' 

■ ,   ■ 

,:,■/;> 


■v* 


_  BIOGRAPE 

.^'■ 


:.  ( '■ 


'   ,•■;■( 

r|N*V' 


i;';  K  Life  of  Alixandi 

Wektamoo  his 
—  iVeelamoo' s  I 

SAM  ON — His  CO 

istcr — Settles  m 
die  plots  of  Pfu 
ranilcmned  and 


■f':^  vv»^:j.. 


Alexander  vi 

imtiii;  uppeurs  at 

lastly  Alexander. 

"*T '^'-  ..'  H  W(!  tiiid  hull  noti 

.'.'■:)■  H  Ilis  youngor  brr 

[fit  j^t;  ■  court  of  PHinou 

»*^';.V.  ■  emor  called  the 

..^..     .  .  ^-  two  RIaeedoiiiaii 

~'  ■  "*  "  tered  their  vauiti 

Alexander  app 

,,.,.,.  ^  til"  course  of  tli 

■^-v^  *'.V-*^;-^  I  sachem   of   verj 

''x,'i  H  neighbors. 

Namumpum,  a 
the  wife  of  Men 
willing  to  join  P 
hy  hiui  that  they 
a  {)riiice  as  any  j 
her  command." 
Alexander  liav 
as  has  been  relat 
came  to  Plimoutl 
the  records. 

"  I,  J^amumpi 
[1659,]  before  th( 
title  of  such  land 
appecres  by  dee 
promise  to  remDi 
court  the  said  /F 


BOOK    III. 


''<^^- 


BIOGRAPHY   AND    HISTORY   OF  THE    NEW  ENG- 
LAND INDIANS   CONTINUED. 


CHAPTER  I. 

Life  of  Alexander  alias  Wamsutta — Events  trhich  led  to  the  tear  with  Philip — 
Wkktamoo  his  toife — Earbj  events  in  hir  life — Pf.tananuf.t,  her  second  hushand 
—  H'ectamoo's  latter  career  and  death — JVinigret — Death  of  Alexander — John  Sas- 
SAMON — His  country  and  connections — Becomes  a  christian — Schoolmaster — Min- 
ister— Settles  nt  Assatoomset — Felix  marries  his  dauirhtcr — Sassamon  discuters 
tJie  plots  of  Philip — Is  murdered — Proceedings  against  tlie  murderers — They  art 
londcmned  and  executed. 

Alexander  was  tlie  English  name  of  the  elder  son  of  Massaaott.  His  real 
iiniiic  u|)])enrs  at  first  to  have  been  Mooanam,  and  afterwanln  WamsuUa,  and 
lastly  Alexander.  The  name  of  Mooanam  he  bore  as  early  iis  lG3iJ ;  in  IMl 
W(!  tiiid  him  noticed  under  the  name  Wamsvtla.  About  the  year  Kkkl,  he  and 
his  yoiing(>r  brother,  Metacomety  or  rather  Pometacom,  were  brought  to  the 
court  of  Plimouth,  and  beuig  solicitous  to  receive  English  names,  the  gov- 
ernor called  the  elder  Mexander,  and  the  younger  Philip,  probably  from  the 
two  Maeedoniun  heroes,  which,  on  being  explained  to  them,  might  have  flat- 
tered their  vanities  ;  and  which  was  '.irobably  the  intention  of  the  governor. 

Alexander  appears  pretty  early  to  have  set  up  for  himself,  as  will  be  seen  in 
the  course  of  this  chapter ;  occasioned,  perhaps,  by  his  marrying  a  female 
sacliem  of  very  considerable  authority,  and  in  great  esteem  among  her 
neighbors. 

Namumpcm,  afterwards  called  Weetamoo,  squaw-sachem  of  Pocasset,  was 
the  wife  of  Alexander ;  and  who,  as  says  an  anonymous  writer,*  was  more 
willing  to  join  Philip  when  he  began  war  upon  the  English,  being  persuaded 
by  him  diat  they  had  poisoned  her  husband.  This  author  calls  her  "  as  potent 
a  [)rince  as  any  round  about  her,  and  hath  as  much  com,  land,  and  men,  at 
her  command." 

Alexander  having,  in  1653,  so\J  a  tract  of  the  territory  acquired  by  his  wife, 
a.s  has  been  related  in  the  life  of  Massasoit,  about  six  years  after,  Weetamoo 
came  to  Plimouth,  and  the  following  account  of  her  business  is  contained  in 
the  records. 

"  I,  JVamumpum,  of  Pokeesett,  hauing,  in  open  court,  June  last,  fifty-nine, 
[1659,1  before  the  governour  and  majestrates,  surrendered  up  all  that  right  and 
title  of  such  lands  as  Woosamequin  and  Wamselta  sould  to  the  purchastirs ;  as 
appeeres  by  deeds  giuen  vnder  theire  hands,  as  alsoe  the  said  JVamumpum 
promise  to  remoue  the  Indians  of  from  those  lands ;  and  alsoe  att  the  same 
court  the  said  Wamauita  promised  JVamumpum  the  third  part  of  the  pay,  as  is 

*  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  p.  G. 


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Photographic 

Sciences 
Corporation 


23  WeST  MAIN  STREiT 

WnSTH.N.V.  MSIO 

(716)  •72-4S03 


ALEXANDER.— WEETAMO. 


[Book  III. 


.t»;;i^  ..... . 


I 


'■■•'1  ''JV'ii."  ^ 

■  j»     "v  *     *     *■ 

.'  •♦y » ■  V  ■•■• 

ill:  %•*•., '.-v.- 


••?•■ 


expressed  ic  the  deed  of  which  payment  .Vatnumpum  haue  recoiued  of  John 
Cookt,  this  6  of  Ocu  1659 :  these  purticulara  as  folluweth  :  item  ;  20  yardt  blew 
trading  clothe  2  yarcb  red  cotton,  2  paire  of  ahooet,  2  paire  stockingt,6  broade 
hoes  and  1  axe  ;  And  doo  acknowledge  receiued  by  me,  Namomfum." 
Witnesaed  by  Squabsen,  WahatunchqwUt,  and  two  English. 

Thus  this  land  affair  seems  to  have  been  amicably  settled ;  but  the  same 
year  of  Alexander's  death,  whether  Iwfore  or  after  we  are  not  assured,  JVamum- 
pum  appeared  at  Plimouth,  and  complained  tliat  WamsvUta  had  tiold  some  of 
her  land  without  her  consent  "  The  court  agreed  to  doe  what  they  could 
in  conuenient  time  fur  her  relief.** 

We  apprehend  there  was  some  little  difficulty  between  Alexander  and  his 
wife  al)out  this  time,  especially  if  her  complaint  were  before  his  death,  and 
we  are  rather  of  the  opinion  that  it  was,  for  it  was  June  when  her  complaint 
was  made,  and  we  should  assign  a  little  later  date  for  the  death  of  her  husband ; 
and  therefore  all  difficulty  was  settled  in  his  death. 

On  the  8  April,  1661,  Wamsulla  deeded  the  tract  of  country  since  called 
Rehoboth  to  Thomas  fViUet  "  for  a  valuable  consideration."*  What  that  was 
the  deed  does  not  inform  us ;  but  we  may  venture  to  question  the  fact,  for  if 
the  consideration  had  in  truth  been  valuable,  it  would  have  appeared  in  the 
deed,  and  not  have  been  kept  out  of  sight. 

What  time  JVamumpum  deeded  land  to  John  Sanford  and  John  Archer,  we 
are  not  informed,  but  it  was  probably  about  the  beginning  of  1G62.  It  was  a 
deed  of  gift,  and  appears  to  have  been  only  deeded  to  uiem  to  prevent  her 
husband's  selling  it ;  but  these  men,  it  seems,  attempted  to  hold  the  land  in 
violation  of  their  promise ;  however,  being  a  woman  of  perseverance,  she  so 
managed  the  matter,  that,  in  the  year  1666,  she  found  witnesses  who  deposed 
to  the  true  meaning  of  the  deed,  and  thus  was,  we  presume,  restored  to  her 
rightful  possessions. 

Since  we  have  been  thus  particular  in  acquainting  the  reader  with  the  wife 
of  IVamsxUta,  we  will,  before  proceeding^  with  our  account  of  the  husband, 
say  all  that  we  have  to  say  of  the  interesting  H^eetamoo. 

Soon  after  the  death  or  Alexander,  we  find  ATamumpum,  or  ffeetatnoo,  asso- 
ciated with  another  husband,  named  Petonowowet.  He  was  well  known  to 
the  English,  and  went  by  the  familiar  name  of  Ben.  Now,  unless  Peto-now- 
owet,  or  Pe-tam-a-nMut  has  been  corrupted  into  Peter  Nckwcit,  we  must 
allow  her  to  have  had  a  third  husband  in  1675.  We,  however,  are  well  satis- 
fied that  these  two  names  are,  as  they  appear  to  be,  one  and  the  same  name. 

This  husband  of  Weetamoo  does  not  appear  to  have  been  of  so  much  impor- 
tance as  her  first,  fVatnsvita ;  and  as  he  only  appears  o.  casionallv  in  the 
crowd,  we  are  of  opinion  that  she  took  eood  care  in  taking  a  second  husband, 
and  fixed  upon  >ii;  that  she  was  better  M)le  to  manage  than  she  was  the  de- 
termined namstiii^ 

On  the  8  May,  1673.  Tatamomoek,  PetonowotoeU,  and  JVUliam  alias  ^asoekt, 
sold  to  J^athamd  Patne  of  Rehoboth,  anJ  Hugh  Cole  of  Swansey,  a  lot  of 
land  in  Swansey,  near  Mattapoiset,  and  Showamet  neck,  for  £35  5s.  ffeetatnoo, 
Philip  alias  fVaguaoke,  and  Steven  alias  JVAtcano,  were  the  Indian  witnesses. 

Al)oiit  the  same  time,  one  Piowant  was  intruded  upon  by  some  others 
claiiiiing  his  lands,  or  other  .(rise  molesting  him,  and  the  business  seems  to 
have  undergone  a  legal  scrutiny ;  in  this  funair  both  Weetamoo  and  her  hiis- 
Imnd  appear  upon  our  records.  They  testify  that  the  tract  of  land  bounded 
by  a  small  river  or  brook  called  Mastucksett,  which  compaseeth  said  tract  to 
Assonett  River,  and  so  to  Taunton  River,  [by  trees,  &c.]  hath  for  many  years 
been  :n  the  possession  of  Piowant.  The  place  of  the  bounds  on  Taunton  Kiver 
was  called  Chippascttitt,  wliich  was  a  little  south  of  Mastucksett  Pantatuet, 
Quanomn,  JVeffconoo,  and  Panoxnoin,  testified  the  same. 

It  does  not  appear  that  Peta-nan-M-et  was  at  all  con  »med  in  Philip*s  war 
against  the  English,  but,  on  the  contrary,  forsook  his  vnfe  and  joined  them 
against  her.  Under  such  a  leader  as  Ckurch,  he  must  have  been  employed 
ageiitst  his  eouBtrjmaen  with  great  advantage.    At  the  time  he  came  over  to 

*  See  ibo  Hut.  of  Attleborough,  by  John  Daggett,  Esq.,  p.  6,  where  the  deed  i*  preserved. 


•  Old  I."«di 


Crap.  I.] 


ALEXANI^R.— WEETAMO. 


the  English,  he  no  doubt  expected  his  wife  would  do  the  same,  as  she  gave 
Chunk  to  understand  as  much.  After  the  war  he  was  honored  with  a  com- 
mand over  the  prisoners,  who  were  permitted  to  reside  in  the  country  be- 
tween  Sepecan  and  Dartmouth.  JVumpiw,  or  JVompcwA,  and  haac  were  also 
in  the  same  oflSce. 

After  Mr.  Ckurch  left  Awathonka^  council,  a  few  days  before  the  war  broke 
out,  he  met  with  bot>>  Wtetamoo  and  her  husband  at  Pocasset  He  first  met 
with  the  husband,  'fuananuet,  who  had  just  arrived  in  a  canoe  from  PkUip'a 
head  quarters  at  Mount  Hope.  He  told  Chta-ch  there  would  certainly  be  war, 
for  that  Philip  had  held  a  war  dance  of  e)<*-  and  weeks,  and  hod  entertained 
the  young  men  from  all  parts  of  the  couiitiy.  He  said,  also,  that  Philip  ex- 
pected to  be  sent  for  to  Plimouth,  about  Satsamon^a  death,  knowing  himself 
guilty  of  contriving  that  murder.  Petanamul  further  said,  that  he  saw  Mr. 
Janua  Broum  of  Swansey,  and  Mr.  Samuel  Gorton^  who  was  an  interpreter, 
and  two  other  men  that  brought  a  letter  from  the  governor  of  Plimouth  to 
Philip.  Philip'a  young  warriors,  he  said,  would  have  killed  Mr.  Brown,  but 
PhUip  told  them  uiey  must  not,  for  his  father  had  charged  him  to  show  kind- 
ness to  him ;  but  to  satisfy  them,  told  them,  that  on  the  next  Sunday,  when 
the  English  hod  gone  to  meeting,  they  might  plunder  their  houses,  and  after- 
wards kill  their  cattle. 

Meanwhile  Wedamoo  was  at  her  camp  just  back  from  Pocasset  shore,  on 
the  high  hill  a  little  to  the  north  of  what  is  now  Howland's  ferry,  and  Petana- 
nuet  requested  Mr.  Church  to  go  up  and  see  her.  He  did  so,  and  found  her  in 
rather  a  melancholy  mood,  all  her  men  having  left  her  and  gone  to  Philip'a 
war  dance,  much,  she  sud,  against  her  will. 

Church,  elated  with  his  success  at  Awaahonka'  camp,  and  thinking  both 
"queens"  secured  to  the  English  interest,  hastened  to  Plimouth  to  give  the 
governor  an  account  of  his  discoveries. — This  was  a  day  big  to  Phtlip ;  he 
immediately  took  measures  to  reclaim  ^ettomoo,  and  had  nearly  I'nvwn  otT 
Aioaahonka  with  the  vivid  hopes  of  conquest  and  booty. 

Wedamoo  could  no  longer  remain  neutral ;  the  idea  still  harrowed  upon  her 
mind,  that  the  authorities  of  Plimouth  had  poisoned  her  former  husband,*  and 
was  now  sure  that  they  had  seduced  her  present  one ;  therefore,  from  the 
power  of  such  arguments,  when  urged  by  the  artful  Philip,  there  was  no 
escape  or  resistance.  Hence  his  fortune  became  her  own,  and  she  moved 
with  liim  ftvm  place  to  place  about  her  dominions,  in  the  country  of  Pocasset, 
until  the  30  July,  when  all  the  Wampanoags  escaped  out  of  a  swamp,  and 
retired  uito  the  country  of  the  Nipmuks.  From  this  time  ff'eetamoo'a  opera- 
tions become  so  blended  with  those  of  her  allies,  that  the  life  of  Philip  takes 
up  the  narration. 

When,  by  intestine  divisions,  the  power  of  PhUip  was  destroyed  among  the 
Nipmucks,  fVeetamoo  seems  to  have  been  deserted  l)y  almost  all  her  followers, 
and,  like  Philip,  she  sought  refuge  again  in  her  own  country.  It  was  upon  the 
a  August,  167o,  when  she  arrived  u|)on  the  western  bonk  of  Tehticut  River  in 
Mettupoiset,  where,  as  was  then  supposed,  she  v/as  drowned  by  accident,  in 
attem|)ting  to  cross  the  river  to  Pocasset,  at  the  same  point  she  had  crossed 
the  year  before  in  her  flight  with  Philip. 

ih'.r  coraiMiny  consisted  now  of  no  more  than  26  men,  whereas,  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war,  they  amounted  to  300  ;  and  she  was  considered  by  the 
[English  "  next  unto  PhUip  in  respect  of  the  mischief  that  hath  been  donc^f 
The  English  at  Taunton  were  notified  by  a  deserter  of  her  situation,  who 
offered  to  lead  any  that  would  go,  in  a  way  that  they  might  easily  surprise  her 
and  her  company.  Accordingly,  20  men  volunteered  upon  this  enterprise, 
and  succeeded  in  capturing  all  but  fVeetamoo,  **  who,"  acrx>rding  to  Mr.  Hub- 
ftardt  "  intending  to  make  an  escape  from  the  danger,  attempted  to  get  over  a 
river  or  arm  of  the  sea  near  by,  upon  a  rafl,  or  some  pieces  of  broken  wood ; 
but  whether  tired  and  spent  with  swimming,  or  starved  with  cold  and  hunger, 
she  was  found  stark  naked  in  Metapoiset,  not  far  from  the  water  side,  which 
made  some  think  she  was  first  half  drowned,  and  so  ended  her  wretched  life." 
"  Her  head  being  cut  off  and  set  upon  a  fwle  in  Taunton,  was  knov/n  by  some 


s'wi 


*  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  p.  8. 


U.  Mather. 


t  Narrative,  103  and  109. 


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6 


ALEXANDER. 


[Rook  III 


Indiana  then  pi  isoners  [there,]  which  set  them  into  a  horrible  lami^ntation." 
Mr.  Mather  im])rove8  upon  this  jNissage,  giving  it  in  a  style  more  to  suit  the 
taste  of  the  times :  "  They  made  a  most  horid  and  diabolical  lamentation, 
crying  out  that  it  was  their  queen's  head." 

The  authors  of  Yamotden  thus  represent  Philip  escaping  firom  the  cold 
grasp  of  the  ghostly  form  of  Wetlamoo : — 


"  As  from  the  water's  depth  she  came, 
With  dripping  locks  and  bloated  frame, 
Wild  her  tliscolorud  arms  she  threw 
To  grasp  him  ;  and,  as  swil\  he  flew, 


Ilcr  hollow  scream  be  beard  behind 
Come  mingling  with  the  howling  wind  : 
'  Wh^  fly  from  W'elamoe  ?  she  died 
Bearing  the  war-axe  on  thy  tide.' " 


Although  fVeetamoo  doubtless  escaped  from  Pocasset  with  Philip,  yet  it 
appears  tnat  instead  of  flying  to  thr  Nipmuks  she  soon  >vent  down  into  the 
Niantic  country,  and  the  English  immediately  had  news  of  it,  which  occa- 
sioned their  sending  for  JVinigret  to  answer  for  harboring  their  enemy,  us  in 
his  life  has  been  related. 

In  this  connection  it  should  be  noted,  that  the  time  had  expired,  in  which 
.Viniffrtt  by  his  deputies  ugreetl  to  deliver  up  Weetamoo,  some  time  previous  to 
the  great  fight  in  Narraganset,  and  hence  this  was  sei<.ed  upon,  as  one  pretext 
for  uivading  the  Narragansets.  And  moreover,  it  was  said,  that  if  she  were 
taken  by  that  formidable  army  of  a  1000  men,  "  her  lands  would  more  than 
pay  all  the  charge  "  the  English  had  iK'en  at  in  the  whole  war.* 

fVeetamoo,  it  is  presumed,  left  J\/inigret  and  joined  the  hostile  Narragansets 
and  the  Wampanoags  in  their  strong  fort,  some  time  previous  to  the  Lnglish 
expedition  against  it,  in  December.  And  it  was  about  this  time  that  she 
connected  herself  with  the  Narragans«'t  chief  Quinnapin,  as  will  be  found 
related  in  his  life.  She  is  mentioned  by  some  %vriters  as  Philip^a  kinswoman, 
which  seems  to  have  l)een  the  case  in  a  two-fold  manner;  first  from  her 
being  sister  to  his  wife,  and  secondly  from  her  marrying  Alexander,  his  brother. 
To  return  to  fVamsiitta. 

A  lasting  and  permanent  interest  will  always  be  felt,  and  peculiar  feelings 
associated  with  the  name  of  tiiis  chief.  Not  on  account  of  a  career  of  battles, 
devastations  or  murders,  for  there  were  few  of  thesc,t  but  there  is  left  for  tis 
to  relate  the  melancholy  account  of  his  death.  Mr.  HubbariTa  account  of  this 
event  is  in  the  hands  of  almost  every  reader,  and  cited  by  every  writer  upon 
our  early  histoi")',  and  hence  is  too  extensively  known  to  be  repeated  here. 
Dr.  /.  Mather  agrees  very  nearly  in  his  accotmt  with  Mr.  Hubbard,  but  being 
more  minute,  and  mrely  to  be  met  with,  we  give  it  entire : — 

"In  A.  D.  I(]<i2,  Plimouth  colony  was  in  some  danger  of  being  involved  in 
trotible  by  the  Waini)anoag  Indians.  After  MasaascU  was  dead,  his  two  sons, 
called  Wamsutta  and  Metacomet,  came  to  the  court  at  Plimouth,  pretending 
high  respect  for  the  English,  and,  therefore,  desired  English  names  might  he 
imposed  on  them,  whereujwn  the  court  there  named  iyamsutta,  the  elder 
brother,  Alexander,  and  Metacomet,  the  younger  brotlier,  PAtfio.  1!\\\a  Jiltxan- 
der,  Philip's  immediate  predecessor,  was  not  so  faithful  and  friendly  to  the 
English  as  his  father  had  l>cen.  For  some  of  Boston,  Living  been  occasionally 
at  Narraganset,  wrote  to  Mr.  Prince,  who  was  then  governor  of  Plimouth,  that 
Alexander  was  contriving  mischief  against  the  English,  and  that  he  had  solicit- 
ed the  Narragansets  to  engage  with  him  in  his  design<id  rebellion.  Ilerenpoii, 
Capt.  JVillet,  who  lived  near  to  Mount  Hope,  the  j  ,aee  where  Alexamkr  <li(l 
reside,  was  appointed  to  speak  with  him,  and  to  desire  him  to  attend  the  next 
court  in  Plimouth,  for  their  sa'isfaction,  and  his  own  vindicatioii.  He 
seemed  to  take  the  message  in  good  part,  professing  that  the  Norragnnsrts, 
whom,  he  said,  were  his  enem'.js,  had  put  an  abuse  upon  him,  and  he  readily 
promised  to  attend  at  the  next  court.  But  when  the  day  for  his  appearance 
was  come,  instead  of  that,  he  at  that  very  time  went  over  to  the  Narragansets, 
his  pretended  enemies,  which,  compared  with  other  circumstances,  caused 
the  gentlemen  at  Plimouth  to  suspect  there  was  more  of  truth  in  the  infor- 

•  Old  Indian  Chronidc,  p.  31,  32. 

f  In  IfiGI,  he  was  foropd  into  a  war  with  Ilnras,  the  account  of  which,  properly  belonging 
to  the  life  of  that  chief,  will  be  found  there  related. 


Chap  I.] 


ALEXANDER. 


mation  given,  than  at  first  they  were  aware  of.  Wherefore  the  govenior  an»l 
inagistrutch  there  onlercd  Major  /f't/u/oto,  (who  is  since,  and  at  tliia  dav  [1(>77] 
governor  of  that  colony,^  to  take  a  party  of  men,  and  fetch  down  Jliexaiuler. 
The  major  considering  tiiat  asmpernocuU  deferre  paratis,  he  took  hut  lU  armed 
men  with  iiim  from  Aiarshfield,  intending  to  have  taken  more  at  the  towns 
that  lay  nearer  Mount  Hope.  But  Divine  Providence  ho  ordered,  as  titat  when 
tliey  were  ahout  tlie  midway  hetween  PHmoutli  and  Bridgewnter,*  olMerving 
an  hunting  house,  tht<y  rode  up  to  it,  and  there  did  they  find  JlUxaiuIer  and 
many  of  his  menf  well  armed,  but  their  guns  standing  together  witiiuiit  th*> 
house.  The  major,  with  his  small  party,  possessed  themselves  of  the  Indians' 
arms,  and  Iteset  the  house ;  then  did  he  go  in  amongst  them,  acquainting  iht; 
sachem  with  the  reason  of  his  coming  in  such  a  way :  desiring  Alexander 
with  his  interpreter  to  walk  out  with  him,  who  <lid  so  a  little  distance  from  the 
house,  and  then  understiKMl  what  commission  the  major  had  received  con- 
cerning hun.  The  proud  sachem  fell  into  a  raging  passion  at  this  surprise, 
saying  the  governor  had  no  reason  to  cre.lit  rumors,  or  to  send  tor  liim  in 
such  a  way,  nor  would  he  go  to  Plimouth,  but  when  he  saw  cause.  It  wais 
replied  to  hun,  that  his  breach  of  word  tou'.;>s-ng  ap|)canuice  at  Plimouth 
court,  and,  uistead  thereof,  going  at  the  same  time  to  his  pretended  enemies, 
augmented  jealousies  concerning  him.  In  fine,  tlie  major  told  him,  that  his 
order  was  to  bring  him  to  PUmuuth,  and  that,  by  the  help  of  God,  he  would 
do  it,  or  else  lie  would  die  on  the  place  ;  also  declaring  to  hun  that  if  he  would 
submit,  he  might  expect  respective  usage,  but  if  he  once  more  denied  to  go, 
he  should  never  stir  from  the  ground  whereon  he  stood  ;  and  with  a  pistol  at 
the  sachem's  breast,  required  that  his  next  words  should  \m  a  |K>sitive  and 
clear  answer  to  what  was  denianil«Ml.  Hereupon  his  interpn;ter,  a  discrei  t 
Indian,  brother  to  John  Saiisaman,l  being  sensible  of  Jllexander'a  (msiiionate 
«li  ,)osition,  entreated  that  he  might  speak  a  few  words  to  the  sachem  before 
he  gave  his  answer.  The  prudent  discourse  of  this  Indian  |)revailed  so  far  as 
that  Alexander  yielded  to  go,  only  requesting  that  he  miglit  go  like  a  sachem, 
with  his  men  attending  him,  which,  altliough  there  was  some  hazard  ui  it, 
they  being  many,  and  tlie  English  but  a  few,  was  granted  to  him.  The 
weather  lieuig  hot,  the  major  ofi'ered  him  an  horse  to  ride  on,  but  his  sijuaw 
and  divers  Indian  women  lieing  in  company,  he  refused,  saying  he  could  go  on 
foot  as  well  as  they,  entreating  only  that  there  might  be  a  complying  with 
their  pace,  which  was  done.  And  iv  ^  several  tunes  by  the  way,  Alexan- 
der and  his  Indians  wore  refreshed  by  tlie  English.  No  other  discourse  hap- 
pening while  they  werv.  upon  their  march,  but  what  was  pleasant  and  amicalile. 
The  major  sent  a  man  before,  to  entreat  that  as  many  of  the  magistrates  of 
that  colony  as  could  would  meet  at  Duxbury.  Wherefore  having  thi^re  had 
some  treaty  with  Alexander,  not  willing  to  commit  him  to  prison,  timy  i-n- 
treated  Major  irimlow  to  i>.'cuivehim  to  his  house,  until  the  governor,  who 
then  lived  at  Eastham,  couhl  con.e  up.  Accordingly,  he  and  his  train  wen.- 
couiteously  entertained  by  the  major.  And  albeit,  not  so  much  as  an  angry 
word  |Kissed  between  them  whilst  at  Miu'shfield  ;  yet  proud  JUexatukr,  vexing 
uiul  fretting  in  his  spirit,  tiiat  such  a  heck  was  given  him,  he  suddenly  fell 
sick  of  a  fever.  He  was  then  nursed  as  a  choice  friend.  Mr.  Fidler,  the 
piiysician,  coming  providentially  thither  at  that  time,  the  sachem  and  his  men 
earnestly  desired  that  he  would  administer  to  hhn,  which  he  was  unwilling  to 
do,  but  by  their  importunity  was  prevailed  with  to  do  the  best  lie  could  to 
help  him,  and  therefore  gave  him  a  portion  of  working  physic,  which  thi^ 
Itidians  thought  did  him  gooil.  But  his  distemper  atk>r\vards  prevailing,  they 
entreated^  to  dismiss  huu,  in  order  to  a  return  home,  which  upon  engagement 


*  Within  six  miles  of  the  English  (owns.  Hubbard,  10,  (Edition,  1677.)  Massasoit.  iiikI 
likewise  J'hiiip,  used  to  have  temporary  residcnres  in  eligible  places  for  fishing,  at  vnrious 
sil'.'s  between  the  two  bays,  Narraganset  and  Massarhiisctts,  as  at  Kaynliam,  Nainasket,  Titi- 
fut,  [in  iVliddleborough,]  and  Munponset  Pond  in  Halifax.  At  which  of  these  places  he  was, 
we  ruiinut,  with  certainty,  decide  :  thai  at  Ualifdx  would,  perhaps,  agree  best  with  Mr.  Hub- 
bard's arrount. 

t  Eighty,  says  Hubbard,  6. 

i  He  had  a  brother  by  lite  name  of  Roland. 

^  "  Eutreating  those  that  held  him  prisoner,  that  he  might  have  liberty  to  return  bomoi, 


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ALEXANDER. 


[Book  IIL 


of  a|)|M-unuM*o  at  tho  next  court  was  grunted  to  Iiim.  Soon  after  his  being 
n-tiirii(>(i  lioim-  lio  iiied."  * 

'Vl\H»  t'iu\»  Dr.  Malher'a  "  relation  "  of  the  short  reign  of  Alexander.  And 
iilthoiigh  a  doeiirnent  lotely  publislied  by  Judge  Davis  of  Boston  sets  the  con- 
<hict  of  the  English  in  a  very  favoral)le  light,  yet  it  is  very  difficult  to  con- 
i;eive  how  Mather  and  Hubbard  could  have  been  altogiither  deceived  in  theu- 
infomiation.  We  mean  in  rcsi)ect  to  the  treatment  Mexandtr  received  nt  tht; 
hands  of  his  captors.  They  (rath  wrote  at  the  same  time,  and  at  different 
j)la(-(!8,  and  neither  knew  what  the  other  had  written.  Of  this  we  are  confi- 
«'ent,  if,  us  we  are  assured,  there  was,  at  this  time,  ratlier  a  misunderstanding 
iHitween  these  two  reverend  authors. 

This  ad'air  cau8«id  much  excitement,  and,  judging  from  the  writers  of  tliat 
time,  particularly  Hubbard,  some  recrimitiation  u|>on  the  conduct  of  tiie  gov- 
ernment of  Plimouth,  by  some  of  the  English,  who  were  more  in  the  habit  of 
using  or  recommending  mild  mcasunts  towards  In«linns  than  the  Plinwuth 
peo|)ic  appear  to  have  been,  seems  to  have  been  indulged  in.  After  thus 
'premising,  we  will  offer  the  document,  which  is  a  letter  written  by  the  Rev, 
John  Cotton,  of  Plimouth,  to  Dr.  /.  Mather,  and  now  printed  by  Judge  Davis, 
in  his  edition  of  Morton's  Memorial.  There  is  no  date  to  it,  at  least  the  editor 
gives  none ;  but  if  it  were  written  in  answer  to  one  from  Mr.  Mather  ti^ 
him,  desiring  information  on  that  head,  dated  2l8t  April,  1677,t  we  may 
Cyonclude  it  was  about  this  time  ;  but  Mr.  Mather's  "  Relation  "  would  not  lead 
us  to  8up()ose  that  he  was  in  possession  of  such  information,  and,  there- 
fore, he  either  was  not  in  possession  of  it  when  he  published  his  account,  or 
that  he  had  other  testimony  which  invalidated  it. 

The  letter  begins,  "Major  Bradford,  [who  was  with  Mr.  Winalovf  when 
Alexander  was  surprised,]  confidently  assures  me,  that  in  the  nornitive  de 
,'ilexandro  |  there  are  many  mistakes,  and,  fearing  lest  you  should,  through 
misinformation,  print  some  mistakes  on  that  subject,  from  his  mouth  I  this 
write.  R<;ports  being  here  that  Alexander  was  plotting  or  privy  to  plots, 
against  the  English,  authority  sent  to  him  to  come  down.  He  came  not. 
Whereupon  Major  IVinslow  was  sent  to  fetch  him.  Major  Bradford,  with 
some  others,  went  with  him.  At  Munponset  River,  a  place  not  many  miles 
hence,  they  found  Alexander  with  about  eight  men  and  sundry  squaws.  He 
was  there  about  getting  canoes.  He  and  his  men  were  at  breakfast  under 
their  shelter,  their  gims  being  witiiof  :t.  They  saw  the  English  coming,  but 
continued  eating ;  and  Mr.  ninsloio  telling  their  business,  Alexander,  freely 
and  n?ttdily,  without  the  least  hesitancy,  consented  to  go,  giving  his  reason 
why  li<!  came  not  to  the  court  before,  viz.,  because  he  waited  for  Captain 
H'illeCs  return  from  tlie  Dutch,  being  (lesirous  to  s|)eak  with  him  first  They 
hrougiit  him  to  Mr.  Collier's  that  day,  and  Governor  Prince  living  remote  at 
ICnstliam,  those  few  magistrates  who  were  at  hand  issued  the  matter  peace- 
ably, and  immediately  dismissed  Alexander  to  return  home,  which  he  did 
part  of  the  way ;  but,  in  two  or  three  days  after,  he  returned  and  went  to 
Major  Winslov^s  house,  intending  thence  to  travel  into  the  hay  and  so  home ; 
but,  at  the  major's  house,  he  was  taken  very  sick,  and  was,  by  water,  con- 
veyed to  Major  Bradford's,  and  thence  carried  upon  the  shoulders  of  his  men 
to  Tetliquet  River,  and  thence  in  canoes  home,  and,  about  two  or  three  days 
Jiller,  died." 

Thus  it  is  evident  that  there  is  error  somewhere,  and  it  would  l)e  very  sat- 
isfactory if  we  could  erase  it  from  our  history ;  but,  at  present,  we  are  able 
only  to  agitate  it,  and  wait  for  the  further  discovery  of  documents  before 
Alexander's  true  history  can  be  given ;  and  to  suspend  judgment,  although 

(woinisin^  to  return  again  if  he  recovered,  and  to  send  his  son  as  hostag;e  till  he  could  so  do. 
On  tiint  consideration,  he  was  fairly  dismissed,  but  died  before  he  got  half  way  home."— • 
tliMard. 

*  It  is  a  pity  that  such  an  able  historian  as  Grahame  should  not  have  been  in  possession  of 
other  authorities  upon  this  matter  than  those  who  have  copied  from  the  above.  See  his  HUU 
N.  America,  i.  401. 

t  See  his  Memorial,  288. 

t  A  paper  druwn  up  by  the  authorities  of  Plimouth,  and  how,  I  believe,  amoni;  the  MSS. 
in  the  library  of  the  Hist.  Soc.  of  Mass.    This  was,  probably,  Mr.  Hubbard's  authority. 


:i  .i'' 


»x  ... 


Chap.  I.] 


SA3SAMON 


some  may  readily  decide  ttiat  the  evidence  is  in  favor  of  the  old  printed 
iiccoiinte.  It  is  tiiu  bu8ineH8  of  a  historian,  where  a  point  m  in  dispute,  to 
cxhihit  existing  evidence,  and  let  tiie  reader  make  up  his  own  judgment 

We  are  able,  from  the  first  extract  given  U[>on  tiiis  head,  to  limit  the  time 
uf  his  sacheinship  to  a  portion  of  the  year  Hiii. 

It  will  have  app<;areu  already,  that  trnough  had  transpired  to  inflame  the 
minds  of  the  Indiana,  and  especially  that  of  the  sachem  Philip,  if,  indeed, 
the  evidence  adduced  be  considered  valid,  regarding  the  blainahleness  of  the 
English.  Neverthel^-ss,  our  next  step  onward  will  more  fully  di^velop  the 
causes  of  Philip's  deep-rooted  animosities. 

We  come  now  to  s|>eak  of  John  Sassamoa,  who  deserves  a  |)articular 
notice  \  more  e8|>ccially  as,  from  several  manuscripts,  we  are  able  not  only  to 
correct  some  im|)ortant  errors  in  former  histories,  but  to  give  a  more  minute 
uccoiiiit  of  a  character  which  must  always  be  noticed  in  entering  upon  tlie 
study  of  this  part  of  our  history.  Not  tliat  he  would  otherwise  demand 
more  notice  than  many  of  his  brethren  almost  silently  passed  over,  but  for  his 
agency  in  bringing  about  a  war,  the  interest  of  which  uicreases  in  pro|>(»rtion 
ns  time  carries  us  from  its  ]>eriod. 

John  Sassamon  was  a  subject  of  Philip,  an  unstable-minded  fellow  ;  and, 
living  in  the  neighborhood*  of  the  English,  Ix-came  a  convert  to  Christianity, 
learned  their  language,  and  w&s  able  to  read  and  write,  and  had  translatetj 
some  of  the  Bible  into  Indian.  Being  rather  insinuating  and  artful,  he  was 
employed  to  teach  his  countrymen  at  Natick,  in  the  capacity  of  a  school- 
master. How  long  l)efore  the  war  this  was,  is  not  mentioned,  but  must  have 
l)een  alwut  1660,  as  he  was  Philip's  secretary,  or  interpreter,  in  1662,  and  tliis 
was  af\er  he  had  become  a  Christian.  H  lell  the  English,  from  some  dislike, 
and  went  to  reside  with  AltxamUr,  and  ailerwards  with  Philip,  who,  it  ap- 
pears, employed  him  on  account  of  his  learning.  Always  restless,  Scissamon 
did  not  remain  long  with  Philip  before  he  returned  again  to  tlie  English  ;  ^  and 
he  manifested  such  evident  signs  of  repentance,  as  that  he  was,  after  his  re- 
turn from  pagan  Philip,  reconciled  to  the  praying  Indians  and  baptized,  and 
received,  as  a  member,  into  one  of  the  Indian  churches ;  yea,  and  employed 
as  an  instructor  amongsi  them  every  Lord's  day."f 

Previous  to  the  war,  we  presume  in  the  winter  of  1672,  Sassamon  was  sent 
to  preach  to  the  Namaskets,^  and  other  Indians  of  Middleborough,  who,  at 
this  time,  were  very  numerous.  The  famous  fVatuspaquin  was  then  the 
chief  of  this  region  and  who  appears  to  have  l)een  disposed  to  encourage 
the  new  religion  taught  by  Sassamon.  For,  in  1674,  he  gave  him  a  tract  of 
land  near  his  own  residence,  to  induce  him  to  remain  among  his  people.  The 
deed  of  gift  of  this  land  was,  no  doubt,  drawn  by  Sasaamonj  and  is  in  these 
words : — 

"Know  all  men  by  these  presents,  that  I,  Old  fVatuspaquin,  doe  graunt 
vnto  John  Scusamon,  allies  Ifassasoman,  27  acrees  of  land  for  a  home  lott  at 
Assowamsett  necke.  This  is  my  gift,  giuen  to  him  the  said  John  Sassamon, 
by  me  the  said  H^atuspaauin,  in  Anno  1673,  [or  1674,  if  between  1  Jan.  and 
25  March.] 

Old  WATDSPAqoiN  ®        his  marht. 

William  TusPAquiN      Q  V       hia  marke. 
Witness,  alaoe,  Nanehecnt  §    -f"    ^**  marke.** 

As  a  further  inducement  for  Sassatnon  to  settle  here.  Old  Tuspaquin  and 
his  son  deeded  to  Felix,  an  Indian  who  married  Sassamows  daughter,  58  and 
an  half  acres  of  land ;  as  "  a  home  lott,"  also.  This  deed  was  dated  11 
March,  1673, 0.  S.,  which  doubtless  was  done  at  the  same  time  with  the  other. 


*  "  This  Sassavum  was  by  birth  a  Massachuselt,  his  father  aiid  mother  living  in  Dorchester, 
and  they  both  died  Christiana." — /.  Matlur. 

t  Mathtr'i  Relation,  74. 

I  The  inhabitants  of  the  place  call  it  Nenuuket.  In  tlie  records,  it  is  almost  always  writtea 
Kamassakett. 

t  ISpelt  also  Menuheutt. 


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r-:-^-.-. 

■'^•v.:.^ 


•.Jh->^ 


SASSAMON. 


[Book  HI. 


This  (lauphtcr  of  fiaaaanum  was  cnllp«l  by  thn  English  name  Betty,*  but  hn-  orig- 
inal nanu!  was  AflsowETOUoii.  To  his  son-in-law,  >S'a.Mamon  gave  his  land,  hy  n 
kind  of  will,  which  he  wrote  hiniS4>lf,  not  long  before  his  death  ;  p.'ol)al)ly 
alMHit  the  time  he  became  tired  of  his  new  situation,  which  we  auppoHo  was  also 
alMxit  the  time  that  he  discovered  the  design  of  Philip  and  his  captains  to 
brinj,'  about  their  war  of  extermination. 

Old  Tuapaqvin,  as  he  called  hiniH<-lf,  and  his  son,  not  only  confirmed  Saaaa- 
mon'a  will,  out  alM)Ut  the  same  time  made  a  l>equest  thems«;lve8  to  his  daugh- 
ter, which,  they  say,  was  "with  the  consent  of  all  the  chietie  men  of  Asso- 
wamsett."  Tliis  deed  of  git\  from  them  wjls  dated  23  Dec.  1673.  It  was  of 
a  neck  of  land  at  Assowamsett,  called  Nahtcawumet.  The  names  of  somt? 
of  the  places  which  bounded  this  tract  were  Mashquoinoh,  a  swamp,  Sason- 
kuHiisett,  a  pond,  and  another  lartre  pond  calle«l  Chupipoggut  Totnaa,  Old 
Thiimaa,  Pohonoho,  and  Kankunuki,  were  u|)on  this  deed  as  witnesses. 

Fki.ix  served  the  English  in  Philip^a  war,  and  was  living  in  107}),  in  which 
year  Gfjvenior  Wijia/ow  onlered,  "that  nil  such  lands  as  were  formerly  ^oAn 
Saaaamon'a  in  our  colonie,  shall  be  settled  on  Felix  his  son-in-law,"  and  to  re- 
main his  and  his  heirs  "  fon'uer."  Felix^a  wife  survived  him,  and  willed  her 
land  to  a  daughter,  named  Merry.  This  v/as  in  KKH!,  and  laacke  fVanno  v/it- 
nessed  said  will.  There  was  at  a  later  period  an  Indian  preacher  ht  Titicutf 
named  Thomaa  Felix,  perhaps  a  son  of  tiie  former.^  But  to  return  to  the 
more  immediate  subject  of  our  «liscourse. 

There  was  a  Saaaaman,  or,  as  my  manuscript  has  it,  Soaomon,  known  to  the 
English  as  early  as  1H37 ;  but  as  we  have  no  means  of  knowing  how  old  John 
Saaaamon  was  when  he  was  murdenul,  it  cannot  be  decided  with  prolmbility, 
whether  or  not  it  wt^re  he.  This  •S^oAomon,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  life  of  Saaaa- 
cua,  went  with  the  English  to  fight  the  Pcquots 

Saaaamon  acted  as  interjireter,  witness  or  scribe,  as  the  case  required,  on 
many  occasions.  When  Philip  anil  H'ootonekantiake  hia  wife,  sold,  in  l(iG4, 
Mattapoisett  to  fVilliam  Brenton,  Saaaamon  was  a  witness  and  interpreter. 
The  same  year  he  was  Pkdip'a  agent  "  in  mtttling  the  bounds  of  Acushenok, 
Coaks«>tt,  and  places  adjacent."  Again,  in  KKiS,  he  witnessed  the  receipt  of 
£10  paid  to  Philip  on  account  of  s<!ttling  the  bounds  the  year  before. 

There  was  a  Rowland  Saaaamon,  who  I  suppose  was  the  brother  of  Jolm. 
His  name  appears  but  once  in  all  the  manuscript  records  I  have  met  with,  and 
then  only  as  a  witness,  with  his  brother,  to  Philip'a  deed  of  Matta|)ois?tt, 
above  mentioned. 

The  name  Saaaamon,  like  most  Indian  names,  is  variously  spelt,  but  the 
way  it  here  appears  is  nearest  as  it  was  understood  in  his  last  years,  judging 
from  the  records.  But  it  was  not  so  ori<^inally.  PVooaanaaman  wa^  among 
the  first  modes  of  writing  it. 

This  detail  may  appear  dry  to  the  jreoeral  reader,  but  we  must  occasion- 
ally gratify  our  antiquarian  friends,    Wj  now  proceed  in  our  narrative. 

While  living  among  the  Namaske'.s,  Saaaamon  learned  what  was  going 
forward  among  his  countrymen,  and,  when  he  was  convinced  that  their 
design  was  war,  went  imniediately  to  T'limouth,  and  communicated  his  dis- 
covery to  the  governor.  "Nevertheless,  his  information," says  Dr. I. Maiher,^ 
"(because  it  had  an  Indian  original,  and  one  can  hardly  believe  them  when 
they  do  speak  the  truth,)  was  not  at  first  much  regarded." 

It  may  be  noticed  here,  that  at  this  time  if  aiiy  Indian  appeared  friendly, 
all  Indians  were  so  declaimed  against,  that  scarcely  any  one  among  the  Eng- 
lish could  be  foimd  that  would  allow  that  an  Lidian  could  be  faithful  or 
honest  in  any  aflliir.  And  although  some  others  besides  Saaaamon  had  inti- 
mated, and  that  rather  strongly,  that  a  "rising  of  tlie  Indians"  was  at  hand, 
still,  as  Dr.  Mather  observes,  because  Indians  said  so,  little  or  no  attention 

*  The  English  sometimes  ad'lcd  her  surname,  and  hence,  in  the  account  of  Mr.  Btnnet,  (1 
Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  1.)  Betty  Sasemorr.  The  noted  p!icc  now  called  Betty's  Neck, 
in  Middleborough,  was  named  from  iter.     In  1793,  there  were  ci?hl  families  of  Indians  there. 

t  Cottiliticut,  Ketchiquttt,  Telttiait,  Kfketticut,  Kfticrn,  Teigfituquid,  Tetehquet,  arc  spell- 
ings of  (his  name  in  (he  va'ious  books  and  records  I  have  consulted. 

I  Backus's  Middlehoroufi^h,  in  1  Cot.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  150. 

^  Relation  of  the  TrouUet,  ft,:.,  74. 


^X 


f\  •  • 


f?.;w.   ■  f 


i'  ; 


sason- 


C»kr.  1]     SASSAMON.— CAUSES  OF  THE   WAR  WITH  PHILIP. 


11 


wns  paid  to  their  advice.  NotwitliHtaiiditi);,  Mr.  Gooktn,  in  liis  MS.  liiHtory,* 
says,  thut,  previous  to  the  war,  none  of  the  ChriHtiuii  Indians  lind  "  lieeo 
justlif  charged,  either  with  nnthitiitiiinesH  or  treuehery  towards  the  English." 
"Hut,  on  tlie  contrary,  .sonic  of  tiieni  liad  discovered  the  treachery,  particu- 
larly Jf^alcut  the  ruler,  of  Philip  liefore  he  Vigan  any  act  of  hostility."  la 
another  place  the  same  author  says,  that,  in  April,  UilH,  /rau&an  "ranie  to 
oii<;  of  the  magistrates  on  purpose,  and  inlormeil  him  tliat  he  Kad  ground  to 
fear  that  sachem  Philip,  and  other  Indians  his  confederates,  inti^nded  some 
mischief  shortly."  Again  in  May,  ahout  six  weeks  beftire  the  wnr,  he  cami' 
and  said  the  same,  adding  that  Philip's  nn>n  wen;  only  waiting  for  th«'  trees 
to  get  leaved  out,  that  they  might  prosecute  their  design  with  niore  etfert. 
To  return  to  Snssamon : 

In  the  mean  time,  some  circiunstances  happened  that  gav(;  further  grounds 
of  8us|)icion,  that  war  was  meditutetl,  and  il  was  intended  that  messengers 
slioidd  be  sent  to  Philip,  to  gain,  if  |)ossibIe,  the  real  state  of  the  case,  iiut 
Ijflbre  this  was  effiicted,  much  of  the  winter  of  1674  had  passed  away,  and 
the  Rev.  Sassamot  still  resiited  with  the  Namaskets,  and  others  i>f  his 
coinitrvmen  in  tiiu*  iieighlxM'hood.  And  notwithstanding  he  had  enjoined 
the  strictest  secrecy  ui>on  his  English  friends  at  I  ii'iiouth,  of  what  he  had 
revealed,  assuring  them  that  if  it  came  to  Philip's  knowledge,  he  should  be 
iinniediatcly  murdered  by  him,  yet  it  by  sor.ic  means  got  to  the  chief's 
knowledge,  and  Sassnmon  was  considered  a  traitor  ami  an  outlaw;  and,  by 
the  laws  of  the  Indians,  be  had  forfeited  his  life,  and  was  doomed  to  siifTcr 
death.  The  manner  of  effecting  it  was  of  no  cons«'(iuence  with  them,  so 
long  as  it  was  brought  aboiu,  and  it  is  nrobable  that  Philip  had  ordered  any 
uf  liis  subjects  who  might  meet  with  hini,  to  kill  him. 

Early  in  the  spring  of  1075,  Sassamon  was  missing,  and,  on  search  being 
made,  his  body  was  found  in  Assawoinset  Pond,  in  Middlel>orotigb.f  Those 
that  killed  him  not  caring  to  be  known  to  tin;  English,  led  his  hat  and  gun 
upon  tiio  ice,  that  it  might  be  sup[>osed  that  he  had  drowned  himself;  but 
from  several  marks  upon  his  Imdy,  and  the  fact  that  his  neck  was  brtken, 
it  was  evident  lie  had  been  muniered.  |  Several  jicrsons  were  suspected, 
and,  upon  the  information  of  one  called  Palxu:kson,  Tobias^  one  of  rhilip's 
counsellors,  his  son,  and  Maltashinnamy,  were  apprehended,  tried  by  n  Jury, 
consisting  of  half  Indians,||  and  in  June,  ](t75,  wsre  all  executed  at  Plimouth  ; 
"one  of  them  before  his  execution  confe.ssiuj;  the  murder,"  but  the  other 
two  denied  all  knowledge  of  the  act,  to  their  last  breath.  The  truth  of 
their  guilt  may  reasonably  l)e  called  in  question,  if  the  circumstance  of  the 
bleeding  of  the  dead  body  at  the  approach  of  the  murderer,  had  any  influence 
upon  the  Jury.  And  we  are  fea.  ful  it  was  the  case,  for,  if  the  most  learned  were 
misled  by  such  hallucinations  in  those  days,  we  are  not  to  suppose  that  the 
more  ignoran'  were  free  from  them.  Dr.  Increase  Mather  wrote  within  two 
years  of  the  affair,  and  he  has  this  passage :  "  When  Tobias  (the  suspected 
murderer)  came  near  the  dead  body,  it  fell  a  bleeding  on  fresli,  as  if  it  h«d 
been  nowly  slain ;  albeit,  it  was  buriad  a  considerable  time  before  that."^ 

Nothing  of  this  part  of  the  story  is  upon  record  among  the  manuscripts, 
as  we  can  find,  but  still  we  do  not  question  the  authenticity  of  Dr.  Mather, 
who,  we  believe,  is  the  first  that  printed  an  account  of  it  Nor  do  the 
records  of  Plimouth  notice  Sassamon  imtil  some  time  afler  his  death.  The 
first  record  is  in  these  words :    "  The  court  seeing  cause  to  require  the  per- 

*  Nut  yet  published,  Imt  is  now,  (Apri!,  K,m,)  printing  with  notes  by  the  author  of  this 
work,  muler  llic  direction  of  the  American  Aiitiijua-ian  Society.  It  will  form  a  lasting  monu- 
ment of  one  of  the  best  men  of  those  days.  Tlic  iiuihor  was,  as  Mr.  Eliot  expresses  himself, 
"  a  pillar  in  our  Indian  work."     He  died  in  1G87,  aged  75. 

t  Some  would  like  to  know,  perhaps,  on  what  authority  Mr.  GraJiame  {Hist.  N.  Amer.  i. 
402.)  states  thai  Sassamon's  boay  teas  found  in  a  field. 

\  Gookin's  MS.  Hist,  of  Christian  Indians.  This  author  says,  "  SasBamaatd  was  the  first 
Christian  martyr,"  and  that  "  it  is  evidci.  he  suffered  death  upon  the  account  of  his  Christi^P 
profession,  and  fidelity  to  the  English." 

J  His  Indian  name  ;vas  Po^gapanofoo. 

jl  Mather's  Relation,  74.  Judge  Davis  retains  the  sane  account,  (liorton't  Memorial^ 
2o9.)  which  we  shall  presently  show  to  be  erroneous. 

V  Mather's  Relation,  75. 


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SASSAMON. 


[Book  III. 


Honnl  ap[>earance  of  an  Iixlian  called  Tobuu  licfon;  the  roiirt,  to  make  fur- 
ther answer  to  mirh  iiitirrru^ittorieH  oh  dIiuII  Ih)  re<|uin>d  of  him,  in  reference 
to  the  sndden  and  violent  death  of  an  Indian  called  John  Saiattnum,  late 
deceaBod."     This  was  in  March,  1(174,  O.  8. 

It  appearH  that  Tobias  was  pr«>H«>nt,  althon^h  it  is  not  so  stated,  from  Iho 
fact  that  Ttupaquin  and  his  son  WUliam  entered  into  hoiids  of  £100  for  the 
appearance  of  Tobias  at  the  next  court  in  June  following.  A  mortgage 
of  land  was  taken  as  security  for  the  £100. 

June  having  arrived,  three  insteatl  of  one  are  arraigned  as  the  murderers 
of  Sassamon.  I'iiere  was  no  intimation  of  any  one  hut  Tobias  heing  guilty 
at  the  previous  court.  Now,  tfampapaquan,  the  son  of  Tobias,  and  Malta- 
shunannamo  *  are  arraigned  with  luni,  and  the  hill  of  indictment  runs  as  fol- 
lows :  "  For  that  lieing  accused  that  they  did  with  joynt  consent  vpon  tlm 
29  of  January  ann"  1()74,  [or  l<i75,  N.  H.j  att  a  ]ilace  culled  ^«n>UHiirueM  Pond, 
wilfully  and  of  sett  purpose,  and  of  mullice  fore  thought,  and  hy  force  uud 
arines,  murder  John  Sasaamon,  an  other  Indian,  hy  laying  violent  hands  on 
him,  and  striking  him,  or  twisting  his  necke  vntill  lieu  was  dead ;  and  to  hyde 
and  conccale  this  theire  said  nnirder,  att  the  tynic  and  place  aforesaid,  did 
cast  his  dead  body  through  a  hole  of  the  iyce  into  the  said  pond." 

To  this  they  pleaded  ^  not  guilty,"  and  put  themselves  on  trial,  say  the 
records.  The  jurj',  however,  were  not  long  in  fuiding  them  guilty,  which 
thev  express  in  these  words :  "  Wee  of  the  jury  one  and  all,  both  English 
and  Indians  doe  joyntly  and  with  one  consent  agree  upon  a  verdict." 

Upon  this  they  were  immediately  remanded  to  prison,  ^  and  from  thence 
[taken]  to  the  place  of  execution  and  there  to  l>e  hanged  by  the  head  f  vntill 
theire  bodies  are  dead."  Accordingly,  Tobias  and  Maitashunannatno  were 
executed  on  the  8  June,  1(>75.  "  Rut  tlio  said  Wampapaqmtn,  on  some  con- 
siderations was  reprieued  until  a  montii  he  expired."  He  was,  however,  shot 
within  the  month. 

It  is  an  error  that  the  jury  that  found  them  guilty  was  composed  of  half 
Indians ;  tliere  were  bat  Ibnr,  while  there  were  twelve  Englishmen.  We 
will  again  hear  the  record : — 

**  Itt  was  judged  very  expedient  by  the  court,  tliat,  together  with  this 
English  pury  abouo  named,  some  of  the  most  indifi'erentest,  grauest  and 
sage  Indians  should  Ih;  admitted  to  be  with  the  said  jury,  and  to  healp  to 
consult  and  aduice  with,  of^  and  concerning  the  prennses:  there  names 
are  as  followeth,  viz.  one  called  by  an  English  name  Hopt,  and  Maskifpague, 
IVannoo,  George  Wamoyt  and  Jcanootus;  these  fully  conciu-red  with  the 
jury  in  theure  verdict." 

The  names  af  the  jurymen  were  fVUliam  Sabine,  WiUiatn  Crocker,  Edward 
Shtfgis,  fyHliam  Brookes,  JVaih'.  fVinslow,  John  fVadnuorth,  Andrew  Ringe, 
Robert  Fixon,  John  Done,  Jon".  Bangs,  Jon".  Shaw  and  Benj"^.  Higgina. 

That  nothing  which  can  throw  light  upon  this  important  affair  be  passed 
over,  we  will  here  add,  from  a  hitherto  exceeding  scarce  tract,  the  ibllowiug 
particulars,  although  some  parts  of  them  ore  evidently  erroneous :  "  About 
five  or  six  years  since,  there  was  brought  up,  amongst  others,  at  the  college 
At  Cambridge,  (Mass.)  on  Indian,  named  Sosomon ;  who,  after  some  time  Be 
had  spent  in  preaching  the  gospel  to  Uncas,  a  sagamore  Christian  in  his  ter- 
ritories, was,  by  the  authority  of  New  Plimouth,  stjnt  to  itreach  in  like  man- 
ner to  King  Philip,  and  hia  Indians.  But  King  Philip,  (heathen-like,) 
instead  of  receiving  the  gospel,  would  immediately  liave  killed  this  Sosomon, 
but  by  the  persuasion  of  some  about  him,  did  not  do  it,  but  sent  him  by  the 
hands  of  three  men  to  prison ;  who,  as  he  was  going  to  prison,  exhorted 
and  taught  them  in  the  Christian  religion.  They,  not  liking  his  discourse, 
immediately  murthered  him  alter  a  i  nost  barbarous  manner.  They,  return- 
ing to  King  Philip,  acquainted  him  with  what  they  had  done.  About  two 
or  three  months  after  this  murther,  being  discovered  to  the  authority  of 


JtW 


*  The  same  called  Maltashinnamy.     His  name  in  (he  records  is  spell  four  ways. 

t  This  old  phraseology  reminds  us  of  the  French  mode  of  expression,  cowper  It  cou,  (hat  i>t 
lo  cut  oflT  the  neck  instead  of  the  head ;  but  the  French  say,  U  itra  penau  par  son  cou,  and  w 
do  modern  hangmen,  aiioi  jurutt,  of  our  times. 


Chap.  II] 


LIFF.  O''  KINO    I'llIUr 


18 


N'«'W  I'liiiioiitli,  Josiah  liinalow  bciiij;  llicn  K«»voriior  of  that  roloiiy, onro  uns 
tukfii  to  ruiii  out  tlif!  iiiiirtlion'rH,  wlio,  ii|h>ii  H<>urcli,  wuru  IoiiimI  uikI  npiin!- 
Ii('ii<lr<l,  aiitl,  aib'r  a  tiiir  trial,  wont  all  liaii^<-«l.  TIuh  ho  «>xaM|»c'ratril  King 
Philij),  that,  iWiiii  that  day  al)«>r,  hr  Htialii'tl  to  Im)  revenged  oti  the  EiigliMli — 
jiiil<;iii.!;  that  the  Kti;,di.>4h  authority  hud  nothing  to  du  tu  hong  lui  Indiiui  for 


killing  another."  • 


9*in 


ClIAl'TKR   II. 

Life  of  KING  PllllilP — His  mil  namr — The  name  of  his  trife — Makes  frn/utiU 
fairs  of  his  liinils — .lirnuiit  of  fhrin — His  first  trriili/  at  FUmouth — ErprilUiim  to 
yaiUifihrt—Ktents  of  \iM\—lifgin.i  the  WAR  if  U't7r>— First  arts  of  hostilitij— 
Sirim/i  Fight  lit  Porassrt — Xiirroirlij  rsai/irs  out  of  his  men  roiitUnj — is  pursued 
by  Onrko — Fight  at  Hrhnhnth  Plain — Cuts  off  a  compnnij  of  English  under  Captain 
Ikers — Incidents — Fight  at  Siigar-loiif  Uili,  and  destruction  oj  Captain  Ijithrop's 
cumpanij — Fights  the  English  under  Mosriij — English  raise  VM)  men — Philip 
retires  to  .\iirraganset — Strongly  fortifies  himself  in  a  great  sicamp — Description 
of  his  fortress — Kng'ish  marcii  to  attack  him — The  great  Fight  ot  .Varragunset — 
Again  flies  hisroun/rij — I'isits  the  Mohawks — lll-dectsed  alriUagem — Eventsof  I(i7(i 
— Rrturnsiigainto  his  country — Reduced  to  a  wretched  condition — Is  hunted  hy  Church 
— Uis  chief  counsellor,  Akkoinpoin,  killed,  and  his  sister  raptured — His  icfe  and  son 
full  into  the  hands  of  Church — Flies  to  Piikuniiket — /*  surprised  and  slain. — Speci- 
men of  the  Wampanoag  Language — Other  curious  mutter. 

\s  regard  to  the  native  or  Indian  name  ofl'iiiLii  it  Rcema  a  miHtnke  ha.s  al- 
ways prevailed,  in  printed  accounts.  Pomkt  acom  gives  an  iw.»x  its  Indian  sound 
lis  can  be  approaelKul  hy  our  letters.  The  first  syllable  was  dropp«!il  in  (ainiliar 
discourse,  and  h(;nce,  in  u  short  time,  no  one  iniagined  but  what  it  had  always 
Iteen  so ;  in  nearly  every  original  deed  executed  by  hini,  which  we  have  seen, 
aiul  they  are  many,  his  name  so  apptmrs.  It  is  true  that,  in  those  of  different 
years,  it  is  spelt  with  some  little  variation,  all  which,  however,  conveyed  very 
nearly  the  same  sound.  The  variations  are  Puinatacom,  Pamatacom,  Pometa- 
rome,  and  Pomclacom ;  the  last  of  which  prevails  in  the  records. 

We  have  anotht^r  important  discovery  to  coumiunicate  :f  it  is  no  other  than 
the  name  of  the  wife  ol'  Ponietacom — the  innocent  Wootonekanuske  !  This 
wiLS  the  name  of  her  who,  with  her  little  son,  fell  into  the  hands  of  Captain 
Church.  No  wonder  that  Philip  was  "now  ready  to  die,"  as  some  of  his  trai- 
torous men  told  Church,  and  that  "  his  heart  wufa  now  ready  to  break  !  "  All 
(hat  was  dear  to  him  was  now  swallowed  up  in  the  vortex !  But  they  still 
iivetl,  and  tliis  most  harrowed  his  soul — lived  for  what  .'*  to  servo  as  slaves  in 
uii  iniknown  land  !  could  it  be  otherwise  than  that  madness  should  seize  upon 
liiin,  and  despair  tortncnt  him  in  every  place  ?  that  in  his  sleep  he  should  hear 
tlie  anguishing  cries  and  lamentations  of  fVoolonekaniuike  and  his  son  ?  But 
we  must  change  the  scene. 

It  seems  as  though,  for  niaiiy  years  b(;fore  the  war  of  1G75,  Pometaconi,  and 
nearly  all  of  his  people  sold  on  their  lands  as  fust  as  purchasers  presented  them- 
selves. They  saw  the  prosperity  of  the  English,  and  they  were  just  such  phi- 
losophers 08  are  easily  captivated  by  any  show  of  ostentation.  They  were  forsa- 
king their  maimer  of  life,  to  which  the  proximity  of  the  whites  was  a  deadly 
|K)ison,  and  were  eager  to  obtain  such  things  as  their  neighbors  possessed  ;  these 
were  only  to  be  obtained  by  |)arting  with  their  lands.  That  the  reader  may 
t()mi  some  idea  of  the  rapidity  with  which  the  Indians'  lands  in  Phmoutii 
colony  were  disposed  of,  we  add  the  following  items : — 

*  Present  State  of  New  England,  by  a  inereliant  of  ISoston,  in  respect  to  tlie  present 
Illnodij  Mian  [Vars,  page  3,  folio,  l^ondoii,  1676.  This,  wilh  four  other  tracts  upon 
Philip's  War,  (roveruig  the  whole  period  of  it,  wilh  notes  by  myself,  accompanied  by  a 
Chronology  of  all  Indian  events  in  .\mcrica  from  its  discovery  to  toe  present  lime,  (March 
7th,  183(>,)  has  just  been  published  under  the  title  of  the  Oi.u  Indian  Ciikonicle. 

t  The  author  feels  a  peculiar  satisfaction  that  it  has  fallen  to  his  lot  to  be  the  first  to  publish 
the  real  name  of  the  great  sachem  of  the  Wumpaiioags,  and  also  that  of  the  sharer  of  hit 
perils,  Wbotonekanuske. 


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14 


PIIIUP— SAI.F.S  OF  HIS  LANDS 


[Rook  III. 


B-l  '  •  '        ^      i\   I' 


I    •■' 


■■'  ..  .■^• 


Ill  n  iIo«»<l  ilatRil  2n  Juno,  l(i<14,  "  H'illiam  Hrrnlon,  of  Newport,  R.  I.  mrr- 
rlinrit,"  "  for  a  vnlnahio  ronHi«li'nition  "  imimI  hy  liirii,  l»My«  IVIntapoiM'tt  of  Philip. 
Tlii»  (lend  lM>ginn,  "  I,  Pnmntnrnm  nlinH  Philip,  cliiof  naclM  in  of  Moniil  IIoim-, 
("owniiinpsit  and  nf  all  'crriloricB  llH-ri'iinto  lM'lonf{iiif(."  Philip  u]»\  lim  wifi> 
Im)|Ii  Hi^K'd  thin  deoil,  and  Torkomork,  H'fcopauhim,*  jYtuflmiuason,  Pompa- 
ifunsf,  Jlptminxak,  Taquankirirkr,  Ptvpionark,  fVntnpntithur,  .ImirUuiuiah,  John 
Sasmmon  l\\v.  intcrpnfUT,  Rowlaml  Sananmon,  and  two  I'ligliNniiu'ii,  Mij;;iHMl  lu* 

witlH'HW'B. 

In  Kkl,'),  ho.  Hold  tlip  rountry  al)oiit  ArtiHlu-iia,  [now  New  Hcdford,]  uju! 
('oaxct,  [now  in  Coinpton.]     Philip^s  fallx-r  iiaving  prcvioimly  Kold  uoinc  of 
tlif  mini',  £10  waH  now  givi'ii  liini  to  pirvfiit  any  riaiiii  from  liiin,  and  to  pay 
for  Ilia  iMurkiiii'  out  the  Mtino.     John  H'ooaavaman  [oni>  of  tlit*  iiunicH  of  Sassa 
tnori]  witiu'Hmui  tliiH  deed. 

'Vw  Hanie  year  the  court  of  Plinioutli  pnHented  Philip  with  a  lioree,  hut  on 
wliat  acroiint  we  an;  not  infoniied. 

In  KMta,  Wrentlinni  was  purrham'd  of  Philip  liy  the  KngliHh  of  Dedlinni. 
It  waH  then  called  Hulloniononoair,  and,  hy  the  aiiionnt  aMH<!R"^<'d,  appears  to  have 
eoHt  jC'i4  10«.,  and  waM  six  inileKMpiarc.  For  thm  tract  of  land  th<<  Knglish  liiid 
heeii  endeavoring  lo  negotiate  five  vearH.t  "  In  Nov.  lOlii',  upon  notice  ni'imUp, 
Sagamore  of  Mount  Hope,  now  at  Wolhtmonopong,  ottering  a  tirnfy  of  his  litii(!> 
tiiereat)outH,not  yet  purciiuw'd,"theHelectiiieii  appoint  five  |)erw)nH  t«)  negotialp 
with  him  "  for  hii<  remuining  right,  provided  he  can  sliow  that  he  hiiK  any."  | 
Whether  his  right  were  qucstioiuiiile  or  .'lot,  it  seems  a  purchasu  was  made,  at 
that  time,  of  the;  tract  called  IVoollommomippo^ne,"  within  the  town  hounds  (of 
Dcdhain]  not  yet  purchas«<i!."  What  tiie  full  consich'nition  was,  our  document!* 
«lo  not  state,  hut  from  a  manu;M!ript  ord.cr  which  he  drew  on  Dodhain  atterwanis. 
and  th»!  accompanying  n-celpj,  so'iie  cHtimate  may  he  formed.  The  order  re- 
«puwts  them  "  to  pay  lo  this  bearer,  for  the  use  ©/"KiJio  Philip,  £5,  5*.  in  monnj, 
and  £5  in  trucking  cloth  at  money  price.^^  In  a  reccsipt  signed  hy  an  agent  of 
Philip,  named  Peter,  the  following  amount  is  named  :  "  In  reference  to  the  payment 
of  KiNu  Philip  o/"  Mount  Ho|m*,  the  full  and  just  sum  of  £.'),  5a.  in  money,  iiiid 
ItJ  yards  of  trucking  cloth,  3  lbs.  of}mwder,  ami  as  much  lead  as  urUl  make  tl  up  ; 
iphtch  is  infuU  satisfaction  tvilh  £10  that  he  is  to  receive  ofJVathanitl  Paine.  ^ 

We  next  meet  with  u  singular  record  of  Philip,  the  authorship  of  which  we 
attrihute  to  John  Sassamon,  and  which,  hesides  extending  our  knowledge  of 
Philip  into  his  earlier  times,  Bt;rves  to  make  us  acquainted  with  Sassamorvs  ac- 
({uireinents  in  the  language  of  the  pilgrims. 

"  Know  all  men  hy  these  preBents,  that  Philip  haue  giuen  power  vnto  Wa- 
tuchpoo\\  and  Sampson  and  theire  bn>thren  to  hold  and  make  sale  of  to  whom 
they  will  hy  nrjy  consent,  and  they  shall  not  haue  itt  without  they  be  willing  to 
lett  it  goe  it  shal  he  sol  by  my  consent,  but  without  my  knowledge  they  cannot 
safely  to :  but  with  my  consent  there  is  none  that  can  lay  claiinc  to  that  land 
which  they  haue  marked  out,  it  is  theires  foreucr,  soe  therefore  none  can  safely 
pmv.hase  any  otherwise  but  by  Watachpoo  and  Sampson  and  their  hretheren. 

Philip  166U." 

Whether  the  following  letter  were  written  earlier  or  later  than  this  we  have 
no  means  of  knowing  ;  it  is  plain,  however,  from  its  contents,  that  it  was  written 
at  a  time  when  he  was  strongly  opposed  to  selling  his  lands,  and  that  the  jieo- 
pie  of  Plimouth  were  endeavoring  to  get  hin  to  their  cotirt,  where  they  had 
reason  to  l)clieve  they  could  succeed  better  in  getting  them  than  by  a  negotia- 
tion in  his  own  country.    The  letter  follows : — 

"  To  the  mtuh  honored  Govemer,  Mr.  Thomas  Prince,  dwelling  at  Plimovih. 
"  King  Philip  desire  to  let  you  understand  that  he  could  not  come  to  the 
court,  for  Tom,  his  interpreter,  has  a  pain  in  his  back,  that  he  could  not  travil 

*  I'orhaps  Uncompoin. 

t  Worlhington's  Hist.  Dedham,  20— from  wliich  work  it  would  seem  that  the  negotiation  had 
been  carried  on  with  Philip,  but  Philip  was  not  sachem  until  this  year. 

j  Ibid. 

ft  General  Court  Files. 

H  Sometimes  Tukpoo  by  abbreviation. 
TtUoton. 


A  further  account  of  him  will  be  found  in  the  life  of 


.  vf. 


CitAr.  11.1 


PHILIP— SALES  OF  IIIS  LANDS. 


15 


<«  fur,  Rnd  Philip  xinfcr  in  vory  Bick.  Philip  wfMilcl  intrcnt  tlint  favor  of  yon, 
niul  Hiiy  of  till'  riinjt'HtratH,  if  aiM-y  Kiif^lloli  or  Kiif(iiiti.sH|M'ak  alHiiit  unr>y  Iniiil,  h«) 
jtniy  you  to  ((ii!fi  tlwin  no  ntifwwor  at  all.  TJiIn  lant  Hiiiniiirr  lio  maid  tlinl 
|l^lrni^4  with  ye  t  lliat  In*  would  nut  ni-||  no  land  in  7  y*>arH  titnc,  for  tiiat  Iw 
u'onid  have  no  Kngiinli  tmultlr  him  iM't'orr  tiiat  tim<>,  In-  han  not  forgot  that 
you  promiH  him.  lIi;  will  come  a  Huno  an  \totiDt'bln  he  can  to  .><|N;ak  with  yon, 
and  Mt  I  rest, 

y«Hir  very  lovring  friend 

I'liii.ip    |> 

dwelling  nt  mount  ho|H;  mk."  ' 

III  ir>fl7,  Philip  8pI1h  to  Cowitant  Snulhworlh,  and  othrrn,  all  th»'  mi-adow 
lamtH  from  DurtnH>utli  to  Mata|H>i:«Mt,  tor  whirh  lin  had  £15.  Particular 
ImiiuuIh  to  all  iractH  arc  nii>ntioncd  in  the  ducds,  but  a.s  they  wi>rc  gcncnill\  or 
otlcii  Htukcs,  triH's,  and  hcu|>8  of  htoncM,  no  one  al  tliiH  time  can  truce  many  o|' 
llictn. 

The  Maine  year,  for  "  £10  ptcrling,"  lie  scIIh  to  Thos.  }VxUtt  and  others,  »  all 
that  tract  of  lam!  lying  between  the  lliiicr  Wanawottaqut'tt  and  CawafoiiuL-isctt, 
being  two  miicH  long  and  one  Itroad."  Pawsai/uens,  one  of  Philip^s  commscI- 
lors,  and  Tom  aliuH  Saw.iudt,  an  interpreter,  wen^  witnesses  to  the  wile. 

In  1(J<)8, "  Philip  Poinitarom,  and  Tiitamumatpu  f  alia.«  Ciuhrwashrd,  HjicheniH," 
for  a  "  valuable  consideration,"  kcII  to  sundry  Kngii.sli  a  tract  of  some  s(|nan! 
n  McH.  A  part  of  it  was  adjacent  to  I'okanoket.  In  descriliing  it,  Memcnuck- 
qii  ig<;niid  Towansett  neck  an  mentioned,  which  we  <-onclud«'  to  be  in  Swan- 
8CV'.  It«>si<les  two  Englishmen,  Sompoiiiteeti,  alioH  Tom,  and  .VaiianuiUnew,  son 
oiTViomas  PiaiUa,  wen;  witne>«»!s  t<)  this  sale. 

Th(^  next  year,  thf;  same  sachems  sell  500  acres  in  Swunsey  fur  £20.  f^'anuto, 
a  coinisellor,  and  Tom  tiie  interpreter,  were  witnesses. 

In  l()(i8,  Philip  and  Uncomnawen  laid  claim  to  ayiart  of  New-meadows  necJt, 
alleging  that  it  was  not  intended  to  lie  conveyed  in  a  former  deed,  by  Ossanu- 
(/utaand  fftinwutta,  to  certain  English,  "  although  it  ap|>cars,  says  the  record, 
pretty  clearly  so  expressed  in  said  de<!d,"  "yet  that  peace  and  friendshi))  may 
1)6  continued,"  "  Capt.  ffillet,  Mr.  lirown  and  John  Mkn,  in  thelM-half  of  them- 
selves and  the  rest,"  agree  to  give  Philip  and  Uncompawen  the  sum  of  £11  in 
goods. 

Philip  Nancskooke  J  Am  tl  mark, 
Vncompawkn  his  X  mark. 

Tom  Sansowest,  interpreter^ 

And  NiMROD. 


.'ifeliir. 


■.-.A  v',-< 


•;£  -.:  J»- 


..   r. 


'-r;.H 


The  same  year,  we  find  the  following  record,  which  is  doubly  interesting, 
from  the  plan  with  which  we  are  able  to  accompany  it,  drawn  by  Philip  him- 
self. He  contracts  or  agrees,  by  the  following  writing  under  his  hand,  in  these 
words :  "  this  may  inform  the  honoured  court  [of  Plimouth,]  thot  I  Philip  ame 
willing  to  sell  the  land  within  this  draught ;  but  the  Indians  that  are  vpon  it 
may  liue  vpon  it  still ;  but  the  land  that  is  [wa8tc]§  may  be  sould,  and  ff'altach- 

iioo  is  of  the  same  minde.    I  have  sed  downe  all  the  pruici{)all  names  of  the 
and  wee  are  willing  should  bee  sould." 

"  From  Pacanaukett  Phillip  p  his  marke.''^ 

the24ofthel2ino.  1668." 


*  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  ii.  40.  The  original  was  owned  by  a  Mr.  White  of  Plimouth, 
about  30  years  ago.     It  is  probably  another  produrlion  of  John  Sas.iamon. 

t  Written  in  another  deed,  Atunkamomake.  This  deed  was  in  the  next  year.  It  was  of 
500  acres  of  land,  "  more  or  lesse,"  in  Swnnsey j  and  £20  the  consideration.  Hugh  Cole, 
JosiasWinslow,John  Coggeshall,  and  Constant  Southtcorthv/ete  the  purchasers, andlVanueo, 
a  counsellor,  one  of  the  witnesses. 

I  This  double  name,  we  suppose,  was  meant  to  stand  for  the  signature  of  himMlf  and  wife 

^  So  in  the  records. 


-,.>■'••■.■ 

■/  I  'V    •  ■■■  • 

.1  -  ■    -.  ■*  ., 
/■  'v*(i'>V  *  - 


:^y. 

'  ^    *  ■. 

'u 


■ilyf^: 


;   '.',".:r*-"'  'i 


r.   »:  ..' 


.'!.v,A 


I    ■>■•    •  i"'-  ^'■•.■. 

^^.^$;::% 

'•■■■/^^■*:. '*•'<, 
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■i't .,,.  ,  .#. ..     ™  - 

■I-  .^-J■r;..,;, 


^■-■;  ■'■'.; 


16 

Wanascohochetl. 


PHILIP.— SALES  OF  HIS  LANDS. 

Wewcnset. 


[Bmk  in. 


7^  line  is  a  patk 


Panhanet 


PalantaloBP*., 


Sepa- 
conell. 


Atcopompamocke 


^i 


Ascoochames. 

Macbapquake. 

Apoiiecrtt. 
This  is  a  path. 

Aiioqiieassctt. 

Cottoyowsekccsett. 


•*  OsOTnequen'^  faavine,  Tor  Taluable  considerations,"  in  the  year  1641,  sold 
to  John  Brown  and  Edward  Winslow  a  tract  of  land  eight  miles  square,  situ- 
ated on  both  sides  of  Paliuer's  River,  Philip,  on  the  30  Mar.  1668,  was  re- 
quired to  sign  a  quit-claim  of  the  same,  "niis  he  did  in  presence  of  Umpta- 
kisokty  Phillip,  and  Peebt,*  counsellors,  Sonconewheio,  Phillip's  brother,  and 
Tojii  the  interpreter.!    This  tract  includes  the  i)rcfcent  town  of  Rchoboth. 

Also  in  IGCy,  for£10  "andanother  valuable  and  snlhcient  gratuity,"  he  sells 
to  John  Cook  of  Akusenag  in  Daitmouth,^  "one  whole  island  uere  the  towne," 
called  Nokatay. 

The  same  year,  Philip  and  Ttitpaquin  sell  a  considerable  tract  of  land  in 
Middleborough,  ibr  £13.  Thomas  the  intei  preter,  fi'illiam,  the  son  of  Ttis- 
paquin,  and  Benjamin  Church,  were  witnesses. 

In  1(?71,  Philip  and  "  Monjokam  of  Mattapoisott,"  for  £5,  sell  to  Hugh  Cole,  of 
Swansej',  8hi|)wright,  land  lying  near  a  place  culled  Acashewah,  in  Dartnioutlu 

In  1(J72,  Philip  sold  to  fViUiam  Brenton  ajid  others,  of  Taunton,  a  tract  to 
the  southward  of  that  town,  containing  twelve  sipiarc  miles,  ibr  £14i'};  and, 
a  few  days  after,  adjoining  it,  four  square  uiilos  more,  to  Con  nt  Sovihworth. 
Others  were  concerned  in  the  sale  of  the  larger  tract,  as  is  judged  by  the 
deeds  being  signed  by  JVunkampahooneU,  Umnathum,  alias  JVimrod,  Chee- 
Tnaughton,  and  Captain  Annawam.,  i)csideB  one  Philip.  Thomas,  alias  Saiik- 
suit,  was  among  the  witnesses.  The  sale  of  the  last  tract  was  witnessed  by 
Munashum,  alias  JVimrod,  JVoackornpawhan,^  and  Captain  Annowan. 

These  are  but  a  part  of  the  sales  of  land  by  Pometacom :  many  other  chiefs 
sold  vtiry  largely,  particularly  h'aiuapaquin  and  Josias  Wampaiudc. 

At  the  court  of  Plimouth,  1G73,  "  Mr.  Peter  Talmon  of  Rhode  Land  com- 
plained against  Philip  allies  Wewasoivanueit,  surhem  of  Mount  Hope,  brother 
or  jjredecessor  oi'  Pakanawhctl  as  heirc  adminnoatrator  or  successor  vnto  his 
brother  or  predecessor  Wamsitta,  Sopaquitt,^  or  Alexander  deceased,  in  an 
action  on  the  case,  to  the  damage  of  £800  forfeiture  of  a  bond  of  such  a  viilue, 
bearing  date,  Jiuie  the  28th,  1(561,  giuen  to  the  said  Peter  Talmon,  obliging 

*  Called,  in  Mr.  Hubbard's  history,  Thehe ;  he  was  afterwards  killed  at  Swanscy,  in  liic 
beginning  of  the  war.    Tliere  is  a  puiid  in  Narra^anset  of  the  same  name. 

t  Mr.  Blis$,  in  his  Histouy  ok  llKHOiiorn,  (54,  C5,  has  printed  this  deed  from  the 
ori^iial. 

{  The  place  where  Cook  lived  is  ntw  included  in  New  Bedford. 

^  Probably  "  Philip's  old  uncle  Ahkompoin." 

(I  Tli.Tit  is,  nicknamed  Alexander,  according  to  the  French  mode  of  expression  ;  oii  par  sobri- 
quet Alexander,  as  I  imagine.  Mr.  Hubbard  says  of  J'liilii),  (Narrative,  10,)  that,  "for  hij 
vnibitious  and  haughty  spirit,  [h«  was]  nicknamed  King  Philip." 


I.  .iy' 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP— MAKES  A  TREATY  AT  PLIMOUTII. 


17 


him  the  said  Wamaitta  aJlies  Mwrider  to  make  good  to  him,  his  heircs  and  a 
deed  of  gift  of  a  considerable  tiiu  k  of  land  alt  Sajwwett  and  places  adjacent, 
as  in  the  said  deed  is  more  particidarly  expressed ;  for  want  wherof  the 
coni|)lainant  is  greatly  daiiuiifyed." 

Whether  the  conduct  of  the  j»eople  of  Plimoi  towards  WamstMa, 
Pometacom^a  elder  brother,  and  other  neighboring  1ml  as,  made  them  always 
(itispicious  of  tiie  chief  sachem,  as  it  had  their  neighlwrs  before  in  the  case 
of  Jfian/unnoTnoik,  or  whether  PAi7i;»  were  in  reality  "contriving  mischief," 
the  same  year  of  his  coming  in  chief  sachem,  remains  a  question,  to  this  day, 
with  those  best  acquainted  with  tlie  history  of  those  times. 

The  old  benevolent  sachem  Massagoit,  alias  Woosavaxquin,  liaving  died  in 
the  winter  of  l()()l-2,  as  we  believe,  but  few  mouths  after  died  also  Jlltxander, 
Philip's  elder  brother  and  predecessor,  when  Philip  himself,  by  tlie  order  of 
succession,  came  to  be  chief  of  the  Wampanoags. 

Philip  having  by  letter  complained  to  the  court  of  Plimouth  of  some  in- 
jiu'ies,  at  their  October  term,  ir»G8,  they  say,  "  In  answer  unto  a  letter  from 
Philip,  the  sachem  of  Pokanokett,  &c.,  by  wny  of  petition  requesting  the 
court  for  justice  against  Francis  IVast,  [/rest,]  for  wrong  done  by  him  to  one 
of  his  men  about  a  gun  taken  from  him  by  the  said  IVist ;  as  also  for  wrung 
done  unto  some  swine  of  the  said  Indian's.  The  court  have  ordered  tlie 
case  to  be  heard  and  determined  by  the  selectmen  of  Taunton  ;  and  in  case 
it  be  not  by  them  ended,  that  it  be  referred  unto  the  next  March  court  at 
Plimouth  to  be  ended."  How  the  case  turned  we  have  not  found.  But  for 
an  Indian  to  gain  his  point  at  an  English  court,  unless  his  case  were  an  ex- 
ceeding strong  one,  was,  we  apprehend,  a  rare  occurrence. 

"He  was  no  sooner  styled  sachem,"  says  Dr.  /.  Mather,*  "but  immediately, 
in  the  year  l(j62,  there  were  \ehcnient  suspicions  of  his  bloody  treachery 
against  the  English."  This  author  wrote  at  the  close  of  Philip's  war,  when 
very  lew  could  speak  of  Indians,  without  discovering  great  bitterness.  Mr. 
Morton  t  is  the  first  who  mentions  Metacomet  in  a  printed  work,  which,  being 
l)efore  any  difficulty  with  bins,  is  in  a  more  becoming  manner.  "This  year, 
(1()()2,)  he  observes,  "tipon  occasion  of  some  suspicion  of  some  plot  intended 
by  the  Indians  against  the  Englisli,  Philip,  the  sacliem  of  Pokanoket,  other- 
wise called  Metacom,  made  his  apj)earance  at  the  court  held  at  Plimouth, 
August  6,  did  earnestly  desire  the  continuance  of  that  amity  and  friendship 
that  hath  formerly  been  between  tlic  governor  of  Plimouth  and  his  deceafied 
father  and  brother." 

The  court  expressing  their  willingness  to  remain  his  friends,  he  signed  the 
articles  prepared  by  them,  acknowledging  himself  a  subject  of  tlie  king  of 
England,  thus : — 

"  The  mark  of  ^  Phillip,  sachem 
of  Poeanakett, 
The  mark  of  <]  Vncumpowett, 
vnkell  to  the  aboue  said  sachem."" 

Tlie  following  persons  were  present,  and  witnessed  this  act  of  Philip,  and 
Ills  great  cji[)tain  Uncompoin  : — 

"John  Sassamon, 
77ic  niarfc  rn.  <>/"  Francis,  sachem  o/JVauset, 
The  mark  DI  o/'Nimrod  alias  Pumfasa, 
The  mark  y  o/^Punckjjuaneck, 
The  mark  ^  of  Aq^vKTEqvESH."  I 

Of  the  uneasiness  and  concern  of  the  English  at  this  jwriod,  from  the 
liostile  movements  of  Philip,  Mr.  Hubbard,  we  presume,  was  not  informed* 
or  so  im|>flrtant  an  event  would  i:oi  Iiave  l)ecn  omitted  in  his  minute  and 
valuable  history.  Mr.  Morton,  as  we  before  states!,  and  Mr,  Mather  mention 
it,  l)ut  neither  of  these,  or  any  writer  since,  to  this  day,  has  iiia<le  the  matter 
ai)penr  in  its  true  light,  from  their  neglect  to  produce  the  names  of  those 
tliat  appeared  with  the  sachem. 

*  lliJation,  72.        f  lo  bis  N.  Eug-laad's  Mcmoriul.        \  From  the  records  in  raanuscnpt. 


i  ,  (         •'■■■     ►/'tvj 

I'""  "      .•■■  ■■■  ■"''•>J 


'.'  .   >  ,    ")      "^  \  ;•  \l    ,   '  -i.*| 

'■■ii^^^'  ■  V'"'  '"■'.■  .'■- 1^'  ■'.  •■..■'*fs 

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i   -H 


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16 


PHILIP.— PURSUIT  OF  GIBBS. 


[Book  IH 


For  about  nine  years  succeeding  1662,  very  little  is  recorded  concernin!» 
Philip.  During  this  time,  lie  became  more  intimately  acquainted  with  lii^ 
English  neighbors,  learned  their  weakness  and  his  own  strength,  whirl) 
rather  increased  than  diminished,  until  his  fatal  war  of  1675.  For,  during 
this  period,  not  only  their  additional  numbers  gained  them  power,  but  their 
arms  were  greatly  strengthened  by  the  Englisli  instruments  of  war  put  into 
their  hands.  Roger  fi'iUiams  had  early  brought  the  Narragansets  into  frioiul- 
ship  with  Massaaoit,  which  alliance  gained  additional  strength  on  the  acces- 
sion of  the  ymm^  Metacomtt.  And  here  we  may  look  for  a  main  cause  of  tliut 
war,  although  the  death  oi' Alexander  is  generally  looked  upon  by  the  earlv 
historians,  as  almost  the  only  one.  The  continual  broils  bet^veen  the  En<;- 
lish  and  Narragansets,  ^we  name  the  English  first,  as  they  were  generally 
the  aggressors,)  could  not  be  unknown  to  Philip ;  and  if  his  countrymen 
were  wronged  he  knew  it.  And  what  friend  will  see  another  abused,  with- 
out feeling  a  glow  of  resentment  in  his  breast.'  And  who  wll  wonder,  if, 
when  these  abuses  had  followed  each  other,  repetition  upon  repetition,  for 
a  series  of  years,  that  they  should  at  last  break  out  into  open  war.'  The 
Narraganset  chiefs  were  not  conspicuous  at  the  period  of  which  we  sjieuk ; 
there  were  several  of  them,  but  no  one  appears  to  have  had  a  general  com- 
mand or  ascendency  over  the  rest ;  and  there  can  be  little  doubt  but  tlmt 
*.hey  unanimously  reposed  their  cause  in  the  hands  of  Philip.  Ninigrtt  was 
at  this  time  grown  old,  and  though,  for  many  years  after  the  murder  of 
Miantunnomok,  he  seems  to  have  had  the  chief  authority,  yet  pusillanimity 
was  always  rather  a  i)redominant  trait  in  his  ciiaracter.  His  age  had  prob- 
ably caused  his  withdrawal  from  the  others,  on  their  resolution  to  second 
Philip.  Canonchet  was  at  this  period  the  most  conspicuous  ;  Pumham  next ; 
PotoK,  Magnus,  the  squaw-sachem,  whose  husband,  Mriksah,  had  been  dead 
several  years  ;  and  lastly  Maltaloag. 

Before  proceeding  Avith  later  events,  the  following  short  narrative,  illus- 
trative of  a  peculiar  custom,  may  not  be  improperly  introduced.  Philip,  as 
tradition  reports,  made  an  expedition  to  Nantucket  in  1665,  to  punish  an 
Indian  who  had  profaned  the  name  of  Maamsoit,  his  father ;  and,  as  it  was 
an  observance  or  law  among  them,  that  wiioever  should  speak  evil  of  the 
dead  should  be  put  to  death,  Philip  Avert  there  with  an  armed  force  to  exe- 
cute this  law  upon  Gibba.  He  was,  however,  defeated  in  his  design,  for  one 
of  Gibba^a  friei'ds,  understanding  Philip^s  intention,  ran  to  him  and  gave  him 
notice  of  it,  just  in  time  for  him  to  escape  ;  not,  hoAvever,  without  great  ex- 
ertions, for  Philip  came  once  in  sight  of  him,  after  pursuing  him  some  time 
among  the  English  from  house  to  liouse  ;  but  Gibha,  by  leaping  a  bank,  got 
out  of  sight,  and  so  escaped.  PAi7yj  Avould  not  leave  the  island  until  the 
English  had  ransomed  John  at  the  exorbitant  price  of  nearly  >.ll  the  money 
upon  the  island."*  Gibbs  Avas  a  Christian  Indian,  and  his  Indian  name  wus 
Aaaasainoogh.  He  Avas  a  })reriCher  to  his  countrymen  in  1674,  at  Avhich  time 
(here  were  belonging  to  his  church  30  members. 

What  grounds  the  English  had,  in  the  spring  of  tlie  year  1671,  for  susjit  rt- 
mg  that  a  plot  Avas  going  forAvuid  for  their  destruction,  cannot  satisfactorily 
be  ascertained  ;  but  it  is  evident  there  Avere  some  AAarlike  preparations  niiulf^ 
by  the  great  chief,  Avlreh  very  mucli  alarmed  the  English,  as  in  the  life  of 
Aimahonka  we  shall  have  occasion  again  to  notice.  Their  suspicions  Avcrc 
further  confirmed  when  they  sent  for  him  to  come  to  Taunton  and  niako 
knoAvn  the  causes  for  his  operations  ;  as  he  discovered  "  shyness,"  and  a  re- 
luctance to  comply.  At  length,  on  the  10th  of  April,  this  year,  he  came  to  a 
place  about  four  miles  from  Taunton,  accompanied  Avith  a  baud  of  his  A\ar- 
riors,  attired,  armed  and  painted  as  for  a  warlike  expedition.  From  this 
place  he  sent  messengers  to  Taunton,  to  invite  the  English  to  come  and 
treat  Avith  him.  The  governor  either  Avas  afraid  to  meet  the  chief,  or  tliouglit 
it  beneath  his  dignity  to  comply  with  his  request,  and  therefore  sent  several 

*  For  some  of  what  we  hnve  given  above,  see  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  159,  furnislied 
for  that  work  by  Mr.  Zaccheus  Macij,  whose  aiicusior,  it  is  said,  assisted  in  secreting 
Assasamon/rh. 

Ill  a  late  work,  Hist.  N.iiituckctt  by  Obed  Manj,  an  account  of  the  aOTair  is  given,  but  with 
Komc  variation  from  the  .'''-ve. 


61"    !,:>' 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— TREATY  AT  TAUNTON. 


19 


•     >^i 


persons,  among  whom  was  Roger  WUliama,  to  inform  him  of  tlieir  determi- 
nation, and  tlu'ir  good  disposition  towards  liim,  and  to  urge  his  attendance  at 
Taunton.  He  agreed  to  go,  and  liostages  were  leil  in  tht;  hands  of  liis 
warriors  to  warrant  his  sate  return.  On  coming  near  tlu^  village  with  a  teu 
of  his  warriors,  he  made  a  stop,  whicli  apjiears  to  liave  been  occasioned  bv 
the  warlike  parade  of  the  English,  many  of  whonj  were  lor  immediately  at- 
tacking him.  These  were  the  I'limoiitli  people  that  recommended  this  rasli- 
neiis,  hut  they  were  prevented  by  the  commissioners  from  Massachusetts,  who 
met  here  with  the  governor  of  I'limouth  to  conli'r  with  Phili}). 

In  tlie  end  it  was  agreed  that  a  council  should  be  held  ni  tin;  meeting- 
house, one  side  of  which  siiould  be  occupied  by  the  Indians,  and  tiie  otiier  by 
the  English.  PAi7)/7  had  alleged  that  the  English  injur<d  tiie  planted  huids 
of  his  people,  but  tiiis,  the  English  say,  was  in  no  wise  sustained.  He  said 
his  warlike  preparations  were  not  against  the  English,  but  tlio  Narragansets, 
which  the  Lnglish  also  say  was  proved  to  his  face  to  be  iiilse  ;  and  tliat  tiiis 
80  confounded  him,  tiiat  he  conft'ssL-d  the  whole  ])lot,  and  "tiiat  it  was  the 
naugiitiness  of  his  own  heart  that  put  him  upon  that  rebellion,  and  nothing 
of  any  provocation  from  the  English."*  Therefore,  with  four  of  his  counsel- 
lors, \\hosi>  name's  were  Tavoser,  Caj)tain  fflspoke,  fFoonkuponehunt,  [Uakom- 
poinA  and  JViinrod,  he  sigmd  a  submission,  and  an  engagement  of  frienoahip, 
which  also  sti|>uiated  that  he  should  give  up  all  the  ai'ms  among  his  people, 
into  the  hantbi  of  the  governor  of  Pliuiouth,  to  be  kept  as  long  as  the  govern- 
ment sliould  "see  reason." f 

The  English  of  Alassachas^tts,  having  acted  as  umpires  in  this  affair,  wen; 
looked  to,  by  both  parties,  on  tiie  next  cause  of  complaint  Philip  having 
delivered  the  arms  which  himself  and  men  had  with  them  at  Taunton,; 
promised  to  deliver  the  ixst  at  Plimouth  by  a  certain  time.  But  they  not 
being  delivered  according  to  agreement,  and  some  other  differences  occurring, 
a  messenger  was  sent  to  Boston  from  I'limouth,  to  make  complaint ;  but 
Philip,  perhaps,  understanding  what  was  intended,  was  quite  as  early  at  Bos- 
ton in  person  ;v,  and,  by  his  address,  did  not  fail  to  be  well  received,  and  a 
favorable  report  of  liiiu  was  rt  turned  to  Plimouth ;  and,  at  the  same  time, 
projjosals  that  commissifanc^rs  li-om  sdl  the  United  Colonies  should  meet 
Philip  at  Plimouth,  where  aJl  difficulties  might  be  settled.  This  meeting  took 
l)laci!  the  same  yeaz",  September,  ltJ71,  and  the  issue  of  the  meeting  was  very 
nearly  the  same  as  that  at  Taunton.  "The  conclusion  was,"  says  Mr. 
.Mather,^  ^^  Philip  acknowledged  his  offence,  and  was  appointed  to  give  a  sum 
of  money  to  defray  the  charges  which  his  insolent  clamors  had  put  the  colo- 
ny unto." 

As  usual,  s(!veral  articles  were  drawn  up  by  the  English,  of  what  Philip 
was  to  submit  to,  to  wliich  we  fnid  the  names  of  three  only  of  his  ca])tains  or 
counsellors,  Uiicompaen,  who  was  his  uncle,1[  Ifotokom,  and  Samkama. 

Great  stress  in  those  days  was  laid  on  the  Indians  submitting  themselves 
as  "subjex^ts  to  his  majesty  the  king  of  England."  This  they  did  only  to  get 
rid  of  the  importunity  of  the  English,  as  their  course  inunediately  allerwards 
invariably  showed. 

The  articles  which  the  government  of  Plimoutii  drew  up  at  this  time,  for 
Philip  to  sign,  were  not  so  illiberal  as  might  bei  imagined,  were  we  not  to 
produce  some  of  them.     Article  second  reads, — 


Wv 


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ir.vi  '■  ; 


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■  '■'.'*/■.'.?■,'  '■'.■ 


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CM 

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■  ■  .^  . 

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i-\-:r.i.^:n-ri'''. 

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:^f::'.'-     . 

•'  '•■.■■*'. , 

•.'.  ti 

^■!•i;t:^^ 

■  ■  ;  '''■' ' 

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,  '. 

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•  '     • 

^  1 

.  .'-.r;.-    . 

"I  yPhUip^  am  willing,  and  do  promise  to  pay  unto  the  govermnent  of  Plim- 
outii £100,  in  such  things  as  I  have ;  but  I  would  entreat  tlic  favor  that  I 
uiigiit  have  three  years  to  pay  it  in,  Ibrasmuch  as  I  cannot  do  it  at  present." 
Aii'l  in  article  third,  he  promises  "  to  stiiid  unto  the  governor,  or  whom  he  shall 
appoint,  five  wolves'  heads,  if  he  can  get  tlicni ;  or  as  many  as  he  can  procure, 

*  Uubhard.  Indian  Wars,  11,  1st  edition. 

t  The  ariiclfs  of  this  treaty  may  be  seen  iu  Hubbard,  Mather,  and  Hutchinson's  histonea: 
tlu'v  iimnunt  Iu  little,  and  we  thcieforc  omit  tlicm. 

f:»/a//i<r'*  Relation,  73. 

0  I'urhaps  litis  was  the  time  Mr.  Josselyn  saw  him  there  richly  caparisoned,  as  will  here 
afier  he  mentioned.  ||  Mather's  Relation,  73. 

H  C'aJled  by  Church,  Akkompoin.     Hist.  King  Philip's  War,  110  of  my  edition. 


..'F •;•■*' ^Jw*  >    ■*'■«*■ 


■■  '■■  Hf 


■,'■.'■';! 


hi-- 

■'•n.i<:-rt: 


'    r  >•       ■'••.71.  '.»1-. 
•.I.     1  .  .'.  ■\  ^:.    •,. 

' .  •  »■»■ .  «■  ■  ■ 

:     >-7;i;-:. 

.>■  :•.•■'  '  'ii/.-.v. 
I.;,.  ;.it-r'  .V? 

ir    .-*"  4  >  ,  -  ■...• 


v.-  -• ; 


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M    .*J-i  '»  .,  i'^      ' 

Ml  •■■•■•  ■-!'-  ■■ 

Hit^- ' . .     i . 


SO 


PHILIP.— PLIMOUTH  ACCUSATIONS  OF  1671. 


[Book  III. 


until  they  come  to  five  wolves'  heads  yearly."    These  articles  were  dated  • 
5&>  Sept.  1671,  and  were  signed  by 

7%e  mark  P  0/  Phillip  ; 

The  mark  T  o/'Wohkowpahenitt; 

The  mark  V  o/'Wuttakooseeim; 

The  murk  T  o/^Sonkanuuoo  ; 

The  mark  Q,^  Woo jiASHVw, 
altaa  Nibirod; 

The  mark  '^  ofWooHVASVCK, 
alioi  Captain. 

On  tlic  3  Nov.  following,  Philip  accomjpanied  Takanumma  to  Plimoiitli,  to 
make  his  submission,  wliich  he  did,  and  acknowledged,  by  a  \vriting,  that  he 
would  adhere  to  the  articles  signed  by  Philip  and  the  o  Jiers,  the  29  Sept. 
before.  Toknmana  was  brother  to  Jticashonks,  and,  at  this  time,  was  sachem 
of  Seconet,  or  Saconett.     He  was  afterwards  killed  by  the  Narraganscts.f 

A  general  disiiriniiig  of  the  neighboring  Lidians  was  undertaken  during  the 
spring  and  summer  ot  1671,  and  nothing  but  trouble  could  have  been  expect- 
ed to  follow. 

That  notliing  may  be  omitted  which  can  throw  light  upon  this  import  it 
era  in  the  biography  of  Philip,  we  will  lay  before  the  reader  all  the  unpiih- 
lishcd  information  furnished  by  the  n'cords.f  Having  met  in  June,  1671, 
"  The  court  [of  Plimouth]  dctermins  all  tlie  guns  in  our  hands,  that  did  be- 
long to  Philip,  are  justly  forfeit :  and  do  at  the  present  order  the  dividing  of 
them,  to  be  kept  at  the  several  kmvhs,  according  to  their  equal  proportions, 
until  Octol)er  court  next,  and  then  to  be  at  the  court's  dispose,  as  reason  may 
appear  to  them,  and  then  to  belong  unto  the  towns,  if  not  otlierwise  disposed 
of  by  the  court. 

"  That  which  the  court  grounds  thtir  judgment  upon  is, — For  that  at  the 
treaty  at  Taunton,  Philip  and  his  council  did  acknowledge  that  they  had  been 
in  a  preparation  for  war  against  us;  and  that  not  groiuided  upon  any  injury 
sustained  Irom  us,  nor  j)rovocation  given  by  »is,  but  from  tlieir  naughty  hearts, 
and  because  he  hud  formerly  violated  and  broken  solenui  covenants  made 
and  renewed  to  us ;  he  then  freely  tendered,  (not  being  in  a  uipacity  to  be 
ke])t  Ihithful  by  any  other  bonds,)  to  resign  up  all  his  English  arms,  for  our 
future  security  in  that  respect.  He  failed  greatly  in  the  performance  thereof, 
by  secret[ly]  conveving  away,  and  carrying  home  several  guns,  that  might  and 
should  have  been  tlien  delivered,  and  not  giving  them  up  since,  according  to 
his  engagement ;  nor  so  fiir  as  is  in  his  power ;  as  appears  in  that  many  guns 
are  known  still  to  be  amongst  the  Indians  that  live  by  him,  and  [he]  not  so 
nuicli  as  giving  order  to  some  of  his  men,  that  are  under  his  immediate  com- 
mand, about  the  bringing  in  of  their  arms. 

"  In  his  endeavoring,  since  the  treaty  [at  Taunton,]  to  render  us  odious  to 
our  neighbor  colony  hy  false  reports,  complaints  and  suggestions ;  and  his 
refusing  or  avoiding  a  treaty  with  us  concerning  those  and  other  matters  that 
ai'o  justly  offensive  to  us,  notwithstanding  his  late  engagement,  as  well  as  for- 
mer, to  submit  to  the  king's  authority,  and  the  authority  of  this  colony. 

"  It  was  also  ordered  by  the  court  that  the  arir )  of  the  Indians  of  Namas- 
sakett  and  Assowamsett,  that  were  fetched  in  by  Major  IVinslow,  and  those  that 
were  with  him,  are  confiscated,  and  forfeit,  from  the  said  Indians,  for  the 
grounds  above  expressed ;  they  being  in  a  compliance  with  PMUipe  in  his 
late  plot :  And  yet  would  neither  by  our  governor's  order,  nor  by  Phillipe's 
desire,  bring  in  their  arms,  as  was  engage*!  by  the  treaty ;  and  the  said  guns 
are  ordered  by  tlie  court  to  the  major  and  his  company  for  their  satisfaction, 
in  that  expedition. 

"  This  court  have  agreed  and  voted  "  to  send  "some"  forces  to  "  Saconett  to 
fetch  in  "  the  arms  among  tiie  Indians  there. 

*  Tliere  is  no  dale,  but  llie  year,  set  to  any  printed  copy  of  this  treaty.  Mr.  Hubbard  by 
niistHke  omiited  it,  and  those  who  have  since  written,  have  not  given  themselves  the  pleasure 
ol  rociirriiifr  lo  ibo  recort'  . 

♦  See  Church,  3'J.  t  Plimouth  Colony  Records,  in  titamiscript. 


■•-■»:  ■■. 

I  ,1  v\. 


CHAr.  11.] 


PHILIP.— PLIMOUTH  ACCUSATIONS  OF  1671. 


21 


:-:¥:n. 


If  then,  therefore,  these  Indians  had  not  already  become  hostile,  no  one  wonhl 
marvel  had  it  now  become  the  case.  Bows  an«l  arrows  were  almost  entirely 
out  of  use.  Guns  had  so  far  superseded  them,  that  undoubtedly  many  scarce 
could  use  them  with  effect,  in  procuring  themselves  game:  Nor  could  it  l)e 
expected  otherwise,  for  the  English  had,  by  nearly  40  years'  intercourse,  ren- 
dered their  arms  far  more  necessary  to  the  existence  of  the  Indians  than  to  their 
own :  hence  their  unwillingness  to  part  with  them.  Philip,  it  is  said,  directed 
the  Middleborough  Indians  to  give  up  their  guns.  His  object  in  this  was  to 
|)acifv  the  English,  judging  that  if  war  should  begin,  these  Indians  would  join 
the  li^nglish,  or  at  least  many  of  them  ;  and,  therefore,  it  affected  his  cause  but 
little  which  paity  possessed  them ;  but  not  so  with  his  immediate  followers,  as 
we  have  just  seen  in  the  record. 

A  council  of  war  having  convened  at  Plimouth,  23  August,  1G71,  the  follow- 
ing, Ix-sides  the  matters  already  expressed,  they  took  into  consideration :  Philip's 
"  entertaining  of  many  strange  Indians,  whicli  might  portend  danger  towards 
us.  In  8j)ecial  by  his  entertaining  of  divers  Saconett  Indians,  proli^ssed  ene- 
mies to  this  colony,  and  this  against  good  counsel  given  hun  by  his  friends. 
The  premises  considered  [the  council]  do  ummimonsly  agree  and  conclude, 
that  the  said  Phillip  hath  violated  [the]  covenant  ])lighted  with  this  colony  at 
Taunton  in  April  last. 

"2.  It  is  unanimously  agreed  and  concluded  by  the  said  council,  that  we  are 
necessarily  called  to  cause  the  said  sachem  to  make  his  personal  ap|)eui-ahce  to 
make  bis  purgation,  in  reference  to  the  premises;  which,  in  case  of  his  refusal, 
the  council,  according  to  what  at  i>reseut  appears,  do  detcrmiu  it  necessary  to 
endeavor  his  reducement  by  force  ;  inasmuch  as  tb*"  controversy  which  bath 
seemed  to  lie  more  immediately  between  him  and  us,  doth  concern  all  the  Eng- 
lish plantations.  It  is,  therefore,  determined  to  state  the  case  to  our  neightrar 
colonies  of  the  Massachusetts  and  Ktiode  Island  ;  and  if,  by  their  weighty  ad- 
vice to  the  contrary,  we  are  not  diverted  from  our  present  determinations,  to 
signify  unto  them,  that  if  they  look  upon  themselves  concerned  to  engage  in  the 
case  with  us  agiunst  a  common  enemy,  it  shall  be  well  accepted  as  a  neigh- 
borly kindness,  which  we  shall  hold  ourselves  obliged  to  rejMiy,  when  Provi- 
dence may  so  disjiose  that  we  have  opportunity. 

"Accordingly,  letters  were  despatched  and  sent  from  the  council,  one  unto 
the  said  Phillip  the  said  sachem,  to  require  his  personal  appearance  at  Plymouth, 
on  the  13th  day  of  September  next,  in  reference  to  the  particulars  above  men- 
tioned against  him.  This  letter  was  sent  by  Mr.  James  Walker,  one  of  the 
council,  and  he  was  ordered  to  request  the  company  of  Rlr.  Roeer  Williams 
and  Mr.  James  Brown,  to  go  with  liim  at  the  delivery  of  the  said  letter.  And 
another  letter  Mas  sent  to  the  governor  and  council  of  the  Massachusetts  by  the 
hands  of  Mr.  John  Freeman,  one  of  our  magistrates,  anfl  r.  ^hird  was  directed  to 
the  governor  and  council  of  Rhode  Island,  and  sent  by  ^±t.  Thomas  Hinckley 
and  Mr.  Constant  Sovthworth,  two  other  of  our  magistrates,  who  are  orderetl  by 
our  council  with  the  letter,  to  unfold  our  present  state  of  matters  relating  to  the 
premises,  and  to  certify  them,  also,  more  certainly  of  the  time  of  the  meeting 
together,  in  reference  to  engagement  with  the  Indians,  if  there  be  a  going  forth, 
which  will  he  on  the  20  of  September  next, 

"  It  was  further  ordered  by  the  council,  that  those  formerly  pressed  shall 
remain  under  the  same  impressment,  until  the  next  meeting  of  the  said  coun- 
cil, on  the  13  day  of  SepL  next,  and  so  also  until  the  intended  expedition  is 
issued,  unless  they  shall  see  cause  to  alter  them,  or  add  or  detract  from  them, 
as  occasion  may  require :  And  that  all  other  matters  remain  as  they  were, 
in  way  of  preparation  to  the  said  expedition,  until  wo  shall  see  the  mind  of 
God  further  by  the  particulars  forcnamed,  improved  (or  that  purpose. 

"  It  was  further  ordered  by  the  council,  that  all  the  to  aus  within  this  juristlic- 
tion  sholl,  in  the  interim,  be  solicitously  careful  to  provide  for  their  8alt;ty,  by 
convenient  watches  and  wordings,  and  carrying  their  arms  to  the  meetings  on 
the  Lord's  days,  in  such  manner,  as  will  best  stand  with  their  particulars,  and 
the  common  safety. 

"  And  in  particular  they  order,  that  a  guard  shall  be  provided  for  the  safety 
of  the  governor's  person,  during  the  time  of  the  above-named  troubles  and  ex- 
peditions. 


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22 


PHILIP.— PLIMOUTH  ACCUSATIONS  OF  1671. 


[Book  III. 


"  And  tlie  council  were  siunmoned  by  the  president,  [the  gvwemor  of  Piirn- 
outh,]  to  make  their  personal  appeurunce  at  IMyiiiouth,  on  the  13th  day  el" 
Sept.  next,  to  attend  Huch  further  business  us  shall  be  then  presented  by  Prnvi- 
dencc,  in  reference  to  the  premises.  [Without  any  intennediate  entry,  tin 
records  proceed:] 

"  On  the  13  Sept.  1671,  the  council  of  war  appeared,  according  to  their  sum- 
mons, but  Phillip  the  stichem  appeared  not;  but  instead  thereof  repaired  to  the 
Massticliusetts,  ond  made  complaint  agains  "*<  to  divers  of  the  gentlemen  in 
plac(!  there  •  who  wrote  to  our  governor,  by  way  of  persuasion,  to  advise  the 
cuuneii  to  a  compliance  with  the  said  sachem,  and  tendered  their  help  in  the 
uchi(;ving  thereof;  declaruig,  in  sum,  that  they  resented  not  his  ofi'ence  so 
deej)ly  us  we  did,  aiid  that  they  doubted  whether  the  covenants  and  eiigage- 
inents  t'lat  Phillip  and  his  predecessors  had  plighted  with  us,  would  plainly 
import  that  he  had  subjected  himself,  and  jHJople,  and  country  to  us  any  furthei 
than  a.s  in  a  neighborly  and  friendly  correspondency." 

Thus,  whether  Philip  hud  been  able  by  nusrepresentation  to  lead  the  court 
of  Mussuchiisetts  into  a  conviction  that  his  designs  had  not  been  fairlv  set  forth 
by  Piimouth,  or  whether  it  be  more  reasonable  to  conclude  that  that  body  were 
thon Highly  acquainted  with  the  whole  grounds  of  complaint,  and,  therefore, 
considered  Piimouth  nearly  as  much  in  eiTor  us  Philip,  by  assuming  authority 
not  belonging  to  them,  is  a  case,  we  apprehend,  not  diliicult  to  be  settled  by  the 
reader.    The  record  continues : — 

"  The  council  having  deliberated  upon  the  premises,  despatched  away  letters, 
declaring  their  thi  kful  acceptance  of  their  kind  proffer,  and  invited  the  com- 
missioners of  the  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  they  [the  latter]  then  being 
there  in  the  Bay,  [Boston,]  and  some  other  gentlemen  to  come  to  Plymouth  and 
afford  us  their  help:  And,  accordingly,  on  the  24  oi'Scpt.  1G71,  Mr.  John  H'in- 
throp,  Gov.  of  Connecticut,  Maj.  Gen.  Levtrett,  Mr.  Th*.?.  Danforlk,  Capt.  Wm. 
Davis,  with  divers  others,  came  to  Piimouth,  and  hud  a  fair  and  deliberate 
hearing  of  the  controversy  between  our  colony  and  the  se.ld  suchem  Phillip,  he 
being  personally  present ;  there  being  also  com|ietent  interpreteit,  botli  English 
and  Indians.  At  which  meeting  it  was  proved  by  sufficient  testimony  to  the 
conviction  of  the  said  Phillip,  and  satisfaction  of  all  that  audience,  both  [to]  the 
said  gendemen  and  others,  that  he  hud  broken  his  covenant  made  with  our 
colony  at  Taunton  in  April  last,  in  divera  particulars:  as  also  carried  very  un- 
kindly unto  us  divers  ways. 

"1.  In  that  he  "hud  neglected  to  bring  in  his  arms,  although  "  competent 
time,  yea  his  time  enlarged  "  to  do  it  in,  as  before  stated.  "  2.  That  he  had 
carried  insolently  and  i)roudly  towards  us  on  several  occasions,  in  refusing  to 
come  down  to  our  coi:rt  (when  sent  lor)  to  have  speech  with  him,  to  procure 
a  right  understanding  of  matters  in  diffijrence  l)etwixt  us." 

This,  to  say  the  least,  was  a  wretchedly  sorry  complaint.  That  an  independ 
ent  chief  shouhl  refuse  to  obey  his  neighbors  whenever  they  had  a  mind  to 
command  him,  of  the  justness  of  whose  mandates  he  was  not  to  inquire,  sureh 
calls  lor  no  comment  of  oura.  Besides,  did  Philip  not  do  as  he  agreed  at 
Taunton  ? — which  was,  that  in  case  of  future  troubles,  both  parties  should  lay 
their  complaints  before  Massachusetts,  and  abide  by  their  decision .'' 

The  3d  charge  is  only  a  repetition  of  what  was  stated  by  the  council  of  war. 
namely,  harboring  and  abetting  divers  Indians  not  his  own  men,  but  "  vagji- 
bonds,  our  professed  enemies,  who  leaving  tlieir  own  sachem  were  harbored 
by  him." 

The  4th  has  likewise  been  stated,  which  contains  the  complaint  of  his  going 
to  Massachusetts,  "  with  several  of  his  council,  endeavoring  to  insinuate  him- 
self into  tiie  magistrates,  and  to  misrepresent  matters  un.o  them,"  which  amounts 
to  little  else  but  an  accusation  i^gainst  M;i8sachusetts,  as,  from  what  has  been 
before  stated,  it  seems  that  the  "gentlemen  in  place  there"  had,  at  least  in  part, 
been  convinced  that  Philip  wts  not  so  much  in  fault  as  their  friends  of  Piim- 
outh had  pretended. 

"  5.  That  he  had  shewed  gr"  t  incivility  to  divers  of  ours  at  several  times ;  in 
special  unto  Mr.  James  Brmvn,  who  was  sent  by  the  court  on  special  occasion, 
as  a  messenger  unto  him  ;  and  unto  Hugh  Colt  at  another  time,  &c. 

"  The  gentletneu  forenamed  taking  notice  of  the  pretnises,  havuig  fully  heard 


what  the  said 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP. 


what  the  said  Phillip  could  say  for  himself,  having  free  liberty  so  to  do  without 
interruption,  adjudged  that  be  i  ..d  done  us  u  great  deal  of  wrong  and  injury, 
(res|)ecting  the  preniir^s,)  and  also  abused  them  by  carrying  liei  and  falr-o 
stories  to  then,  and  so  misrepresenting  matters  unto  them ;  and  they  persuaded 
him  to  make  an  acknowledgment  ot  his  Itiult,  and  to  seek  for  rec^.iciliation, 
expressing  themselves,  that  there  is  a  great  difference  between  what  he  asserted 
to  the  government  in  the  Bay,  and  wh  *,  he  could  now  make  out  concerning 
his  pretended  wrongs ;  and  such  had  been  the  wrong  and  damage  that  he  had 
done  and  procured  unto  the  colony,  as  ought  not  to  be  borne  without  compe- 
tent reparation  and  satisfaction  ;  yuo,  that  he,  by  his  insolencies,  had  (in  proba- 
bility) orcasioned  more  mischief  from  the  Indians  amongst  tlieni,  than  hud 
iullon  out  in  many  years  l)efore ;  tliey  persuaded  him,  therefore,  to  humble  him- 
self uiito  the  magistrates,  and  to  amend  his  ways,  if  he  ex[)ected  peace  ;  and 
that,  if  he  went  on  in  his  refractory  way,  he  must  expect  to  smart  for  it." 

The  commissioners  finally  drew  up  the  treaty  of  which  we  have  before  spo- 
k<!ti,  and  Philip  and  bis  counsellors  subscribed  it ;  and  thus  ended  the  chief 
events  of  1G71. 

A  very  short  time  before  the  war  of  1675  commenced,  the  governor  of 
Massachusetts  sent  an  ambassador  to  Philip,  to  demand  of  him  why  lie  would 
make  war  upon  the  English,  and  requested  him,  at  the  same  time,  to  enter  into 
a  treaty.     The  sachem  made  him  this  answer: — 

"  Your  governor  is  but  a  subject  of  King  Charles  *  of  England.  I  shall  not 
treat  uiih  a  subject.  I  shall  treat  of  peace  only  toi'htlve  king,  my  brother.  IfTien 
he  comes,  I  am  ready."  \ 

This  is  literal,  although  we  have  changed  the  order  of  the  words  a  little,  and 
is  worthy  of  a  place  upon  the  same  page  with  the  speech  of  the  ftimous  Porus, 
when  taken  captive  by  Alexander.  % 

We  meet  with  nothing  o^'  importance  until  the  deatli  of  Sassamon,  in  1674, 
the  occasion  of  which  was  ciiarged  upon  PhUip,  and  was  the  cause  of  bringing 
about  the  war  with  him  a  year  sooner  than  he  had  expected.  This  event  pre- 
maturely discovered  his  intentions,  which  occasioned  the  partial  recantation  of 
the  Narraganscts,  who,  it  is  reported,  were  to  furnish  4000  men,  to  be  ready  to 
fall  upon  the  English  in  1676.  Concert,  therefore,  was  wanting  ;  and  although 
nearly  all  the  Narragansets  ultimately  joined  against  the  English,  yet  the  pow- 
erful effect  of  a  general  simultaneous  movement  was  lost  to  the  Indians. 
Philip's  own  people,  many  of  whom  were  so  disconcerted  at  the  unexjMicted 
beginning  of  the  war,  continued  some  time  to  waver,  doubting  which  side  to 
show  th'jmselves  in  favor  of;  and  it  was  only  from  their  being  without  the 
vicinity  of  the  English,  or  unprotected  by  them,  that  determined  their  course, 
wliicli  was,  in  almost  all  ca8«5s,  in  favor  o£  Philip.  Even  the  praying  Indians, 
had  they  l)een  left  to  themselves,  would,  no  doubt,  many  of  tliem,  have  declared 
in  his  fiivor  also,  as  a  great  many  really  did. 

Until  the  execution  of  the  three  Indians,  supposed  to  l)e  the  murderers  of 
Sassamon,  no  hostility  was  conmiitted  by  Philip  or  his  warriors.  About  the 
time  of  their  trial,  he  was  said  to  be  marching  his  men  "  up  and  down  the 
country  in  arms,"  but  when  it  was  known  that  they  were  executed,  he  could 
no  longer  restrain  many  of  his  young  men,  who,  having  sent  their  wives  and 
children  to  NaiTaganset,  upon  the  24th  of  June,  provoked  the  |)eople  of  Swan- 
sey,  by  killing  their  catde,  and  other  injuries,^  until  they  fired  upon  tliem  and 

*  CImrlea  II.,  whose  relen  was  from  1660  to  1676. 

t  Old  Indian  Chronicle, o8. 

\  'i'iic  conqueror  asked  hiin  how  he  would  be  treated,  who,  in  two  words,  replied  '•  Like  a 
king."  Heing  asked  if  lie  had  no  other  request  to  make,  he  said,  "  No.  Every  tiling  is 
coiiiprohcnded  in  that."  {Plutarch's  Life  of  Alexander.)  We  could  wish,  that  the  English 
coiiqiierors  had  acted  with  as  much  magnanimity  towards  the  Indians,  as  Alexander  did 
towanis  those  ho  overcame.     Porus  was  treated  as  he  had  desired. 

^  "  In  the  mean  time  King  PltUip  mustered  up  about  500  of  his  men,  and  arms  Ihem  cora- 
pteat  ;  and  had  gotten  about  8  or  900  of  his  neignlmriiig  Indians,  and  likewise  arms  themcom- 
pleat ;  (i.  e.  guns,  powder  and  bullets ;)  but  how  many  lie  hath  engaged  to  be  of  his  party, 
IS  unknown  to  any  among  us.  The  last  spring,  several  Indians  were  seen  in  small  parties, 
about  Rehoboth  and  Sioansey,  which  not  a  little  affrighted  the  inhabitants.  Who  demanding 
the  reason  of  them,  wherefore  it  was  so  ?  Answer  was  made.  That  they  were  only  on  their 
own  defence,  for  they  understood  that  the  English  intended  to  cut  them  off.    About  the  20th 


;.cJ. 


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34 


PHILIP— BEGINS  THE  WAR  OF  1675. 


[Book  III. 


killed  one,  which  wan  n  Hit^al  tw  commence  the  war,  and  what  they  had  de> 
sired  ;  tor  the  Hn,)crstitiou8  noti<>ti  prevailed  among  the  Lidians,  that  the  (rnrty 
who  fired  the  firBt  f,nin  would  Im;  conquered.*  They  had  probably  l>een  niudo 
to  believe  thit*  by  the  English  the  iiselves. 

It  W!i«  u|Km  a  liwt  day  lliiit  this  great  drama  was  opened.  As  the  people 
wert;  returning  from  meeting,  they  were  fired  u|»on  by  the  Indians,  when  one 
was  killed  and  two  wounded.  Two  others,  going  for  a  surgeon,  were  kilifd 
on  their  way.  In  another  part  of  the  town,  six  others  were  killed  the  sunie 
day.  Swansey  was  in  the  midst  o{  Philip' a  country,  and  Ids  men  were  as  well 
acquainted  with  all  the  walks  of  the  English  as  they  were  themselves. 

It  is  not  sup])08ed  that  Philip  directed  this  attack,  but,  on  the  other  hand,  it 
has  been  suid  that  it  was  against  his  wishes.  But  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  his 
hostility  and  great  desire  tu  rid  his  country  of  the  white  intruders ;  f(T  had  he 
not  reason  to  say, 

"  Exarscre  ignes  .inimo :  siibil  ira,  cadcnlcm 
Ulfisci  pairiain,  et  sccleralas  lumerc  pwims  ?  " 

The  die  was  cost.  No  other  alternative  appeared,  but  to  ravage,  bum  and 
destroy  as  fust  as  was  in  his  power.  There  had  been  no  considerable  war  for 
a  long  time,  either  among  themselves  or  with  the  English,  and,  therefore,  nu- 
merous young  warriors  from  the  neighboring  tribes,  entered  into  his  cause 
with  great  ardor ;  eager  to  {Kirtbnn  exploits,  such  as  had  been  recounted  to 
them  by  their  sires,  and  such  as  they  had  long  waited  an  opportunity  to  ochieve. 
The  time,  they  conceived,  hud  now  arrived,  and  their  souls  expanded  in  pro- 
portion to  the  greatness  of  the  undertaking.  To  conquer  the  English !  to  lead 
captive  their  haughty  lords !  must  have  been  to  them  thoughts  of  vast  magni- 
tude, and  exhJaniting  in  the  highest  degree. 

Town  after  town  fell  liefore  them,  and  when  the  English  forces  marched  in 
one  direction,  they  were  burning  and  laying  waste  in  another.  A  i>art  of 
Taunton,  Middlcborough,  and  Dartmouth,  in  the  vicinity  of  Pocasset,  upon 
Narraganset  Bay,  soon  followed  the  destruction  of  Swansey,  which  was  burnt 
iitunediutcly  after  the  24th  of  June,  on  being  abandoned  by  the  inhabitants. 

Though  now  in  great  consternation,  the  jieople  of  Swansey  and  its  vicinity 
did  noi  lorget  to  make  known  their  distressed  situation  by  sending  runners  with 
the  utmost  despatch  to  Boston  and  Pl'mouth  for  ossistance.  "But,"  says  our 
chronicler  of  that  day,  "  before  any  came  to  them,  they  of  both  towns,  Reho- 
both  and  Swansey,  were  gathered  together  into  three  houses,  men,  women,  and 
children,  and  there  had  all  jirovisions  in  common,  so  that  they  who  had  nothing 
wanted  nothing.  Immediately  after  notice  hereof  came  to  Boston,  drums  l)eat 
up  for  volunteers,  and  in  3  hours  time  were  mustered  up  about  110  men,  Capt. 
Samtiel  Mostly  l)eing  their  commander.  This  Capt.  Mostly  hath  been  an 
old  privateer  at  Jamaica,  an  excellent  soldier,  and  an  uiidrnnted  s[)irit,  one 
whose  memory  will  be  honorable  in  New  England  for  his  many  eminent  ser- 
vices he  hath  done  the  public. 

"There  were  also  among  these  men,  about  10  or  12 privateers,  that  had  been 
there  some  time  before.  They  curried  with  them  several  dogs,  that  proved 
serviceable  to  them,  in  finding  out  the  enemy  in  their  swamps ;  one  whereof 
would,  for  several  days  together,  go  out  and  bring  to  them  6,  8  or  10  young 
pigs  of  King  Philip's  herds.  There  went  out  olso  amongst  these  men,  one 
ComeliiiSjU.  Dutchman,  who  had  lately  been  condemned  to  die  for  piracy,  but 
afterwurds  received  a  pardon  ;  he,  willing  to  show  his  gratitude  therefor,  went 
out  and  did  several  good  services  abroad  against  the  enemy." 

All  who  have  sought  after  truth  in  matters  of  this  kind,  are  well  aware  of  the 

of  June  last,  seven  or  eight  of  King  Philip's  men  came  to  Swansey  on  »he  Lord's  day,  and 
would  grind  a  hatchet  at  an  inlmhiianl's  house  there;  the  master  told  them,  it  was  the  sab- 
bath day,  and  their  {iod  would  be  very  angry  if  he  should  let  them  do  it.  Tiicy  returned 
this  answer :  They  knew  not  who  his  God  was,  and  that  they  would  do  it,  for  all  him,  or  his 
God  cither.  From  thence  tliey  went  to  another  house,  and  took  away  some  victuals,  but  hurl 
no  man.  Immediately  they  met  a  man  travelling  on  the  road,  kept  him  in  custody  a  siiort 
time,  then  dismist  him  quietly  ;  giving  him  this  caution,  that  he  should  not  work  on  his  God's 
day,  and  that  he  should  tell  no  lies."  Chronicle,  8,  9. 
■  C^Hendar's  Discourse  on  the  Hist,  of  R.  Island, 


Chai.  II] 


PHILII'— HIS  WAR  OF  UwJ. 


35 


xtri'ine  difRoilty  of  invrstipution.  Twenty  pt'i-nons  may  write  an  ncroimt  of 
n  iHiiir,  to  the  puKsjif^i'  oi"  wliicli  all  iiitiy  liiivc  Imm-ii  witiicsHCH,  uiid  no  two  ot 
liiciii  iifjrce  in  many  ot'it.-*  iMuliciilai-s.  'hi<'  author  of"  tins  trnclH  which  wn  ritn 
uikI'T  tlu!  name  ot'Tho  C^.,  Lnoian  Ciiho.mci.k,  wrote  hit*  aceoimtH  in  Konton, 
and  wo  have  no  (loiii)t  of  hit*  intention  to  rreonl  every  event  with  the  KtrieteKt 
ntranl  to  truth  ;  if  ne  had  erred,  it  is  doulitiertn  from  his  reeordiiiff  the  first  news 
of  an  event,  whieh  often  varies  in  point  of  fact  aflerwards.  Huohard  and  .Ma- 
thrr,  two  contem|)orarj'  historians,  liad  the  ailvantngn  of  a  comparison  of  rp- 
|M)rts,  and  of  revising  tin  ir  works  in  their  passage  tiiroiigh  iho  press;  whereas 
the  aiitlior  of  the  tracts  wrote  theiii  as  lettci-s  to  a  friend  in  London,  where  they 
were  innnediately  printed.  Witii  allowances  for  these  circumstances,  as  full 
credit  sliould  Im;  given  to  his  rotation,  as  to  either  of  the  others.  His  accounts 
of  »he  firet  even^  at  Swansey  are  detailed  in  his  own  words  in  a  previous  note, 
and  we  here  proceed  with  another  portion  of  his  narrative. 

"  Ity  this  time  tlie  Indians  have  killed  :u>veral  of  our  men,  but  the  first  that 
was  killed  was  June  li;i,  a  man  at  Swansey  :  'hat  he  and  his  family  had  left  his 
iionst;  amongst  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants,  a^  i  ac!>-enturing  with  his  wife  and 
80!i  (about  twenty  years  old)  to  go  to  his  house  to  fetch  them  corn,  and  such 
like  things:  (he  having  just  bcfon;  sent  his  wife  and  son  away)  as  he  was  going 
out  of  the  house,  was  s<>t  on  and  shot  by  Indians.  His  wife  tH>ing  not  far  ofI| 
heard  the  guns  go  off,  went  back,"  and  fell  into  their  hands.  Dishonored,  and 
aflerwards  scalped  by  them,  she  immediately  died,  and  her  son  was  at  the  same 
time  scalped.  "They  also  the  next  day  [24  Jime]  killed  six  or  seven  n>en  at 
Sw:!.:sey,  and  two  more  at  one  of  the  garrisons;  and  ais  two  men  went  out  of 
one  of  the  garrisons  to  draw  a  bucket  of  wattjr,  tln'y  were  shot  and  carried 
away,  and  aiierwards  were  found  with  their  fingers  and  feet  cut  off,  and  the 
skin  of  their  heads  flayed  off,"  that  is,  scalped. 

"  About  14  daysaflcT  that  they  sent  for  more  help  ;  whereupon  the  authority 
of  Boston  made  Capt.  Thomaa  Savn^e  the  major  general  in  that  expedition, 
who,  with  GO  horse,  and  as  many  foot,  went  out  of  Boston ;  having  pressed  horses 
for  the  footmen,  and  six  carts  to  cany  provisions  with  them."  "  They  traveled 
day  and  night  till  they  came  to  their  garrisons,  and  within  thre«!  days  atler 
inarched,  horse  and  foot,  leaving  guards  in  the  garrisons,  towards  Mount  Hope, 
where  King  Philip  and  his  wife  was.  Tlujy  came  on  him  at  imawares,  so  that 
he  was  forced  to  rise  from  dinner,  and  he  •'•".i  all  with  him  fled  out  of  that  land 
called  Mount  Hope,  up  further  into  the  cotmtry.  They  pursued  them  as  far  as 
they  could  go  for  swamps,  and  killed  15  or  16  in  that  expedition,  then  n-tumed 
and  took  what  he  had  that  was  worth  taking,  and  spoiled  the  rest ;  taking  all  his 
cattle  and  hogs  that  they  could  find,  and  also  took  possession  of  Mount  Hope, 
which  had  then  t.  thousand  acres  under  com,  which  is  since  cut  down  by  the 
English,  and  disposed  of  according  to  their  discretion.  Cornelius  [i)efore  mer.- 
fioiied]  was  in  this  exploit,  and  pursued  Philip  so  hard,  that  he  got  his  cap  ofl 
liis  head,  and  now  wears  it" 

It  v/as  June  36,  that  the  English  marched  out  of  Boston  for  Swansey  ;  and 
they  an-ived  there  two  days  afler,  namely,  June  28,  a  little  before  night,** 
Twelve  men  immediately  marched  out  to  invade  Philip\t  territories,  who  were 
attacked  by  about  the  same  number  of  Philip's  men.  The  invaders  were  re- 
pulsed, having  one  killed,  and  one  wounded,  and  his  horse  killed  under  him. 
Of  the  Indians  two  were  killed. 

The  next  day,  June  29,  the  Indians  appeared  boldly  in  view  of  the  English, 
and  by  their  shouts,  it  would  seem,  dared  them  to  come  out  and  fight.  Mostly 
sallied  out  at  the  head  of  a  company  of  volunteers,  and  rushed  furiously  upon 
them.  They  fled  to  their  coverts,  but  even  here  m.  'e  a  stand  only  for  a  mo- 
ment ;  for  after  one  fire  they  all  fled.  One  of  the  English,  Ensign  Savage,  was 
wounded,  the  Iwill  lodging  in  his  thigh,  and  anotlier  passed  through  the  brim 
of  his  hatf  Moscly  pursued  the  Indians  above  a  mile,  and  killed  five  or  six  of 
them,  as  they  were  making  their  retreat  into  a  swamp.  It  was  in  this  pursuit 
that  the  exploit  of  Cornelius  took  place,  just  related,  and  Philip  was  not  seen  at 


•*  Hubbard,  Narrative,  18. 

t  CImrch,  who  was  in  this  action,  says   Saveij^e  was  wounded  by  his  own  party  : 
divided  themselves  into  two  wings,  in  (heir  conrusion  one  fired  upon  the  other. 
o 


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26 


PHILIP— BATTLE  OF   PUNKATEF.SET. 


[Hook  hi 


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''.'.-'If. ' .,  \, 


Mount  Ho|)o  ajrnin  until  tho  noxt  v«*nr.  Tlu'  next  «lny  the  nnglinli  forr«'H  tniv 
vx>M}\\  jVIuiint  Ilo|M!  Neck,  fouml  PhUip\f  •vijfwnm,  Itiit  hiniHelf  luiil  all  his  |m  c- 
pie  IiikI  tnnde  gcxHl  their  retn-at.     Tin  nd  the  lit^ndHnf  eight  of  the  KngliNli 

liiat  had  l)cen  killed,  set  U|K)n  |K)leH,  at  ;         MMUtt,  whirii  they  tuuk  down  niu' 
intern'd. 

On  the  morning  ofjnly  1,  tv*  Lieutenant  t/akea  waH  retiiniing  to  head-qiinr- 
ters  at  S\van(4»'y,  having  eneaniped  at  KehoiK>th  the  preceding  night,  he  dis- 
cover«>d  a  coni|mny  of  tndiantsund  attacked  them.  How  many  were  killed  Im 
not  Htated,  hut  two  of  Philifl'a  chief  ('nptainn  were  among  the  nnmher,  one  of 
whom  wan  nam*  J  TiiRnR,  '•  n  sachem  of  Monnf  lIo|w."  Of  tho  EngiiHli  one 
wiLs  killed.  The  scalpH  of  three  Indiakiathat  were  killed  were  taken  otl'hy  the 
Kngiisli  and  sent  to  Hii»ton,  which  were  the  first  taken  liy  them  in  this  war.* 

At  the  solicitation  of  Henjamin  Ciiurcii,  a  company  of  {JO  men  were  put 
<md(T  him  and  Captain  /W/er,  who,  on  the  H  .luly,  marched  down  into  I'ocas- 
set  Neck.  Church,  who  was  well  ac()uainted  with  the  Indians,  had  urged  tin- 
••Ificers  of  the  army  to  pui'sue  Philip  on  the  Pocasset  side,  l)eing  fully  |Mrsua- 
iled  that  there  were  no  Indians  in  iMoimt  Hope  Neck,  the  part  i»f  the  country 
thi'V  were  taking  so  nr'ch  pains  to  guard  and  fortify  ;  Imt  they  woidd  not  hear 
to  his  advice,  and  the  consequence  w(l«*,  P/it7i/>  hume<l  and  destroyejl  th«'  towns 
towards  Plimouth. — But  to  return  to  the  force  under  Church  and  Fuller.  'Phis, 
though  hut  small  at  first,  was  dividctd  into  two.  Chtrch  had  1  J)  men,  and  t\illfr 
the  remaining  17.  Phe  party  under  Church  proceeded  into  a  jwint  of  land 
called  Punkateeset,  now  the  southerly  extremity  of  Tiverton,  where  they 
were  attacked  hy  a  great  hody  of  Indians,  .'100,  as  Church  learned  allerwards, 
who  nearly  encompassed  them  ;  hut  aller  a  few  minutes  fight,  the  English  re- 
treated to  the  sea  shore,  and  thus  soved  themselves  from  immediate  destnu'- 
tion.  Church  gave  ordei*s  for  a  retreat  the  very  moment  ho  discovered  that 
the  ohject  of  the  Indians  was  to  surround  them.  This  proved  their  sality, 
although,  as  they  were  now  situated,  they  could  ex|)ert  hut  little  else  than 
to  sell  their  lives  at  the  price  of  a  greater  number  of  their  enemies.  These 
Indians  were  well  armed, "  their  bright  guns  glittering  in  tli(!  sun,"  which  gave 
them  a  formidable  appearance.  Thus  lienuned  in,  ('hurch  had  a  double  duty 
to  perform  ;  that  of  preserving  the  spirits  of  his  furnished  followers,  many  of 
whom  were  ready  to  give  up  all  for  lost,  and  erecting  defences  of  stones  to 
defend  them.  Many  were  the  hair-breadth  escapes  of  individuals  in  this  little 
Imnd  on  this  trying  occasion.  In  the  language  of  Church,  "  they  were  beset 
with  multitudes  of  Indians,  who  {tossessed  themselves  of  every  rock,  and 
stump,  tree  or  fence,  that  was  in  sight,"  from  which  they  fired  without  ceasing. 

Boats  had  been  appointe<l  to  attend  upon  the  English  in  this  expedition, 
but  they  had  grounded  on  the  Rhotle  Island  shore,  and  could  not  come  to  their 
assistance  ;  at  length,  however,  one  got  ofl^  and  came  towards  them,  which  |ave 
them  hopes  of  escape,  but  these  were  of  short  duration :  the  Indians  fired  mto 
it,  and  prevented  their  landing.  Church  ordered  those  in  it  to  ride  off  beyond 
musket  shot,  and  to  send  a  canoe  oshoro  ;  but  they  dared  not  even  to  do  this. 
When  Church  saw  that,  in  a  moment  of  vexation,  he  ordered  the  boat  to  be 
gone  in  an  instant  or  he  would  fire  upon  it ;  she  immediately  leiV,  and  tlie 
peril  of  the  English  was  greatly  increased ;  for  now  the  Indians  were  en- 
couraged, and  they  fired  "  thicker  and  faster  than  before." 

Night  was  now  almost  enshrouding  them,  their  ammimition  nearly  spent, 
and  the  Indians  had  possessed  themselves  of  a  stone  house  that  overlooked 
them,  but  as  though  preserved  by  a  miracle,  not  one  of  the  English  in  all  this 
time  was  wounded.  But  fortune's  sport  was  now  nearly  ended  :  a  sloop  was 
discovered  bearing  down  towards  them,  and  soon  after.  Church  announced 
tliat  relief  was  coming,  for  that  the  vessel  was  commanded  by  "  Capt.  Oold- 
INO,  whom  he  knew  to  be  a  man  for  btisiness."  True,  it  was  Golding.  He 
sent  his  canoe  ashore,  but  it  was  so  small  that  it  would  take  but  two  at  a  time 
to  the  vesseL  The  embarkation  immediately  commenced,  and  meantime 
the  Indians  plied  their  shot  with  such  effect  that  the  colors,  sails,  and  stem 
of  the  sloop  were  full  of  bullet-holes.     Church  was  the  last  man  to  embark, 


*  I  deduce  the  facts  in  thii   sentence   from  a  comparison  of  Hubbard,  20,  with  lira 

CHR0N4CLE,  13. 


l^-^v^'''.. ' 


Chap.  11.] 


PHILIP.— POCASSET  SWAMP  KlfillT. 


27 


^vlln,  HH  he  wan  retreating  backward  to  the  boat,  a  Imll  grazed  the  hnir  of 
\m  hoati,  two  otherH  ntriick  the  cunoe  hh  he  enten'd  it,  and  a  (otirth  lod<;ed 
ill  n  Htakt>,  whii*h  acciduntully  Htood  jiint  l>e(bre  "tlie  iiiithih;  of  hix  hrcuMt ! '* 
Thiifl  thiH  littitt  Sand,  aller  a  tigiit  of  ulioiit  six  hoiirH,  fHni|MMl.  Tht*  party 
under  Captain  /VWer  met  witli  ttiinilar  fortune ;  tliey  were  attaeked  hy  jrreat 
iiniiiiterH,  but  eHcaped  by  getting  poHHeHNion  of  an  ohi  houne  cUiHe  upon  the 
wutcr'n  ('d«re  and  were  early  taken  oti"  by  boatH.  IJut  two  of  tiie  party  were 
wounded.  Some  of  tlie  IndiauH  were  killed  and  wounded  tliiH  day,  but  how 
many  m  not  known. 

Tht!  Hame  day  tliiH  fijfht  took  place,  a  boat's  crew  went  from  Rhode  Inland 
to  PocaHHet  to  look  aller  Home  cattle,  and  were  fired  upon  by  the  IiiiiiniiH,  and 
one  of  their  nundxtr,  a  servant  of  Captain  Church,  was  severely  wounded. 
Some  of  the  acts  of  the  Knglish,  in  retrospect,  do  not  discover  that  judfr- 
iiient  the  circuiiiHtances  seem  to  have  elicited,  especiallv  that  in  reliilion  to 
the  NarrapansetB.  They  had  now  driven  Philip  out  of  Aloiint  Hope  Neck, 
and,  not  knowiii<,'  exactly  where  to  find  him,  the  forces  in  that  (piarter  re- 
Tiiained  doubtin<;  what  next  to  do.  At  this  juncture  Ca|)tain  Uutrhinnon 
arrived  from  IJoston  with  orders  from  the  government  there,  "for  them  to 
pass  into  Narragaiiset,  to  treat  with  the  sacliems,  and  if  it  might  be,  to  pre- 
vent their  joining  with  Philip.^  Accordingly  they  marched  into  that  country, 
hut  all  the  chief  nien  and  warriors  fled  on  their  approach.  The  liiHtorical 
conclusion  is,  therefore,  that  this  act  was  viewed  by  them  as  a  declaration  of 
war,  and  it  is  rational  that  they  should  have  so  considered  it ;  because  the 
army  assumed  a  most  hostile  attitude,  "  resolving  they  would  go  to  make 
peace  with  a  sword  in  their  batids."  Having  arrived  in  the  Narraganset 
country,  three  or  four  days  were  spent  in  finding  Indians  with  whom  to 
treat ;  (lor  they  could  find  none  to  fight ;)  at  !■  ngth,  four  men  were  found,  whom 
the  English  styled  sachems,  and  u  treaty  was  drawn  up  at  great  length  and 
Higned  by  the  parties.  To  ensure  its  observance  the  following  hostages  were 
taken  into  custody  by  the  army:  Joh.\  Wobequob,  Weowthim,*  Pewkes, 
and  Weenew,  "four  of  the  sacliems  near  kinsmen  and  choice  friends." 
Among  the  stipulations  of  the  treaty  we  find  these : 

The  said  sachems  shall  carefully  seize  all  and  every  of  Philip's  subject" 
and  deliver  them  up  to  the  English,  alive  or  dead;  that  they  shall  use  t. 
acts  of  hostility  against  Philip  and  his  subjects,  to  kill  them  wherever  thf  y 
can  be  found;  that  if  they  seize  Philip,  ana  deliver  him  alive  to  the  English, 
tlicy  shall  receive  40  trucking  cloth  coats ;  and  for  his  head  alone,  20  of 
Miid  coats ;  and  lor  every  subject  of  said  sachem  2  coats,  if  alive,  and  one  if 
dead.     This  treaty  is  dated  Petaquanscot,  15  July,  1G75 ; 

In  presence  of  and  signed  by  the  marka  of 

Daniel  Henchman,  Tawageson, 

Thomas  Prentice,  Taytson, 

Nicholas  Paige,  Aqamauo, 

Joseph  Stanton,  Interpreter.  .  Wampsh,  alias 

Henry  Hatolaws,  \  [Indians,  Corman. 

Pecoe  Bucow,       \      probably.] 
Job  JVeff. 

Philip  commanded  in  person  upon  Pocasset,  when ,  upon  the  18th  of  July, 
he  was  discovered  in  a  "  dismal  swamp."  He  had  retired  to  this  i)lace, 
which  is  adjacent  to  Taunton  River,  with  most  of  his  Wami)anoags,  and 
such  others  as  had  joined  him,  to  avoid  falling  in  with  the  English  army, 
which  was  now  pursuing  him.  From  their  numbers,  the  English  were 
nearly  able  to  encompass  the  swamp,  and  the  fate  of  Philip  they  now  thought 
sealed.  On  arriving  at  its  edge,  a  ■  :;w  of  Philip's  warriors  showed  them- 
selves, and  the  English  rushed  in  upon  them  with  ardor,  and  bv  this  feint 
were  drawn  far  into  an  ambush,  and  "  about  15  were  slain."  "the  leaves 
upon  the  trees  were  so  thick,  and  the  hour  of  the  day  so  late,  that  a  friend 
could  not  be  distinguished  from  a  foe,  "  whereby  'tis  veri!y  feared,"  says  Dr. 
Mather,  "  that  [the  English  themselves]  did  sometimes  unhappily  shoot  Eng- 

*  Probably  the  same  called  in  another  place  NowECtUA, 


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PHILIP.— FlOlir  AT  IlKllonoTH   PLAIN. 


[Book  III. 


liMliiiii-ii  inNtt;a(l  of  IiidiuiiM."  A  rutrent  wan  now  ordtirnd,  and,  conHidoring 
Philip'x  cm-iipe  iiii|H)N!«iliN!,  the  inoHt  ol'  tint  t'orccN  l«!tl  tlio  plu('«>,  a  tew  only 
ri>niiiiiiinf(,  "to  HKirve  out  tiie  nnerny."  Tlint  Philip's  lore?  wm*  irreut  ut  tliJH 
titnu  JH  OM-tiiin,  froni  the  liict  tliut  u  hundred  wi^^vvutriH  were  found  near  the 
edjfe  of  the  Nwanip,  newly  cotiHtrurted  of  fjreen  Iwirk.  In  one  of  thowe  the 
Kn^liHJi  liiund  an  old  man,  who  informed  them  that  Philip  wan  there,  lie 
lont  i)nt  few  ineti  in  tliu  encounter,  tliouirh,  it  la  Haid,  hu  had  a  brother 
killed.* 

Tlie  i(IU)  notion  of  liuildinjir  a  fort  here  to  tttnrvu  out  Philip,  was  huITi- 
oiently  ceriNured  by  tiie  hiMtoriauH  of  liiut  ilay.  For,  as  Cantain  Church  ex- 
preHses  it, /o  huitd  a  fort  for  nothing  to  cover  the  people  from  nohodjf,^  waH  rather 
a  ridieuhniH  idea.  ThiH  obnervation  he  made  upon  a  fort'H  bein^  built  upon 
Mount  Hope  Neck,  mime  time  atler  every  Indian  hud  lell  that  Hide  of  the 
country,  and  who,  in  thet,  were  laying  waHte  the  tow  iih  before  mentioned. 

The  riwatnp  where  Philip  waH  now  confuied,  wiw  upon  a  piece  of  country 
which  projected  into  Taunton  liivcr,  and  wau  nearly  Heven  mileii  in  extent. 
.\ller  beiiiff  guarded  liere  1.3  dayH,  which,  in  the  end,  wuh  gn-atly  to  hiH  advan- 
tug<!,  and  afforded  him  HulKcient  time  to  provide  cimocM  in  which  to  make  his 
CNcap*;,  lie  paKsetl  tlie  river  with  moHt  of  Iuh  men,  and  made  good  liiu  retreat 
into  the  country  upon  Connecticut  River.  In  cff«!Ctin^  thJH  retreat,  an  acci- 
dent happened  which  deprived  him  of  mine  of  his  choiccHt  ami  bravest  ca))- 
taiuH,  OH  we  Hhall  proceed  to  relate. 

Ai)out  the  26  July,  1075,  Oneko,  with  two  of  his  brotherH,  and  about  50  men, 
came  to  Hoston,  by  direction  of  Uncas,  his  father,  and  d(;clared  their  denire  to 
UMHiHt  the  Kngliisli  again»t  the  WampanoagH.  A  few  EngliHh  and  three  NatickH 
were  added  to  their  com|>any,  and  imme<iiately  (kspatched,  by  way  of  Pii- 
moutii,  to  the  enemyV  country.  This  circuitous  route  was  taken,  [terhaps, 
tlia*.  they  might  have  tlicir  instructions  inmiediutely  from  the  governor  of 
that  colony ;  Mas.sacinisetts,  at  that  time,  |>rol)ably,  supposing  the  war  might 
be  ended  without  their  direct  interference.  This  measure,  as  it  jiroved, 
was  very  detrimental  to  the  end  in  view  ;  for  if  they  had  proceeded  dirctly 
to  Seekonk,  tiiey  would  have  been  there  in  season  to  have  met  Philip  in  his 
retreat  from  Pocasset ;  and  this  force,  being  joined  with  the  other  English 
forces,  then  in  the  vicinity,  they  in  all  probability  might  have  finished  the 
war  by  a  single  fight  with  him.  At  least,  his  chance  of  escape  would  have 
been  small,  us  he  had  to  cross  a  large  extent  of  clear  and  open  country, 
where  many  of  his  men  must  have  been  cut  down  in  flight,  or  fought  man 
to  man  witii  their  pursuers.  Whereas  Oneko  was  encamped  at  some  dis- 
tance, having  arrived  late  the  night  before,  and  some  time  was  lost  in  rally- 
ingj  after  Pliilip  was  discovered.  They  overtook  him,  however,  about  10 
o'clock  in  the  morning  of  the  1st  of  August,  and  a  smart  fight  ensued. 
Philip  having  brought  bis  best  men  into  the  rear,  many  of  them  were  slain ; 
among  these  was  JVimrod,  alias  fVoonashum,  a,  great  captain  and  counsellor, 
who  hud  signed  the  treaty  at  Taunton,  four  years  before. 

From  what  cause  the  hght  was  suspended  is  unknown,  though  it  would 
seem  from  some  relations,  that  it  was  owing  to  Oneko'a  men,  who,  seeing 
themselves  in  possession  of  considerable  plunder,  fell  to  loading  themselves 
with  it,  and  thus  gave  Philip  time  to  escape.  From  this  view  of  the  case, 
it  would  appear  that  the  Mohcgans  were  the  chief  actors  in  the  oftensivc. 
It  is  said  that  the  Naticks  urged  immediate  and  further  pursuit,  which  did 
not  take  place,  in  consequence  of  the  extreme  heat  of  the  weather ;  and 
thus  the  main  body  were  permitted  to  escape. 

Mr.  jVeiwnan,  of  Rehoboth,  gave  an  account  of  the  affair  in  a  letter,  in 
which  he  said  that  "  14  of  the  enemy's  principal  men  were  slain."  He  also 
mentioned,  in  terms  of  great  praise,  the  Naticks  and  Mohegaus  under  Oneko. 

Philip  having  now  t^tken  a  position  to  annoy  the  back  settlements  of 

•  This  is  upon  the  authority  of  the  anonymous  author  of  the  "  Present  State,"  Slc,  of 
which  wc  shall  elsewhere  have  occasion  to  take  notice.  That  author  seems  to  have  con^ 
founded  the  fight  between  Thehe  and  Lieut.  Oa/ces  with  that  of  Rehoboth  Plain. 

t  Hist.  Philip's  War,  p.  C.  e<l.  4to. 

j  Goubn's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians. 


'.r  '  ■" 
...  '■■/'■■  ■■" 


ii.l'"' 


Chap,  11] 


AMBUSH   AT   WIKAHAUO. 


ti!» 


iMuHsiirliUHt^tH,  liirt  wuri'iorN  It'll  vi^ortxinly  ti>  tlit)  work.  On  14  July,  five 
|M!0|ili!  an)  killi.'il  at  Mtttiiloii,  in  Ma.ss.,  whirli  i.s  tliu  firMt  lilorxl  hIkmI  hi  tin- 
cdloriy  ill  tlii.s  war.  TIiohc  that  wcr*;  killrii  wvm  aliuiit  tlifir  work  in  tlir 
tiuld,  Hint  know  not  their  inunlcrurs;  ami  whether  they  wen;  killed  li\ 
l'hili|)'H  men  Ih  nnknown. 

Soon  iiller  tiie  war  he^aii,  iMnsMieliu.'U'tt!',  fearing  the  NipniiikH  might  join 
with  Philip,  Hciit  ineHMeiigerH  to  treat  with  them.  Tin;  young  linlian.H  were 
foiniil  ".surly,"  hut  the  old  men  were  lor  a  renewal  of  Iriendshiji;  lint  the 
pt^rHon  or  perHoim  sein  n|ion  thin  hiirtinesH  did  not  aei|nit  thenistdveH  i.i  a 
iiiunner  that  gave  Mati.sl'aelion  ;  and  Philip,  lieing  now  in  the  CMMintry  of  the 
Ni|iinnkH,  it  waH  eonchided  by  the  uiithuritieH  of  MmwaehudetlH  to  make  a 
t'lirtlier  teut  uf  their  inieiitioiiH.  Aueordingly,  on  the  28  Jnly,  Captains 
Hukhinson  and  fVlueltr,  with  a  company  of  !2U  mounted  men,  and  '.i  ChriKtiaii 
Indians  its  pilots  and  interpreterH,  vi/.  Mtmtcho,  Joseph,  and  Sumpson,  went 
with  some  of  tiio  inhahitant.s  of  Itrookfield,  agreoahly  to  a|ipointnu;nt,  to 
meet  the  Nipinuk  HaelieiiiH.  It  had  been  agreed  by  these  HaclK^ms  to 
meet  the  Knglish  in  a  treaty  at  a  certain  true  at  Uuabaog  on  the  2  August, 
on  a  plain  3  iiiilen  from  llrookfield  village.  Having  arrived  here  aecording 
tu  agreement,  the  EngliHh  found  no  IndiuiiH  to  treat  with.  It  whh  now  u 
i|iiestiou  with  all  but  the  Hrookticid  men,  whether  or  not  they  Hhnuld  pro- 
coed  to  u  certain  place  where  they  iM-lieved  tlie  Indian.s  to  lie;  at  length  the 
coiifidenee  of  the  lirooklield  ])eo|il<;  in  the  pacific  ditipoHition  of  the  IndiaiiM, 
prevailed,  and  they  marched  on.  The  way  was  so  bad  that  they  could  march 
only  in  Hinglc  file,  &»  they  approached  the  place  where  th(;y  expected  to  find 
tlie  Indians,  and  when  they  came  near  VVikabaiig  Pond,  bt;tween  a  Bwainp 
oil  the  letl  and  a  very  abrupt  and  high  hill  on  the  right,'*  Kuddenlv  2  or  :{(I0 
Indians  rose  up,  encompassed,  and  tired  upon  them.  Eight  were  killed  out- 
right, and  three  fell  mortally  wound. ^d.  Of  the  latter  tiimiber  was  Captain 
Hutchinson,  who,  though  carried  off  by  the  survivors,  died  on  the  19  August 
following.  Captain  frheder  bad  his  horse  shot  under  him,  and  himself  was 
shot  tlii'ough  the  body  ;  but  his  life  was  saved  through  the  bravery  and  presence 
of  mind  of  a  son  then  with  liim.  This  son,  though  his  own  artn  was  broken 
by  a  liullot,  seeing  the  peril  of  his  father,  dismounted  from  his  horse,  and  suc- 
ci.'eded  in  mouiitiug  his  father  upon  it.  A  retreat  now  be<^an,  and,  by  cutting 
their  way  through  the  Indians,  the  small  remnant  of  English  got  back  t<i 
Brookfield.  f 

The  three  Christian  Indians  of  whom  we  have  spoken,  rendered  most 
eminent  service  on  this  day  ;  for  hud  they  not  been  there,  there  had  been  no 
possibility  of  one  Englishman's  escaping.  One  of  them,  George  Memecfto, 
lell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians :  the  other  two,  by  skill  and  liravery,  led 
the  English,  by  an  unknown  route,  in  safety  to  Brookfield.  Yet  these  In- 
dians were  afterwards  so  badly  treated  by  the  English,  that  they  weie  forced 
to  fly  to  Philip  for  protection.  Sampson  was  afterwards  kille(l  in  a  fight  by 
tile  English  Indians,  and  Joseph  was  taken  in  Plimonth  colony,  and  sold  for 
a  slave,  and  sent  to  Jamaicu.  He  afterwards  was  suffered  to  return,  at  the 
intercession  of  Mr.  Eliol.  Memecho  escaped  from  his  captors,  and  brought 
beneficial  intelligence  to  the  English  of  the  state  of  Philip's  affairs.  | 

The  English  having  now  arrived  at  Brookfield,  as  just  related,  the  In- 
diuns  pursued  them,  and  arrived  almost  as  soon ;  fortunately,  however,  there 
was  barely  time  to  alarm  the  inhabitants,  who,  to  the  number  of  about  80, 
flocked  into  a  garrison  house,  where,  through  persevering  efforts,  they  were 
enabled  to  maintain  themselves  until  a  force  under  Major  fVUlard  came 
to  their  relief,  Aujjust  4.  He  was  in  the  vicinity  of  Lancaster,  with  48  dra- 
goons and  four  friendly  Indians,  when  he  received  the  intelligence  of  the 
perilous  condition  of  Brookfield,  and  had  just  taken  up  his  line  of  march  to 
surprise  a  lodge  of  Indians  not  far  from  that    place.     He  now  quickly 

*  According  to  all  tradition  liiis  place  is  at  ihe  north  end  of  Wickaboag  pond,  and  tlie  hill 
was  a  cemetery  for  tha  Indians;  for  when  cultivated  afterwards  by  the  whites,  numerous  buncs 
were  exhumed.    Foot's  Hist.  Brookfield,  30. 

t  Narrative  of  the  affair  by  Captain  Wheeler  himself,  p.  1  to  6. 

jtiooKiN's  MS.  History  of  the  Fraying  Indians.— -Jb^ep/t  and  Sampson  were  brothers, 
lousof  "old  Robin  PktuuaniT;  deceased,  a  good  man."  lb. 


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l^':'^;-: 


50 


ni'RMXfi   OF  RROOKFTELD 


[Rook  Ilf 


"hnnpcd  iiis  course  for  Brookfirld,  di.stnnt  about  30  miles,  which,  hyn  forced 
march,  he  reached  in  safety  the  night  following.  That  he  was  not  attacked 
»«  he  approached  the  distressed  garrison,  is  most  extraordinary,  fiir  the 
hostile  Indians  are  said  to  have  guarded  every  passage  to  it ;  and  there  are 
diflerent  reasons  stated  for  that  neglect:  one  is,  that  the  guard  through 
which  the  English  passed,  suffered  them  to  proceed,  expecting  another 
guard  stationed  still  nearer  the  garrison  would  attack  them  in  front  whiK 
they  should  tail  on  them  in  the  rear ;  another  is,  that  they  were  deceived 
Jis  to  the  numi)crs  of  the  English,  thinking  them  many  more  than  they 
really  were,  and  diu*ed  not  attack  them.  It  would  seem,  howev«!r,  more 
probable,  that  the  Indians  had  no  guard  at  all  at  the  ])oint  in  which  tliey 
approached  at  the  time  they  arrived;  for  a  drove  of  cattle,  which  had  liecii 
frightened  from  Brookfield  into  the  woods,  followed  the  rear  of  ffillnnrn 
company  to  the  garrison,  and  were  not  attacked,  which  would  not  have  been 
the  cas     in  all  probability,  had  the  Indians  been  aware  of  their  approacli. 

No  sooner  was  it  known  to  the  besiegers  tliat  relief  wa.s  come,  but  they 
fell  with  more  fury,  if  ])ossible,  upon  the  devoted  garrison  than  before ; 
shooting  continually  from  all  (piarters  upon  it,  which  shows  that  they  Iind 
accidentally  let  the  reinforcement  gt^t  into  the;  garrison.  Thus  to  a  mos't 
fortunate  circumstance  did  this  assemblage  of  English  owe  their  safety. 

At  the  vei"y  time  Willard  arrived  at  Brookfield  the  Indians  were  con- 
triving some  machinery  to  set  the  garrison  on  fire ;  and  this  may  account 
for  their  renussuess  in  suffering  him  to  come  in  unmolested.  They  first 
endeavored  by  fire  arrows,  and  rags  dipped  in  brimstone  tied  to  long  poles 
spliced  together,  to  fire  the  garrison,  but  not  succeeding,  those  within  tiriiij; 
upon  them  often  with  such  deadly  effect,  they  next,  in  the  language  of  ."Mr. 
Hubbard,  "  used  this  devilish  stratagem,  to  fill  a  cart  with  liemp,  flax,  and 
other  combustible  matter,  and  so  thrusting  it  backward  Avith  poles  together 
spliced  a  great  length,  afler  they  had  kindled  it ;  but  as  soon  as  it  had  begun 
to  take  fire,  a  storm  of  rain,  unexpectedly  falling,  put  it  out."  * 

During  this  siege  several  of  the  whites  were  wounded,  though  but  one 
was  killed.  Of  the  Indians  80  were  snjtposcd  to  have  been  killed,t  but  this 
was  doubtless  setting  the  number  much  too  hi<;h,  although  they  exposed 
themselves  beyond  what  was  common  on  similar  occasions.  On  the  ."> 
August  they  quitted  the  place,  satisfied  they  could  not  take  it,  and  joined 
Philip,  who  was  now  about  G  miles  from  the  place  where  Hutchinson  was 
ambushed. 

After  George  Memecho^s  return  to  the  English,  he  gave  the  following  in- 
formation :  "  L'pon  Friday,  August  5,  Philip  and  his  company  came  to  us  at 
a  swamj),  6  miles  from  the  swamp  where  they  killed  our  men.  Philip 
brought  with  liim  about  48  men,  but  women  and  children  many  more. 
Philip's  men  were,  about  30  of  them,  armed  with  guns,  the  rest  had  hows 
and  arrows.  He  observed  there  were  about  10  of  Philip's  men  wouiidefl. 
Philip  was  conducted  to  the  swamp  by  two  Indians,  one  of  them  [was] 
Caleb  of  Tatumasket,  beyond  Mendon.  The  Indians  told  Philip,  at  his  first 
coming,  what  they  had  done  to  the  English  at  Quabaog  ;  then  he  presented 
and  gave  to  three  Sagamores,  viz.  John,  alias  Ape<juinash,  Quanansit,  and 
Mawtamps,  to  each  of  them  about  a  peck  of  unstrung  wompom,  whicli 
they  accepted.  Philip,  as  I  understood,  told  Quabaog  and  Nipmuck  Indians, 
tliat  when  he  first  came  towards  the  Nipmuck  country,  and  left  his  own,  he 
had  in  his  company  about  250  men,  besides  women  and  children,  inclu(ling 
the  Squa"-Sachem  [Weetavioo]  and  her  company;  but  now  they  had  left 
him,  and  some  of  them  were  killed  and  he  was  reduced  to  40  men.  1 
heard  also  that  Philip  said  if  the  English  had  charged  upon  him  and  his 
})coplc  at  the  swamj)  in  his  own  country  [18  July]  one  or  two  days  more, 
they  had  been  all  taken,  for  their  powder  was  almost  spent.     He  also  said, 


*  Captain  IMieeler  does  not  mention  the  rain,  but  says  they  succeeded  in  setting  the  house 
on  fire,  which  was  extinguished  at  great  peril  by  lliose  within,  who  had  two  of  their  meo 
wounded. 

t  f/oy<'4  Indian  Wars,  101. 


lad  alive,  about 


respecting  his  ( 


U-^.m' 


•b; 


Chap.  II] 


FIGHT  AT  SUGARLOAF  HILl,. 


31 


that  if  the  English  had  pnrsund  him  rlosely,"  as  he  rctrcatod  to  the  Nip- 
muck  country,  "lio  must  m-cds  have  been  tMk««n."* 

A  considerable  numlier  of  fnirtly  ohristiaiii/.ed  Iiulinns  belonged  to  the 
imigbborliood  ofHadlev,  near  whicli  they  bad  a  woodi-n  fort  toprotcct  tbem 
from  any  hostile  Indians.  On  the  breaking  out  of  the  calamities  in  that 
refrion,  these,  with  all  other  Indians,  were  watched,  and  suspected  of  con- 
niving with  Philip,  and  an  inti'iition  of  joining  with  him.  To  test  their  pre- 
tensions, Captains  Lothrnn  and  Hears,  who,  with  a  force  of  180  men,  were 
now  at  lladley,  or<lered  tnem  to  surretider  their  arms  to  them.  They  hes- 
itated to  do  so  then,  but  intimated  tliat  they  woidd  immediately;  yet  «in  the 
following  night,  ii5  August,  they  left  their  Ibrt  and  fled  up  the  river  to- 
wards Pecomphik^  since  Deerfield,  to  join  Philip.  The  next  day  Lothrop 
aiidKeers  piirsiied  and  overtook  them  nc'ar  a  swamp  a  short  distance  to  the 
south  of  Sugarloaf  Hill,  o[)posit(!  to  the  present  town  of  Sunderland.  The 
hidians  bravely  stood  their  groutul,  and  a  sharp  and  bloody  contest  ensued. 
They  were  finally  routed,  having  Sti  of  their  number  slain,  while  the  whites 
are  reported  to  have  lost  but  10  in  killed,  and  their  number  woimdcd  is  not 
tiieiilione<l.  f 

A  garrison  being  established  at  Nort  lifield,  Caj)tain  Richard  Beers,  of  Water- 
town,  t  with  36  men,  was  attacked  while  on  their  way  to  reinforce  it,  Ssept. 
I{,  and  20  of  the  'M  were  kilh'd.  Robert  Pepper,  of  Roxbury,  was  taken  cap- 
tive, and  the  others  elfec-ted  their  esca{)e.  Philip's  men  liad  the  advantage 
of  attacking  them  in  a  jtlace  of  their  own  choosing,  and  their  first  fire  was 
vtTv  destructive.  Beers  retreated  with  Jiis  men  to  a  small  eminence,  and 
niuititained  the  unequal  fight  tmtil  their  amnnmition  was  s[>ent,  at  which 
time  a  cart  containing  ammunition  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and, 
liie  captain  being  killed,  all  who  were  able  took  to  flight.  The  hi"  to  which 
the  English  fled,  at  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  was  known  aflerwdrds  by  the 
name  of  Beers''s  Mountain.  "  Here,"  says  Mr, //uiftarrf,  "the  barlwirous  vil- 
lains showed  their  insolent  rajre  nml  cruelty,  more  than  ev(!r  before;  cutting 
off  the  heads  of  some  of  the  slain,  and  fixing  them  upon  poles  near  the 
highway,  and  not  only  so,  but  one,  if  not  more,  was  found  with  e  chain 
hooked  into  his  under-jaw,  and  so  hung  up  on  the  bough  of  a  tree,  ('tis  feared 
he  was  hung  up  alive,)  by  which  means  they  thought  to  daunt  and  discourage 
any  that  might  cotne  to  their  relief." 

Th(!  place  where  this  fight  occurred  was  within  about  two  miles  of  the  gar- 
rison at  Squakkeag,  (Northfield,)  and  the  [)lain  on  which  it  began  is  called 
Ikers\i  Plain.  Meanwhile  the  garrison  was  reduced  to  the  brink  of  ruin,  and, 
Hke  that  at  Brookfield,  was  saved  by  tln^  arrival  of  a  comjiany  of  soldiers. 
Two  days  afler  Captain  Beers  was  cut  off.  Major  TVeat  arrived  there  with  100 
men,  and  conveyed  th(^  garrison  safe  to  Hadley. 

Philip  probably  condiicted  both  afliiirs ;  this  of  Captain  Beers,  and  that  of 
Captain  Thomas  Lothrop,  about  to  be  related,  although  it  is  not  positively 
known  to  be  the  fact. 

Some  time  in  the  month  of  Atigust,  "Kmg  PhUip''s  men  had  tJikcn  a  young 
lad  alive,  about  14  years  old,  and  bound  him  to  a  tr(!e  two  nights  and  two 
'lays,  intending  to  be  merry  with  him  the  next  day,  and  that  they  would  roast 
him  alive  to  make  sport  with  him ;  but  God,  over  night,  touched  the  lujart  of 
one  Indian,  so  that  he  came  and  loosed  him,  and  bid  him  run  grande,  (i.  e.  run 
apace,)  and  by  that  means  he  escaped."  § 

About  this  time,  some  English  found  a  single  Indiiui,  an  old  man,  near 
Quabaog,  whom  they  captured.  As  he  would  not  give  them  any  information 
n^spccting  his  countrymen,  or,  j)erliaps,  sucli  as  they  desired,  they  pro- 
nounced him  worthy  of  death  ;  so  "they  laid  him  down,  Come/iiw,  the  Dutch- 
man, liiling  up  his  sword  to  cut  off  his  head,  tiie  Indian  lifted  up  his  hand  be- 
tween, so  tliat  his  hand  was  first  cut  ofl',  and  partly  his  head,  and  the  second 
blow  finished  the  execution."  || 


•f  >•'■•'••   ■■■     -   • 
,:i.'r»'<.'    :-■.-  'Mi-. 

''"v^^^'-t^^f^^  '■' 


j--^' 


.|:::---v|v,V;;;r., 


CI 


it 


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*  Hutchinson's  Hist.  Mass.  I,  293—4.  n. 

t  Hubbard,  Nar.36,  37.— Chronicle,  28.—Hoyl,  102, 103. 


{ Manuscript  documents, 
i  Chronicle,  25. 


Manuscript  in  library  of  Mass.  Hist.  Soc. 


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PHILIP.— LOTHROP  CUT  OFF. 


[Rook  III. 


It  was  about  this  time,  as  the  author  of  tho  "  Prf.sbnt  State "  relates,  that 
"  Kiug  Philip,  now  beginning  to  want  money,  having  a  coat  made  all  of 
Mamimmpeag,  (i.  e.  Indian  money,)  cuts  his  coat  to  pieces  and  distributes  it 
pluntiiully  among  the  Nipmoog  sachems  and  others,  as  well  as  to  the  east- 
ward as  southward,  and  all  round  about."  * 

On  the  18  Sept.  Captain  Loihrop,  of  Beverly,  was  sent  from  Hadley  with 
about  88  men,  to  bring  away  the  corn,  grain,  and  other  valuable  articles, 
from  Deertield.  Having  loaded  their  teams  and  commenced  their  march 
homewird,  they  Vvere  attacked  at  a  place  called  Sugarloaf  Hill,  where  almost 
every  man  was  slain.  This  company  consisted  of  "choice  young  men,  the 
very  flower  of  Essex  county,  'none  of  whom  were  ashamed  to  spoak  with  the 
enemy  in  the  gate.'"t  Eighteen  of  tlie  men  belonged  to  Deerfield.|  Cap- 
tain Mosely,  being  not  far  off|  upon  a  scout,  was  drawn  to  the  scene  of  action 
by  the  report  of  the  guns,  and,  having  with  him  70  njen,  charged  the  Indiaiiw 
with  great  resolution,  although  he  computed  their  numbers  at  1000.  He 
had  two  of  his  men  killed  and  eleven  w  ounded.  The  Indians  dared  him  to 
l)egin  the  fight,  and  exultingly  said  to  him,  "  Come,  Mosely,  come,  you  seek  In- 
dians, you  want  Indians ;  here  is  Indians  enough  for  ynu.''^  §  On  this  occaBioii 
the  conduct  ofMosely's  lieutenants.  Savage  and  Pickering,  are  mentioned  in 
high  terms  of  praise,  "as  deserving  no  little  part  of  the  honor  of  that  day's 
service."  After  continuing  a  fight  with  them,  from  eleven  o'  clock  until 
almost  night,  he  was  obliged  to  retreat.  ||  The  Indians  cut  open  the  bags  of 
wheat  and  the  feather-beds,  and  scattered  their  contents  to  the  winds.  § 
After  Mosely  had  commenced  a  retreat,  Major  Treat,  with  100  English  and 
60  Mohegans,  came  to  his  assistance.  Tlieir  united  Ibrces  obliged  the  IndiunB 
to  retreat  in  their  turn.lf  The  Lidians  were  said  to  have  lost,  in  tlie  variouH 
encounters,  96  men.  It  was  a  great  oversight,  that  Captain  Lotkrop  should 
have  suffered  his  men  to  stroll  about,  while  passing  a  dangerous  d  file. 
"Many  of  the  soldiers  having  been  so  Ibolish  and  secure,  as  to  put  their  arni8 
in  the  carts,  and  step  aside  to  gather  gra[)es,  which  proved  dear  and  deadly 
grapes  to  them."  **  The  same  author  observes,  "  This  was  a  black  imd  Jtital 
day,  wherein  there  were  eight  persons  made  widows,  and  six-and-tweuty 
children  made  fatherless,  all  in  one  little  ])lantation  and  in  one  day ;  and 
above  sixty  persons  buried  in  one  dreadfi'!  grave  ! " 

The  place  of  this  fight  and  ambush  is  in  the  southerly  part  of  Deerfield,  on 
which  is  now  the  village  called  Bloody  Brook,  so  named  from  this  memora- 
ble tragedy.  A  brook  which  passes  through  the  village  is  crossed  i)y  the 
road  not  far  from  the  centre  of  it,  and  it  was  at  the  point  of  crossing  that  it 
happened,  ff 

Until  this  period  the  Indians  near  Springfield  remained  friendly,  and  re 
fused  the  solicitations  of  Philip,  to  undertake  hi  his  cause.  But,  noM'  that 
Northfield  and  Deerfield  had  tallen  into  his  hands,  they  were  watched  closer 
by  the  whites,  whose  cause  these  great  successes  of  Philip  had  occasioned 
them  to  look  upon  as  rather  precarious.  They  therefore,  auout  40  in  number, 
on  the  night  of  the  4  Oct.,  admitted  about  300  o(  Philip's  men  into  their  fort, 
which  was  situated  at  a  place  called  Longhill,  about  a  mile  below  the  village 
of  Springfield,  and  a  plan  was  concerted  for  the  destruction  of  that  place. 
But,  as  in  ma"iy  cases  afterwards,  one  of  their  number  betrayed  them.  ToTO,Jt 

*  Old  bid.  Chronicle.     If  lliis  were  the  case,  Philip  must  have  had  aii  immense  big  coat— 
yea,  even  bigger  tluui  Dr.  Johnson's  ^reat  coal,  ns  represented  by  Bosivell ;  the  side  pociicls 
of  which,  he  said,  were  large  enough  each  to  contain  one  of  the  huge  volumes  of  his  fol' 
dictionary ! 

t  Hubbard's  Narrative,  ,38.  I  These  were  the  teamsters. 

^  Manuscript  letter,  written  at  the  time. 

11  "  Whereupon,  afler  havii'^  killed  several  of  the  Indians,  he  was  forced  to  retreat,  and  con- 
tinued fighting  for  all  the  tinn.  that  he  and  his  men  were  retreating  nine  miles.  Capt,  Mostly 
lost  out  of  his  company  9,  and  13  wounded." — Old.  Ind.  Chrou.  29.  This  author  has 
blended  the  two  accounts  officers  and  Lnthrop  together,  and  relates  them  as  one. 

If /.  7l/a//ier'«  History  of  the  War,  12.  **  Ibid. 

ft  Last  year,  (1835),  a  splendid  celebration  was  held  at  Bloody  Brook,  in  commemoration 
of  the  event,  and  an  oration  was  pronounced  by  our  Prince  of  Orators,  the  present  governor 
of  this  commonwealth.  His  Excellency  Euwaru  Everett,  LL.  D. 

XX  Hubbard,— Tor ,  Hutchinion. 


Chap.  II.] 


PHILIP.— SURPRISE  OF  HATFIELD. 


33 


an  Indian  at  Windsor,  revealed  the  ])lot,  and  the  people  of  Springfield  had 
time  only  to  escape  into  their  garrisons.  The  whole  force  of  the  Indians 
came  like  a  torrent  upon  the  jilace  the  next  day,  and  burnt  the  deserted 
houses  and  barns,  in  all  57  buildings,  lu  this  business,  however,  some  of 
their  number  were  killed  *  by  the  peoj)le  in  the  garrisons ;  but  it  is  not  known 
how  many.  They  would  have  succeeded  against  the  lives  of  the  English  as 
well  as  against  their  property,  had  not  a  force  arrived  about  the  same  time 
for  their  relief 

Animated  by  his  successes,  Philip  aimed  his  next  blow  at  the  head-quar- 
ters of  the  whites  in  this  region.  With  7  or  800  of  his  men  he  fell  \ipon 
Hatfield  on  the  19  Oct.,  which,  had  it  not  been  well  provided  with  men,  would 
iiuve  shared  the  fate  of  Springfield ;  but  Captain  Mosehf  and  Captain  Poole, 
with  their  companies,  were  in  the  place,  and  Captain  Samtiel  Jippleton  was  at 
Hadley  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river;  and  against  such  commanders  they 
could  hardly  have  expected  success.  Ilowever,  they  made  a  bold  attempt 
on  all  sides  at  once  ;  but  their  greatest  force  fell  on  the  point  where  Captain 
Appklon  commanded.  His  sergeant  was  mortally  wounded  by  his  side,  and 
a  bullet  passed  through  the  hair  of  his  own  head;  "by  that  whisper  telling 
him,"  says  Hubbard,  "that  death  was  very  near,  but  did  him  no  other  harm. 
Niglit  coming  on,  it  could  not  be  discerned  what  loss  the  enemy  sustained ; 
(livers  were  seen  to  fall,  some  run  through  a  small  river,  [now  called  jyrdl 
River.]  others  cast  their  guns  into  the  water,  (it  being  their  manner  to  ven- 
ture as  much  to  recover  the  dead  bodies  of  their  friends,  as  to  defend  them 
wheii  alive.)"  And  tlnis  they  were  driven  from  the  place,  alter  killing  but 
three,  and  wounding  10  of  the  whites,  and  burning  a  small  number  of 
buildings.  They  had,  before  tlicir  attack  on  the  town,  killed  three  belonging 
to  some  scouts,  and  seven  others  of  Ca])tain  Moselifs  men.  This  was  among 
their  last  important  efforts  on  the  Connecticut  River  before  retiring  to  the 
country  of  the  Narragansets. 

Tlie  Nipmuck  sachems  had  well  contrived  their  attack  on  Hatfield;  having 
made  fires  in  the  woods  about  seven  miles  from  it,  to  draw  out  the  soldiers, 
lor  whom  they  had  j)rei)a.>-ed  amlmshes ;  but  only  ten  of  Mosehfs  men  were 
sent  out  to  learn  the  cause  of  the  fires.  These  were  all  cut  of^"  except  one, 
according  to  the  Chronicle,  but  according  to  Hubbard,  seven  only  were 
killed.  The  Indians  probably  suppo.sed  the  main  body  was  cut  ofl^  and 
therefore  proceeded  directly  to  the  assault  of  the  town,  where  a  new  force 
had  just  arrived ;  and  hence  they  met  with  a  brave  resistance  and  final  defeat.f 

The  Narragansets  had  not  yet  heartily  engaged  in  the  war,  though  there  is 
no  doubt  but  they  stood  pledged  so  to  do.  Therefore,  having  done  all  that 
could  be  expected  upon  the  western  frontier  of  Massachusetts,  and  conclu- 
•liiiL'  that  his  presence  among  his  allies,  the  Narragansets,  was  necessary  to 
lvcc[»  them  from  abandoning  his  cause,  Philip  was  next  ktiown  to  be  in  their 
country. 

All  sirmy  of  1.5(X)  Eiisdish  was  rais"d  by  the  three  colonies,  Massachusetts, 
Pliniouth,  and  Connecticut,  for  the  jiurpose  of  breaking  down  the  power  of 
Philip  among  the  Narragansets.  They  determined  upon  this  course,  as  they 
had  been  assured  that,  the  next  spring,  that  nation  would  come  with  all  their 
loicc  upon  them.  It  was  not  known  tliat  Philip  was  among  them  when  this 
nsoiiition  was  taken,  and  it  was  but  a  rumor  that  they  had  taken  part  with 
him.  It  was  true,  that  they  had  ])romi.se»l  to  deliver  up  all  the  Wanqianoags, 
who  should  flee  to  them,  either  alive  or  dead  ;  but  it  is  also  true,  that  those 
who  made  this  pi'«)mise,  had  it  not  in  their  power  to  do  it;  being  persons, 
cliirfly  ill  subordinate!  stations,  who  had  no  right  or  authority  to  bind  any  but 
thciiisclves.  And,  therefore,  as  doubtless  was  foreseiui  by  many,  none  of 
Philip's  people  were  delivered  up,  although  many  were  known  to  have  been 
among  them.  Thus,  in  few  words,  have  we  exhibited  the  main  grounds  of 
the  mighty  expedition  against  the  Narragansets  in  the  winter  of  1675. 

•  A  pewter  plaltcr  is  still  exiiibiti  '  in  Spriiijrlicld  with  a  hole  through  the  midrlle  of  it,  made 
by  n  '  ill  from  the  garrisoH  at  this  .  ic  An  Imlian  had  taken  it  uom  one  of  the  deserted 
hou'ii  .  and  wore  it  before  his  breaiU  as  a  shield.  Thus  shielded,  he  veutured  toward*  the 
(farri^dii.  .md  was  shot.     Hoyt,  110. 

t  Oil)  Indiam  Chronicle,  36, 37. 


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34 


rillLIP.— NARRAGANSET  SWAMP  FIGHT. 


[Book  IIJ 


Upon  a  Biiiall  island,  in  an  immense  swamp,  in  South  Kingston,  Rhode 
Island,  Philip  had  fortified  himself,  in  a  manner  superior  to  what  was  com- 
mon among  liis  countrymen.  Here  he  intended  to  pass  the  winter,  with  tlic 
chief  of  his  friends.  They  had  erected  about  500  wigwams  of  a  superior 
construction,  in  which  was  deposited  a  great  store  of  provisions.  Baskets 
and  tubs  of  corn  *  were  piled  one  upon  another,  about  the  inside  of  tlicni, 
which  rendered  them  bullet  proof.  It  was  supposed  that  about  3000  persons 
had  hei-e  taken  up  their  residence. 

But,  to  Ix!  more  particular  upon  the  situation  of  "the  scene  of  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  Narragansets,"  we  will  add  as  follows  from  the  notes  of  a  fren- 
tleman  lately  upon  the  spot,  for  the  express  purpose  of  gaining  information. 
"  What  was  called  The  Island  is  now  an  upland  meadow,  a  few  feet  higher 
than  the  low  meadow  with  which  it  it  surroinidod.  T'le  island,  by  my  esti- 
mate, contains  from  three  to  four  acres.  One  ibuith  of  a  mile  west,  is  the 
Usquepaug ;  a  small  stream  also  at  a  short  distance  on  the  east."  Tiie  et  Ic- 
brated  island  on  which  the  fort  was  built  is  now  in  the  farm  of  /.  G.  Chirk, 
Esq.  a  descendant  of  John  Clark,  of  R.  I.  and  about  30  rods  west  of  the  line 
of  the  "  Pettyswaniscot  Purchase."  Water  still  surrounds  it  in  wet  seusoiiK 
It  was  cleared  by  tiie  fiither  of  llie  present  possessor  about  1780,  and,  altlioii<:li 
improved  from  that  time  to  the  i»resent,  chaned  corn  and  Indian  implemeiiis 
are  yet  ploughed  ujj.t 

President  Stiles,  in  his  edition  of  Church's  History  of  Philip's  War, 
states  that  the  Narraganset  fort  is  seven  miles  nearly  due  west  from  tlie 
South  Ferry.  This  agrees  with  data  furnished  by  Air.  Ely,  in  stating  the 
returning  inarch  of  tlie  English  army.  Pine  and  cedar  were  said  to  liave 
been  the  former  growth.J  An  oak  300  years  old,  standing  upon  the  island, 
was  cut  down  in  1782,  two  feet  in  diameter,  11  leet  from  the  ground.  From 
another,  a  bullet  was  cut  out,  sur.ounded  by  about  100  annuli,  at  the  same 
time.  The  bullet  was  lodged  there,  no  doubt,  at  the  time  of  the  fight.  We 
will  now  return  to  our  nairative  of  the  expedition  to  this  place  in  Decem- 
ber, 1675. 

Aller  nearly  a  month  from  their  setting  out,  tlie  English  army  arrived  in 
the  Nai'raganset  country,  and  made  their  head-quarters  about  18  miles  lioin 
Philip's  fort.  Tiiey  had  been  so  long  upon  their  march,  that  tlie  Indians 
were  well  enougli  apprized  of  their  approach,  and  had  made  the  best  ar- 
rangements in  their  power  to  withstand  them.  The  army  hud  already  sut- 
fered  iniieh  from  the  severity  of  the  season,  being  obliged  to  encamp  in  the 
open  field,  and  without  tents  to  cover  them ! 

The  19th  of  December,  1675,  is  a  memoraide  day  in  the  annals  ol  New 
England.  Cold,  in  the  extreme, — the  air  filled  with  snow, — the  Englisii 
were  obliged,  from  the  low  siate  of  their  provisions,  to  inoi-ch  to  aitiuk 
Philip  in  his  fort.  Treachery  hastened  his  ruin.  One  of  his  men,  by  hope 
of  reward,  betrayed  his  country  into  their  hands.  This  man  had,  probuhly, 
lived  among  the  English,  ns  he  had  an  English  name.  He  w.*«e  called  Pekr,^ 
and  it  .vas  by  accident  that  himself,  with  thirty-five  otiicrs,  had  just  before 
lallcn  into  the  hands  of  the  fortunate  Captain  Mostly.  No  Englishman  was 
acquainted  with  the  situation  of  Philip's  fort ;  and,  but  for  tlieir  pilot,  Pdtr, 
there  is  very  little  probability  that  they  could  have  even  found,  mucli  Ics  • 
effected  any  thing  against  it.  For  it  was  one  o'clock  on  that  short  day  ul 
the  year,  before  they  arrived  wiihui  the  vicinity  of  the  swamp.  There  v.iis 
but  one  jjoint  where  it  could  be  assailed  with  the  least  probability  of  snc- 
cess ;  and  this  was  fortified  by  a  kind  of  block-house,  directly  in  front  ol" 
the  entrance,  and  had  also  flankers  to  -  over  a  cross  fire.  Besides  high  pal- 
isades, an  immense  hedge  of  flillen  trees,  of  nearly  u  rod   in   thickness, 

*  300  Imsliols,  says  Dr.  /.  Mather.  Hollow  trees,  nit  otT  about  the  length  of  a  barrel,  were 
used  l)V  the  Indians  fur  tubs.     In  such  they  sucureil  tliuir  rvu  and  other  grains. 

t  MS.  connnunicatioii  of  Reverend  Mr.  F.li),  accompanied  by  a  drawing  of  llie  island.  Its 
shape  is  very  similar  to  the  shell  of  an  oyster.  Average  rectatigular  lines  through  it  measure, 
one  3d  rods,  another  20. 

X  Holmes's  Annals,  i.  376. 

^  The  name  of  Peter  among  the  Indians  was  so  rommon,  that  it  is  perhaps  past  delermina- 
lion  ti'tci  this  one  was.    Mr.  Hubbard  calls  him  a  fugitive  from  Uic  Narragau^ctd. 


[Book  IIJ 

u,  Rliotle 
va8  coin- 
witlj  tlic 
superior 
Buskits 
of  tlu'in, 
)  persons 


Chap.  11.] 


I'HlLir.— NARUAGANSET  SWAMP  FIGHT. 


35 


surrounued  it,  enconipiissiug  uu  area  of  about  five  acres.  IJetwccu  tlje 
fort  and  the  main  laud  was  a  body  of  water,  over  wliich  a  great  tree  had 
Ixicu  felled,  ou  wliich  all  iiiu.st  pa.s.s  and  repass,  to  and  from  it.  On  coming 
to  this  place,  the  Engli.-^h  soldiers,  as  many  as  could  j)ass  upon  the  tree, 
which  would  not  admit  two  abreast,  rushed  forward  upon  it,  but  were  swept 
off  in  a  moment  i»y  the  fire  of  Philip'a  men.  Still,  the  English  soldiers,  led 
by  their  captains,  supplied  the  places  of  the  slain.  Hut  again  an<l  again 
were  they  swept  from  the  fatal  avenue.  Six  captains  and  a  great  many  men 
hud  fallen,  and  a  partial,  but  momentary,  recoil  from  the  face  of  death  took  place. 

Meanwhile,  a  handful,  under  the  fi)rtMnate  Mostly,  liad,  as  miraculous  as 
it  may  seem,  got  within  the  fort.  These  were  contending  hand  to  hand 
with  the  hidians,  and  at  fearful  odds,  when  the  cry  of  "  T//cy  run  !  Ihexf 
rua .'"  brought  to  tlicir  assistance  a  considerable  body  of  their  fl'llow-soldicrs. 
They  were  now  enabled  to  drive  the  Indians  from  their  main  breastwork, 
and  th;ir  slaughtiT  became  immense.  Flying  from  wigwam  to  wigwam — 
nan,  women  and  children,  indiscriminately,  were  hewn  down,  and  lay  in 
heaps  upon  the  snow.  Being  now  masters  of  the  fort,  at  tlie  re<!ommenda- 
tion  of  ^Ir.  Church,  who  led  the  second  party  that  entered  the  f()rt,  G.-ncral 
Winslow  was  about  to  quarter  the  army  in  it  for  tlie  jiresent,  which  off.red 
comfortable  habitations  to  the  sick  and  wounded,  besides  a  plentiful  sni>j)ly 
of  provisions.  IJut  one  of  the  caj)taius  *  and  a  surgeon  opposed  the  ni(!as- 
ure;  probably  from  the  a|)})rehensiou  that  the  woods  was  full  of  Indians, 
v.ho  would  continue  their  attack-s  upon  them,  and  drive  thetn  out  in  their 
turn.  There  Wiis,  doubtless,  some  reajjon  for  this,  which  was  strengthened 
from  the  fact  that  many  English  were  killed  alter  they  had  possessed 
themselves  of  the  fort,  by  those  whom  they  had  just  dispossessed  of  it. 
Notwithstanding,  had  ChurcKs  advice  been  Ibllowcd,  perhaps  many  oi'  tie; 
lives  of  the  wounded  woidd  have  been  saved  ;  for  he  was  seldom  out  in  his 
judgment,  as  his  continued  successes  jtroved  afterwards. 

After  fighting  three  hours,  the  English  wi!re  obliged  to  march  18  miles, 
before  the  wounded  could  be  dressed,  and  in  a  most  dismal  and  boisterous 
uight.  Eighty  English  were  killed  in  the  fight,  and  150  woimded,  many  of 
whom  died  aflerwarils.  The  shattered  army  left  the  ground  in  considerable 
haste,  leaving  eight  of  their  dead  in  the  Ibrt. 

Philip,  and  such  of  his  warriors  as  escaped  unhurt,  fled  into  u  place  of 
safety,  until  the  enemy  had  retired  ;  when  they  returned  again  to  the  fort. 
The  English,  no  doubt,  apprehended  a  j)ursuit,  but  Philip,  not  knowing 
their  distressed  situation,  and,  perhaj)s,  judging  of  tb  ur  loss  from  the  few 
dead  which  they  left  behind,  made  no  attempt  to  narass  them  in  their 
retreat.  Before  the  fight  was  over,  many  of  the  wigwams  were  set  on  fire. 
Into  these,  hundreds  of  iunoceut  women  and  children  had  crowded  them- 
selves, and  perished  in  the  general  conflagration !  And,  as  a  writer  of  that 
day  expresses  himself,  "no  man  knoweth  how  many."  The  English  ieariied 
afterwards,  from  some  that  fell  into  their  hands,  that  in  all  about  700 
perished.f 

The  sufierings  of  the  English,  after  the  fight,  are  ahnost  without  a  par- 
allel in  history.  The  horrors  of  Moscow  will  not  longer  be  remembered. 
The  myriads  of  modern  Europe,  assembled  there,  bear  but  snjall  propor- 


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*  Probably  Motely,  who  seems  always  to  liave  had  a  large  share  iii  thu  direolioii  of  all  af- 
fairs when  present. 

t  'fliire  is  printed  iu  Hutchitaoii's  Hist.  Mass.  i.  300.  a  letter  which  gives  llie  parlicalars  of 
iho  N'arriigaiiscl  tight.  I  iiave  compared  it  willi  the  original,  ajid  lind  i.  correct  in  the  main 
piiiliciilars.  He  mistakes  in  ascribing  it  to  Major  liradjurd,  for  it  is  signed  by  .l,fm''s  Oliver, 
Dill'  of  the  IMimouth  captains.  Hiitchin.ion  copied  fiom  a  copy,  whicii  was  wilhoiit  signature. 
lie  omits  a  passage  couo<>rning  Tift,  or  7V//c,  who,  Oliver  says,  confirmod  his  narrative. 
'I'liat  iiuiii  iiad  ■'  married  an  Indian,  a  Wompanoag — and,  says  Oliver,  he  siiol  '-()  times  at  ns 
in  tlie  >wam|) — was  laken  at  Providence,  fby  Captain  Femur,]  Jan.  I  Uli — liroiiglit  to  us  the 
Itilli — cxecuied  tlie  Dflli ;  a  sad  wrote!-  lie  never  heard  a  sermon  but  once  tliis  I  t  years  ;  he 
never  heard  of  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ.  His  fallior  going  to  recall  hiin,  lost  his  head,  and 
lies  iinbiiried,"  Hubbard  says,  (Narrative,  .W,)  that  "he  was  condemiii.'d  to  die  the  death  of 
a  lra:lor,"  ami  traitors  of  those  days  were  quartered.  "'  As  to  iiis  religion,  he  was  found  as 
iguiirant  as  an  heathen,  which,  no  doubi,  caused  the  fewer  tears  to  be  sned  ai  his  funeral.'' 
.\  jorrowful  record ! 


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36 


PHIIJP. 


[Book  11  L 


'iontothc  niimbor  of  tlicir  countrymen,  compared  wi(!i  t!iat  of  tho  nrmj 
of  New  EBfrland  and  tlicirs,  at  tlie  fight  in  Narraganset, 

Colonel  Church,  then  only  a  volinitcer,  was  in  this  fifrlit,  and  we  will  hear 
u  few  of  his  observations.  "By  this  time,  the  English  1)00;. le  in  tho  fort  had 
begun  to  set  fire  to  the  wigwams  and  houses,  wiiieii  Mr.  Church  labored 
hard  to  prevent;  they  told  iiim  they  had  orders  from  the  general  to  burn 
them ;  he  begged  them  to  forbear  until  be  had  discoursed  the  general." 
Then,  hastening  to  him,  he  urged,  that  "the  wigwams  were  nnisket- proof, 
being  all  lin«;d  witli  baskets  and  tubs  of  grain,  and  other  provisions,  sulU- 
cient  to  supply  the  whole  army  until  the  spring  of  the  year ;  and  every 
wounded  man  might  have  a  good  warm  bouse  to  lodge  in ;  which,  other- 
wise, would  necessarily  perish  with  the  storms  and  cold.  And,  moreover, 
that  the  army  had  no  other  provision  to  trust  unto  or  depend  upon ;  that  he 
knew  that  Plymouth  forces  bad  not  so  much  as  one  biscuit  left."  The  gen- 
eral was  lor  !!.cc(!ding  to  ChurcVs  proposition,  but  a  captain  and  a  doctor 
pnjvented  it,  as  we  have  b<;fore  observed ;  the  former  threatening  to  shoot 
the  general's  horse  under  him,  if  he  attempted  to  march  in,  and  the  latter 
.Slid,  Church  should  bleed  to  death  like  a  dog,  (he  having  been  badly  wounded 
on  entering  the  fort,)  before  he  would  dress  his  wounds,  if  he  gave  snrii 
advice.  CViurc/t  then  proceeds :  "And,  burning  up  all  the  liouses  and  pro- 
visions in  tiie  fort,  the  army  returned  the  same  night  in  the  storm  and  cold. 
And,  I  supj)ose,  every  one  that  is  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  of  that 
Jiight's  march,  deeply  laments  the  miseries  tliat  attended  them ;  especially 
the  wounded  and  dying  men.  But  it  mercifully  came  to  pass  that  Capt. 
Andrew  Belcher  arrived  at  Mr.  Smithes,  [in  Narraganset,]  that  very  night  from 
Boston,  with  a  vessel  loud(;n  with  provisions  for  the  army,  who  must  other- 
wise have  perished  for  want."  * 

Alter  the  English  army  had  gone  into  quarters  at  Wickford,  the  Connecticut 
troops  returned  home,  which  was  considered  very  detrimental  to  the  service 
by  the  other  colonies ;  and  soon  after  a  reinforcement  of  1000  men  was  as- 
si'ml)lefl  at  Boston  and  ordered  to  the  assistance  of  their  coimtrymen.  In 
their  uiai-ch  to  Narraganset  in  the  beginning  of  Jan.  167G,  they  sufiered  intol- 
erably from  tho  cold;  no  less  than  11  vaen  were  frozen  to  death,  and  many 
othei-s  were  taken  sick  by  reason  of  their  exposure  in  that  severe  season. 

Meanwhile  tl»e  Lidians  had  sent  deputies  to  the  commander-in-chief  to  treat 
of  peace ;  but  it  was  judged  that  they  were  insincere  in  their  overtures,  and  no 
ti^rms  were  settled.  Wfiilc  matters  were  thus  progressing,  Philip  removed  his 
provisions,  women  and  children  to  a  strong  place  protected  ny  rocks,  in  a 
swamp,  about  20  miles  from  the  late  battle-ground  in  Narraganset,  into 
the  country  of  the  Nipmuks.  At  length,  the  weather  having  become  mild,  and 
tile  Comiecticut  forces  returned,  tog(!ther  with  a  body  of  Mohegans  under 
Uncas,  it  was  resolved  to  snprise  Philip  in  bis  rocky  fortress.  Ac<'ordingly 
the  army,  consisting  now  of  1600  men,  marched  out  on  this  enterprise.  On 
its  approach,  the  Indians  abandoned  their  position  and  fiinl  farther  northward. 
They  were  [)ursued  a  small  distance,  and  about  GO  or  70  of  them  killed  and 
taken,  (probably  women  and  children.)  The  army  soon  after  returned  home, 
and  was  chiefly  disbanded. 

On  27  Jan.,  while  the  army  was  pursunig  the  main  body  of  the  Indians, 
a  party  of  about  300  attacked  Mr.  ffiWia7?»Cfl»y)enier's  plantation,  and  attempted 
to  bmn  his  house,  which  they  set  on  fire,  but  those  within  succeeded  in  put- 
ting it  <Hit.  In  the  skirmish,  one  of  their  number  was  killed,  and  two  of  the 
whites  were  wounded.  The  assaulting  party  collected  and  drove  off  from 
this  place  180  sheep,  50  large  cattle,  and  15  horses,  and  from  a  Mr.  Harris 
another  drove  of  cattle,  and  killed  bis  negro  servantf 

Soon  after  this,  Philip,  with  many  of  his  followers,  left  that  part  of  the 


*  "  Our  wounded  men,  (in  number  about  150,)  being  dressed,  were  sent  into  Rhode  Island, 
as  the  best  place  for  their  arcommodation  ;  where,  aicordisjgiy,  ihey  were  kind'y  received 
by  the  governor  and  others,  onlyr  some  churlish  tiuakcrs  were  not  free  to  entertain  them,  until 
••ompclled  by  the  governor.  Of  so  inhumane,  peevish  and  untoward  a  disposition  are  these 
Nabals,  as  nf  i  to  vouchsafe  civility  to  those  that  had  ventured  Ibeii  lives,  and  received  dangerous 
wounds  in  their  defence."     O/ti  hid.  Chronkto,  74. 

t  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  68,  b\). —Hubbard,  6i). 


1:1: 


Chap.  II. 


PHHJP— :\!EDriEI.D   ATTACKED. 


37 


country,  and  resided  in  different  places  upon  Connecticut  River.  Some  report 
that  he  took  up  his  residence  near  ilbany,  nnd  tiiat  he  solicited  the  Mohuwjts 
to  aid  him  against  the  English,  but  without  success. 

The  story  of  the  foul  stratagem  said  to  have  been  resorted  to  by  Philip 
for  this  object,  is,  if  trtie,  the  deepest  stain  upon  his  character.  According 
to  one  of  the  historians  *  of  the  war,  it  was  reported  at  Boston,  in  the  end  of 
Ji  le,  or  beginning  of  July,  1676,  that  "those  Indians  who  are  known  by  the 
name  of  Mauquawogs,  (or  Mohawks,  i.  e.  man-eaters,)  had  lately  fallen  u()ou 
Philip,  and  killed  40  of  his  men.  And  if  the  variance  between  Philip  and 
the  Mauquawogs  came  to  pass,  as  is  commonly  reported  and  apprehended, 
there  was  a  marvellous  finger  of  God  in  it  For  we  hear  that  Philip,  being 
this  winter  entertained  in  the  Mohawks'  country,  made  it  his  design  to  breed 
a  (piarrc'l  between  the  English  and  them ;  to  effect  which,  divers  of  our 
returned  captives  do  report,  that  he  resolved  to  kill  some  scattering  Mohawks, 
and  then  to  say  that  the  English  had  done  it ;  but  one  of  these,  whom  he 
thought  to  have  killed,  was  only  wounded,  and  got  away  to  his  countrymen, 
giving  them  to  understand  that  not  the  English,  but  Philip,  had  killed  the 
men  that  were  murdered ;  so  that,  instead  of  bringing  the  Mohawks  upon 
the  F'liglish,  he  brought  them  upon  himself" 

The  author  of  the  anonymous  "  Letters  to  London"  has  this  passage f 
conc(!rning  Philip's  visit  to  the  Mohawks.  "  King  Philip,  and  some  of  these 
northfrn  Indians,  being  wandered  up  towards  Albany,  the  Mohucks  marched 
out  very  strong,  in  a  warlike  posture,  upon  them,  putting  them  to  flig.ht,  imd 
pursuing  them  as  far  as  Hassicke  River,  which  is  about  two  days'  march 
from  the  east  side  of  Hudson's  River  to  the  north-east,  killing  divers,  and 
bringing  away  some  prisoners  with  great  pride  and  triumph,  which  ill  suc- 
cess on  that  side,  where  they  did  not  expect  any  enemy,  having  lately  en- 
deavored to  make  up  the  ancient  animosities,  did  very  much  daunt  and  dis- 
courage the  said  northern  Indians,  so  that  some  hundreds  came  in  and  sub- 
mitted themwdves  to  the  English  at  Plimouth  colony,  and  Philip  himself  is 
iini  skulking  away  into  some  swamp,  with  not  above  ten  men  attending  him." 

Although  Philip  was  supposed  to  be  beyond  the  frontier  by  some,  and  by 
others  to  be  "  snugly  stowed  away  in  some  swamp,"  yet  his  warriors,  whether 
dir 'ctcd  by  him  m  person  or  not,  is  immaterial,  as  every  thing  was  done 
against  the  English  that  could  we'l  be  under  such  broken  circumstances  as 
111!  now  labored.  On  the  10  Fei).  1676,  they  surprised  Lancaster  with  com- 
pl(!t()  success,  the  particulars  of  whicli  we  shall  fully  narrate  in  our  next 
chapter.  Eleven  days  after,  (21  Feb.)  about  300  Indians  attacked  Medficid, 
and  in  spite  of  200  soldiers  stationed  there  to  guard  it,  burnt  about  50  houses, 
killed  18  of  its  inhabitants,  and  wounded  20  others.  Among  the  slain  were 
LiinWvmmt  Mams  and  his  wife:  the  latter  was  killed  accidentally  by  Cap- 
tain Jacob,  She  was  in  bed  in  a  chamber,  under  which  was  a  room  occupied 
by  the  soldiers ;  as  Captain  Jacob  was  about  to  leave  the  house,  his  gun  went 
off,  the  ball  from  which  passed  through  the  chamber  floor  and  killed  her. 

The  Indians  managed  this  attack  with  their  usual  skill;  having  placed  some 
of  their  number  prepared  with  fire  implements  in  various  parts  of  the  town, 
they  set  the  houses  on  fire,  "  as  it  were,"  says  Major  Gookin,  "  in  one  instant 
of  time."  And  as  the  people  issued  out  of  them,  parties  lay  ready  and  slioi 
tliern  down.  As  soon  as  the  whites  were  mustered  to  oppose  them,  they 
retired  over  the  bridge  towards  Sherburne,  and  set  it  on  fire,  so  that  the  sol- 
diers could  not  pursue  them.  Li  the  j)ride  of  their  success,  they  now  wrote 
a  letter  to  the  whites,  and  stuck  it  up  on  a  post  of  the  bridge.     It  reads, 

"  Know  by  this  paper,  that  the  Indians  that  thou  hast  provoked  to  ivrath  and 
ans;cr  will  war  this  21  years  if  yon  will.  There  are  many  IiiJiatis  yet.  We  come 
300  at  this  time.  You  must  consider  the  Indians  lose  nothing  but  their  life.  You 
must  lose  your  fair  houses  and  cattle."  \. 

On  the  13  March,  the  entire  town  of  Groton,  consisting  of  4  ■  houses, 
was  burnt,  except  one  garrison,§  by  shots  from  which  several  Indians  were 
said  to  have  been  killed. 

*  Or.  I.  Mather,  Brief  Hist.  38.  t  Chronicle,  99. 

j:  (iookin's  MS.  Hist.  Praying  Indians.— The  above  letter  was  doubtless  written  by  some  of 
the  Christian  Indians  who  had  joined  Ph'i  p. 
§  In  our  Chronicle,  80,  it  is  said  that  Groton  was  burnt  on  the  14th  j  that  Major  WUlarcCi 


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38 


PHII  IP— SUDBURY   FIGHT. 


IBOOK   III 


Philip  had  for  some  time  directed  matters  with  such  address  thut  his 
enemies  could  not  tell  where  or  how  to  meet  him,  or  whether  he  actually 
were  in  the  vicinity  of  the  frontii'ra  or  not.  But  there  can  be  little  doubt  of 
his  special  agency  and  direction  in  all  the  important  enterprises.  On  the  18 
March,  Norlliampton  was  assaulted,  but  not  with  quite  as  good  success  us 
was  anticipated  by  the  besiegers ;  for  they  lost  eleven  men,  while  the  whites 
had  but  three  killed  and  six  wounded. 

On  the  27  March,  a  large  body  of  800  Indians,  as  was  supposed,  were 
discovered  encamped  not  far  from  Marlborough,  which  they  had  burnt  the 
day  before.  A  company  of  men  belonging  to  that  town,  attached  thenisplvcs 
to  a  number  of  soldiers  under  one  Lieutenant  Jacobs,  who,  falling  upon  them 
in  the  night  while  they  were  asleep  in  their  wigwams,  killed  and  v  ounded 
about  40  of  ihcm,  without  any  loss  to  themselves. 

The  Indians  seem  to  have  resolved  that  this  midnight  assassination  should 
not  go  long  unrequited,  and  events  so  determined,  as  what  we  are  about  to 
relate  will  fully  exemplify.  On  the  morning  of  the  20  April,  the  largest 
body  of  Indians  which  had  at  any  time  appeared,  attacked  Sudbury,  and 
beibre  resistance  could  be  made,  set  fire  to  several  buildings,  whicii  were 
consumed.  The  inhabitants,  however,  made  a  brare  stand,  and  were  soon 
joined  by  some  soldiers  f>-om  Watertown,  under  Captain  Hugh  .Mason ;  and 
the  Indians  retreated  over  the  bridge,  and  were  prevented  from  doing  any 
further  mischief  during  the  day,  against  Sudburj'. 

Some  of  tiie  people  of  Concord  hearing  of  the  distress  at  Sudbury,  sallied 
forth  for  its  protection.  As  they  approached  a  garrison  house,  they  discovered 
a  few  Indians,  and  pursued  them.  These,  as  it  proved,  were  a  decoy,  and 
they  soon  found  themselves  ambushed  on  every  side.  They  fought  with 
desperation,  but  were  all,  except  one,  cut  off,  being  eleven  in  number.  This 
affair  took  place  immediately  af\cr  Captain  Wadsieorth  had  marched  from 
Sudbury  with  70  men  to  strengthen  the  garrison  at  JMarlborougli ;  and  the 
news  of  the  situation  of  the  i)lace  he  had  just  left  reached  his  destination  as 
soon  as  he  did  ;  and  although  he  had  marched  all  the  day  and  night  beibre,  and 
his  men  almost  exhausted  with  fatigue,  yet,  taking  Captain  Brocklebank  and 
about  ten  men  from  the  garrison  at  Marlborough,  he  marched  directly  back 
lor  Sudbury.  On  the  morning  of  the  21st,  they  arrived  within  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  of  the  town,  near  where  a  body  of  about  500  Indians  had  pre- 
pared an  ambush  behind  the  hills.  From  thence  they  sent  out  two  or  three 
of  their  party,  who  crossed  the  march  of  the  English,  and,  being  discovered 
by  them,  affected  to  fly  through  feai',  to  decoy  them  into  a  pursuit.  This 
stratagem  succeeded,  and  with  great  boldness  the  Indians  began  the  attack. 
For  some  time  the  English  maintained  good  order,  and,  having  retreated  to 
an  adjacent  hill,  lost  but  five  njen  for  near  four  hours.  Meantime  the  Indians 
had  lost  a  great  mmiber,  which  so  increased  their  rage  that  they  resolved  to 
put  in  practice  another  stratagem,  which  it  seems  they  had  not  before  thought 
of.  They  immediately  set  the  woods  on  fire  to  windward  of  the  English, 
which  spread  with  great  rapidity,  owing  to  an  exceeding  high  wind  and 
the  dryness  of  the  grass  and  other  combustibles.  This  stratagem  likewise 
succeeded,  even  better  than  the  first ;  that,  although  it  served  to  bring  on  the 
attack,  was  near  proving  fatal  to  its  originators,  but  this  was  crowned  with 
com[)lete  success.  The  fury  of  the  flames  soon  drove  the  English  from  their 
advantageous  position,  which  gave  the  Indians  an  opportunity  to  fall  upon 
them  Avith  their  tomahawks !  Many  were  now  able  to  fall  upon  one,  and 
resistance  fast  diminished.  All  but  about  twenty  were  killed  or  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  conquerors ;  among  the  former  were  the  two  captains ;  some 
of  those  that  escaped  took  shelter  in  a  mill  not  far  off,  and  were  saved  by 
the  arrival  of  a  few  men  under  Captain  Prentice,  and  a  company  under 
Cajttuin  Croicell.  Both  of  these  officers  and  their  men  very  narrowly  es- 
caped the  fate  of  Wadsworth.*    As  the  former  was  about  to  fall  into  a  fatal 


house  was  burnt  first,  and  that  "  afterwards  tliey  destroyed  65  more  there,  leaving  but  six 
houses  slaiidiirg  in  the  whole  town." 

*  "  So  insolent  were  the  Indians  grown  upon  their  first  success  against  Captain  Wadsworth, 
that  they  sent  us  word,  to  provide  store  of  good  cheer  j  for  they  intended  to  dine  with  us  [at 
Boston]  on  the  election  day."    Chronicle,  95. 


CfSn'-W.:  ':■' 


1:31 .»,.        ,^v 


Ill 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


39 


gnare,  he  was  rescued  by  a  coiiipoiiy  from  a  gurrison  ;  and  ns  tiic  luttur  ap- 
proaclied  Sudbury,  he  uuved  himself  by  pursuiug  an  unexpected  rout<< ;  and, 
though  attacked,  he  succeeded  in  fighting  iiis  way  througli  tlie  Indians  with 
u  los8  oidy  of  dix  or  seven  of  his  men.  Captain  CroxctWa  arrival  at  this  time 
was  accidental,  though  fortunate  ;  being  on  his  return  fromCiuaiiaog,  whither 
he  had  been  sent  to  reinforce  that  garrison.*  With  this  great  achievement 
ended  the  chief  operations  in  Massachusetts ;  and  we  have  now  to  return 
towurtls  Plimouth. 

VVlien  success  no  longer  attended  Philip  in  Massachusetts,  tliose  of  his 
allies  whom  he  had  seduced  into  the  war,  upbraided  and  accused  him  of 
brinffing  all  their  misfortunes  upon  them ;  that  they  had  no  cause  of  war 
against  the  Englisli,  and  imd  not  engaged  in  it  but  tor  his  solicitations ;  and 
many  of  the  tribes  scattered  themselves  in  different  directions.  VVitii  all 
that  would  follow  him,  as  a  last  retreat,  Philip  returned  to  I'okanoket.  The 
Peconi[)tuck  or  Deerfield  Indians  were  among  the  first  who  abandomul  his 
cause,  and  many  of  the  other  Nipniucks  and  Narragansets  soon  followed 
tlieir  example. 

On  the  11th  of  July,  he  attempted  to  surprise  Taunton,  but  was  repulaedf. 
His  camp  was  now  at  MatapoiseL  The  English  came  upon  him  here,  under 
Captain  Church,  who  captured  many  of  his  people,  but  be  escaped  over 
Taunton  River,  us  he  had  done  a  year  before,  but  in  the  oi)posite  direction, 
and  screened  himself  once  more  m  the  woods  of  Pocasset.  He  used  many 
stratagems  to  cut  off  Captain  Chwch,  and  seems  to  have  watched  and  fol- 
lowed him  from  place  to  place,  until  the  end  of  this  month ;  but  he  was 
coutiiiually  losing  one  company  of  his  men  after  another.  Some  scouts 
a!:<certained  that  he,  and  many  of  his  men,  were  at  a  certain  place  upon 
Taunton  River,  and,  from  appearances,  were  about  to  repass  it.  His  catnp 
was  now  at  this  p. ice,  and  the  chief  of  his  warriors  with  bim.  Some  sol- 
diers from  Bridgewctci  fell  upon  them  here,  on  Sunday,  July  30,  and  killed 
ten  warriors;  but  Philip,  having  disguised  himself,  escaped.^  His  uncle, 
Akkompoin,  was  among  the  slain,  and  bis  own  sister  taken  prisoner. 

The  late  attempt  by  Philip  upon  Taunton  had  caused  the  people  of  Britlge- 
water  to  be  more  watchful,  and  some  were  continually  on  the  scout.  Some 
time  in  the  day,  Saturday,  29  Jidy,  four  men.  as  they  were  ranging  the  woods, 
discovered  one  Indian,  and,  rightly  judging  there  were  more  at  hand,  made 
all  haste  to  inform  the  other  inhabitants  of  Bridge  water  of  their  discovery. 
Comfort  Willis  and  Joseph  Edson  were  "  pressed  "  to  go  "  post "  to  the  govern- 
or of  Plimouth,  at  Marshfield,  who  "went  to  Plimouth  with  them,  the 
next  day,  [30  July,]  to  send  Captain  Church  with  his  comj)any.  And  Captain 
Church  came  with  them  to  Monponset  on  the  sabbath,  and  came  no  further 
that  day,  he  told  them  he  would  meet  them  the  next  day."  Here  Willis  and 
Edson  left  him,  and  arrived  at  home  in  the  evening.  Upon  hearing  of  the 
arrival  of  Church  in  their  neighborhood,  21  men  "  went  out  on  Monday,  sup- 
posing to  meet  with  Captain  Church ;  but  they  came  upon  the  enemy  and 
Ibuglit  with  them,  and  took  17  of  them  alive,  and  also  much  plunder.  And 
they  all  returned,  and  not  one  of  them  fell  by  the  enemy ;  and  received  no 
help  from  ChurcJu"  This  account  is  given  from  an  old  manuscript,  but  who 
its  author  was  is  not  certain.^  Churches  account  differs  considerably  from  it. 
He  says,  that  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day  he  and  his  company  marched 
from  Plimouth,  "  they  heard  a  smart  firing  at  a  distance  from  them,  but  it 

*  Old  Indian  Chronicle  79,  92,  93.— Huhbard,  m.—Gookin's  MS.  Hist.— A  son  afinnain 
Wadsworlh  caused  a  monument  to  be  erected  upon  llic  place  of  (his  fight,  with  an  idHBtion 
upon  it,  which  time  has  discovered  to  be  erroneous  in  some  of  its  historical  particulaS'.  It 
was  recently  standin?  to  the  west  of  Sudbury  causeway,  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  froni  the 
great  road  that  leads  from  Boston  to  Worcester.     Hoyt,  122.  Holmes,  1.  380. 

t  A  captive  ne^ro  made  his  escape  from  Philip's  men,  and  save  notice  of  'hi  ii  JBmjiin  ; 
'- whereupon  the  nihabitants  stood  upon  their  guard,  and  souldicrs  were  timouslWlB^B^  to 
ihom  for  their  relief  and  defence."    Prevcdency  of  Prayer,  Z.  @y|wV 

t  "  "['is  said  that  he  had  newly  cut  off  his  hair,  that  he  might  not  be  knovinJ^thihbard, 
Nar.  101. 

^  Ii  ii  published  by  Mr.  Mitchell,  in  his  valuable  account  of  Bridgewater,  and  supposed  to  have 
been  written  by  Comfort  Willis,  named  above.    See  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vii.  157. 


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•?3 


LIFE  OF  KINCf  PMH.IP. 


[Book  111. 


!  'jing  nvnr  ni;rlif,  nrid  tlic  firinp  of  Hliort  continuanco,  they  misHfld  the  plnce, 
;.ii(l  \vi  lit  iiiMt  Hri(ljr«\viii(!r  town." 

On  the  1  Anjfust,  th(»  intrepid  Church  cnnip  upon  Philip's  ficnd-qunrtprs, 
killfd  and  t«iok  nl)out  l.'W  of  hiH  people,  Philip  liiniwelf  very  narrowly  e.srn|i. 
in<r.  Stu-h  was  Iiih  preci])itation,  that  he  lell  all  Imh  wunipuin  behind,  and  his 
wife  and  son  tl'll  into  the  hands  ol' Church, 

No  sooner  had  the  story  of  the  destruetion  of  tht^  IndiariH  begun  to  attract 
I  Uention,  (which,  liowever,  was  not  until  a  long  time  alter  they  had  been 
(tostroyed,)  nineh  inquiry  was  made  concerning  the  fate  of  this  son  of  tlio 
■  nuiowx  Melacomet ;  and  it  was  not  until  considerable  time  had  elupsed,  that 
it  was  discovered  that  he  was  sold  into  slavery !  It  is  gratifying  to  Icnrn 
'.vhat  tlid  become  of  him,  although  the  knowledge  of  the  fact  must  cause  jmin 
1.1  every  humane  breast;  not  more  for  the  lot  of  young  Mttncomtt,  than  for 
the  wretclH'd  depravity  of  the  minds  of  those  who  advised  and  executed  the 
decree  of  slavery  upon  him. 

(Jreat  mnrdters  of  Philip's  people  were  sold  for  slaves  in  foreign  countries. 
In  the  beginning  of  the  war  Captain  Mostly  captured  80,  who  were  contiiied 
;  t  I'limouth.  In  S»'ptember  following,  178  were  put  on  board  a  vessel  coni- 
innnded  by  Captain  Sprafrue,  who  sailed  from  Plimouth  w  ith  them  for  Spain. 

Church*  relates  the  attack  of  Aug.  1  upon  the  flying  chief  as  follows: — 
"Next  morning,  [alt(!r  the  skirmish  in  which  Akkompoin  was  killed,]  Capt. 
Church  moved  very  early  with  his  company,  which  was  increased  by  many  of 
Bridgewater  that  fisted  under  him  for  that  expedition,  and,  by  their  piloting, 
he  soon  came,  very  still,  to  the  top  of  the  great  tree  which  the  enemy  had 
fallen  across  the  river;  and  the  captain  spied  an  Indian  sitting  ujion  tin; 
etump  of  it,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river,  and  he  clapped  his  gun  up,  and  had 
doubtless  despatched  him,  but  that  one  of  his  own  Indians  called  hastily  to 
him  not  to  fire,  for  he  believed  it  was  one  of  his  own  men ;  upon  which  the 
Indian  upon  the  stump  looked  about,  and  Capt.  ChvrcKa  Indian,  seeing  his 
face,  perceived  his  mistake,  for  he  knew  him  to  be  Philip ;  clapped  uj)  his 
gun  and  fired,  but  it  was  too  late ;  for  Philip  immediately  threw  himself  ofi' 
vie  stump,  leaped  down  a  bank  on  the  side  of  the  river,  and  made  his  escape. 
Capt  Church,  as  soon  as  possible,  got  over  the  river,  and  scattered  in  quest  of 
Philij,  and  his  company,  but  the  enemy  scattered  and  fled  every  way ;  but  he 
jjicked  up  a  considerable  many  of  their  women  and  children,  among  which 
were  I  alip's  wife  and  son  of  about  nine  years  old."  The  remainder  of  the 
day  was  spent  in  pursuing  the  flying  Philip,  who,  with  his  Narragansets,  was 
Btill  formidable.  They  picked  up  many  prisoners,  from  whom  they  learned 
the  force  of  those  of  whom  they  were  in  pursuit.  At  night.  Church  was  under 
obligation  to  return  to  his  men  he  hod  lefl,  but  commissioned  lAghlfoot,  cop- 
tain,  to  lead  a  party  on  discovery.  LAghtfoot  returned  in  the  morning  with 
•lood  success,  having  made  an  important  discovery,  and  token  13  prisoners. 
Church  immediately  set  out  to  follow  up  their  advantage.  He  soon  came 
'.vhere  they  had  made  fires,  and  shortly  aller  overtook  their  women  and  chil- 
I'ren,  who  "were  faint  and  tired,"  and  who  informed  them  "tliat  Philip,  with 
a  great  number  of  the  enemy,  were  a  little  before."  It  was  almost  sunset 
>vhen  they  came  near  enough  to  observe  them,  and  ^^  Philip  soon  came  to  a 
ftop,  and  fell  to  breaking  and  chop[)ing  wood,  to  make  fires;  and  a  great 
i  loise  they  made."  Church,  conceutratinjr  his  followers,  formed  them  into  a 
kjircle,  and  set  down  "  without  any  noise  or  fire."  Their  prisoners  showed 
,'.»T^^|igns  of  fear,  but  were  easily  put  in  confidence  by  the  conciliatory  con- 
iii^KgChurch.  Thus  stood  matters  in  ChurcKs  camp  through  the  night  of 
thflK^'gust,  lG7fi.  At  dawn  of  day,  he  told  his  prisoners  they  must  remain 
jstil^Wnere  they  were,  until  the  fight  was  over,  (for  he  now  had  every  reason 
lO  expect  a  severe  one  shortly  to  follow,)  "or,  as  soon  as  the  firing  ceased, 
they  must  follow  the  tracks  of  his  company,  and  come  to  them.  (An  Indian 
id  lilfc;^  a  bloodhound  to  follow  a  track.)  "f 

HHR^  now  light  enough  to  make  the  onset,  Church  sent  forward  two 
BoldicS^  learn  Philip's  i)osition.  Philip,  no  less  wary,  had,  at  the  same 
time,  sent  out  two   spies,  to  see  if  any  were  in  pursuit  of  him.    The  re- 


*  Hist.  PhUip's  War,  38,  ed.  4to, 


t  Ibid.  39. 


;'>• 


N  .111 


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iM. 


brother,  whoi 


Chap.  II.] 


MI'F.  Ol"  KIN(!   Pini.FP. 


4U 


npprtivn  npion  of  tlx;  two  I'iiiiiimm  rliicts  ^'iivf  tlii>  nhiriii  to  both  rnmpH  fit  tin- 
(4UIIII*  tiiiK! ;  but,  iiiilitip|iily  lor  I'hilip,  liin  uiita^oiiiNt  was  prcpurt'd  lor  tlw 
event,  wliil«5  bo  was  !iot.  "  All  llid  at  tin-  lirst  tidiii^H,  fof  tlio  Hpics,]  Icll 
their  kittlt-H  boilin^r,  and  nuMit  r()aHtiii<;  upon  tbtir  woouon  npitf,  an<l  run 
into  a  Hwarnp  with  no  otlit-r  breakfast,  than  what  Capt.  Church  al\ervvard.s 
treatoil  thoni  with."  Church  m-ni  bis  lieiifeiiant,  Mr,  hdnc  llowluiul,  on  one 
Hide  of  tbu  HWanip,  wliilt;  himself  lan  upon  tlie  other,  eneh  willi  a  small 
party,  bopiii)?,  uh  the  HWam|)  was  small,  to  prevent  the  escape  of  any.  Dx- 
pertin^  that  when  Philip  should  ibseover  the  lin^rlinb  at  the  lurtiiur  cxtriMni- 
ty  of  tliH  swamp,  bu  would  turn  Itack  in  his  own  track,  and  so  escnpu  at  the 
Binnu  placu  bo  entered.  Church  had,  therefore,  stationtMl  an  and)usb  tu  entrap 
iiim  in  such  nil  event,  lint  the  wariness  of  Philiu  disappointed  liim.  He, 
thinking  that  the  En<,disb  would  pursue  him  into  the  swamp,  bud  formed  nii 
ainhush  for  them  also,  but  was,  in  like  manner,  disa|)pointed.  He  had,  at 
the  same  time,  sent  forward  a  band  of  his  warriors,  who  lell  into  the  bands  of 
Church  and  Htwland.  They,  at  fust,  attempted  to  Hy,  and  then  ottered  re- 
sistance ;  but  Church  nrAiitv A  Mullhina*  to  tell  tiiein  the  impructicubility  of 
such  a  step.  He  nccordiiijfly  called  to  them,  and  »u!\i\,  *'  //'  Uuif  fired  nnt  gun 
Iheif  teere  all  dead  men."  This  threat,  with  the  pnsscsnce  of  the  English  and 
baJians,  so  ama/ed  them,  that  they  siiliered  "  tht;  En<(lisb  to  come  and  take 
till!  Kuns  out  of  their  hands,  when  they  were  both  ciiarj." d  mid  cocked." 
Having;  secured  these  with  a  guard,  armed  witli  the  jfuii;,  just  token  from 
tliein.  Church  presses  through  the  swamp  in  search  of  Philip,  towards  tlie 
end  at  which  that  chief  bad  entered.  Having  waited  until  he  liud  no  hopes 
of  ensnaring  Captain  Church,  Philip  now  moved  on  alter  the  company  be 
liad  sent  forward,  and  thus  the  two  parties  met.  The  English  bud  the  ad- 
vantage of  the  first  discovery,  and,  covered  by  trees,  made  the  first  fire. 
Philip  stood  his  ground  for  a  time,  and  maintained  a  desperate  fight ;  but,  a 
main  body  of  bis  warriors  having  been  captured,  wiiicli,  by  this  time,  he 
liegan  to  apprehend,  as  tbey  did  not  come  to  liis  aid,  be,  therefore,  lied  buck 
to  the  point  where  he  entered  the  swump,  and  thus  fell  into  a  second  am- 
bush. Here  the  English  were  worsted,  having  one  of  their  number  slain, 
viz.  Thomas  Lucas,  j  of  Plimoutb:  thus  escaped,  lor  a  few  days,  Philip  and 
some  of  bis  best  captains :  such  were  Tuspaquin  and  Taloson.  This  was 
August  the  3d,  and  Philip's  numbers  bud  decreased,  since  the  1st,  I7'>i,  by 
the  exertions  of  Church.  J 

Philip,  having  now  but  few  followers  left,  was  driven  from  place  to  place, 
and  lastly  to  his  ancient  seat  near  Pokanoket.  The  English,  for  a  long  time, 
had  endeavored  to  kill  him,  but  could  not  find  bim  oif  bis  guard ;  for  he 
was  always  the  fii'st  who  was  apprized  of  their  approach.  He  having  put  to 
death  one  of  his  own  men  for  advising  bim  to  make  peace,  this  man's 
brother,  whose  name  was  Mdtrman,  fearing  the  same  fate,  deserted  him, 
and  gave  Captain  Church  un  account  of  his  situation,  and  ottered  to  lead  bim 
to  his  camp.  Early  on  Saturday  morning,  12  Aug.,  Church  came  to  the 
swamp  where  Philip  was  encamped,  and,  before  be  was  discovered,  had 
placed  a  guard  about  it,  so  as  to  encompass  it,  except  a  small  place.  He 
then  ordered  Captain  Oolding  §  to  rush  into  the  swamp,  and  fall  u|)on  Philip 
in  his  camp ;  which  he  immediately  did — but  was  discovered  as  lie  ap- 
proached, and,  as  usual,  Philip  was  the  first  to  fly.  Having  but  just  awaked 
from  sleep,  and  having  on  but  a  part  of  his  clothes,  he  fled  with  all  his 
might.  Coming  directly  upon  an  Englishman  and  an  Indian,  who  composed 
a  part  of  the  ambush  at  the  edge  of  the  swamp,  the  Englisiiman's  gun  missed 
fire,  but  Alderman,  the  Indian,  whose  gun  was  loaded  with  two  balls,  *  gent 

*■  One  of  Church's  Indian  soldiers,  but  of  whom  he  makes  no  mention. 

t  An  improvident  fellow,  given  to  intoxication,  and,  from  Church's  expression  about  his 
being  killeu,  "  not  being  so  careful  as  he  might  have  been,"  it  leaves  room  to  doubt  whether 
he  were  not,  at  this  tmie,  under  the  effects  of  liciuor.  He  had  been  often  fined,  and  once 
whipped,  for  getting  drunk,  beating  his  wife  and  children,  defaming  the  character  of  deceased 
magistrates,  and  other  misdemeanors. 

I  Church,  41.     In  the  account  of  Tatoson,  Church's  narrative  is  continued. 

&  Captain  Roger  Goutden,  of  R.  I.    Plimouth  granted  him  100  acres  of  laud  on  Pocasset, 
in  1676,  for  his  eminent  services.    Plim,  Records. 
4* 


I,   vi 


'. '.  ■•' 


1              •     Ni    • 

'• 

.,■>',    «...  m 

;     "*  '' 

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■^::-:^:  ■ 

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1*  . 


-    ^   ■   ■  •    ,     , 


:<ri 


I 


„„N;jh!)'-«.,.<.-   ■ 

hi  Vr'l':  ■.■,'■ 
n  "t  t ;  -  ;-r--  if.;  "*  f 

'■;■'  |""....i,7";;  ..  • 

.  »*  . .  -^""l  *■  '    '*   ** 

.'.•■■.■•.  ■••»,■!. 

•  -»•  •    ;  .;.     ■   ■•  »       ' 

•   I'     1  .  A  .  ■■    •■  .  •- 

!:,-;r;^'>.M:*.'n 
■■'■:;  i.'^i.;'  •■*"■»- 

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;  ■..•'*'Y  '•ii-  ■■.■. 


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,H- 


:!i«^'''  :;"     ■■•■ 

Jr.-      r    ■ 


42 


IJFE  OF  KING  PHILIP. 


[Book  III. 
He  fell 


onfi  tlirniiffh  liis  heart,  and  nnotlier  not  above  two  inches  from  it. 
•ipoii  hid  iiioe  in  the  mud  and  water,  with  his  gun  under  him." 

"  Cold,  with  the  boast  he  slew,  he  sleeps ; 
O'er  him  no  tilial  spirit  weeps ; 

F.voii  lliitt  lie  lived,  is  for  his  conqiicror's  tongue, 
^^\  (oos  alone  his  cicalh-sonp  must  be  sung; 

No  I'lironicles  l)ul  ihoirs  shall  tell 

His  inoiirnful  doom  to  future  times  j 

May  those  upon  his  virtues  dwell, 

And  ill  his  falo  forgot  his  crimes." — Sprague. 

The  name  of  the  man  stationed  with  Alderman  was  Caleb  Cook,*  who  had 
shtirctl  in  many  of  Churches  hazardous  expeditions  before  the  present.  See- 
jiif,'  that  lie  could  not  have  the  honor  of  killing  Philip,  he  was  desirous,  if 
possible,  (if  liMviiig  a  memento  of  the  mighty  exploit.  He  therefore  prevailed 
lipcin  Jllilcrinnn  to  exchange  guns  with  htm.  This  gun  was  kejjt  in  the  I'amily 
iinti!  the  pres(;nt  century,  when  the  late  Isaac  Lothrop,  Esq.  of  Plimouth  ob- 
taine<l  the  lock  of  it  from  Mr.  Si/lvanus  Cook,  late  of  Kingston.  Sylvamts 
was  great-grandson  of  Caleb.]  The  stock  and  barrel  of  the  gun  are  .still  re- 
tained by  the  descendants  of  the  name  of  Cook,\  There  is  a  gim-lock  shown 
in  the  library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  said  to  be  the  same  which  Aldei-mnn 
used  in  shooting  Philip.  This  Mderman  was  a  subject  of  Weetamoo,  who,  in 
the  commencement  of  this  war,  went  to  the  governor  of  Plimouth,  and  de- 
sired to  remain  in  peace  with  the  English,  and  immediately  took  up  ids  reiii- 
dence  upon  an  island,  remote  li-om  the  tribes  engaged  in  it.  But,  after  Philip 
hati  returned  to  his  own  country,  Jilderman,  upon  some  occasion,  visited 
liim.  It  was  at  this  tiirie  that  he  learned  the  fate  of  his  brother  before 
sjmken  of;  or  he  may  have  been  killed  in  his  presence.  This  caused  his 
flight  to  the  English,  which  he  thought,  probably,  the  last  resort  lor  ven- 
getmce.  He  "  came  down  lixtni  thence,  says  Church ;  (where  Philip's  camp 
now  was,)  on  to  Sand  Point  over  against  Trips,  and  hollow'd,  and  made 
signs  to  be  fetch'd  over"  to  the  island.  He  was  immediately  brought  over, 
and  gave  the  information  desired.  Captain  Church  had  but  just  arrived  upon 
Rhode  Island,  and  was  about  eight  miles  from  the  upper  end,  where  Jilder- 
man landed.  He  had  been  at  home  but  a  few  minutes,  when  "  they  spy'd 
two  horsemen  coming  a  great  pace,"  and,  as  he  propliesied,  "  they  can)e  with 
tydings."  Major  Sanford  an<l  Cajit.  Golding  were  the  horsemen,  "  who 
immediately  ask'd  Capt.  Church  ivhat  he  would  give  to  hear  some  neivs  of  Philip. 
He  rei)ly'd,  That  teas  what  he  wanted."  The  expedition  was  at  once  entered 
upon,  and  Alderman  went  as  their  jiilot.    But  to  return  to  the  fall  of  Philip : — 

"By  this  time,"  continues  Church,  "the  enemy  perceived  they  were  way- 
laid on  the  east  side  of  the  swamp,  tacked  short  about,"  and  were  led  out  of 
their  dangerous  situation  by  the  great  Captain  Annatoon,  "The  man  that 
had  shot  down  Philip  ran  with  all  speed  to  Capt.  Church,  and  informed  him 
of  hi.-!  exploit,  who  commanded  him  to  be  silent  about  it,  and  let  no  man 
more  know  it  until  they  had  drove  the  swamp  clean  ;  but  when  they  had 
drove  the  swamp  through,  and  found  the  enemy  had  escaped,  or  at  least  the 
most  of  them,  and  the  sun  now  up,  and  the  dew  so  gone  that  they  could  not 
easily  track  them,  the  whole  com[)any  met  together  at  the  place  where  the 
enemy's  night  shelter  was,  and  then  Capt.  Church  gave  them  the  news  of 
Philip's  death.  Uj)on  which  the  whole  army§  gave  three  loud  huzzas. 
Capt.  Church  ordered  his  body  to  be  pulled  out  of  the  mire  on  to  the  upland. 
So  some  of  Capt,  Churches  Indians  took  hold  of  him  by  his  stockings,  and 

*  Baylies,  in  his  N  Plymouth,  ii.  1G8,  says  his  name  was  Francis ;  but  as  he  gives  no  author- 
ity, we  adhere  to  older  authority, 

t  This  Caleb  Cook  was  son  of  Jacob,  of  Plimouth,  and  was  bom  there  29  Mar.  1651.  He 
had  two  or  more  brothers ;  Jacob,  born  14  May,  1fi5.'5,  and  Francis,  6  Jan.  166.3—^.  Hence 
it  is  not  probable  that  Francis  was  a  soldier  at  this  time,  as  he  was  only  in  his  13lh  year. 

t  Col.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iv.  63. 

§  Eif^liteen  English  and  twenty-two  Indians  constituted  his  army  a  week  before;  but  we 
know  not  how  many  were  at  the  taking  of  Philip,  though  we  may  suppose  about  tne  same 
number.  Hence  this  expedition  cost  the  colony  £9. 


Chap.  II.] 


LIFE  OP  KINCJ  PHlf.TP. 


49 


some  by  his  small  breeches,  behig  otherwise  nuked,  uiid  drew  iiiin  through 
the  mud  into  the  upland;  and  a  doleful,  gniat,  naked  dirty  beaHt,  he  looked 
lik(\"  Captain  Church  then  said,  "  F'trasmuch  as  he  has  caused  many  an  Enfc 
llshman's  body  to  lie  unburied  and  rot  above  ground,  not  one  of  his  bones  shall  be 
buried!" 

With  the  great  chief,  fell  five  of  his  most  trusty  followers,  one  of  whom 
was  iiis  chief  captain's  son,*  and  the  very  Indian  who  fired  llie  first  gun  at 
tlie  cnminencement  of  the  war. 

"  Philip  having  one  very  remarkable  hand,  being  mucl>  scaired,  occasioned 
by  the  splitting  of  a  pistol  in  it  Ibrmcrly,  Capt.  Church  gave  the  head  and 
that  liand  to  Alderman,  the  Indian  who  shot  him,  to  show  to  sucli  ge:itlemeri 
as  would  bestow  gratuities  upon  him  ;  and  accordingly  he  got  many  a 
penny  by  it."t 

The  hi  -barons  usage  of  beheading  and  quartering  traitors  was  now  exe- 
cuted upon  the  fallen  Philip.  Church,  "calling  his  old  Indian  executioner, 
bid  liim  behead  and  quarter  him.  Accordingly,  he  came  witii  iiis  hatchet, 
and  stood  over  him,  but  before  he  struck,  he  made  a  small  s{)ecch,  dire(;tiug 
it  to  Philip,"  saying,  "  You  have  been  a  very  /rreat  man,  and  have  made  nuiny  a 
man  afraid  of  you  ;  but  so  big  as  you  be  I  toill  noio  chop  your  ass  for  you."  He 
then  proceeded  to  the  execution  of  his  orders. 

His  heafl  was  sent  to  Plimouth,  where  it  was  exposed  upon  a  gibbet  for 
20  years,  and  one  of  his  hands  to  Uoston,  where  it  was  exhibit(!d  in  savage 
triumph,  and  his  mangled  body  was  denied  the  right  of  sepultiu'e.  It  liaving 
been  quancred,  was  hung  upon  ibur  trees,  and  there  left  as  a  monument  of 
shocking  barl)arity. 

Church  and  his  company  returned  to  the  island  the  same  day,  and  arrived 
with  the  prisoners  at  Plimouth  two  days  after,  namely,  Tuesda}',  August  15, 
"rangiii^,' througli  all  the  woods  in  their  way."  They  now  "received  their 
l)reniium,  which  was  30  shillings  per  head,  for  all  enemies  killed  or  taken, 
" instead  of  all  wages,  and  Philips  head  went  at  the  same  price."  This 
amounted  to  only  four  and  si.xj)ence  a-piece,  "  which  was  all  the  reward  tliey 
had,  except  the  honor  of  killing  Philip." 

Having  in  the  year  1824  visiccd  the  memorable  retreat  of  the  Wampanoag 
sachems,  we  can  give  the  reader  some  idea  of  its  situation.  There  is  a 
natural  angular  excavation,  in  an  almost  perpendicular  rock,  about  6  or  7  feet 
from  its  base,  where  it  is  said  Philip  and  some  of  his  chief  men  were  sur- 
prised on  the  morning  of  the  12  Auoust.  We  liave  in  the  Lift!  of  Massasoit 
(kscribed  Momit  Hope,  and  it  is  at  the  north  pait  of  it  that  the  high  rock  is 
situated ;  variously  estimated  from  30  to  50  feet  in  height,  and  is  nearly  2 
miles  from  the  village  of  Bristol.  From  the  seat,  or  throne  of  King  Philip, 
as  some  have  called  it,  a  fine  view  of  Mount  Hope  Bay  opens  upon  us.  Near 
the  foot  of  the  rock  is  a  fine  spring  of  water,  known  to  this  day  by  the 
name  of  Philip's  Spring. 

Mr.  Alden,  the  curious  collector  of  epitaphs,  sa^s  "  the  late  Lieut  Gov. 
Bradford,  [who  died  at  Bristol  in  1808,]  in  early  life,  knew  an  aged  squaw, 
who  was  one  of  Philip's  tribe,  Avas  well  acquainted  with  this  sagamore  in 
her  youthful  days,  and  had  often  been  in  his  wigwam.  The  information, 
through  her,  is,  therefore,  very  direct,  as  to  the  identical  spot,  where  he  fixed 
his  abode.  It  was  a  few  steps  south  of  Capt.  Jam^  De  JVolfe's  summer 
house,  near  the  brow  of  a  hill,  but  no  vestige  of  the  wigAvim  remains. 
The  eastern  side  of  this  hill  is  veiy  steep,  vastly  more  so  than  tliat  at  Horse 
Neck,  down  which  the  intrepid  PxUnam  trotted  his  sure-footed  steed,  in  a 
manner  worthy  of  a  knight  of  the  tenth  century."  "When  Churches  men 
wen;  about  to  rush  upon  Philip,  he  is  said  to  have  evaded  them  by  spring- 
ing from  his  wigwam  as  they  were  entering  it,  and  rolling,  like  a  hogshead, 
down  the  precipice,  which  looks  towai'ds  the  bay.  Having  reached  the 
lower  part  of  this  frightful  ledge  of  rocks,  without  breaking  his  bones,  ho 
got  upon  his  feet,  and  ran  along  the  shore  in  a  north-eastern  direction,  about 
100  rods,  and  endeavored  to  screen  himself  in  a  swamp,  then  a  quagmire, 
but  now  terra  firina." 


Very  probably  a  son  of  Uncompoin,  or  Woonashum, 


t  Philip'*  War, 


•■■\,x!  ■  ■    »v  .r?fvv'.  ■ 


)•. 


fv  ■*'.' 


r' 


«'-' 


rr^r 


J::':, 


t-  .  '  ■■  ■  •X'-  ''■•■'•^ 
•  /   •     ■  •       •  ■■■'*• 

•**i.  *■■»•■     "         ■■■?'» 


...J 


:r  ■• 


'^1 


fv, 


-ftf.-.^4: 


:V,.>^ 


^  ,-\ 


'w     "*   '» 


1->v:v 


'V 


<4 


LIFE  OF  KING  rillLIP. 


How  much  of  the  above 


[Book  III. 
of  it 


,e  is  anocryplial  is  uncertain,  but  that  a  part  ol 
is  I  liavc  no  doubt.  That  Philips  camp  was  nem*  tlie  top  of  Mount  Hope  at 
the  time  lie  was  surprised,  is  contrary  to  rational  conclusion,  but  soeins 
rather  to  have  been  fixed  there  by  the  imagination  of  some  one,  for  the 
pleasure  it  iniglit  afford  them  in  contemplating  the  manner  of  the  chiefB 
escape  by  rolling  down  a  rugged  precipice. 

During  the  bloody  contest,  the  pious  fathers  wrestled  long  and  often  with 
their  God,  in  prayer,  that  he  would  prosper  their  arms  and  deliver  their 
enemies  into  their  hands ;  and  when,  upon  stated  days  of  prayer,  the  Indians 
gained  advantage,  it  was  looked  upon  as  a  rebuke  of  Providence,  and  ani- 
mat(;d  fhem  to  greater  sincerity  and  fervor ;  and  on  the  contrary,  ',/liei:  their 
amis  prevailed  upon  such  days,  it  was  viewed  as  an  immediate  interposition 
in  their  favor.  The  philosophic  mind  will  be  shocked  at  the  ex|)res8ions  of 
some,  very  eminent  in  that  day  for  piety  and  excellence  of  moral  life.  Dr. 
Increase  Mather,*  in  speaking  of  the  efficacy  of  prayer,  in  bringing  about  the 
ilestruction  of  the  Indians,  says,  "  Nor  could  they  [the  English]  cease  crying 
to  the  Lord  against  Philip,  until  they  had  prayed  the  bullet  into  his  heart." 
And  in  speaking  of  the  slaughter  of  Philip's  people,  at  Narraganset,  he  says, 
"  We  have  heard  of  two-and-twenty  Lidian  captains,  slain  all  of  them,  and 
brought  down  to  hell  in  one  day."  Again,  in  speaking  of  a  chief  who  had 
sneered  at  the  English  religion,  and  who  had,  "  withal,  added  a  most  hideous 
blasphemy,  immediately  upon  which  a  bullet  took  him  in  the  head,  and 
dashed  out  his  brains,  sending  his  cursed  soul  in  a  moment  amongst  the 
devils,  and  blasphemere,  in  hell  forever."  f 

The  low  and  vulgar  epithets  |  sneeringly  cast  upon  the  Indians  by  their 
English  contemporaries  are  not  to  be  attributed  to  a  single  individual,  but  to 
the  English  in  general.§  It  is  too  obvious  tliat  the  early  historians  viewed 
the  Indians  as  inferior  beings,  and  some  went  so  far  as  hardly  to  allow  them 
to  be  human. 

Like  Massasoit,  Philip  always  opposed  the  introduction  of  Christianity 
among  his  people.  When  Mr.  Eliot  urged  upon  him  its  great  importance, 
he  said  he  cared  no  more  for  the  gospel  than  he  did  for  a  button  upon  his 
coat.  II  This  does  not  very  well  agree  with  the  account  of  Mr.  Gookin, 
respecting  Philip^s  feelings  upon  rehgious  matters;  at  least,  it  shows  that 
there  was  a  time  when  he  was  willing  to  listen  to  such  men  as  the  excellent 
and  benevolent  Gookin.  In  speaking  of  the  Wampanoags,  he  says,  "  There 
are  some  that  have  hopes  of  their  greatest  and  chiefest  sachem,  named  Philip, 
living  at  Pawkunnawkutt.  Some  of  his  chief  men,  as  I  hear,  stand  well 
inclined  to  hear  the  gospel :  and  himself  is  a  peraon  of  good  understanding 
and  knowledge  in  the  best  things.  I  have  heard  him  speak  very  good  words, 
arguing  that  his  conscience  is  convicted:  but  yet,  though  his  will  is  bowed  to 
embrace  Jesxis  Christ,  his  sensual  and  carnal  lusts  are  strong  bands  to  hold 
him  fast  under  Satan^s  dominions."  IT  And  Dr.  Mather  adds,  "  It  was  not  long, 
before  the  hand  which  now  writes,  [1700,]  upon  a  certain  occasion  took  off 
the  jaw  from  the  exposed  skuU  of  that  blasphemous  leviathan;  and  tlie  re- 
nowned Samuel  Lee  hath  since  been  a  pastor  to  an  English  congregation, 
sounding  and  showing  the  praises  of  heaven,  upon  that  very  spot  of  ground, 
where  Philip  and  his  Indians  were  lately  worshipping  of  the  devil."  ** 

The  error  that  Philip  was  grandson  to  Massasoit,  is  so  well  known  to  be 
such,  that  it  would  hardly  seem  to  have  required  notice,  but  to  inform  the 

*  In  his  "  Pfvalency  of  Prayer,"  page  10.  t  Ibid,  page  7. 

X  Such  as  dogs,  wolves,  blood-hounds,  demons,  demls-incamale,  caitiffs,  hclL-hmmas,  Jiends, 
fiumsters,  beasts,  &c.    Occasional  quotations  will  show  what  authors  have  used  these. 

§  The  author  of  "  Indian  Tales"  has  fathered  all  he  could  think  of  upon  Mr.  Huhbard.  He 
may  be  called  upon  to  pouit  out  the  passage  in  that  valuable  author'.s  works  where  he  has 
called  one  or  any  of  the  Indians  "  hell-hounds."  Such  loose,  gratuitous  expressions  will  not 
do  at  the  bar  of  history. 

IMagnnlia. 
1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  i.  200. 
**  Mr.  Lee  was  taken  by  the  French  in  a  vo3'agc  to  England,  and  corried  into  their  col  itry, 
where  he  (lied,  in  1691.    This  event,  it  was  tiionght,  hastened  his  end.    Perhaps  the  sur- 
viving natives  did  not  attribute  the  disaster  to  his  usurping  their  territory,  and  teaching  • 
religion  they  could  not  believe}  but  might  llicy  "ot  with  equal  propriety  ? 


•d.  He 
icre  he  has 
)ns  will  not 


teaching  • 


Chap.  H] 


LIFE  OF  KING    rillLIP. 


45 


reader  of  its  origin.  The  following  passjige  from  John  Josselyn^s  work  * 
will,  besides  proving  him  to  ho  the  uuthor  of  the  error,  at  least  the  first  writer 
tlmt  HO  (ieiiOMiiuiites  him,  furnish  some  vuluuble  information.  Speaking  of 
the  Indians  in  general,  he  says,  "  Their  heads  are  their  money ;  of  these, 
tliir.' iiH!  two  sorts,  blue  heads  and  white  beads;  the  first  is  their  gold,  the 
last  their  silver.  These  they  work  out  of  certain  shells,  so  cunningly,  that 
neither  Jew  nor  Deuil  can  counterfeit,  f  They  drill  them  and  string  tiiem, 
i.iid  make  many  curious  works  with  them,  to  adorn  the  persons  of  their  sag- 
amores and  principal  men,  and  young  women,  as  belts,  girdles,  tablets,  borders 
for  their  women's  hair,  bracelets,  necklaces,  and  links  to  hang  in  their  ears. 
I'rincf!  Philip,  a  little  before  I  came  for  England,  [1671,]  coming  to  Boston, 
liad  a  coat  on  and  buskins  set  tliiek  with  these  beads,  in  pleasant  wild  works, 
and  a  broad  belt  of  the  same ;  his  accoutrements  were  valued  at  £20.  The 
Eiiglisli  merchant  givelh  them  10*.  a  fathom  for  their  white,  and  as  much 
more,  or  near  upon,  for  their  blue  beads."  "  The  roytelet  now  of  the  Pocau- 
i.kets  is  prince  Philip,  alias  Melacon,  the  grandson  of  Massasoit."  \ 

Wiiile  Mrs.  Roivlandson  was  a  captive  in  the  wilderness  with  the  allies  of 
Philip,  she  mentions  meeting  with  him ;  and  although  she  speaks  often  with 
hltteniess  of  the  Indians  in  general,  yet  of  hitJi  nothing  of  that  nature  appears 
ill  her  journal.  The  party  she  was  with  visited  Philip  on  the  west  side  of 
ilio  Connecticut,  about  five  miles  above  Northfield,  tlien  called  Squakeag. 
Having  arrived  at  the  point  of  crossing,  Mrs.  Rowlaiidson  says,  "  We  must  go 
(iver  the  river  to  Philip^s  crew.  When  I  was  in  the  canoe,  I  could  not  but  be 
amazed  at  the  numerous  crew  of  ptvgans  that  were  on  the  bank  on  the  other 
side."  She  was  much  afraid  they  meant  to  kill  her  here,  hut,  being  assured 
to  the  contrary,  become  more  resigned  to  her  fate.  "Then  came  one  of 
them,  (she  says,)  and  gave  me  two  spoonfuls  of  meal  (to  comfort  me,)  and 
another  gave  me  half  a  pint  of  peas,  which  was  worth  more  than  many 
Imshels  at  another  time.  Then  I  went  to  see  King  Philip ;  he  bade  me  come 
in  and  sit  down  ;  and  asked  me  whether  I  would  smoke  it ;  (a  usual  compli- 
ment now  a  days,  among  the  saints  and  sinners ;)  but  this  no  ways  suited 
me."§ 

"During  my  abode  in  this  place,  Philip  spake  to  me  to  make  a  shirt  for 
!iis  boy,  which  I  did ;  for  which  he  gave  me  a  shilling."  "  Afterward  he 
asked  me  to  make  a  cap  for  his  boy,  for  which  he  invited  me  to  dinner ;  I 
went,  and  he  gave  me  a  pancake,  about  as  big  as  two  fingers ;  it  was  made 
of  parched  wheat,  beaten  and  fried  in  bears'  grease;  but  I  thought  I  never 
tasted  pleasanter  meat  in  my  life."  {{ 

It  is  extremely  gratifying  to  hear  any  testimony  in  favor  of  the  humanity 
of  a  ciiief  who  in  his  time  was  so  nuich  execrated.  To  say  the  least  of 
Philip's  humanity,  it  was  as  great  towards  captives,  so  far  as  we  have  any 
knowledge,  as  was  that  of  any  of  the  English  to  the  captive  Indians. 

As  the  Indians  were  returning  from  their  recesses  upon  the  Connecticut, 
'ill  what  is  now  New  Hampshire  and  Vermont,)  towards  Wachuset,  "having 
indeed  my  life,  (says  Mrs.  Rowandson,)  but  lit'le  spirit,  PhUip,  who  v.'as  in  the 
company,  came  up,  and  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  said,  *  T^wo  weeks  more  and 
•Jim  shall  he  rp.istress  againJ'  I  asked  him  if  he  spoke  true  :  he  said,  '  Yes,  and 
(juickly  you  shall  come  to  your  master  ^  again^  who  Imd  been  gone  from  \m 
three  weeks."** 

In  bringing  our  account  of  this  truly  great  man  towards  a  close,  we  must 
not  forget  to  present  the  reader  with  a  specimen  of  the  language  in  which  he 
>)ioke.    The  following  is  the  Lord's  prayer  in  Wampanoag : — 

Xoo-shun  kes-uk-qvi,  qut-tian-at-am-unch  hoo-we-su-onk,  kuk-ket-as-soo-tam- 
oonk  pey-au-moo-utch,    kut-te-nan-tam-oo-onk    ne   nai,    ne-ya-ne    ke-svJc-qui 

"  Account  of  two  Voyages  to  New  England,  142,  143. 

1  Ot  liii^  he  was  misinTormed.  There  was  nnuch  spurious  wampum,  whirli  became  a  sub- 
ject of  legislation.    See  Hazard's  Hist.  Col.  vol.  ii, 

\  Accoun*  of  two  Voyages  to  New  England,  146.  He  is  also  calle<l  grandson  of  Massa- 
toil,  in  the  work  entitled  Present  State  of  New  Englarttt,  in  renpect  to  the  Indian  War,  fol. 
London,  1676  )  the  author  of  that  work  doubtless  copied  from  Josselyn. 

•  "        ■       -■      "      •  ■      ~-  -  II  Ibid.  40. 

*'  Narrative  of  Mrs.  JiiAelandnon,  G3. 


i  Narrative  of  her  Captivity,  38,  39. 
iT  (iuinnapin.    See  hi8  Life 


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46  LIVES  OF  PHILIP'S  CHIEF  CAPTAINS— NANUXTENOO.    [Book  III, 

kah  ohrke-it.  ^-sa-ma-i-in-ne-an  ho-ko-ke-suk-o-da-t  niU-as-e-suk-ok-ke  pt- 
ttik-qun-neg.  Kah  ah-quo-an-tam-a-i-in-ne-an  num-match-e-ae-ong-an-on-ash, 
ne-mitch-e  ne-na-wun  wonk  nvi-ah-quo-an-tam-au-o-un-non-og  nun-noh  pcmik 
noo-na-mnn-tuk-qttoh-who-naii,  kah  ahqut  sag-kom-pa-gin-ne-an  en  q%Uch-e-htt- 
tti-ong-a-nit,  qui  poh-qua-vma-sin-nt-an  toutch  tnatm-i-ttU.* 

Since  we  are  upon  curiosities,  the  following  may  very  properly  be  added. 
There  is  to  be  seen  in  the  library  of  the  Mass.  Hist.  Society  a  large  skimmer, 
which  some  have  mistaken  for  a  bowl,  cut  out  of  the  root  of  ash,  that  will 
dold  about  two  quarts.  On  this  article  is  this  historical  inscription,  in  gilt 
letters:  "^  trophy  from  the  wjgtoam  of  Kino  Philip;  ichtn  he  was  slain  in 
lfi76,  by  Richard  ;  presented  by  Ebenezer  Richard,  his  grandson."  \ 

CHAPTER  m. 
LIVES  OF  PHILIP'S  CHIEF  CAPTAINS. 

Nanontenoo — Reasons  for  his  aiding  Philip — His  former  name — Meets  Ike  English 
and  Indians  under  Captain  Peirse — Fights  and  destroys  his  whole  company  at  Fme- 
tucket — Incidents  relating  to  that  fight — JYotice  of  Captain  Peirse — Jfanuntenoo  sur- 
prised and  taken — His  magnanimity — Speech  to  his  captors — Is  executed  and  his 
oody  burnt  —  Cassassinnamon  —  Catapazet  -  -  Mvnopoide  —  Anna  won  —  His  escape 

from  the  swamp  when  Philip  zoos  killed — Captain  Church  sent  out  *o  capture  him 

Discovers  his  retreat — Takes  him  prisoner — His  magnanimous  behavior — His 
speech  to  Church — Presents  him  with  Philip's  ornaments — Description  of  them — 
Church  takes  jlnnawon  to  Plimouth,  where  he  is  put  to  death — Quinnapin — His 
connections  and  marriage — ^'It  the  capture  of  Lancaster — Account  of  his  wives — 
Weetamxto — He  is  taken  and  shot — Tuspaquin — His  sales  of  lands — His  opera- 
tions in  Philip's  War — Surrenders  himself,  and  is  put  to  death — Reflections  upon 
his  executioners — Tatoson — Early  notices  of —  Captures  a  garrison  in  Plim- 
outh — Trial  and  execution  of  Keiceenam — Totuson  dies  of  a  broken  heart — Bar- 
row cruelly  murdered — Tyasks. 

NANUNTENOO,  son  of  Miantunnomoh,  "  was  chief  sachem  of  all  the 
Narragansets,  and  heir  of  all  his  father's  pride  and  insolency,  as  well  as  of 
his  malice  against  the  English."  |  Notwithstanding  this  branding  character, 
drawn  by  a  contemporary,  we  need  only  look  into  the  life  of  Mianlunnonuih, 
to  find  excuse  for  "  malice  and  insolency  "  tenfold  more  than  was  contained 
in  the  breast  of  JS/anuntenoo. 

The  English  had  cut  to  pieces  the  women  and  children  of  his  tribe,  burned 
them  to  death  in  their  wigwams,  and  left  their  mangled  bodies  bleaching  in 
the  wintry  blast !  The  swamp  fight  of  the  19  Dec.  1675,  could  not  be  for- 
gotten !  JVanuntenoo  escaped  from  this  scene,  but  we  cannot  doubt  that  he 
a  auitted  himself  agreeably  to  the  character  we  haA'e  of  him. 

The  first  name  by  which  he  was  known  to  the  English  was  Canonchet, 
though,  like  others,  his  name  was  written  with  many  variations.  In  1674,  he 
was  styled  "chief  surviving  sachem  of  Narraganset,"  and  in  a  deed  in  which 
he  was  so  styled  his  name  is  written  "  JSTaumavmoarUonneio  alias  Q^ananckii, 
eldest  son  now  living  of  Miantomomio."  §  He  had  been  in  Boston  the  Octo- 
ber before  the  war,  upon  a  treaty,  at  which  time  he  receiv  jd,  among  other 
presents,  a  silver-laced  coat.  Dr.  Mather  says,  speaking  of  ..he  Narragansets, 
"  their  great  sachem  called  Quanonchet,  was  a  principal  ringleader  in  the 
Narraganset  war,  and  had  as  great  an  interest  and  influence,  as  can  be  said  of 


*  Eliot's  Indian  Bible,  Luke  xi.  2—4. 

t  No  mention  is  made  to  whom,  or  when  it  was  presented.  It  does  not  appear  to  us  to  be 
of  such  antiquity  as  its  inscription  pretends ;  and  the  truth  of  which  may  very  reasonahiy  be 
questioned,  in  this  particular,  when  the  more  glaring  error  of  the  name  of  the  person  said  to 
have  killed  Philip,  is  staring  us  in  the  face. 

X  Hubbard,  67. — Mr.  Olamixon  calls  him  "  the  mighty  sachem  of  Narrag^set,"— £n(, 
Empire. 

$  Potter's  Hist.  Narraganset,  CoU.  R.  Hist.  8oc.  iii.  172. 


Chap,  m.] 

any  among  th 
amazing  strolt 
The  name 
alluded,  whicl 
Narragansets 
of  the  said  Int 
Saconett  Indi 
hniie  bin  or  ar 
tors."t     The 

Witnesses. 
Richard  Shit 
James  Brown 
Samuel  Gort 

Interpreien 
John  Nowheh 

Indian  int 


The  Indians 
Plimouth,  cans 
fornily  in  the  r 
US  many  of  thei 
men,  20  of  wl 
thought  himsel 
Meanwhile  tl 
noo,^  learning,  i 
ing  assembled 
point  adjacent  t 
from  Pawtucke 
to  attack  Plimoi 
at  upwards  of 
On  arriving 
selves  retiring, 
ed,— Peir*e  folk 
warriors  ofMtr 
upon  him ;  nor 
fought  them  fac 
A  part  of  JVm 
vent  the  retrea 
event  will  appej 
bers  on  every  si 
ranks,  back  to  b 
slain.    Peirse  hi 
although  the  dis 
some  inexplicab 
Solomon  saith,  i 
This  dreadful 
8ays,«CapLPe7l 
(or  more,)  Indiai 
Rehoboth  wrote 


*  Brief  Hist.  26. 

}  It  may  be  seen 

$  That  Nammten 
been  a  (juestion  ;  in 
Postscript  7.)  who 
divertizmg  himself  > 
days  before." 

I  Dr.  Mather  (B 
lubllely  ran  away  fi 
lame,"  and  thus  effe 

IT  Dtan^s  Hist.  £ 


e,  burned 
liing  in 
be  for- 
that  he 


Chap,  m.] 


NANUNTENOO— PAVVTUCKET  FIGHT. 


47 


Witnesses. 
Richard  Smith, 
James  Browne, 
Samuel  Gorton, 

Interpreiers. 
John  Nowhenett's  X  mark, 

Indian  interpreter. 


Jr. 


any  among  the  Indians ; "  *  and  that,  "  when  he  was  taken  and  slain,  it  was  an 
amazing  stroke  to  the  enemy."  f 

Tiie  name  of  Canonchet  stands  first  to  the  treaty,  to  which  we  have  just 
alhided,  wliich  was  entered  into  at  Boston,  18  Oct.  1675.  By  that  treaty,  the 
Nnrragansets  agreed  to  deliver  to  the  English  in  10  days, "  all  and  eiicry  one 
of  the  said  Indians,  whether  belonging  vnto  Philip,  the  Pocasset  Sqva,  or  the 
Saconett  Indians,  Quabaug,  Hadley,  or  any  other  sachems  or  people  that 
iiaiie  bin  or  are  in  hostillitie  with  the  English,  or  any  of  their  allies  or  abet- 
tors." X     The  names  to  the  treaty  are  as  follows : 

"  Quananchett's  \/  mark, 
sachem  in  behalf  of  himself  and  Conanaciis  and  the  Old 
Queen  and  Pomharn  and  Quaunapeen,    (seal) 
Manatannoo  couiicetler  his  -f- 
mark,  and  Cunnonacus  in  his  behalf,    (seal) 
Ahanmanpoweti's  -\-  mnr'-, 
counceller  and  his    (seal) 
CoKNMAN,  cheiff:,  councellcr  to 
Ninnegrett,  in  Ais  behalfe,  and  a  seal  (S.)" 

The  Indians  having  carried  their  whirlwind  of  war  to  the  very  doors  of 
Plimouth,  caused  the  sending  out  of  Captain  Peirce,  (or  as  his  name  is  uni- 
formly in  the  records,  Peirse,)  to  divert  them  from  those  ravages,  and  destroy 
as  many  of  them  as  he  was  able.  He  had  a  larg^  'Company,  consisting  of  70 
men,  20  of  whom  were  friendly  Indians.  With  these,  no  doubt,  Peirse 
thought  himself  safe  against  any  power  of  the  Indians  in  that  region. 

Meanwhile  this  most  valiant  chief  captain  of  the  Narr^ansets,  JVanuTi/e 
mo,§  learning,  we  presume,  by  his  spies,  the  direction  the  English  were  tak 
ing  assembled  his  warriors  at  a  crossing  place  on  Pawtucket  River,  at  a 
point  adjacent  to  a  place  since  called  ^ttleborough-  Gore,  and  not  far  distant 
from  Pawtucket  falls.  It  is  judged  that  JVanuntenoo  was  upon  an  expedition 
to  attack  Plimouth,  or  some  of  the  adjacent  towns,  for  his  force  was  estimated 
at  upwards  of  300  men. 

On  arriving  at  this  fatal  place,  some  of  JS/anuntenoo''s  men  showed  them 
selves  retiring,  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  This  stratagem  succeed- 
ed,— Peirse  followed.  ||  No  sooner  was  he  upon  the  western  side,  than  the 
warriors  of  JSTanuntenoo,  like  an  avalanche  from  a  mountain,  rushed  down 
upon  him ;  nor  striving  for  coverts  from  which  to  fight,  more  than  their  foes, 
fought  them  face  to  face  with  the  most  determined  bravery. 

A  part  oi' ^anuntenoo's  force  remained  on  the  east  side  of  the  river,  to  pre- 
vent the  retreat  of  the  English,  which  they  most  eflfectually  did,  as  in  the 
event  will  appear.  When  Captain  Peirse  saw  himself  hemmed  in  by  num- 
bers on  every  side,  he  drew  up  his  men  upon  the  margin  of  the  river,  in  two 
ranks,  back  to  back,1f  and  in  this  manner  fought  until  nearly  all  of  them  were 
slain.  Petrae  had  timely  sent  a  messenger  to  Providence  for  assistance,  and 
although  the  distance  could  not  have  been  more  than  six  or  eight  miles,  from 
some  inexplicable  cause,  no  succor  arrived;  and  Mr.  Hubbard**  adds,  "As 
Solomon  saith,  a  faithfijl  messenger  is  as  snow  in  Jiarvest." 

This  dreadful  fight  was  on  Sunday,  26  March,  l(i7(),  when,  as  Dr.  Mather 
says,  "Capt  Peirse  was  slain  and  forty  and  nine  English  with  him,  and  eight, 
(or  more,)  Indians,  who  did  assist  the  English."  The  Rev.  Mr.  JVewmnn  of 
kehoboth  wrote  a  letter  to  Plimouth,  dated  the  day  after  the  slaughter,  in 


*  Brief  Hist.  K.  t  Prevalency  of  Prayer,  11. 

t  II  may  be  seen  at  large  in  Hazard's  Collections,  i.  636,  637. 

^  That  NanutUenoo  commanded  in  person  in  the  fight  with  the  force  under  Capt.  Peirse  has 
been  a  cjuestion  ;  indeed,  our  only  authority  is  not  very  explicit  upon  the  matter,  (Huhbard, 
Postscript  7.)  who  observes  that  when  Denison  surprised  him,  he  "  was,  at  that  moment, 
diverlizing  himself  with  the  recital  of  Capt.  Peirs^s  slaughter,  surprized  by  his  men  a  few 
davs  before." 

H  Dr.  Mather  (Brief  Hist.  24.)  says,  "  a  small  number  of  the  enemy  who  in  desperate 
subtlety  ran  away  from  them,  and  they  went  limping  to  make  the  Eoglisn  believe  they  wera 


lame,"  and  thus  effected  their  object. 
V  J}tan^s  Hist.  Scituate,  It! 


•*  NarraUve,  64. 


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48 


NANUNl'ENOO.— PAWTtCKF/r  FIGHT. 


V 


III. 


which  he  says,  "52  of  our  English,  and  11  Indians,"  were  slain.*  The  com- 
pany was,  no  doubt,  increased  by  some  wi;o  vohuiteered  us  they  inarclied 
through  the  country,  or  by  such  as  were  talien  for  pilots. 

N'anuviaioo's  victory  was  complete,  but,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  the 
English  consoled  themselves  by  making  the  loss  of  the  Indians  appear  as 
large  as  possible.  Dr.  Mather  says,  that  some  Lidians  that  were  after\vard8 
taken  confessed  they  lost  140,  which,  no  doubt,  is  not  far  from  the  truth.  + 

An  Englishman,  and  perhaps  the  only  one  who  escaped  I'rom  this  disas- 
trous fight,  was  saved  by  one  of  the  friendly  Indians  in  this  manner :  The 
friendly  Indian  being  taken  for  a  Narraganset,  as  he  was  pursuing  with  an 
upiilled  tomahawk  the  English  soldier,  no  oik'  interfered,  seeing  him  pursue 
an  unarmed  Englishman  at  such  great  advantage.  In  this  manner,  covering 
themselves  in  the  woods,  they  escaped. 

A  friendly  Indian,  being  pursued  by  one  of  JVanuntenoo^s  men,  got  behind 
the  roots  of  a  fallen  tree.  Thus  screened  by  the  earth  raised  upon  them,  the 
Indian  that  pursued  waited  for  hiui  to  run  Iroin  his  natural  fort,  knowing  he 
would  not  daro  to  maintain  it  long.  The  other  soon  thought  of  an  expe- 
dient, which  was  to  make  a  port-hole  in  his  breast-work,  which  he  easily  did 
by  digging  through  the  dirt.  When  lie  had  done  this,  he  put  his  gun 
through,  and  shot  his  pursuer,  then  fled  in  perfect  safety. 

Another  escaped  in  a  manner  very  similar.  In  his  flight  he  got  behind  a 
large  rock.  This  affor  'ed  him  a  good  shelter,  but  in  the  end  he  saw  nothing 
but  certain  death,  and  the  longer  lie  held  out  the  more  misery  he  must  suffer. 
In  this  deplorable  situation,  he  bethought  himself  to  tiT  the  following  device. 
Putting  his  cap  upon  his  gun,  he  raised  it  very  gradually  above  the  rock,  as 
though  to  discover  the  position  of  his  enemy :  it  hud  the  desired  efltect — he 
fired  upon  it.  The  one  behind  the  rock  now  rushed  upon  him,  before  he 
could  reload  his  gun,  and  despatched  him.  Thus,  as  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  "  it  is 
worth  the  noting,  what  faithfulness  and  courage  sotne  of  the  Christian  Indians 
showed  in  this  fight."  That  this  most  excellent  author  did  not  approve  of  the 
severity  exercised  towards  those  who  lippeared  friendly,  is  abundantly  proved 
by  his  writings.  In  another  place;  hr  says,  "  Possibly  if  some  of  the  English 
had  not  been  too  shy  in  making  use  of  sucli  of  them  as  were  well  affected  to 
their  interest,  they  never  need  have  suffered  so  much  from  their  enemies." 

A  notice  may  be  reasonably  expected  of  the  unfortunate  Captain  Michael 
Peirse,  of  Scituate.  He  was  one  of  those  adventurous  spirits  "  who  never 
knew  fear,"  and  who  sought  rather  than  shrunk  from  dangers.  He  was,  like 
his  great  antagonist,  in  the  Narraganset  fight ;  and  in  1673,  when  the  govern- 
ment of  Plirnouth  raised  a  force  to  go  against  the  Dutch,  who  had  encroached 
upon  them  in  Connecticut,  he  was  appointed  ensign  in  one  of  the  companies. 
He  resided  in  several  places  before  going  to  Plirnouth.  Mr.  Deane,  in  his 
History  of  Scituate,  gives  a  genealogical  account  of  his  family,  from  which  we 
leam  that  he  had  a  second  wife,  and  several  sons  and  daughters.  Of  what 
family  he  was,  there  is  no  mention.]:  He  possessed  considerable  estate,  and 
made  his  will  on  engaging  in  the  war  with  the  Lidians. 

The  "sore  defeat"  of  Captain  Peirse,  and  the  tide  of  the  Indians'  successes 
about  this  time,  caused  the  United  Colonies  to  send  out  almost  their  whole 
strength. 

JVanuntenoo  came  down  from  the  country  upon  Connecticut  River,  early  in 
March,  for  the  purpose  of  collecting  seed  corn  to  plant  such  ground  as  the 
English  had  been  driven  from,  and  to  effect  any  other  object  he  might  meet 
with.  Whether  he  had  effJicted  the  first-named  object  before  falling  in  with 
Peirse,  we  ai-e  not  able  to  state ;  but  certain  it  is,  that  he  was  but  few  days  after 
encamped  very  near  the  ground  where  the  fight  had  been,  and  was  there  fallen 

*  See  the  letter  giving  the  names  of  the  company  iu  Deane' s  Scituate,  122  123. 

t  Mr.  Hubbard's  account  is  the  same. 

t  In  the  Records  of  Plirnouth,  under  date  March,  1669,  there  is  this  dnlry :— "  Micne. 
Peirse  of  Scitluate"  was  presented  at  the  court  for  vnaeemly  carriages  towards  Sarah  Nichdt 
of  Scitluate,"  aod  "  forasmuch  as  there  appeared  but  one  testimony  to  tlie  p'sentment,  and 
tliat  the  testimony  was  written  and  not  read  vnto  the  ileponant,  the  cour»  saw  cause  to  remit 
the  said  p'sentment." 


possessed  the  I 


A.'./ 


Chap.  HI]         NANUNTENOO.— HI3  CAPTURE  AND  DEATH. 


49 


upon  at  unawares,  when  but  a  few  of  his  men  were  present,  and  there  taken 
prisoner. 

J^anufUenoo  was  nearly  as  much  (Ireaded  as  PhUip  himself,  and  consequently 
his  capture  caused  great  rejoicing  among  his  enemies,  and  requires  to  be  jmu-- 
ticiilarly  related. 

Four  volunteer  companies  from  Connecticut  began  their  march  into  the 
enemy's  country  the  next  day  after  I'awtucket  fight.  Among  the  captains 
of  tliese  companies,  Georf^e  Denison  of  Soiuherton  was  the  most  conspicuous. 
The  others  were  commanded  by  James  Avery,  John  Staunton,  and  Major  Palms, 
who  also  had  the  chief  command.  With  these  were  three  companies  of 
Indians ;  one  led  by  Oneko,  composed  of  Mohegans ;  one  of  Pequots,  by  Cas- 
sasinnamon  ;  and  the  other  of  Nianticks,  by  Catapazd;  in  all  about  80. 

When  this  formidable  army  came  near  to  JS/'anunlenoo^s  camp,  on  the  first 
week  in  April,  1676,  "  they  met  with  a  stout  Indian  of  the  enemie's,  whom  they 
presently  slew,  and  two  old  squaws,"  who  informed  them  of  the  situation  of 
J^anuntenoo.  At  the  same  time,  their  own  scouts  brought  the  same  intelligence. 
The  news  of  the  enemy's  approach  reached  the  chief  in  his  tent  when  but 
seven  of  his  men  were  about  him  ;  the  rest  were  probably  in  the  neighborhood 
attending  to  their  ordinary  affairs.  And  although  he  had  stationed  two  senti- 
nels upon  an  adjacent  hill,  to  give  him  timely  notice  if  any  appeared,  their 
surprise  was  so  great,  at  the  sudden  approach  of  the  English,  that,  in  their 
fright,  they  ran  by  their  sachem's  wigwam,  "  as  if  they  wanted  time  to  tell 
what  they  saw."  Seeing  this,  the  sachem  sent  a  third,  to  learn  the  cause  of 
the  flight  of  the  two  first,  but  he  fled  in  the  same  maimer ;  and  lastly  he  sent 
two  more,  one  of  which,  "  either  endued  with  more  courage,  or  a  better  sense 
of  his  duty,  informed  him  in  great  haste  that  all  the  English  army  was  upon 
him  :  whereupon,  having  no  time  to  consult,  imd  but  little  to  attempt  an  esca|>e, 
and  no  means  to  defend  himself,  he  began "  *  to  fly  with  all  speed.  Running 
with  great  swiftness  around  the  hill,  to  get  out  of  sight  upon  the  opposite  side, 
he  was  distinguished  by  his  wary  pursuers,  and  they  immediately  followed 
liitn  with  that  eagerness  their  important  object  was  calculated  to  inspire. 

The  pursuers  of  the  flying  chief  were  Calapazet  and  his  Nianticks,  "  and  a 
few  of  the  English  lightest  of  foot."  Seeing  these  were  gaining  upon  him,  he 
first  cast  off  his  blanket,  then  his  silver-laced  coat,  and  lastly  his  belt  of  peag. 
On  seeing  these,  a  doubt  no  longer  remained  of  its  being  JVcmuntenoo,  which 
urged  them,  if  possible,  faster  in  the  chase.  There  was  in  the  company  of 
Catapazd,  one  Mono^toide,  a  Pequot,  who  outran  all  his  companions,  and  who, 
gaining  upon  J^anuntenoo,  as  he  fled  ui)on  the  side  of  the  river,  obliged  him  to 
attempt  to  cross  it  sooner  than  he  intended.  Nevertheless,  but  for  an  accident 
in  liis  passage,  he  would  doubtless  have  effected  his  escaf)e.  As  he  was  wa- 
ding through  the  river,  his  foot  slipped  upon  a  stone,  which  brought  his  gun 
under  water.  Thus  losing  some  time  in  recovering  himself,  and  also  the  use 
of  his  gun,  it  probably  made  him  despair  of  escaping;  for  Monopoide  came 
u])  and  seized  upon  him,  "  within  30  rods  of  the  river  side." 

JVanuntenoo,  having  made  up  his  mind  to  suirender,  made  no  resistance, 
aitliough  he  was  a  man  of  great  physical  strength,  of  superior  stature,  an(l 
.•iikiiowledged  bravery ;  and  thcionewho  seized  upon  him  very  ordinary  in 
tliat  respect.  One  of  the  firet  Englishmen  that  came  up  was  Robert  Staunton, 
a  young  man,  who  presumed  to  ask  the  captured  chief  some  questions.  lie 
ai)p('ared  at  first  to  regard  the  young  man  with  silent  indignity,  but  at  length, 
casting  a  dis<lainful  look  upf)n  his  vouthfiil  face,  "this  manly  sachem,"  said,  in 
Itroken  English,  "YOU  MUCH  CHILD!  NO  UNDERSTAND  MATTERS 
OF  WAR!  LET  YOUR  BROTHER  OR  CHIEF  COME,  HIM  1  WILL 
ANSWER,"  And,  adds  Mr.  Hubbard,  he  "  was  as  good  as  his  word :  acting 
herein,  as  ifj  by  a  Pythagorean  metempsychosis,  some  old  Roman  ghost  had 
possessed  the  body  of  this  Avestern  pagan.    And,  like  AttUius  Regvlus,\  he 

*  This  elegant  passage  of  Mr.  Huhhard  brinps  to  our  miiif)  that  inimitable  one  of 
('liiiii^ero,  in  his  account  of  the  woful  days  of  the  Mexicans  :  "  They  had  neither  arms  to 
repel  the  multitude  and  fury  of  their  enemies,  strength  to  defend  themselves,  nor  spare  to 
fifflit  upon  ;  the  ground  of  the  city  was  covered  with  dead  bodies,  and  the  water  of  every 
'Jiich  and  caiial  purpled  with  blood.     Hist  Mexico,  iii,  73. 

+  Marcus  Attitius  Regultis,  a  Roman  consul  and  general,  taken  prisoner  by  the  Cartha- 


y.v'..1i.;     • 


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50 


NANUNTENOO. 


(Book  in. 


would  not  accept  of  his  own  life,  whon  it  was  tendered  him."  This  tender  of 
life  to  MmurUenoo  was,  no  douht,  upon  the  condition  of  his  obtaining  the  sul)- 
mission  of  his  nation.  He  met  the  idea  with  indignation;  and  when  thi> 
English  told  him  that  he  should  be  put  to  death  if  he  did  not  comply,  in  the 
most  composed  manner  he  replied,  that  killing  him  would  not  end  the  war. 
Some  of  his  captors  endeavored  to  reflect  upon  him,  by  telling  him,  that  he 
had  said  he  wovld  bum  the  English  in  their  Aoiuej,  and  that  he  had  boasttil, 
in  defiance  of  his  promise  last  made  to  the  English,  which  was  to  deliver  tin' 
Wamj)anoags  to  them,  that  he  would  not  deliver  up  a  fVampanoas;  or  the  pnrivir 
of  a  Wampunonff's  nail.  To  this  he  only  replied,  "  OTHERS  WERE  AS 
FORWARD  FOR  THE  WAR  AS  MYSELF,  AND  I  DESIRE  TO  HEAR 
NO  MORE  ABOUT  IT." 

Had  the  English  not  burned  his  people  in  their  houses?  Did  theyoAir 
deliver  up  any  that  had  committed  depredations  upon  the  NarraganseLs ?  No! 
— Who,  then,  will  ask  for  an  excuse  for  the  magnanimous  JVamtTifenoo?  So 
indignant  was  he  at  their  conduct,  that  he  would  hear  nothing  about  peace ; 
"renising  to  send  an  old  counsellor  of  his  to  make  any  motion  that  way,"  on 
a  promise  of  life  if  he  would  do  so. 

Under  the  eye  of  Denison,  JVanuntenoo  was  taken  to  Stonington,  where, 
by  the  "  advice  of  the  English  commanders,  he  was  shot."  His  head  was 
cut  off  and  carried  to  Hartford,  and  his  body  consumed  by  fire.  The  Englisli 
prevailed  upon  some  of  each  tribe  of  their  allies,  viz.  Pequots,  Mohegans  urid 
Nianticks,  to  be  his  executioners,  "  thereby  the  more  firmly  to  engage  the 
said  Indians  against  the  treacherous  Narragansets." *  "Herein,"  says 
another  writer  f  of  that  day,  "tlie  English  dealt  wisely,  for  by  this  means  tlie 
three  Indian  nations  are  become  abominable  to  tlie  other  Indians."  And  a 
respectable  writer  J  of  our  own  times  says,  "It  may  be  pleasing  to  the  reader 
to  be  informed  "  of  the  fate  of  JVanuntenoo  ! 

When  it  was  announced  to  the  noble  chief  that  he  must  be  put  to  deatii, 
he  was  not  in  the  least  daunted,  and  all  he  is  reported  to  have  said  is  this  :— 

« I  LIKE  IT  WELL ;  I  SHALL  DIE  BEFORE  MY  HEART  IS  SOFT, 
OR  HAVE  SAID  ANY  THING  UNWORTHY  OF  MYSELF."  With 
.VariMn/enoo,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  English  4^}  others.  § 

The  author  of  the  anonymous  ^^Letters  to  London  "  ||  says  the  Indians  w«'it! 
"  commanded  by  that  famous  but  very  bloudy  and  cruel  sachem,  Quononshot, 
otherwise  called  Mmntonomy"  whose  "carriage  was  strangely  proud  and 
lofty  after  he  was  taken  ;  being  examined  why  he  did  foment  that  war,  which 
would  certainly  be  the  destruction  of  him  and  all  the  heathen  Indians  in 
the  country,  &c.,  he  would  make  no  other  reply  to  any  interrogatories,  but 
this  :  that  he  was  born  a  prince,  and  if  princes  came  to  speak  \v\t\\  him  he 
would  answer,  but  none  present  being  such,  he  thought  himself  oblige  d,  in 
honor,  to  hold  his  tongue ; "  and  that  he  said  he  would  rather  die  tiian 
remain  a  prisoner,  and  requested  that  Oneko  might  put  him  to  death,  us  lie 
was  of  equal  rank.  "  Yet  withall  threatened,  he  had  2000  men,  [who]  would 
revenge  his  death  severely.  Wherefore  our  forces,  fearing  an  escape,  put  tlie 
stoutest  men  to  the  sword,  but  preserved  Myantonomy  till  they  returned  to 
Stoneington ;  where  our  Indian  friends,  and  most  of  the  English  soldiers, 
declaring  to  the  commanders  their  fear  that  the  English  should,  ujjon  con- 
ditions, release  him,  and  that  then  he  would,  (though  the  English  niigiit 

ginians,  231  years  B.  C  They  sent  him  to  Rome  to  use  his  endeavors  to  efTect  a  peace,  liv 
his  solemn  promise  to  return  within  a  given  period.  The  most  excruciating  tortures  iiwailcd 
him,  should  he  not  execute  his  mission  according  to  his  instructions.  When  arrived  at  Rome. 
he  exhorted  his  countrymen  to  hold  out,  and  maintain  the  w£tr  against  the  Carthaginians, 
stating  their  situation,  and  the  great  advantages  that  would  accrue.  He  knew  what  would 
be  his  fate  on  roturning  to  Carthage,  and  many  a  noble  Roman  besought  him  not  to  relnni, 
and  thus  sacrifice  his  life  ;  but  he  would  not  break  his  promise,  even  with  his  barbarous  ene- 
mies. This  is  what  is  meant  by  not  accepting  his  own  life  when  tendered  him.  He  returned, 
and,  if  history  be  true,  no  Indian  nation  ever  tortured  a  prisoner,  beyond  what  the  Cartha- 
ginians inflicted  upon  Marcus  Auilius  Res^tlus,    See  EchariTs  Roman  Hist.  i.  188 — ^9. 

*  Hubbard.  f  /.  Mather.  |  Deane,  Hist.  Sciluate,  124. 

^  Manuscript  letter  in  Hist,  Library.  Both  Hubbard  and  Mather  say  44;  perhaps  llicy  in- 
cluded Nanuntenoo. 

II  Elsewhere  cited  as  The  Old  Indian  Chronicle. 


Chap.  HI.] 


ANNAWON. 


61 


have  peace  with  him,)  be  very  perniciouH  to  tliose  Indians  tiiat  now  assisted 
us,  the  said  Indians,  (on  these  ronsidcrations,  and  tlie  mischiefs  and  mur- 
thcrs  he  had  done  during  this  war,)  permitted  to  put  him  to  deatli.*  And  tliai 
all  might  share  in  the  glory  of  destroying  so  great  a  prince,  and  come  under 
the  obligation  of  fidelity,  each  to  other,  the  Pe(iuods  shot  him,  tlie  Mohegins 
cut  off  his  head  and  quartered  his  body,  and  the  Ninnicrojls  men  made  thi 
tire  and  burned  his  quarters,  and,  as  a  token  of  their  love  and  fidelity  to  the 
English,  presented  liis  head  to  the  council  at  Hartford!  " 

JJjVjYJlfVO.Y  was  a  Wampanoag,  and  one  of  PhUip^a  most  famous  coun- 
sellors and  cafjtains.  He  was  his  fust  friend,  and  resisted  as  long  as  there 
was  a  beam  of  hope  ;  and  when  at  last  every  chance  of  success  had  failed, 
he  gave  tiimsclf  up  in  the  most  heroic  manner,  as  will  appear  in  the  follow- 
ing account 

At  the  swamp,  when  PhUip  was  killed,  he  escaped  with  most  of  his  men, 
as  has  been  related,  by  his  thoroughly  understanding  the  situation  of  his 
enemies.  "  Perceiving  (says  Church)  they  were  waylaid  on  the  east  side  of 
the  swamp,  tacked  short  about.  One  of  the  enemy,  who  seemed  to  be  a 
great  surly  old  fellow,  hallooed  with  a  loud  voice,  and  oflen  called  out,  I-oo- 
tash,  I-oo-iash.  Captain  Church  called  to  his  Indian  Pe(er,  f  and  asked  him 
who  that  was  that  called  so.  He  answered  that  it  was  old  Jlnnawon,  Philip's 
great  captain,  culling  on  his  soldiers  to  stand  to  it,  and  fight  stoutly." 

"Captain  Church  had  been  but  little  while  at  Plimouth,  [after  the  death 
of  Philip,]  before  a  post  from  Rehoboth  came  to  inform  the  governor  that 
old  Annaioon,  Philip's  chief  captain,  was  with  his  company  ranging  about 
their  woods,  and  was  very  offensive  and  pernicioi";  iu  Reliobotli  and 
Svvansey.  Captain  Church  wa.s  immediately  sent  for  again,  and  treated  with 
to  engage  in  one  expedition  more.  He  told  them  their  encouragement  was 
so  poor,  he  feared  his  soldiers  would  be  dull  about  going  again.  But  being 
a  hearty  friend  to  the  cause,  he  rallies  again,  goes  to  Mr.  Jabez  Howland,  his 
old  lieutenant,  and  some  of  his  soldiers  that  used  to  go  out  with  him,  told 
tliem  how  the  case  was  circumstanced,  and  that  he  Iiad  intelligence  of  old 
AnnnioorCs  walk  and  haunt,  and  wanted  hands  to  hunt  him.  They  did  not 
want  much  entreating,  but  told  him  they  would  go  with  him  as  long  as 
there  was  an  Indian  lefl  in  the  woods.  He  moved  and  ranged  through  the 
woods  to  Pocasset" 

In  the  early  part  of  this  expedition,  some  of  Captain  Church's  Indian 
scouts  captured  a  number  of  JlnnaioorCs  company,  but  from  whom  they 
could  learn  nothing  of  the  old  chief^  only  that  he  did  not  lodge  "  twice  in  a 
place." 

"  Now  a  certain  Indian  soldier,  that  Captain  Church  had  gained  over  to 
be  on  his  side,  prayed  that  he  might  have  liberty  to  go  and  fetch  in  his 
iiither,  who,  he  said,  was  about  four  miles  from  that  place,  in  a  swamp,  with 
no  other  than  a  young  squaw.  Captain  Church  inclined  to  go  with  him, 
thinking  it  might  be  in  his  way  to  gain  some  intelligence  of  Jlnnawon;  and 
so  taking  one  Englishman  and  a  few  Indians  with  him,  leaving  the  rest 
liiore,  he  went  with  his  new  soldier  to  look  his  father.  When  he  came  to 
the  swamp,  he  bid  the  Indian  go  and  see  if  he  could  find  his  father.  He 
was  no  sooner  gone,  but  Captain  Church  discovered  a  track  coming  down 
out  of  the  woods,  upon  which  he  and  his  little  company  lay  close,  some  on 
one  side  of  the  track,  and  some  on  the  other.  They  heard  the  Indian 
soldier  making  a  howling  for  his  father,  and  at  length  somebody  answered 
him ;  but  while  they  were  listening,  they  thought  they  heard  somebody  com- 
ing towards  them.  Presently  they  saw  an  old  man  coming  up,  with  a  gun 
on  Ills  shoulder,  and  a  young  woman  following  in  the  track  which  they  lay 
by.  Tliey  let  them  come  between  them,  and  then  started  up  and  laid  hold 
of  them  both.  Captain  Church  immediately  examined  them  apart,  telling 
them  what  they  must  trust  to  if  they  told  false  stories.  He  asked  the  young 
woman  what  company  they  came  from  last.  She  said  from  Captain  l^nna- 
icon^s.    He  asked  her  how  many  were  in  company  with  him  when  she  lefl 

*  This  seems  to  us  the  most  probable  account  of  tlie  diTuir  of  all  we  have  seen. 
i  The  son  of  Awashonks,  it  is  supposed. 


.^, 


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i'.'i'  i.';    ■'  ■'   i  •' 

„  si-f*  ■- i    '      ■.. 


Si 


ANNAWON. 


[Book  III. 


Iiim.  She  said  *  fifty  or  sixty.'  He  asked  her  how  many  inileH  it  was  to  the 
l»luce  where  she  left  him.  She  said  she  did  not  iitiderHtnnd  miles,  hnt  he  whh 
lip  in  Siiuannuconk  swamp.  The  old  man,  who  had  heen  one  of  Philip^n 
council,  upon  examination,  gave  exactly  the  same  aceoimt."  On  hcinjf 
usked  whether  they  could  get  there  that  night,  answered,  "If  we  go  pres 
ently,  and  travtd  stoutly,  vve  may  get  there  hy  sunst^t."  The  old  man  snid 
he  was  of  Jlnnawori's  company,  and  that  Jinnnwon  had  sent  him  down  to 
find  some  Indians  that  were  gone  down  into  Mount  Hope  neck  to  kill  jiro- 
visioiis.  Captain  Church  let  him  know  that  that  company  were  all  his 
prisoners. 

The  Indian  who  had  been  permitted  to  go  after  his  father,  now  returned 
Avith  him  and  another  man.  Captain  Church  wjw  now  at  great  loss  what  lie 
should  do.  He  was  unwilling  to  miss  of  so  good  an  opportunity  of  giving 
u  tinishing  blow  to  the  Indian  power.  He  had,  as  himself  says,  but  "  half  a 
do/en  men  l)eside  himself,"  and  yet  was  under  the  necessity  of  sending 
some  one  back  to  give  Lieutenant  Howland,  whom  he  \v.\\  at  the  old  fort  in 
I'ocasset,  notice,  if  he  should  proceed.  But,  without  wasting  time  in  i)on- 
dering  upon  what  course  to  pursue,  he  put  the  question  to  his  men, 
"  whether  they  would  willingly  go  with  him  and  give  Jlnnaumn  a  visit." 
All  answered  in  the  alhrmative,  but  reminded  him  "that  they  knew  this 
Cajitain  Annaioon  was  a  great  soldier  ;  that  he  had  lieen  a  valiant  captain 
under  Jisuhmaquin,  [Woosamtquin,']  Philip's  father;  and  that  he  had  been 
Philip's  chieftain  all  this  war."  And  they  further  told  Captain  Church,  (and 
these  men  knew  him  well,)  that  he  was  "a  very  subtle  man,  of  great  resolu- 
tion, and  had  often  said  that  he  would  never  be  taken  alive  by  the  English." 

They  also  reminded  him  that  those  with  ^nnaivon  were  "  resolute  fellows, 
some  of  Philip's  chief  soldiers,"  and  very  much  feared  that  to  make  the 
attempt  with  such  a  handful  of  soldiers,  would  l)e  hazardous  in  the  extreme. 
But  nothing  could  shake  the  resolution  of  Captain  Church,  who  remarked 
to  them,  "  tliat  he  had  a  long  time  sought  for  Annaivon,  but  in  vain,"  and 
doubted  not  in  the  least  but  Providence  would  protect  them.  All  with  one 
consent  now  desired  to  jiroceed. 

A  num  by  the  name  of  Cook,*  liclonging  to  Plimouth,  was  the  only 
Englishman  in  the  company,  except  the  ca[itain.  Captain  Church  asked 
Mr.  Cook  what  his  opinion  of  the  undertaking  was.  He  made  no  other  reply 
than  this :  "I  am  never  afraid  of  going  any  where  when  you  are  with  me." 
The  Indian  who  brought  in  his  father  informed  Captain  Church,  that  it  was 
impossible  for  him  to  take  his  horse  with  him,  which  he  had  brought  thus 
far.  He  therefore  sent  him  and  his  father,  with  the  horse,  bjick  to  Lieuten- 
ant Hoidand,  and  ordered  them  to  tell  him  to  take  his  prisoners  immediately 
to  Taunton,  and  then  to  come  out  the  next  morning  in  the  Rehoboth  road, 
whore,  if  ulive,  he  hoped  to  meet  him. 

Things  being  thus  settled,  all  were  ready  for  the  journey.  Captain  Church 
turned  to  the  old  man,  whom  he  took  with  the  young  woman,  and  asked 
him  whether  he  would  be  their  jiilot.  He  said,  "You  having  given  me  my 
life.  I  am  under  obligations  to  serve  you."  They  now  marched  for  Squan- 
naconk.  In  leading  the  way,  this  old  man  would  travel  so  much  faster  than 
the  rest,  as  sometimes  to  l)e  nearly  out  of  sight,  and  consequently  might 
have  escaped  without  fear  of  being  recaptured,  but  he  was  true  to  his  word, 
and  would  stop  until  his  wearied  followers  came  up. 

Having  travelled  through  swamjis  and  thickets  until  the  sun  was  setting, 
the  pilot  ordered  a  stop.  The  captain  asked  him  if  he  had  made  anj  dis- 
covery. He  said,  "  About  that  hour  of  the  day,  ^nnawon  usually  sent  out 
his  scouts  to  see  if  the  coast  was  clear,  and  as  soon  as  it  began  to  grow 
dark  the  scouts  returned,  nnd  then  we  may  move  securely."  When  it  was 
sufficiently  dark,  and  they  were  about  to  proceed,  Captain  Church  asked  the 
old  man  if  he  would  take  a  gun  and  fight  for  him.  He  bowed  very  low, 
and  said,  "I  pray  you  not  to  impose  such  a  thing  upon  me  as  to  fight  against 
Captain  Annawon,  my  old  friend,  but  I  will  go  along  with  you,  and  be  heli)ful 
to  you,  and  will  lay  hands  on  any  man  that  shall  offer  to  hurt  you."    They 

*  Caleb,  doubtless,  who  was  present  a(  the  time  Philip  was  killed. 


Chap.  Ill] 


ANNAWON.— HIS  CAPTURE  AND  DEATH. 


&? 


bad  proceeded  but  a  short  apace,  when  they  heard  a  noise,  which  tiics 
conciude<l  to  l)o  the  poiindin;^  of  a  mortar.  This  warned  them  that  they 
were  in  the  vicinity  of  Jlnnawon^a  retreat.  And  hero  it  will  he  very  prop«!r 
to  j,'ive  a  description  of  it.  It  is  situated  in  the  south-easterly  coriu-r  ol' 
Rehohoth,  aliout  eight  mih;s  from  Taunton  Green,  a  few  rods  from  the  road 
whicli  leads  to  Providence,  and  on  the  south-easterly  side  of  it.  If  u  straifrht 
line  were  drawn  from  Taunton  to  Providence,  it  would  pass  vtjry  .1.  ;rly 
over  this  place.  Within  the  limits  of  an  immense  swamp  of  nearly  liOOO 
acres,  there  is  a  small  piece  of  upland,  8ej)arated  Irom  the  main  oidy  by  a 
brook,  which  in  some  seasons  is  dry.  This  island,  as  wo  may  call  it,  is 
nearly  covered  with  an  cnonnous  rock,  which  to  this  «lay  is  called  »'?(t7Mni'on'.'i 
Rock.  Its  south-east  side  presents  an  almost  per|)endicular  precipice,  and 
rises  to  the  height  of  *i5  or  30  feet.  The  north-west  side  is  very  sloping, 
and  easy  of  ascent,  being  at  an  angle  of  not  more  than  O.!  or  4U°.  A  more 
gloomy  and  hidden  recess,  even  now,  although  the  forest  tree  no  longer 
waves  over  it,  could  hardly  be  tbund  by  any  inhabitant  of  the  wilderness. 

When  they  arrived  near  the  foot  of  the  rock,  Captain  Church,  with  two 
of  his  Indian  sohliers,  crept  to  the  toj)  of  it,  from  whence  they  could  stse 
distinctly  the  situation  of  the  whole  company,  by  the  light  ot  their  tires. 
They  were  divided  into  three  bodies,  and  lodged  a  short  distance  from  one 
another,  minnawoti's  camp  was  formed  by  telling  a  tree  against  the  rock, 
with  bushes  set  up  on  each  side. 

"  He  passcil,  ill  tho  heart  oflhat  ancient  wood— 

Nor  paused,  till  the  rock  where  u  vaulted  bed 
f  fad  been  hewn  of  old  for  tho  kindly  dead 

Arose  on  his  midnight  way  '  — Hemans. 

With  him  lodged  his  son,  and  others  of  his  principal  men.  Their  gims 
were  discovered  standing  and  leaning  against  a  stick  resting  on  two  crotches, 
safely  covered  from  the  weather  by  a  mat.  Over  their  fires  were  |)ots  and 
kettles  boiling,  and  meat  roasting  upon  their  spits.  Captain  Church  was 
now  at  some  loss  how  to  proceed,  seeing  no  possibility  of  getting  down  the 
rock  without  discovery,  which  would  have  been  liital.  He  therefore  creeps 
silently  back  again  to  the  foot  of  the  rock,  and  asked  the  old  man,  their 
pilot,  if  there  was  no  other  way  of  coming  at  them.  He  answered,  "  No  ;" 
and  said  that  himself  and  all  others  belonging  to  the  comjjany  were  ordered 
to  come  that  way,  and  none  could  come  any  other  without  danger  of  be- 
ing shot. 

The  frtiitfiil  mind  of  Church  was  no  longer  at  loss,  and  the  following  strata- 
gem was  put  in  successftil  practice.  He  ordered  the  old  man  and  the  young 
wointm  to  go  forward,  and  lead  the  way,  with  their  baskets  tipon  their  backs, 
and  when  Annawon  should  discover  them,  he  would  take  no  alarm,  knowing 
them  to  be  those  he  had  lately  sent  forth  upon  discovery.  "  Captain  Church 
and  his  handful  of  soldiers  crept  down  also,  under  the  shadow  of  those  two 
and  their  baskets.  The  captain  himself  crept  close  behind  the  old  man,  with 
his  hatchet  in  his  hand,  and  stepped  over  the  young  man's  head  to  the  arms. 
The  young  Annawon  discovering  him,  whipped  hia  blanket  over  his  head,  and 
shrunk  up  in  a  heap.  The  old  Captain  Annaioon  st-^rted  up  on  his  breech, 
and  cried  out  ^Howoh!'  which  signified,  ♦  Welcom.  "*  All  hope  of  escape 
was  now  fled  forever,  and  he  made  no  effort,  but  laid  himself  down  again  in 
perfect  silence,  while  his  captors  secured  the  rest  of  the  company.  For  he 
supposed  the  English  were  far  more  numerous  than  they  Were,  and  before  he 
was  undeceived,  his  company  were  all  secured. 


*  It  is  a  curious  fact,  that  amon?  the  tribes  of  the  west,  the  same  word  is  used  to  signify 
approbation  ;  thus,  when  a  speech  had  been  made  to  some  in  that  reeion,  which  pleased 
them,  at  the  end  of  each  paragraph  they  would  exclaim,  "  Hoah  !  Hoakl" —  Weld's  Travels 
in  America. 

The  fact  becomes  still  more  curious  when  we  find  the  same  word  used  yet  farther  west- 
even  on  the  North-west  Coast,  and  with  very  nearly  the  same  signification.    See  Dixon's 
Voyage,  189,  4to.    London,  1789.     In  this  work  it  is  spelt  WhocJi.    See,  also,  Bunm/'s 
Voyages,  i.  346,  and  Colden's  Five  Nations,  ii.  96. 
5* 


4»M"r'.:  •.  .•. 


:^?:;:U:., 


'm-^^  '4m-:  ', 


ii»-r  ■.?-•■■•  I. 

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m 


14 


ANNA  WON. 


inooK  HI, 


Ono  rirciimfltance  murh  facilitatnd  thia  daring  project.  It  haa  l)coii  Ix-fore 
montioiUMl,  that  thny  li);anl  tin;  poutuliii)^'  of  u  tiiurtur,  on  tlitir  approach. 
TliiH  (■oiitinucil  (luring  tlioir  iluHcrtit  down  thi;  rock.  A  ncpiuw  wuh  potiiidin^r 
green  dried  corn  for  tiuiir  Hupfior,  an*l  vvlion  Hh(«  ceiiNud  pounding,  to  turn 
tn«  corn,  thoy  coaHcd  to  procetid,  and  wlien  bIu;  |)ounded  again,  tluy  moved. 
This  WUH  the  reaHon  they  worn  not  heard  as  they  lowered  tlieniHelveH  down, 
from  crag  to  crag,  BU|iported  by  sniall  buHlicH  tiiat  grew  from  the  ncuuih 
of  the  rock.  Tliu  pounded  corn  served  aflorwarda  Tor  a  supper  to  the 
captors. 

Jlnnawon  would  not  have  iMicn  taken  at  this  time  but  for  the  trea(!hpry 
of  thoHe  of  his  own  company.  And  well  may  their  hucan  exclaim,  as  did 
the  Jioman, 

"  A  rare  renowned,  the  worhl's  victorious  lords, 
'I'lirncd  on  themselves  with  their  own  hostile  swor<.\a."—Rowt's  Trans, 


i  ;  • 


«>  ■ 


"K^, 


.'■'(h. 


«. 


The  two  companies  situated  nt  a  short  distance  from  the  rock  knew  not  the 
fate  of  their  captain,  until  those  sent  by  Church  announced  it  to  them.  And, 
to  prevent  their  making  resistance,  they  were  told,  that  Captain  Church  had 
encotti|)asH('d  thent  with  his  army,  and  that  to  make  resistance  would  be 
immediatt;  death  ;  but  if  they  all  submitted  peaceably,  they  should  have  good 
quarter.  "  Now  they  being  old  acquaintance,  and  many  of  them  relations," 
readily  consented  :  delivering  up  thtiir  guns  and  hatchets,  tin  y  were  all  con- 
ducted to  head-quarters. 

"  Things  being  thus  far  settled.  Captain  Church  asked  Jlnnawon  what 
he  had  for  sut)p('r,  'for,'  said  he,  *I  am  come  to  sup  with  you.'"  Jlnnawon 
replied,  "  Taubut,"  with  a  "  big  voice,"  and,  looking  around  upon  his  women, 
ordered  them  to  hasten  and  provide  Captain  Church  and  his  company  some 
supper.  He  asked  Captain  Church  "  whether  he  would  eat  cow  bej-f  or 
horse  beef."  Church  said  he  would  prefer  cow  beef.  It  was  soon  ready, 
and,  by  the  aid  of  some  salt  be  had  in  his  pocket,  he  made  a  good  meal. 
And  here  it  should  be  told,  that  a  small  bag  of  salt  (which  ho  carri(<d  in 
his  |)ocket)  was  the  only  provision  he  took  with  him  upon  this  expedition. 

When  supper  was  over.  Captain  Church  set  his  men  to  watch,  tcdling  them 
if  they  would  let  him  sleep  two  hours,  they  should  sleep  all  the  rest  of  the 
night,  he  not  having  slept  atiy  for  36  hours  before ;  but  aflcr  laying  a  half 
hour,  and  f«!eling  no  disposition  to  sleep,  from  the  momentous  cares  upon  his 
mind, — lor,  us  Dr.  Young  says  in  the  Revenge, 

"  The  dead  alone,  in  such  a  night,  can  rest, — " 

he  looked  to  see  if  his  watch  were  at  their  posts,  but  they  were  all  fast  asleep. 
Jlnnaioon  felt  no  more  like  sleeping  than  Church,  and  they  lay  for  some  time 
looking  one  upon  the  other.  Church  spoke  not  to  Annaioon,  because  he 
could  not  speak  Indian,  and  thought  ^nnawora  could  not  speak  English,  but  it 
now  a|)peared  that  he  could,  from  a  conversation  they  held  together.  Church 
liad  laid  down  with  Annaxoon  to  prevent  his  escape,  of  which,  however,  he 
did  not  seem  much  afraid,  for  after  they  had  laid  a  considerable  lime,  Annaioon 
got  nj)  and  walked  away  out  of  sight,  which  Church  considered  wos  on  a 
common  occasion ;  but  being  gone  some  time,  "  he  began  to  suspect  some 
ill  dtjsign."  He  therefore  gathered  all  the  guns  close  to  himself,  and  lay  as 
close  as  he  possibly  could  under  young  Annawon's  side,  that  if  a  shot  should 
be  made  at  him,  it  must  endanger  the  life  of  young  Annawon  also.  After 
laying  u  while  in  great  suspense,  he  saw,  by  the  light  of  the  moon,  Annnwon 
coming  with  something  in  his  hands.  When  he  had  got  to  Captain  Church, 
he  knelt  down  before  him,  and,  after  presenting  him  what  lie  had  brought, 
spoke  in  Englisli  as  follows : — "  Great  captain,  you  have  killed  Phili[),  and  con- 
quered his  countrij.  For  I  believe  that  I  and  my  company  are  the  last  that  vm 
against  the  English,  so  suppose  the  uior  is  ended  by  your  means,  and  therefore 
these  things  belong  unto  you"  He  then  took  out  of  his  pack  a  beautitully 
wrought  belt,  which  belonged  to  Philip.  It  was  nine  inches  in  breadth,  and 
of  such  length,  as  when  put  about  the  shoulders  of  Captain  Church,  it 
reached  to  his  ankles.    This  was  considered,  at  that  time,  of  great  value, 


**v?tv<-i;- 


',^'ii»» 

i>*^:# 


Chap,  ril] 


QIJINNAPIN. 


ra 


lieiriff  ctMbroidenul  all  over  vvitli  inniiry,  tliiit  if,  wanipiirnponj;,*  of  viirioiiH 
colors,  ciirioiiHly  wrought  into  tigiiroH  of  binlH,  hcuHtH  niid  flowcrH.  A  hi'cuiuI 
iKilt,  of  no  1(!88  cxqiiiHite  workinutiHliip,  wns  ru'-xt  prrHeiiK-d,  which  brlongrd 
also  to  Philip.  This,  that  chitjf  usjid  to  oninint'iit  hiH  head  with  ;  from  the 
l»ucl<  piut  of  whi(^h  flowed  two  flagH,  which  dccorntcd  hiu  back.  A  third  wub 
(I  HirmiliT  one,  with  a  star  upon  the  end  of  it,  which  he  wore  upon  bin  breawt. 
All  tiiree  were  edged  with  rod  hair,  which,  ^nnmcon  saicl,  was  got  in  the 
country  of  the  Moliawks.  The-  ,  LdtH,  or  soinc!  of  them,  it  is  bt^licvcd,  re- 
niuiii,  at  this  day,  the  property  of  a  family  in  Swansey.  He  next  took  from 
his  p;irk  two  horns  of  gla/.ed  powder,  and  a  red  cloth  blanket.  These,  it 
iippi'urs,  were  all  that  remained  of  the  effects  of  the  great  chief.  He  told 
Cuptairi  Church  that  those  were  Philip's  royalties,  which  ho  was  wont  to  adoi»i 
himself  with,  when  he  sat  in  state,  and  he  thought  himself  hapi)y  in  having 
an  opportunity  to  present  them  to  him. 

The  remainder  of  the  night  they  spent  in  discourse,  in  which  JInnawon 
"gave  an  accoimt  of  what  mighty  success  be  had  had  formerly  in  wars 
against  many  nations  of  Indians,  when  tie  served  Aai-hmequin,  Philip'a 
father." 

Morning  lieing  come,  they  took  up  their  march  for  Taunton.  In  the  way 
they  tiiet  Lieutenant  Hoioland,  according  to  appointment,  ut  his  no  small  sur- 
prise. Tfiey  lodged  at  Taunton  that  night.  Th«  next  day  "  Capt.  C'AurcA 
took  old  Jlnnawon,  and  half  a  dozen  Indian  soldie  s,  and  his  own  men,  and 
went  to  Rhode  Island ;  the  rest  were  sent  to  Plimouth,  under  Lieutenant 
Howlnnd. 

Jlnnawon,\t  is  said,  had  confessed  "that  he  had  put  to  death  several  of  the 
English,  that  had  been  taken  alive ;  ten  in  one  day,  and  could  not  deiiy  but 
that  some  of  them  had  been  tortured  ;"f  and  therefore  no  mercy  was  to  be 
expected  from  those  into  whose  hands  he  lad  now  fallen.  His  captor.  Captain 
Church,  did  not  mean  that  he  should  have  been  put  to  death,  and  had  en- 
treated hard  for  him ;  but  in  his  absence  frotn  Plimouth,  not  long  atler,  ho 
was  remorselessly  executed.  We  shall  again  have  occasion  to  advert  to  the 
execution  oi' Annaumn,  and  shall  now  pass  to  consider  the  events  iu  the  life 
of  a  sachem  of  nearly  equal  interest. 

Qf//JVlYj3P/A*  was  by  birth  a  noble  Narraganset,  being  the  son  of  Cogina- 
(pmn,  otherwise  Conjanaquond,  who  was  nei)hew  to  Canonims.  Therefore 
Miantunnomoh  was  uncle  to  Ouinnapin,  and  Canonicvs  was  his  great  uncle. 

We  find  his  name  spelled  in  almost  every  possible  way,  and  for  the 
amusement  of  the  reader  will  offer  a  few  of  them — Quanopin,  Quonopin, 
Qunnapin,  Quannoptn,  Qu«noguin,  Panoquin,  Sowaa^omsh,  and  ^anepin. 
His  name  has  also  been  confounded  with  that  of  Quaiapen,  the  "  old  queen  " 
of  Narraganset. 

In  1672,  Quinnapin  confirmed,  by  a  writing,  tlie  sale  of  a  tract  of  land  pre- 
viously granted  by  Coginaquan,  his  father. 

This  sachem  took  part  with  the  Wampanoags  in  Philip's  war,  and  from 
the  punishment  which  the  English  executed  upon  him,  on  his  falling  into 
their  hands,  we  may  suppose  he  acted  well  his  part  in  that  war,  although  but 
little  is  recorded  of'^him  by  the  historians  of  that  period.  From  Mrs.  Row- 
landsori's  account  of  him,  we  must  conclude  he  was  not  wanting  in  attentions 
to  the  fair  sex,  as  he  had  certainly  three  wives,  one  of  whom  was  a  sister  of 
IVootonekanuske ;  consequently  he  was,  according  to  the  English  method  of 
calculating  relationships,  brother-in-law  to  the  famous  Mdacomet  himself 

Quinnapin  was  one  of  the  chiefs  who  directed  the  attack  on  Lancaster, 
the  10  Feb.  1675,  O.  S.,  and  he  purchased  Mrs.  Rowlandson  from  a  Naragan- 
set  Indian  who  had  seized  her  when  she  came  out  of  the  garrison,  among 
the  captives  of  that  place.  And  it  was  this  circumstance  which  caused  her 
to  notice  him  in  her  Narrative.  J  fVettimore,  whom  she  mentions  in  the  follow- 
ing extract,  as  his  wife,  we  have  said,  was  Weetavwo,  the  "  queen  of  Pocasset" 

In  the  winter  of  1676,  when  the  Narragansets  were  at  such  "  great  straits," 
from  the  loss  of  their  provisions,  in  the  great  swamp  light,  ("  corn  being  two 


*  An  Ijoquois  word  signifying  a  muscle.     Gordon's  Hist.  Pennsvlvania,  page  598. 
t  Hubbard,  Nar.  108.  J  Mr.  WiUard's  edition  of  it,  (p.  25.)  Lancaster, 


1828. 


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56 


QUINNAPIN. 


[Book  111. 


Bhilling?)  n  pint  with  them,")  the  English  tried  to  bring  about  a  peace  with 
them  ;  but  tlioir  terms  were  too  hard,  or  some  other  cause  prevented.  "  Ca- 
vonchet  and  Panoquin  said  they  vvould  fight  it  out,  to  the  last  man,  rather 
than  they  would  become  servants  to  the  English."*  A  truly  noble  resolution, 
and  well  worthy  of  the  character  we  have  of"  Canonchet. 

"My  master  (says  Mrs.  Rowlandson)  had  three  squaws,  living  sometimes 
with  one  and  sometimes  with  another.  Onux,  this  old  squaw  at  whose  wig- 
wam I  was,  and  with  whom  my  master  [Quinnapin]  had  been  these  three 
weeks.  Another  w  -  fVettimore,  with  whom  I  had  lived  and  served  all  this 
while.  A  severe  and  proud  dame  she  was ;  bestowing  eveiy  day  in  dressing 
herself  near  as  much  time  as  any  of  the  gentry  of  the  land — powdering  her 
lia-r  and  painting  her  face,  going  with  her  necklaces,  with  jewels  in  her  ears, 
and  bracelets  upon  her  hands.  When  she  had  dressed  herself,  lior  work 
was  to  make  girdles  of  wampum  and  beads.  The  third  squaw  [or  wile]  was 
a  young  one,  by  whom  he  bad  two  papooses."  f 

While  the  Narragansets  and  Nipnnicks  were  encamped  at  a])lace  on  Con- 
necticut River  at  considerable  distance  above  Northampton,  perhaps  near  as 
tar  as  Bellows  Falls,  Mrs.  Rowlandson  says,  "  My  master's  maid  canio  home : 
she  had  been  gonf*  three  weeks  into  the  Narraganset  country  to  fetch  corn, 
where  they  had  nt-.red  up  some  in  the  ground.  She  brought  home  about  a 
peck  and  a  half  of  •  "trn  " .' 

We  shall  rrJiUe,  in  the  Life  of  JS/epanet,  the  mission  of  Mr.  Hoar  to  Philip's 
quarters  foi  ''le  redemption  of  Mrs.  Rowlmidson.  This  was  not  long  after 
Sudbury  fight,  and  the  Indiai's  were  preparing  to  commemorate  it  by  a  great 
dance,  "  viiich  was  carried  un  by  eight  ol'them,  (as  Mrs.  R.  relates,)  four  men 
and  ibur  squaws;  my  master  and  mistress  [(^mnnoptn  and  Weetatnoo]  being 
two.  He  was  dressed  in  his  Holland  shirt,  with  great  stockings,  his  garters 
hung  round  with  shillings,  and  had  girdles  of  tvampom  upon  his  head  and 
shoulders.  She  had  a  kearsey  coat,  covered  with  girdles  of  tvampom  from 
the  loins  upward.  Her  arms,  from  her  elbows  to  her  hands,  were  covered 
with  bracelets ;  there  were  handfuls  of  necklaces  about  her  neck,  and  sev- 
eral  sorts  of  jev.  r?ls  in  li;'r  ears.  She  had  fine  red  stockings,  and  white  shoes, 
her  hair  powdered,  nud  her  face  painted  red,  that  was  always  before  b!yk. 
And  all  the  dancers  were  ul^er  the  same  manner.  There  were  two  others 
singing  and  knocking  on  a  kettle  for  their  music.  They  kept  hopj)ing  up 
and  down  one  atler  n;io'her,  with  r.  kettle  of  water  in  the  midst,  standing 
warm  uj)on  some  emb;  rs,  to  drink  of  when  they  were  dry.  They  held  on 
till  almost  night,  throwing  out  their  wompom  to  the  standers-by.  At  night 
J  asked  them  again,  if  I  should  go  home :  they  all  as  one  said,  No,  except  my 
husband  would  come  lor  me.  When  we  were  lain  down,  my  master  went 
out  of  the  wigwam,  and  by  and  by  sont  in  an  Lidiai  "ailed  James-the-printer, 
who  told  Mr.  Hoar,  that  my  master  would  let  me  go  home  to-morrow,  if  he 
would  let  him  have  one  pint  of  liquor.  Then  Mr.  Hoar  called  his  own 
Indians,  Tom  and  Peter,  and  bid  them  all  go  and  see  if  he  would  promise  it 
before  them  three  ;  and  if  he  would  he  should  have  it,  which  he  did,  and  had 
it.  Philip  smelling  the  busii;ess,  called  me  to  him,  and  asked  me  what  I 
would  give  him,  to  tell  me  some  good  news,  and  to  speak  a  good  word  for 
me,  that  I  might  go  home  to-morrow?  I  told  l.im  I  could  not  tell  what  to 
give  him,  I  would  any  thing  I  had,  and  asked  him  what  he  would  have.  He 
said  two  coats  and  20  shillings  in  money,  half  a  bushel  of  seed  corn,  and 
some  tobacco.  I  thanked  him  for  Ms  love,  but  I  knew  that  good  news  as  well 
as  that  crafly  fox.  My  master,  after  he  had  his  drink,  quickly  came  ranting 
into  the  wigwam  again,  and  called  for  Mr.  Hoar,  drinking  to  him  and  saying 
he  was  a  good  man ;  and  then  again  he  would  say.  Hang  him  a  rogue.  Being 
almost  drunk,  he  would  drink  to  him,  and  yet  presently  say  he  should  be 
hanged.  Then  he  called  for  me  ;  I  trembled  to  hear  him,  and  yet  I  was  fain 
to  go  to  him,  and  he  drank  to  me,  shewing  no  incivility.  He  was  the  first 
Indian  I  saw  drunk,  all  the  time  I  was  among  them.  At  last  his  squaw  ran 
out,  and  he  after  her,  round  the  wigwam,  with  his  money  jingling  at  lii> 


*  Hubbard. 


t  Narrative,  G3, 64. 


Chap.  IIIl 


DEATH  OF  QUINNAI'IN.— TLSPAQUIV. 


57 


knees,  but  she  escaped  him;  hut  hoviiig  an  old  sfjuaw,  lie  ran  to  her,"*  and 
troubled  the  others  no  more  that  night. 

A  day  or  two  after,  the  sagamore.^  liad  a  council,  or  genercd  court,  as  they 
called  it,  in  whicih  the  giving  up  of  Mrs.  R.  was  debatt'd.  Ail  seemed  to 
consent  for  her  to  go,  except  Philip,  who  would  not  come  to  tiie  council. 
However,  she  was  soon  dismisse<l,.i«id  some  who  were  at  first  opposed  to  her 
going,  seemed  now  to  rejoice  at  ii.  Tliey  shook  her  by  tiie  hand,  and  asked 
her  to  send  them  some  tobacco,  and  some  one  thing  and  some  another. 

When  the  extensive  system  of  war  curried  on  by  Philip  was  broken  in  the 
west  by  intestine  bickerings,  ^uintiapin  returned  vvitii  Philip  to  his  country 
of  the  Wampanoags.  About  the  end  of  July,  107(5,  Captain  Church  learned  by 
a.  captive  squaw  that  (luinnapin  and  Philip  were  in  a  "great  cedar  swamp" 
near  Aponaganset  vvitli  "abundance  of  In<li;uis."  This  news,  together  with 
a  discovery  the  captain  soon  after  made,  inuuced  him  to  leave  that  country 
without  disturbing  so  formidable  an  enemy.  Soon  after,  Q^uinnapin  escaped 
from  a  company  of  Bridgewuter  men,  who  killed  Akkompoin,  as  he  and 
Philip's  comi)any  were  crossing  Taunton  River.  The  next  day,  Church  pur- 
sued him,  but  he  effected  his  escape. 

Not  long  after  this,  he  was  taken,  and,  irmnediately  after  the  war,  25 
August,  was  shot  at  Newport  in  II.  Island.  It  a[)j)ears  that  Qidnnapin  had 
had  some  difficulty  with  the  Ii.  Islaiul  people,  who,  some  time  belbre  the 
war,  had  cast  him  into  prison  ;  l)ut  that  by  some  means  he  had  escaped, 
and  become  active  in  the  war.  He  was  rejjorted  "  a  young  lusty  sachem, 
and  a  very  rogue."  f  A  court-martial  was  held  at  Newport,  R.  I.,  on  the 
24  August,  1676,  by  the  governor  and  assistants  of  that  colony,  lor  the  trial 
of  Qidnnapin,  or  Sowagonish,  as  he  was  sometimes  called,  and  several  others. 
He  was  charged  with  adhering  to  Philip  in  the  war,  wliich  he  confessed, 
and  owned  he  was  in  the  Narragansot  Swamp  fight  of  December,  1675,  and 
next  in  command  to  Canonch/d ,  whereupon  he  was  sentenced  to  be  shot  the 
next  day.  A  brother  of  his,  who  had  but  one  eye,  named  Sunheejunasuc,  Jnid 
the  K^nie  sentence  passed  upon  him.  Jlahanudtan,  another  brother,  was 
tried,  hut  at  that  time  received  no  sentence.^ 

rUSP.^ Qf7/jV,  whose  biogi-aphy  we  shall  next  pursue,  was  one  of  Philip^s 
most  fuithftil  captains,  and  saciiem  of  Assawomset,  as  we  have  before  had 
occasion  to  notice,  in  s})eaking  of  John  Sassamon,  His  name  in  printed 
accounts  differs  but  little,  and  is  abbreviated  from  Watuspaquin.  Also  in  our 
life  of  Tatoson  it  was  necessaiy  to  speak  of  this  chief.  From  a  survey  of 
tiie  deeds  which  he  executed  of  various  large  tracts  of  land,  it  is  evident 
his  sachemdom  was  very  extensive.  It  will  be  necessaiy  to  glance  at  some 
of  the  conveyances  of  fVcUtispaquin  for  several  reasons,  the  principal  of  which 
is,  tliat  the  part  he  acted  in  the  great  di-ama  of  1675  and  1676  may  not  be 
underrated.  His  conveyances  to  the  Reverend  John  Sassamon  and  his  family 
are  already  related. 

On  9  /Vugust,  1667,  "  Turptquin,  otherwise  called  the  Black-sachem,"  for 
£4,  sells  to  Henry  Wood  of  Plimouth  his  right  and  tide  to  the  land  on  the 
east  side  of  "  Namassakett "  River,§  bounded  "  on  one  end "  by  the  pond 
called  Black-sachem^s  Pond,  or,  in  Indian,  Wanpawcull ;  on  the  other  end,  by 
a  little  pond  called  AanemsciiU.  How  much  was  included  in  the  given 
bounds,  is  not  mentioned,  nor  could  we  now  by  the  description  possibly 
tell  how  far  said  tract  extended  back  from  the  river.  With  Tuspaquin, 
his  wife,  Amey,  signed  this  deed,  and  it  was  witnessed  only  by  two  Lnglish- 
nien. 

On  17  July,  1669,  Tuspaquin  and  his  son  William  sell  for  £10  a  tract  or 
parcel  of  land  near  "  Assowampsett,"  half  a  mile  wide,  and  "  in  lengtli  from 
Laid  ponds  to  Dartmouth  path."  Besides  two  English,  Samud  Henry,  Daniel 
and  Old  Harry  were  witnesses.  Experience  Mitchell,  Henry  Sampson,  of  Dux- 
borough,  Thomas  IdttlefOf  Marshiield,  and  Thomas  Paine,  of  Eastham,  were 
the  purchasers. 

*  Narrative,  73—76. 

t  Captain  Mart's  account  of  "The  Warr  in  N.  E.  visibly  ended,"  &c.  in  our  Indun 
Chronicle.  X  Potter's  ^axta^<aaieK,'Q^. 

i  He,  however,  reserved  the  right  "  to  gett  ceder  barke  in  the  swamps." 


.,  ■••.<Vf  I*:-    .  ...,.;f 

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58 


TUSPAQUIN— BURNS  BRIDGEWATER. 


[Book  III. 


June  10, 1670,  Tuapa^uin  and  his  son  WUliam  sold  for  £6,  to  Edward  Gratf, 
"in  tlio  behalf  of  the  court  of  Plimouth,"  " all  that  our  meddow  that  lyeth 
in  or  neare  the  town  of  Middleberry,"  on  the  west  side  of  a  tract  belonging 
to  John  Jlldtn  and  Constant  SoiUhworth,  "  and  is  between  Assowamsett  Pond 
and  Taunton  path,  being  in  three  parsells  vpon  three  brookes;"  also  another 
parcel  on  the  other  side  of  Taunton  path.  Witnessed  by  "  Amie"  the  wile 
of  Tuspaqvin,  and  two  English. 

30  .June,  1672,  Tuspaquin,  "  sachem  of  Namassakett,  and  Mantowapuct 
alias  fVilliam  his  son,"  sell  to  Edward  Gray  and  Josias  Winalow,  lands  on 
the  easterly  side  of  Assowamsett,  to  begin  where  Namasket  River  fulleth 
out  of  the  pond,  and  so  south  by  th«i  pond ;  thence  by  perishable  bounds 
to  TuspaquMa  Pond,  and  so  home  to  the  lands  formerly  sold  to  Henry 
Wood. 

'A  .luly,  1673,  Tiispaquin  and  his  son  WUliam  sell  to  Benjamin  Church  of 
Duxhorough,  house  carpenter,  and  John  Tompson  of  Barnstable,  lands  about 
Middleborough,  lor  which  they  paid  him  £15.  It  is  described  as  "  lying  att 
and  iieare  the  township  of  Middleberry,"  bounded  westerly  by  a  river  called 
Monhiggen,  which  runs  into  a  pond  called  Q^uinquaaett,  and  so  by  a  cedar 
swamp  to  Tuspaquin^s  Pond ;  thence  by  Henry  Wood's  land  to  a  place 
called  Pochaboqitett.  Nahudset  River  is  named  as  a  northern  boundary ;  and 
tlie  two  "  places  "  called  Tuscomanest  and  Massapanoh  are  also  named,  like- 
wise a  i»ond  called  Sniptuett,  and  a  "  river's  mouth  called  Tvppatuett  which 
runneth  into  a  pond  called  Qiiittuwashett"  T\.'o  English,  Sam  Harry,  and 
Joseph  of  Namasket,  were  witnesses. 

1  November  1673,  Willmm  Watuspaquin,  Aasaioeta,  Tobias  and  Bewat,  for 
£10  sell  to  three  English  of  Barnstable  a  tract  of  land  bounded  by  Que- 
taquash  Pond  northerly,  by  Quetaijuash  River  easterly,  Snepetuitt  Pond,  &c. 

14  May,  1675,  the  two  Tuspaquins,  father  and  son,  "  make  over  to  John 
Tompson,  Constant  Sovihworth  "  and  others,  of  Middleborough,  "  all  that  tract 
of  land  which  we  now  have  in  possession,  called  commonly  Assoicamset 
neck  or  necks,  and  places  adjacent,"  as  a  security  against  the  clanns  of  others, 
&c.  of  other  lands  deeded  at  the  same  time  ;  if,  therefore,  they  are  not  dis- 
turbed in  the  possession  of  the  former  lands  deeded,  then  they  "  are  not  to 
be  outed  of  Assawamsett  neck."  FoHawo,  alias  Daniel,  Poyman,  Pagatt,*  alias 
Joseph,  were  witnesses. 

For  the  land  deeded  they  received  £33,  "  sterling."  It  consisted  of  uplands 
and  meadows  about  the  pond  called  JVinipoket,  QuUicus,\  &c.,  and,  judging 
from  th(i  price  paid,  was,  no  doubt,  a  very  large  tract 

Thus  are  a  few  of  the  acts  of  Watuspaquin  sketched  previous  to  the  war. 
We  ar(!  now  to  trace  his  operations  in  quite  another  sphere.  In  our  of)inion, 
Mr.  Hubbard  was  right  in  styling  him  "  the  next  noted  captain  to  Philip,"  but 
erron(>ously  calls  Old  Tuspaqutn  "  the  Black-sachem's  son."  He  does  not 
appear  to  have  known  of  the  son  William.  Indeed,  we  hear  nothing  of  him 
in  th(!  war,  but  it  is  probable  he  shared  the  fate  of  his  father. 

In  the  spring  of  1676,  Tuspaquin  was  marching  from  place  to  place  with 
about  300  men,  and  was  doubtless  in  high  expectation  of  humbling  the 
pride  of  his  enemies,  and,  but  for  Philip's  western  disasters,  occasioned  by 
the  disaffection  of  his  Pocomptucks  and  others,  his  expectations  might  have 
been  realized.  It  was  doubtless  under  his  direction  that  19  buildings  in 
Scituate  were  burnt  on  20  April ;  and  on  the  8  May,  had  not  a  shower  pre- 
vented, most,  if  not  all,  the  houses  in  Bridgewater  would  have  shared  the 
same  fate.  Tuspaquin  was  known  to  have  led  his  men  in  this  attack.t 
The  inhabitants  exerted  themselves  to  repel  the  Indians,  but,  conscious  of 
their  strength,  they  maintained  their  ground  until  the  next  day,  when  they 
retreated.  Notwithstanding  the  rain,  they  succeeded  in  burning  17  buildings 
before  they  decamped. 

On  11  May,  1676,  there  were  eleven  houses  and  five  barns  burnt  in  Plim- 
outh, and  a  few  weeks  after,  seven  houses  more  and  two  barns.    These 

*  Two  names,  probably  ;  but  in  the  MS.  there  is  no  comma  between,  as  is  often  the  case, 
t  TUicut,  probably,  now. 

i  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  (NaT.  71.)  the  laUians  were  led  by  one  Txugnogtn,  but  we  are  satis- 
"fled  Tutpaguin  is  meaul. 


Chap.  Ill] 


TUSPAQUIN.— HIS  COMPANY  StIRPRISED. 


59 


%::;4f^::^3^:5'M;.-.;|' 


were  probably  sucli  as  were  at  a  considerable  distance  from  the  village,  and 
had  chiefly  been  deserted.  This  "  mischief"  was  attributed  to  Thtspaquin 
and  his  men. 

About  this  time,  Benjamin  Church  was  commissioned  by  the  government 
of  Plimouth  to  lead  parties  in  different  directions  over  ibe  colony;  and  from 
the  time  he  commenced  operations,  the  Lidiaus  found  huf  few  opportunities 
to  do  mischief  in  Plimouth  colony. 

Tuspaquin  still  kept  his  ground  in  the  Assawoinset  country,  nnd  for  a  long 
time  baffled  all  the  skill  Captain  Church  was  master  of  in  his  endeavors  to  take 
him  prisoner.  Church  received  his  commission  24  July,  1676,  and  the  same- 
night  set  out  on  an  expedition  against  Tuspaquin,  Ilis  Indian  scouts  brought 
him  before  day  upon  a  company  of  his  people  in  Middleborough,  every  one 
of  whom  fell  mto  his  hands.  How  many  there  were,  Church  does  not  say. 
He  took  them  directly  to  Plimouth,  "and  disposed  of  them  all,"  except  "one 
Jeffhy,  who,  proving  very  ingenious  and  faitl:ful  to  hici  in  informing  where 
other  parcels  of  the  Indians  harbored,  Capt.  Church  promised  him,  tliat  if 
he  continued  to  be  faithful  to  him,  he  should  not  be  sold  out  of  the  country, 
but  should  be  his  waiting  man,  to  take  care  of  liis  horse,  &c,,  and  accord- 
ingly he  served  him  faithfully  as  long  as  he  lived."  * 

Thus  strengthened  by  Tuspaquin's  own  men.  Church  pursued  his  successes 
with  manifold  advantage.  There  was  a  small  tribe  residing  near  Munponset 
Pond,  which  was  next  captured  without  loss  on  either  side,  and  there  was 
henceforth  scarcely  a  week  passed  wherein  he  did  not  capture  some  of  these 
people. 

Ivot  long  after  this,  it  was  found  that  Tvspaquin  had  encamped  about 
Assawomset,  and  Church  set  out  on  an  expedition  there ;  but  finding  Old 
Tuspaquin  was  ready  for  him  at  the  neck  between  the  two  great  ponds,  f  he 
was  glad  to  make  the  best  of  his  way  on  towards  Acushnet  and  Dartmouth. 
As  he  was  crossing  Assawomset  neck,  a  scout  from  Tuspaquin's  camp  fired 
upon  him,  but  did  him  no  injury. 

Meanwhile  the  great  Annawon  having  been  surprised  by  the  indefatigable 
Church,  Tuspaquin  saw  no  chance  of  holding  out  long ;  he  therefore  api)ears 
aftt^rwiirds  only  intent  upon  keeping  out  of  the  way  of  the  English.  Tliis 
could  not  he  long  reasonably  expected,  as  their  scouts  were  ranging  in  every 
direction. 

On  4  Sept.  1676,  according  to  ChurcWs  account,  Tuspaquin^s  company 
were  encamped  near  Sippican,  doing  "great  daniugi;  to  the  En";lish  in  kill- 
ing their  cattle,  horses  and  swine."  The  next  day,  Church  and  his  rangers 
were  in  their  neighl)()rhood,  and,  after  observing  their  situation,  which  was 
"sitting  round  their  fires  in  a  thick  j)lace  of  bruch,"!  in  seeming  safety,  the 
captain  "ordered  every  man  to  creep  as  ho  did;  and  surrounded  them  by 
creeping  as  near  as  tiicy  could,  till  tlu-y  should  he  discovered,  and  then  to 
run  on  upon  them,  and  take  them  alive,  if  j)ossib!c,  (for  their  prisoners  were 
their  pay.)  They  did  so,  taking  every  one  that  was  at  the  fires,  not  one 
escaping.  Upon  examination,  tliey  agreed  in  their  story,  that  tlw.y  belonged 
to  Tispaquin,  who  was  gone  with  John  Bump  and  one  more  to  Agawoin  and 
Si[)ican  to  kill  horses,  and  were  not  ex[)ected  back  in  two  or  three  days."§ 
Church  proceeds :  "  This  same  Tispaquin  had  been  a  great  captain,  and  the 
Indians  reported  that  he  was  such  a  great  pouwau,  [priest  or  conjurer,]  that 
no  bullet  could  enter  him.  Capt.  Church  said  he  would  not  have  him  killed, 
for  there  was  a  war  broke  out  in  the  eastcu-n  part  of  the  country,  and  he 
would  have  him  saved  to  go  with  them  to  fight  the  eastern  Indians.  Agree- 
ably, he  left  two  old  squaws  of  the  prisoners,  and  bid  them  tarry  there  until 
their  Captain  Tispaquin  returned,  and  to  tell  him,  that  Church  had  been 
there,  and  had  taken  his  wife,  children  and  company,  and  carried  them 
down  to  Plymouth  ;  and  would  spare  all  their  lives,  and  his  too,  if  he  would 

*  Church,  Narrative,  .31. 

t  Judl  below  where  Sampson's  tavern  now  stands. 

t  1  suspect  Mr.  Hubbard  mistakes  the  situation  of  this  place,  in  saying  it  was  "  in  Laken- 
ham,  upon  Pocassct  neck.''  Church  is  so  unrewarding  of  all  geography,  that  it  is  quite  un- 
certain where  it  was.    If  it  were  near  Sippican,  it  was  a  long  way  from  any  part  of  Pocasiet 

(  By  this  it  seems  the  place  might  have  been  as  far  offas  Pocasset. 


.  .  .  ..V  ; 


.■<V 


•;-5'<''''*4^i-i^"' ■''■••'  -•■'.•1 
•:  H'>.  !4  •••1',-'    ik'">'-  '--l 

'■•'i^  ■"..■-.■•>*■■♦»?«■''        '■■•'8 
«,■■"■ 


'■■■■  J^-h'Cv.Mi'r'vi  ■•■    ••  ■ 
■.•  ■••■■■•.vV.^^^/viV^^i--    •  :•.' 


..'•^l   - 


>    ■  ;  ,   ■,■•■„    A"",-  -Ti         ■       ■■ 

'..:.,-.  ■iC^'>-hl':\ A- :  A,  ■:'\ 

.  ,  '-■*♦.        <   ■  .;    V,  ♦ 


\»r...  ■ 


^;,^,iy 'r^i<^€.  ■'■■    ■:-  •- 


-::^i 


ry.,/r  "■ 


?f -v 


IS: 


'A  I    ■ 

:  ■■;■  •\:'^'. 


'■■    .,  '■'.•'->' ^'  ■■'■  • 


.■..•••    ■**'r..v  .•    ■ 

■•  < .  ■    ,  .*.,.    •••  :■■•' 
■  ;!.. '.••f-*:i-.jT,.r;'V  , 


'>^-i^.;c'. 


'CUiV; 


60 


TUSPAQIJIN  JIURDERED  AT  PLIMOUTH.— TATOSON.    [Book  III. 


come  down  to  tlicm  and  bring  the  otlier  two  that  were  with  him,  and  they 
should  l)e  his  soldiers,  &c.  Capt.  Church  then  returned  to  Plymouth,  leav- 
ing the  old  sqiiuws  well  provided  for,  and  biskct  for  Tiipaquin  when  he 
returned." 

Tliis  Church  called  laying  a  trap  for  Tuspaquin,  and  it  turned  ont  as  he 
expected.  We  shall  now  nee  with  what  faith  the  English  acted  on  thin 
occasion.  Church  had  assured  him  ihnt,  if  he  gave  himself  up,  he  should 
not  be  killed,  but  he  was  not  at  Plimouth  when  Tugpaquin  came  in,  liuvinp 
gone  to  Boston  on  business  for  a  few  days;  "but  when  he  returned  he 
found,  to  his  grief,  the  heads  of  Annaioon,  THspaquirij  &.•.  cut  oft]  which 
were  ..ic  last  of  Philip's  friends" ! 

It  is  true  that  those  who  were  known  to  have  been  personally  engaged  in 
killing  the  En"lish  were,  in  the  time  of  the  greatest  danger,  cut  off  from 
I»ard()n  by  a  law ;  that  time  had  now  passed  away,  and,  '"ke  many  other 
laws  of  exigency,  it  should  then  have  been  considered  a  de*  letter ;  leaving 
out  of  the  case  the  faith  and  promise  of  their  best  servant.  Church.  View 
it,  therefore,  in  any  light,  and  nothing  can  be  found  to  justify  this  flagrant 
inroad  upon  that  promise.  To  give  to  the  conduct  of  the  Plimouth  govern- 
ment a  pretext  for  this  murder,  (a  milder  expression  I  cannot  use,)  Mr. 
Hubbard  says,  Tuspaquin  having  pretended  that  a  bullet  could  not  penetrate 
him,  trial  of  his  invulnerableness  was  resolved  upon.  So  he  was  placed  as* 
a  mark  to  shoot  at,  and  "  he  fell  down  at  the  first  shot" ! 

This  was  doubtless  the  end  of  numerous  others,  as  we  infer  from  the 
following  passage  in  Dr.  Mather's  Prevalency  of  Prater.  He  asks, 
"  Where  are  the  six  Narraganset  sachems,  with  all  their  captains  and  coun- 
sellors ?  Where  are  the  Nipmuck  sachems,  with  their  captains  and  coun- 
sel htrs?  Where  is  Philip  and  Squaw-sachem  of  Pocasset,  with  all  their 
captains  and  counsellors?  God  do  so  to  all  the  implacable  enemies  of 
Christ,  and  of  his  people  in  N.  England  " ! !  The  next  of  Philip's  captains, 
in  our  arrangement,  is 

TATOSOJV,  also  a  great  captain  in  the  war  of  1675.  It  seems  rather  un- 
certain whether  he  were  a  Narraganset  or  Wampanoag.  He  (or  one 
bearing  the  same  name)  signed  the  treaty  made  with  the  Narragansets  in 
the  beginning  of  the  war.  It  is  quite  certain  that  his  residence  afterwards 
was  in  Sandwich,  since  Rochester ;  *  and  when  he  signed  the  treaty  just 
named,  it  is  probable  he  was  only  among  the  Narragansets  upon  a  mission 
or  visit.  He  was  a  son  of  the  "  noted  Saj/i  Barrow,"  but  of  liis  own 
iamily,  or  whether  he  had  any,  we  are  not  informed. 

We  first  meet  with  Tatoson,^  or,  as  his  name  is  commonly  printed,  Toto- 
son,  in  166G,  in  tlie  respectable  company  of  Mr.  Secretary  Morton  of  Plim- 
outh, and  Acanootus,  Wannoo,  two  "  graue  and  sage  Indians,"  and  a  number 
more,  of  whose  characters  we  are  not  so  well  prepared  to  speak.  Among 
this  assemblage  he  is  only  conspicuous,  however,  as  a  witness  to  a  deed  of 
the  lands  upon  H^eequancett  neck.  Mr.  Morton's  name  follows  Tatoson's,  on 
this  instrument. 

There  was  a  general  disarming  of  the  Indians  in  1671,  as  will  elsewhere 
be  mentioned.  Among  a  great  number  ordered  to  appear  at  Plimotith  the 
same  year,  to  bind  themselves  more  strongly  in  allegiance  to  the  English, 
we  find  tlie  name  of  Tatoson,  or,  as  his  name  was  then  written,  Tautozen, 
Also  Toby,  alias  JS/auhnocomunt,  f  and  Will,  alias  Washaxoanna. 

On  the  12th  of  June,  1676,  several  Indians,  who  had  been  sent  in  by 
fira<//brd  ami  G'turcft,  were  "convented  before  the  councell"  at  Plimouth; 
being  "  such  of  them  as  were  accused  of  working  vnsufFerable  mischeifte 
vpon  some  of  ours."    Among  them  was  one  named  Watukpoo,  or,  as  he 


*  On  Ihe  right  of  the  main  rood,  as  you  pass  from  Matapoiset  to  Rochester  village,  and 
about  two  miles  from  the  former,  at  a  small  distance  from  the  road,  is  a  kind  of  island  in  a 
miry  swamp.  Upon  this,  it  is  said,  was  Tatoson's  camp.  This  island  is  connected  by  an 
isthmus  to  trie  mam  land. 

t  So  almost  always  in  the  MSS. 

X  Somelimts  called  Toby  Cole.  The  same,  we  conclude,  who  joined  Philip  afterwards, 
iuid  fell  into  the  hands  of  Captain  Church,  as  clid  his  mother,  and  many  more  at  tiie  same  time. 


Chap.  III.]    TA' 


lived  at  Sandwit 


m. 


^.i>r  ■■•■ 


Chap.  III.]    TATOSON— TAKKS   A   GARRISON  AT  PLIMOUTIL 


61 


%v;is  often  called,  Ttikpoo.*  Against  liim,  spveral  charges  were  brought,  such 
;iH  his  goiug  off  to  the  enemy>  ""•'  trying  to  deceive  the  governor  about  the 
prospect  of  war ;  telling  him  tlmt  I'liilip^s  men  had  deserted  him,  and  that 
lii'  had  only  a  few  old  ni'jn  unil  hoys  r  inaining.  At  this  time  were  present 
three  other  Indians,  whose  names  were  H'oodcock,  Quanapawhan  and  John- 
num.  The  two  first  were  accused  ))y  a  scjuaw  of  destroying  ClarKa  garrison 
it  E '1  River  in  Plimouth,  and  murdering  the  inhabitants.  This  had  been 
(lone  on  tlic  12  March  j)revious,  and  with  such  secrecy  and  effect,  that  the 
EiiLdisli  knew  not  whom  to  accuse  of  it.  Many  supposed  that  Wataspaquin 
coiulurted  the  affair,  and  Mr.  Hubbard  charges  it  upon  him  without  hesita- 
tiuii,  hut  it  is  now  quite  certain  tiiat  he  hud  nothing  to  do  with  it,  as  in  the 
-:(fliicl  we  shall  show. 

Tiio  two  just  mentioned,  fuiding  themselves  detected,  accused  their  fellow 
prism  K-r,  John-num.  It  appears  that  wVu/n  not  only  owned  himself  guilty  of 
this  cliarge,  but  acknowledged,  also,  that  he;  was  concerned  in  the  murder  of 
'•Jacob  M'Uchtl  and  his  wife,  and  Jokn  P'^pe,^  and  soe  centiuice  of  death  was 
pronounced  against  them,  wliich  accordingly  emediately  was  executed." 

lii'fore  these  were  executed,  they  implicated  a  fourth,  whose  name  was 
Krweenam.  Althougli  Tatoson  couuaanded  the  company  that  put  to  death 
the  people  at  Clark^s  garrison,  yet  Keweeiiam  set  the  expedition  on  foot.  He 
lived  at  Sandwich,  and  w...  probably  one  of  Tatosori's  men.  However,  on 
(Saturday,  the  1 1  Miu-ch,  iie  was  at  Mr.  William  Clark's,  and  observed  how 
( vory  part  of  the  garrison  was  conditioned.  He  then  went  to  his  chief, 
Tatuson,  and  told  him  that  it  could  be  easily  taken,  as  it  was  but  slightly 
I'oriified;  and  that  the  next  day,  being  Sunday,  would  be  the  proper  time  to 
execute  their  plan,  as  the  residents  would  mostly  be  gone  to  meeting ;  "  aiul 
in  case  they  lett  a  man  at  home,  or  so,  they  might  soon  dispatch  him." 

Tliis  intelligence  was  pleasing  *o  Tatoson,  and  he  found  liimself  at  the 
liead  of  ten  warriors  the  same  day.  Their  names  were  as  follows :  fFoo- 
nrishenah^  Musquash,  Wapanpoioett,  Tom,  "tlie  son  of  Tatoson's  brother," 
UUsooiceest,  and  Tom  Piant ;  which,  with  the  three  before  named,  made  up 
thi.'  whole  company.  Commencing  their  march  before  night,  they  arrived 
in  the  Iwrders  of  Plimouth,  where  they  lay  concealed  until  the  people  had 
troiie  to  public  worship.  About  10  o'clock  in  the  morning,  they  came  upon 
tlie  garrison,  which  fell  easily  into  their  hands.  After  killing  all  they  met 
with,  they  took  what  plunder  they  could  carry,  and  biuned  the  buildings ; 
then  again  dispersed  into  the  woods. 

There  were  some  of  two  other  families  in  this  garrison,  mostly  women 
and  children.  Three  only  were  of  Mr.  Clark^s  family,  but  there  were  eight 
others  l>elonging  to  the  other  two.  Mrs.  Elizabeth  Clark,  1  one  of  the  heads 
of  the  family,  was  among  the  slain.  § 


*  This  Indian,  whom  we  shall  have  occasion  several  times  to  mention,  was  not  one  of  those 
ieM'mhy  Bradford,  as  appears  from  Mather,  (Brief  Hist.  40.)  but  they  "informed  that  a 
bloudy  Indian  called  Tuckpoo,  (who  the  last  summer  murdered  a  mail  of  Boston,  at  Namas- 
ket,)  with  about  20  Indians  more,  was  at  a  place  within  16  miles  of  Plimouth."  Eif,kt 
English  and  fourteen  Indians  succeeded  ui  takmg  them  all,  and  Tuckpoo  was  immcdia'.uly 
executed. 

t  The  murder  of  these  people  is  supposed  to  be  referred  to  by  Mr.  Hubbard  in  his 
••  Table."  The  passage  follows  :  "  In  June.  1076,  [1675  ?]  a  man  and  a  woman  were  slain  by 
the  Indians  ;  another  woman  was  wounded  and  taken  ;  but  because  she  had  kept  an  Indian 
child  before,  so  much  kindness  was  showed  her,  as  that  she  was  sent  back,  after  they  had 
dressed  her  wound  ;  the  Indians  guarded  her  till  she  came  within  sight  of  the  English."  Mr. 
Mitchel  informs  us  that  the  name  of  the  woiuided  woman  was  Dorothy  Haywood.  See  1  Coll. 
Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vii.  169. 

+  "  Who  was  the  daughter  of  a  godly  father  and  mother,  that  came  to  N.  England  on  the 
account  of  religion."  "They  also  Killed  her  sucking  child,  and  knocked  another  child  (who 
was  about  eight  years  old)  in  the  head,  supposing  they  had  killed  him,  but  afterwards  he 
came  to  himself."    /.  Mather,  Brief  Hist.  24. 

^  We  relate  all  that  is  to  be  found  in  the  MS.  records,  but  the  author  of  the  Present  Slate, 
iic.  furnishes  the  following  valuable  facts  :  "  About  this  time,  [his  last  date  mentioned  being 
l-t  March,]  one  Mr.  Clarke's  wife,  children,  and  all  his  family,  at  his  farm-house,  two  miles 
from  Plimouth,  were  surprised  and  killed,  except  one  boy,  who  was  knockt  down,  and  left  for 
dead,  but  aftenvards  taken  up  and  revived.  The  house  they  plundered  of  provision  and 
goods  to  a  great  value  ;  eight  complete  arms,  30/.  [lb.]  of  powder,  with  an  answerable  quaa 

6 


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■       i  .'.'''.7  I'in-.  •'.' 


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^'fWc:'.  r'..    - 


62 


TATOSON— SWAiMP  FIGHT. 


[Book  III 


Keioeenam  was  beheaded,  but  how  thu  othc-^r  three  were  disposed  of,  we 
are  not  informed ;  it  is  very  probable  that  the  whole  number  suffered  in  diip 
time.  At  the  trial  of  Keioeenam  and  the  otlier  three,  some  of  them  pleaded 
that  the  povernor's  proclamation  was  now  their  protection  ;  from  which  it 
woidd  seem  that  they  had  surrendered  themselves.  But  there  was  none  to 
plead  their  case,  except  their  accusers,  and  they  explained  things  in  their 
own  way.  The  court  said,  "Forasmuch  as  the  council  had  before  this 
engaged  to  several  Indians  desirous  to  come  in  and  tender  themselves  lo 
mercy,  that  they  should  find  favor  in  so  doing :  it  was  fully  made  known  to 
such  Indians  as  were  then  present,  that  the  said  engagement  was  to  be  wukr- 
stood  tmth  exception  against  such  as  by  murder  as  above  said  had  so  acted, 
and  not  against  such  as  killed  his  enemie  in  the  field  in  a  souldierlike  way." 

This  kind  of  argument  would  answer  among  duelists,  but  when  did  the 
Indians  agree  to  fight  the  English  according  to  their  rules  of  war  ?  The 
former  might  with  equal  propriety  demand  that  the  English  should  conform 
to  their  manner,  and  not  depend  on  their  numbers,  forts,  and  superior 
weapons. 

Although  the  murder  at  Clark's  garrison  was  one  of  those  horrible  acts 
in  Indian  warfare,  which  would  justify  the  most  rigid  retaliation,  still,  as  the 
English  began  the  war,  they  had  no  right  to  exjiect  but  that  it  would  be 
prosecuted  by  tiie  Indians  in  all  the  ways  at  their  command.  On  this  ground 
the  philanthropist  will  ever  condemn  the  severity  of  the  English. 

When  Captain  Church  came  upon  PMKp  and  a  great  number  of  his  people, 
the  3d  of  August,  l(i76,  "  Tispaquin^  Totoson,  &c."  prevented  the  entire 
destruction  of  some  of  them,  oy  combating  the  English  while  their  chief 
and  others  extricated  themselves  from  a  small  swamp  into  which  they  liaii 
fled.  "In  this  swamp  skirmish  Capt.  Church  with  his  two  men  which 
always  ran  by  his  side  as  his  guard,  met  with  three  of  the  enemy,  two  or' 
which  surrendered  themselves,  and  the  captain's  guard  seized  them :  but 
the  other,  being  a  great  stout  surly  fellow,  with  his  two  locks  ty'd  up  witl: 
red,  and  a  great  rattlesnake's  skm  hanging  to  the  back  part  of  his  head, 
(whom  Capt.  Church  concluded  to  be  Totoson,)  ran  from  them  into  the 
swamp.  Capt.  Church  in  person  pursued  him  close,  till,  coming  pretty  near 
up  with  him,  presented  his  gun  between  his  shoulders,  but  it  missing  fire, 
the  Indian  perceiving  it,  turned  avid  presented  at  Capt  Church,  and  missing 
fire  also,  (their  guns  taking  wet  with  the  fog  and  dew  of  the  morning,)  bur 
the  Indian  turning  short  lor  another  run,  his  foot  trip'd  in  a  small  grape- 
vine, and  he  fell  fiat  on  his  face.  Capt.  Church  was  by  this  time  up  with. 
him  and  struck  the  muzzle  of  his  gun  an  inch  and  an  half  into  the  back 
part  of  his  head,  which  dispatched  him  without  another  blow.  But  Capt. 
Church  looking  behind  him  saw  Totoson,  the  Indian  whom  he  tho't  he  had 
killed,  come  flying  at  him  like  a  dragon ;  but  this  happened  to  be  fiiir  in 
sight  of  the  guard  that  were  set  to  keep  the  prisoners,  who  spying  Totoson 
and  others  that  were  following  him,  in  the  very  seasonable  juncture  made 
a  shot  upon  them,  and  rescued  their  captain,  though  he  was  in  no  small 
danger  from  his  friends'  bullets,  for  some  came  so  near  him  that  he  thought 
he  felt  the  wind  of  them."  *  The  celebrated  Church,  in  the  skirmishes  he 
had  in  these  two  days,  August  1  and  2,  took  and  killed  173  Indians. 

Little  more  than  a  month  after  the  fall  of  Philip,  Church  surprised  Taio- 
sons  whole  company,  about  50  persons.  He  was  the  last  that  was  left  of  the 
family  of  Barrow ;  and,  says  Church,  "  the  wretch  reflecting  upon  the  miser- 
able condition  he  had  brought  himself  into,  his  heart  became  a  stone  within 
him,  and  he  died.  The  old  squaw  [that  Church  had  employed  to  persuade 
him  to  submit]  flung  a  few  leaves  and  brush  over  him — came  into  Sandwich, 
and  gave  this  account  of  his  death ;  and  offered  to  show  them  where  she  left 
his  body,  but  never  had  an  opportunity,  for  she  immediately  fell  sick  and 
died  also." 
The  fate  of  the  father  of  Totoson  does  not  so  much  excite  sympathy,  us 

tity  of  lead  for  bullets,  and  150/.  in  ready  money ;  the  .said  Mr.  Clark  himself  narrowly 
escaping  their  cruelty,  by  being  at  that  instant  at  a  meeting." 
'H\i\.PhUip'sWaT,^l. 


him  quarter,  "  In 


Chap.  TI] 


MURDER  OF  BARROW. -TIASHQ. 


(joes  that  of  the  son,  but  is  one  of  those  cases  more  calculated  to  arouse  the 
tiercor  passions.  The  old  chief  fell  into  the  hands  of  Captuin  Church,  m  one 
af  liis  successful  expeditions  in  the  vicinity  of  Cape  Cod.  Church  says,  in 
his  histoi*y,  that  he  was  "  as  noted  a  rogue  aa  any  among  the  enemy."  Cap- 
tain Church  told  him  that  the  government  would  not  permit  him  to  grant 
liim  quarter,  "  because  of  his  inhuman  murders  and  barbarities,"  and  tliere 
lore  ordered  him  to  prepare  for  execution.  *^Barroic  repHed,  that  the  sen 
ii'iice  of  death  against  him  was  just,  and  tliut  indeed  he  was  ashamed  to  live 
i\iiy  longer,  and  desired  no  more  tiivor,  than  to  smoke  a  whiff  of  tobacco 
lictore  liis  execution.  When  he  had  taken  a  few  whilfs,  he  said,  '  I  am 
ready ;' upon  vvhicii  one  of  Cajnain  Churches  Indians  sunk  his  hatchet  into 
his  brains." 

TUSHQ,*  or  TYASKS^  "was the  ii.  xt  man  to  PhUip," says  Church;  there 
were  otiiers  also  said  to  be  "  next  to  liini,"  and  it  maybe  all  reconciled  by 
siipitosiiig  these  chiefs  as  having  tlic  chief  command  over  particidar  tribes. 
Mr.  Hubba^'l\  s;iy8  only  this  oftlie  famous  THash/j :  "  In  Jutie  last,  [1670,]  one 
7\a.ihq,  a  great  captain  of  Philip's,  bis  wife  and  child,  or  children,  being 
i;ik"ii,  tliough  he  escaped  himself  at  first,  yet  came  since  and  surrendered 
liiinsiUr'  Dr.  /.  Malher,  writing  uiulr  date  of  22  July,  167(5,  says  it  was  "this 
week"  that  Captain  Church  nud  his  Indian  soldiers  fell  upon  Tiashq  and  his 
coiiipany.  It  appears  therefore  that  Mr.  Hubbard  is  in  error,  as  the  account 
;:iveii  hy  Church  con-oborates  that  oi' Mather,  who  spc;iks  thus  of  his  opera- 
tions: "It  having  been  his  maimer  when  he  taketh  any  Indians  by  a  promise 
of  tiivor  to  them,  in  case  they  Jic(piit  tin  inst'lves  well,  to  set  them  an  hunting 
aCtir  more  of  these  wolves,  whereby  the  worst  of  lliem  sometimes  do  sin- 
jriilar  good  service  in  finding  out  the  rest  of  their  bI()ody  fellows.  In  one  of 
tlies"  skirmishes,  THashq,  Philip's  chief  cajHain,  ran  awav  leaving  his  gun  be- 
hind him,  and  his  squaw,  who  was  taken."  §  The.se  Indian  soldiers,  who 
jjprfornied  this  exploit,  were  forced  upon  it  by  Church.  They  had  been 
seeking  Indians  about  Aponaganset  River,  and  discovered  that  a  large  com- 
pany of  them  had  just  been  gathering  the  apples  at  a  deserted  settlement  on 
ilie  oast  side  of  it.  The  English  and  Indians  immediately  pursued  in  their 
track.||  "Traveling  three  miles  or  more,  they  came  into  the  country  road, 
where  the  track  parted :  one  parcel  steered  towards  the  west  end  of  the 
;rreat  cedar  swamp,  and  the  other  to  the  east  end.  The  captain  halted  and 
told  his  Indian  souldici-s  that  they  had  heard  as  well  as  he  what  some  men 
had  said  at  Plymouth  about  them,1I  &e.,  that  now  was  a  good  opportunity  for 
each  party  to  prove  themselves.  The  track  being  divided,  they  should  fol- 
low one,  and  the  English  the  other,  being  equal  in  number.  The  Indians 
(leelined  the  motion,  and  were  not  willing  to  move  any  where  without  him: 
said  thcij  should  not  think  themselves  safe  withoid  him.  But  the  captain  insisting 
upon  it,  they  submitted.  He  gave  the  Indians  their  choice  to  follow  which 
track  they  pleased.  They  replied,  They  were  ligld  atid  able  to  travel,  therefore 
if  he  pleased  they  would  take  the  west  tracL  And  aj)pointing  the  ruins  of  John 
Cooks  house  at  Cushnet **  for  the  place  to  meet  at,  each  company  set  out 
briskly  to  try  their  fortunes."  ft  When  the  parties  met,  "  they  very  remark- 
al)ly  found  that  the  number  that  each  company  had  taken  and  slain  was 
equal.  The  Indians  had  killed  three  of  the  eneuiy,  and  taken  63  prisoners, 
as  the  English  had  done  before  them."j:t  Both  parties  were  nnich 
rejoiced  at  their  successes,  but  the  Indians,  told  Captain  Church  "  that  they  had 
missed  a  brave  opportunity  by  parting.  They  came  upon  a  great  town  of 
the  enemy,  viz:  Captain  rj/asfts' company.     (Ti/asks  was  the  next  man  to 

♦  Huhbard,  Mather.  +  Church.  J  Narrative,  106. 

4  Hrief  Mist.  42.  ||  Church,  33. 

IF  The  detestation  in  which  the  Indians  were  held  by  "  some  men."  in  many  other  phices  as 
well  as  in  Plimoulh,  will  often  appear  in  this  work.  Such  people  could  know  nothing  of 
human  nature,  and  many  would  not  have  believed  the  Indians  capable  of  good  actions,  though 
enefrom  the  dead  had  assured  them  t'ley  were. 

**  Abbreviated  from  Acushnet.  See  Dmglans,  Summary,  i.  403,  who  writes  it  Accushnot. 
Thus  many  Indian  names  are  changed.  Instead  of  Aponaganset,  we  hear  Ponaganset,  and 
fnr  Asonet,  Sonet,  &c.    Cushnel  is  the  river  on  which  New  Bedford  and  Fairhaven  stand. 

ti  Church,  34.  tt  Ibid.  36. 


.■'.^..'.   .  ■         -.■  • 

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64 


MAGNUS.— HER  SUKPKISE  AND  DEATTII. 


[Book  II;. 


PhUip.)  They  fin;d  upon  the  oneiriy  l)elbre  tlioy  were  diecovered,  and  run 
up«)ii  tlioni  witJi  a  flliont.  Tiie  imn  run  and  h^ft  their  wives  and  children, 
and  many  of  theiri  their  guns.  They  took  Tyaak^  wife  and  son,  and  thought 
that  if  their  captain  and  tiie  English  company  had  been  with  them  tiiey 
might  have  taken  some  hundreds  «)f  thenj,  and  now  they  determined  not  to 
part  any  more."  •  This  transaction,  in  the  opinion  of  Captain  Ch'irch,  wiis  a 
"remarkable  providence,"  inasmuch,  perhaps,  as  the  equality  of  their  (suc- 
cesses i)revented  either  j)arty  from  boasting,  or  claiming  superiority  over  the 
other.  Nevertheless,  Church  adds, — "But  the  Indians  had  the  fortune  to 
take  more  arms  than  the  English."  It  would  add  not  a  little,  perhaps,  to 
the  gratification  of  the  reader,  could  he  know  the  name  of  the  Indian  captain 
in  this  far-famed  e.\ploit,  or  even  timt  of  one  of  his  men ;  but  at  present  they 
are  bid  alike  from  us  and  from  bun. 

CHAPTER  IV. 

Chief  women  consnicunus  in  Philip's  wnr — Maokus — Her  country  and  relations— 
Her  capture  »n«  death — Awashonks — fs  greatly  annaijed  in  the  events  of  1071— 
Her  men  disarmed — Philip's  endeavors  to  engage  her  against  the  English — Church 
prevents  her — Is  finally  in  the  poicicr  of  Philip — Reclaimed  by  Church — Some  par- 
ticulars of  her  family. 

Although,  before  we  had  finished  the  life  of  Weetamoo,  we  deemed  it 
proper  to  have  deferred  it  to  this  chapter,  but  as  we  had  been  led  rather  im- 
perceptibly into  many  particulars  concerning  her  in  that  place,f  we  could 
not  break  oflT  our  narrative  without  a  greater  iin|)ropriety  than  an  omission 
here  would  have  been,  and  shall  thereibre  begin  here  with  one  of  her  con- 
temporaries, the  bare  facts  in  whose  life  are  sufficient  to  maintain  a  high 
interest,  we  believe,  in  the  mind  of  eveiT  reader. 

MjIGJVUS  was  squaw-sachem  of  some  part  of  the  extensive  country  ol' 
the  Narragansets,  and  was  known  by  sev(>ral  names  at  difl!erent  and  the  same 
times  ;  as  Old  Queen,  Sunk  Sqvaw,\  Quaiapen,  and  Matantuck.  She  marrieil 
Mriksah,  or  Mexam,  a  son  of  Canonicus,  and  was  sister  to  JVinigret,  She  had 
two  sons,  Scultup  and  Quequaqttenuct  otherwise  Qiiequegunent,  called  by  the 
English  Gideon,  and  a  daughter  named  Quinemiquet.  These  two  died  young. 
Gideon  was  alive  as  late  as  1661 ;  Scidtup,  and  a  sister  also,  in  1664.  She 
was,  in  1675,  one  "  of  the  six  present  sachems  of  the  whole  Narraganset 
country." 

In  the  beginning  of  Philip's  war,  the  English  army,  to  cause  the  Narragan- 
sets to  fight  for  them,  whom  they  had  always  abused  and  treated  with  con- 
tempt, since  before  the  cutting  off  of  MiantunnomoKs  head,  marched  into 
their  country,  but  could  not  meet  with  a  single  sachem  of  the  nation.  Tliey 
fell  in  with  a  few  of  their  people,  who  couhl  not  well  secrete  themselves, 
and  who  concluded  a  long  treaty  of  n)ere  verbosity,  the  import  of  which  they 
could  know  but  little,  and  doubtless  cared  less ;  for  when  the  army  left  their 
country,  they  joined  again  in  tl.ie  war. 

We  hear  no  more  of  her  until  the  next  year,  when  herself  and  a  large 
comptmy  of  her  men  were  discovered  by  Major  Talcot,  on  the  2  July,  in 
Narraganset.  The  English  scouts  discovered  tliem  from  a  hill,  having 
pitched  their  tents  in  a  valley  in  the  vicinity  of  a  swamp,  as  was  usually 
their  custom.  About  300  of  the  English,  mounted  upon  fleet  horses,  divided 
into  two  squadrons,  and  fell  upon  them  before  they  were  aware  of  their  ap- 
proach, and  made  a  great  slaughter  of  tliem.  The  Mohegans  and  Pequots  came 
upon  them  in  the  centre,  while  the  horsemen  beset  them  on  each  side,  and 


*  Church,  36.  t  Book  iii.  chap.  1. 

X  Trumbidl,  i.  347.  fi->m  Hubbard,  I  suppose,  i.  61.  Female  chiefs  were  called  saunkshi 
the  Indians,  which  signified  wife  of  the  sachem  ;  but  writers,  bein^  i(;noranl  of  that  fact, 
Ihouf  hi  it  a  proper  name  of  a  particular  person,  and  heuce  the  appellations  of  Snuke,  Sunkt. 
Snake,  &c.  applied  to  Magints. 


JFitnessed  at  tht 


Chap.  IV.]         AWASHO.NKS.— TREATS  WITH  THE  ENOLISH. 


es 


thus  prevented  many  from  escaping  into  the  swamp.  When  all  were  kiUed 
anil  taken  within  the  encampment,  Captain  N'ewbtiry,  who  commanded  the 
liorsemen,  dismounted,  and  with  his  men  rushed  mto  the  swamp,  where, 
witiiont  resistance,  they  killed  a  hundred,  and  made  many  prisoners.  In  all, 
they  killed  and  took  171  *  in  this  swamp  fight,  or  rath»fr  massacre.  Not  an 
Englishman  was  htirt  in  the  affair,  and  but  one  Mohegan  killed,  and  one 
wounded,  which  we  can  hardly  suppose  was  done  by  JWagWM'a  people,  as  they 
innfle  no  resistance,  but  rather  by  themselves,  'n  their  fury  mistaking  one 
another.  Ninety  of"  the  captives  were  put  to  death !  among  whom  was  Mas^- 
)i((,».t  The  swamp  where  this  affiiir  took  place  is  near  the  present  town  of 
Warwick,  in  Rhode  Island ;  and  thus  ends  our  short  history  of  Mofrmis. 

.IfVJSHOjVKS,  squaw-sachem  of  Sogkonate,^  was  the  wife  of  an  Indian 
lallod  ToLONT,  btit  of  him  we  learn  very  little.  From  her  importiuit  stand- 
ins  among  the  Indians,  few  deserve  a  more  particular  attention ;  and  we 
sliiiil,  therefore,  go  as  minutely  into  her  history  as  our  documents  will 
I'linhlc  us. 

The  first  notice  we  have  of  Axeashonht  is  in  1671,  when  she  entered  into 
articles  of  agreement  with  the  court  of  Plimouth  as  follows : — "  In  admitting 
tliat  the  court  are  in  some  measure  satisfied  with  your  voluntary  coming  in 
now  nt  last,  and  submiasion  of  herself  unto  us ;  yet  this  we  expect  that  she 
irive  some  meet  satisfaction  for  the  charge  and  trouble  she  has  put  us  upon 
bv  her  too  long  standing  out  against  the  many  tenders  of  peace  we  have 
made  to  her  and  her  people.  And  that  we  yet  see  an  intention  to  endeavor 
tlip  rcduccment  of  such  as  have  been  tlie  incendiaries  of  the  trouble  and 
disturbance  of  her  people  and  ours.  And  as  many  of  her  people  as  shall 
<rive  themselves  and  arms  tmto  us,  at  the  time  appointed,  shall  receive  no 
damage  or  hurt  from  us,  which  time  appointed  is  ten  days  from  the  date 
hereof.  Thus  we  may  the  better  keep  off  such  from  her  lands  as  may 
hereafter  bring  upon  her  and  us  the  like  trouble,  and  to  regulate  such  as  will 
not  be  governed  by  her,  she  having  submitted  her  lands  to  the  authority  of 
the  government  And  that,  if  the  lands  and  estates  of  such  as  we  are  neces- 
sitated to  take  arms  against,  will  not  defray  the  charge  of  the  expedition, 
that  she  shall  bear  some  due  propoition  of  the  charge.  Jn  witness  whereof, 
and  in  testimony  of  the  sachem,  her  agreement  hereunto,  she  hath  subscribed 
her  hand  in  presence  of  Samuel  Barker  and  John  Alvney. 

Mark  X  of  the  squaio-sachem  Awasuncks  ; 
the  mark  X  ({/'Totatomet,  anrf  Somaoaonet." 

JFUnessed  at  the  same  time  by  "  Tattacommett, 

Samponcut,  and 
Tamoueesah,  oZicu  Jeffert. 

PUmuth,  24  My,  1671."  ^ 

The  last-named  witness  appeared  again,  in  the  same  capacity,  4  September 
following,  wiien  "  between  40  and  50  Indians,  living  near  or  in  the  town  of 
Dirtinouth,  made  a  like  submission."  Ashateanomutli,  JVomaii,  Marhorkum, 
Jtmen,  and  John,  were  other  witnesses. 

.hmskonks  was  at  Plimouth  when  the  former  articles  were  executed,  from 
\'  hicli  it  appears  there  was  considerable  alarm  in  Plimouth  colony.  There 
wcni  about  this  time  many  other  submissions  of  the  Indians  in  different 
places.  This  step  was  taken  to  draw  them  from  Philip,  or  at  leaot  to  give  a 
check  to  their  joining  with  him,  as  he  was  now  on  the  point  of  attacking  the 
Fjiufti.«h  settlements,  under  a  pretence  of  injury  done  him  in  his  planting 
linds. 

Xot  only  the  chiefs  of  tribes  or  clans  subscribed  articles,  but  all  their  men, 
'hilt  could  be  prevailed  with,  did  the  same.  The  August  following,  42  of 
'iicashonks^s  men  signed  a  paper,  approving  what  she  had  done,  and  binding 


'  TriiinlHill.     200  says  Cobhet's  mamscript ;  240,  Hubbard. 

t  Hubbard,  Ind.  Wars,  L  97,  98.     I.  Mather's  Brief  Hist.  39.    Tninibullb  Hist    Con- 

!!"<  lirnl.  i.  ai7. 


:  The  poiiii  of  land  below  Pocasset,  and  now  ebicfly  included  in  the 
Ulioi'f  1  Jaud,  and  commonly  called  Seeoaet. 


town  of  Cotnptoa, 


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AWASHONKS— HER  CORRESPONDENCE 


c 


tlioniBcIvcs  ill  like  inuiiiu-r.     Out  of  -12,  \Vv 
Totalomd,  Tunuvkum  niul  Sausaman. 

It  uppeuru  from  tin;  following  luttur  from  Jlwn 
thoHe  who  submitted  thuiuaelvcrt,  duliv«rud  up 


(Book  III. 
give  nam«s  of  throe  only — 

iks  to  CJovcriior  Prinrr,  tliui 
,jr  uniis  to  the  Eii^'lisli : — 


"August  11,  1G71,  Honored  sir,  I  huve  received  u  very  great  favor  from 
your  honor,  in  yours  of  the  7tli  instant,  and  as  you  are  pieiiMid  to  ni-initV, 
that  if  1  contiinie  faithful  to  the  agrettiiient  madt;  with  yourselves  ut  Flini- 
outli,  I  may  expect  all  just  favors  f/oni  your  honor.  I  am  fully  resolved, 
while  I  live,  with  uU  fidelity  to  stand  to  my  engagement,  and  in  a  peactiiliii' 
Huhmission  to  your  connuands,  according  to  the  best  of  my  poor  aliility. 
It  is  true,  and  1  um  very  sensible  thereof,  that  there  are  some  Indians  \\\\i, 
do  seek  an  advantage  against  m<;,  formy  submitting  to  his  majesty's  aiitlioriiv 
in  your  jurisdiction,  but  being  conscious  to  myself  of  my  integrity  an«i  niil 
intentions  of  peac'c,  I  doubt  not  but  you  will  atlord  me  all  due  encouraifc- 
niiMit  and  protection.  I  bad  resolved  to  send  in  all  my  gims,  being  six  in 
number,  according  to  the  intimation  of  my  letter;  but  two  of  them  were  so 
large,  the  messengers  were  not  able  to  carry  them.  I  since  prolliietl  to 
leave  them  with  Mr.  liarker,  but  he  not  having  any  order  to  receive  tlicm, 
told  me  lie  conceived  I  might  do  well  to  send  them  to  Mr.  Jllmij,  who  is  u 
person  concerned  in  the  jurisdiction,  which  I  resolved  to  do ;  but  since 
then  au  Indian,  known  by  the  name  of  Broad-fated- will,  stole  one  of  iliiiit 
out  of  the  wigwam  in  the  night,  and  is  run  away  with  it  to  Mount  Ilupo; 
the  other  I  think  to  send  to  Mr.  Jllmy.  A  list  of  those  that  are  obedient  to 
me,  and,  I  hope,  and  am  persuaded,  faithful  to  you,  is  here  enclosed.  Hon- 
ored sir,  I  shall  not  trouble  you  further,  but  desiring  your  peace  and  jiros- 
l)erity,  in  which  I  look  ut  my  own  to  bo  iikcluded,  I  remain,  your  unfeigned 
servant,  X  Awasuncks." 

This  letter  was  very  probably  written  by  Mr.  Barker,  named  in  it, 
October  20, 1071,  Governor  Prince  wrt)te  to  Awashonka,  that  he  had  received 
the  list  of  namrs  of  her  men  and  huslmnd,  tliat  freely  submitted  themselves 
to  his  majesty's  authority ;  and  assured  her  that  the  English  would  befriend 
her  on  all  just  occasions ;  but  intimutcs  her  disap])oiutment  and  his  own, 
that  she  had  succeeded  no  better  in  procuring  the  submission  of  lier 
subjects.  "  Though,"  he  continued,  "  I  fault  not  yon,  with  any  failing  to 
endeavor,  only  to  notice  your  good  persuasions  of  them  outwent  their 
deserts,  for  niiglit  yet  appcareth.  I  could  have  wished  they  bad  been  wiser 
lor  themselves,  especially  your  two  sons,  that  may  probably  succeed  you  in 
your  government,  and  your  brother  also,  who  is  so  nearly  tied  unto  you  by 
iiuturo.  Do  they  think  themselves  so  great  as  to  disregard  and  affront  his 
majesty's  interest  and  authority  here;  and  the  amity  of  the  English?  Cer- 
tainly, if  they  do,  I  think  they  did  much  disservice,  and  wish  they  would 
yet  show  themselves  wiser,  before  it  be  too  late."  He  closed  by  recom- 
mending her  to  send  some  of  hers  to  t!ic  next  court,  to  desire  their  arms, 
that  her  people  might  have  the  use  of  them  in  the  approaching  season. 
Desires  her  to  let  him  hear  from  her  and  her  husband. 

On  the  20  June,  1G72,  the  following  writing  appears  on  record  :  Wliercas 
Awashunckes,  squa-sacheni,  stand  indebted  vuto  Mr.  John  Almey  the  sume  of 
£25  to  be  paid  in  porke  att  three  pence  a  pound,  or  peage  att  IG  peney,  and 
20  pole  of  stone  wall  att  £4,  which  stone  wall,  or  £4,  is  to  b(!  vnderstood  to 
he  i)rte  of  the  fiue  and  twenty  pound,"  therefore  Awashonks,  having  failed 
to  jiay  agreeably  to  her  promise,  agrees  to  set  off  land  on  the  north  side  of 
"the  Indian  field,"  next  Punkateesett,  on  i.hc  east  line  till  it  meets  with  "a 
great  runing  brooke,"  thence  northerly  to  a  fresh  meadow,  thence  bounded  to 
the  river  by  a  .salt  cove: — this  "ismorgaged  vnto  the  court  of  Plymouth"  for 
the  payment  of  said  debt,  which  debt  is  to  be  paid  10  of  Februai-y,  1G72,  0.  S. 

"The  mark  X  of  AwashCiNkes." 

To  illustrate  the  connections  and  genealogy  of  the  family  of  Awashonks, 
we  give  from  the  Records  of  Plimouth  the  Ibllowiug  exceedingly  viUuuble 
farts : — 


Chap.  IV.]       AWASUONKS— UEJIiCTS.  IMIILII'ri  UVIORTUUES. 


67 


iHCNKES. 


July  14,  1673.  "  Wherouw  Maiitanewaif  [u  son  of  ^Iwushutiks]  Imtli  by  full 
uud  ck'ur  tostiiiioiiy  |»rov«ul  to  thin  court,  in  Iwliulf  of  liiniscll  und  hrctlircn, 
tiiti  sonH  of  Tolontji,  uiul  u  kinr«uian  iA'  ttu  iro  cull)-il  AnumiHtsli,  [<!Oiunionl} 
written  JVumpoak,]  son  to  PokdUawui^-fr,  timt  tlicy  iirc  tlii;  clii»;f  ]»ro|)riftor!s 
ami  saclienis  ol"  Suc.onott,  or  pluccs  I'oninioiily  so  culltid ;  iinil  yt  it  Ixini; 
also  probable  tliut  Taiuckamna  *  ^'IwashunckA^  und  thoso  of  tliat  knidn>d  wbo 
art!  of  tiie  sninc  stock,  tiit!  more  remote  may  Jiave  sonic  rif,'bt  to  lund.s  tberc, 
iis  tlicy  are  relations  to  tlie  above  said  J\T(tmam.w(%  &c.  and  bav(^  been  lonjf 
iniiabitanta  of  tbat  place.  Tiiis  d  irt  advisttb  that  convtjnieiit  pro|)()rtions 
ol'  land  Iw  settled  on  tlic  al)ove  said  Titlacamuna  Jluuisluink^,  iScc.  at  Saconett 
ulbnsaid ;  concerning  wlfiisb,  tlie  above  suid  Mairutncwaij  and  bis  bretbreii 
and  kinsman  wbo  bave  proved  tbeir  ri^'bt  to  tbose  lands  do  not  or  cannot 
airree,  tlii«  court  do  apj)oiiit  tbat  some  meet  persons,  by  order  of  tliLs  court, 
siiall  repair  to  tbe  place,  and  make  settlement  of  tbe  said  buida  by  certain 
ami  known  boundaries  to  intent  tliat  peace  may  be  continued  ajnoni;  tbe 
»<uid  Indians,  und  tbey  may  all  bi;  accommodated  for  tbeir  subsisting  und 
payment  of  tbeir  dtsbts  in  an  (H'dttrly  way." 

file  suino  year,  we  iiear  again  of  Tokamona,  <jr,  us  be  is  tben  culled, 
Toloiiionna^  wbo,  witb  bis  brotlier  Smuimidt,  liaving  endeavored  to  binder 
tiie  Kiiglisb  Irom  po.vHcssing  mjuic  lands  in  Durtmoiith,  WiU*,  from  some 
consideration,  iM)t  numed,  iuduct;d  to  reliuquisb  bia  rigbt  to  tliem.  And  tbe 
next  year,  U'>74,  Mamunawachy,  or,  us  bis  name  was  belbre  written,  JJfcwna- 
neivi%  suiTeudered  bis  riglil:  also.  Tbe  rigbts  of  tbese  Indiaiw,  it  is  suid, 
htui  iieen  sold  by  otberd. 

\Ve  lieur  no  more  oi"  JJivaslwiiL-i  until  about  tbe  cornmencenient  oi'  Philip^ a 
war.  Tbe  year  before  tliis  war,  Air.  Iknjamin  Churcli,  al'tiirvvards  tbe  itimous 
and  well-known  (Colonel  CVmrcA  f  settled  uptui  tlie  peninsula  of  Irsogkonate,  in 
tiie  iniilst  ui'  JiwasJionkss  people.  Tlii.s  peninsula  is  on  tbe  nortb-eust  side  of 
.N'arrugauset  iJiiy,  agaiast  tiie  soutii-eiist  end  of  tbe  island  of  Rliode  island. 
Here  lie  lived  in  tbe  ^retUest  friendsliip  witb  tbese  Indians,  until  the  spring  ot' 
llie  year  ll)75,  wben  suddenly  a  war  was  talked  of)  antl  messengers  were  sent 
by  Philip  to  Jlwasfionks,  to  engage  lier  in  it.  Sbe  so  liir  listened  to  tbeir  j)ersuu- 
jiious,  as  to  cali  lier  princij)id  people  tog(;tlier,  and  make  a  great  dance  ;  and  be- 
caufcic  slie  resiwcted  Mr.  Church,  slie  sent  privately  lor  iiim  also.  Church  took  vvitli 
him  a  man  tliat  well  understood  Indian,  und  went  directly  to  the  pluce  uppoint- 
»jii.  Here  tbey  fomul  bundreils  o['  Indians  gathered  together  ii'omall  i)arts  of 
lier  dominions.  jlwashoiUcs  lierseltj  in  a  ibaming  sweat,  was  leading  the  dunce  : 
but  vviien  it  was  announced  tliat  Mr.  Church  was  come,  she  stopped  short,  and 
sat  down  ;  ordered  lier  cliieltj  into  her  presence,  and  then  invited  Mr.  Church. 
All  being  seatetl,  she  inlbruied  him  that  Melacomct,  that  is,  Philip,  had  sent 
six  if  liis  men  to  urge  her  to  join  with  hiai  in  prosecuting  a  war  against  the 
iMifilisli.  She  suid  these  messengers  iutbrmed  her  that  the  Uinpanie8,\  that 
is,  i'limoutii  men,  were  gathering  u  great  army  to  iiivuile  his  country,  and 
wished  to  know  of  him  if  this  were  truly  the  case.  He  told  her  that  it  was 
entirely  without  (buiidation,  lor  he  litul  but  just  come  lii-ojn  riimoutli,  und  no 
jircparations  of  any  kind  were  making,  nor  did  he  believe  any  thoughts  of 
war  were  entertained  by  any  of  the  head  men  there.  "He  asked  her 
wlietli(!r  she  thought  he  wotild  have  brought  up  his  goods  to  settle  in  that 
place,"  if  he  in  the  least  apprehended  a  war ;  at  which  she  seemed  some- 
what convinced.  Jlwashonks  then  ordered  the  six  Pokanokets  into  their 
presence.  These  made  an  imposing  appearance,  having  their  liices  painted, 
and  their  hair  so  cut  as  to  represent  a  cock's  comb;  it  being  all  shaved  from 
each  side  of  the  head,  left  only  a  tuit  uj)on  the  crown,  which  extended  from 
the  Ibrehead  to  the  occiput.     They  had  jiowder-horns  aiid  shot-bags  at  their 

*  Or  Tokamona,  killed  by  the  Marraf^aiisets,  not  long  alter,  probably  in  lfi74. 

t  After  an  active  lile,  spent  chietly  in  hie  country's  service,  ht!  died  Buddeiily  at  his  resi- 
deure  in  Compton,  then  called  Little  Coniptoii,  17  Jaii.  1718,  in  the  lii  year  of  liis  ajje.  He 
had  btconie  cjjrpulent,  and  seemed  impressed  with  the  idea  that  he  should  not  live  long.  The 
nidrning  before  his  death,  he  rode  2  miles  to  visit  an  only  sister.  On  leaving  her,  he  bid  her 
■a  last  farewell."  As  he  was  returning  home,  his  horse  stumbled  and  threw  Tiim,  In  the  fall 
«  blood-vessel  was  ruptured,  and  he  died  in  about  12  hours, 
L'mpame  and  Apaum  were  Indian  names  ol'Plinioulh. 


,lli 


»*>;; 


•  '                .  ■  ■  'i  ;•  *  K 

•  ■  .'  •    ■ .        ''iT'  iih  ■  m 

■  •'■  '    ■■■  ■•'-:;  ■■■u  ''M 

■■    ■"-'•''L-i-in.  .-i 

'■'■           '     .Mi'-''"*  '■•■i 

»  -        .  "  ■'  y:';'i'  ■ '  •  ■'. . 

•i          •        *«        *  .     l'^'''  !'*.  *       •              Mt     I 

■\-    •  'v   •v.-..  J,'  .  «l 


;>  «.V  ..St'.'.    '. ' 


X    ^    /vi.;- ■'■     .  •    ••  ■• 

,-»-.•  ■     .   Vl  i,      ■*■     .    ■  ^  .        . 


K, 


U::.  ■'  - 


■•H!.-  H- 


m 


AWA8H0NKS.— TKKATS  Wrni  CHURCH. 


[IV)<)K    III. 


Pi''*  .       •    *   ,r 


A.   ■■■■.    ■■•■■     ' 


Jmckfi,  which  denoted  wnrlik*!  incHscnjrfrH  of  th«!ir  nntioii.  She  now  in- 
tornif'd  tJK'tii  of  wimt  Cnptaiii  Churrli  iitolHaul.  [Ipoii  which  thoy  (liscovprrd 
disHiitiHliii*tion,  nnd  n  wnriii  talk  followtd,  hut  J1iv(u<thor\ks  Hoori  put  an  i'n<l  tn 
it ;  allcr  whirii  wh*-  tohl  Mr.  Church  tiiat  I'hilip  had  tohl  hiH  uit'HH»'Mf,'<'rs  fo 
tell  licr,  that,  nnh'SH  hIip  joined  witli  iiini,  lie  would  wend  over  xoine  f)t'  his 
warriorn,  privately,  to  kill  tiic  cattle  and  hum  the  housea  of  the  l']n;;liHli, 
wliirh  they  would  think  to  he  done  hy  her  men,  and  conHequently  would  full 
upon  her.* 

Mr.  Church  anked  the  Mount  Hopes  what  they  were  ^oing  to  do  with  tlie 
liulli'tH  in  their  poMHession,  to  which  ihey  sc«»llinj(ly  answered,  "to  sluiot 
pigeons  with."  Church  then  t(dd  Jlwashonks  that,  if  Philip  were  resolved  uti 
war,  "  iier  best  way  would  he  to  knock  those  six  Mount  Ilopes  on  the  heiid, 
and  shelter  her8«!lf  under  the  protection  of  the  Kngliah."  When  they  under- 
stood this,  they  w»Te  very  silent,  and  it  is  to  he  lanientiMl  that  so  wortiiy  u 
man  as  Church  should  h<;  the  first  to  r('connru>tid  murder,  and  a  lasting  re- 
memhrance  is  due  to  the  wisdom  of  ^'hcnshunks,  that  his  unadvised  counsel 
was  not  put  in  execution. 

These-  six  Pokanokets  came  over  to  Sogkonate  with  two  of  Jlw(tshonh\i 
men,  who  seemiid  very  favorably  inclined  to  the  measures  of  Philip.  Tlie\ 
expressed  themscdves  with  great  indignation,  at  the  rash  advice  of  Chiirrh. 
Another  of  her  men,  calletl  Little-eyes,  «)ne  of  her  council,  was  so  enrngcd, 
that  he  woidd  then  have  taken  Chmrh^s  life,  if  he  had  not  iM'en  prevented. 
His  design  was  to  get  Mi".  Church  asitle  from  the  rest,  under  a  pretence  of 
private  talk,  and  to  have  ass-'issinated  iiim  when  he  was  off  liis  guard.  But 
some  of  his  friends,  seeing  through  the  artifice,  prevented  it. 

The  advice  of  Church  was  adopted,  or  that  |)art  which  directed  that 
Aivashonks  should  immediately  put  herself  tnider  the  protection  of  the  Eng- 
lish, and  she  desired  him  to  go  innne<liately  to  Plimouth  and  make  the  ar- 
rangement, to  which  he  agreed.  After  kindly  thanking  him  for  his  informa- 
tion nnd  advice,  she  sent  two  of  her  men  with  him  to  his  houst;,  to  guard 
him.  These  urged  him  to  secure  his  goods,  lest,  in  his  absence,  th<!  enemy 
slioidd  come  and  destroy  them  ;  but  he  would  not,  hi  cause  such  a  sti  j)  might 
be  tlionght  a  kind  of  jireparation  for  hostilities;  but  told  them,  that  in  case 
hostilities  were  begun,  they  might  convey  his  effects  to  a  place  of  safety. 
He  then  proceeded  to  IMimouth,  where  he  arrived  7  June,  1075. 

In  his  way  to  Plimouth,  he  met,  at  Pocassct,  tlie  husband  of  Weetnmoo. 
lie  Wiis  just  retunied  from  the  neighborhood  of  Mount  Hope,  and  confirmed 
all  that  had  been  sjiid  about  t'hiliv\i  intentions  to  begin  a  war.  But  before 
Mr.  Church  could  n'turn  again  to  Jlwashonks,  the  war  commenced,  and  all  com- 
munication was  at  an  end.  This  he  very  much  regretted,  and  the  l«>nevoIent 
Aionahonkn  was  carried  away  in  the  tide;  of  Philiji's  successes,  which,  as  she 
was  circuHhnancrd,  was  her  only  alternative. 

Mr.  Church  was  wounded  at  the  great  swamp  fight,  19  December  follow- 
ing, aird  remained  upon  Rhode  Island  until  about  the  middle  of  May  1()7C. 
He  now  resolved  to  engage  again  in  the  war,  and,  taking  passage  in  a  sloop 
bound  to  Barnstable,  arrived  at  Plimouth  the  first  Tuesday  in  June.  The 
governor  and  other  officers  of  government  were  highly  pleased  to  see  him, 
and  desired  him  to  take  the  command  of  a  eor.pany  of  men  to  be  imme- 
diately sent  out,  to  which  he  consented.  We  thus  notice  Church\i  proceed- 
ing, because  it  led  to  important  matters  connected  with  the  history  of  Jlwa- 
.ihoiik'i.  Before  he  set  out  with  the  soldiers  raised  at  Plimouth,  it  was  agreed 
that  he  should  first  return  to  Rhode  Island,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  other 
forces  to  be  joined  with  them.  In  his  return  to  the  island,  as  he  passed  from 
Sogkonesset,  now  called  fVoo('^s  Hole,  to  the  island,  and  when  he  came  against 
Sogkonate  Point,  some  of  the  enemy  were  seen  fishing  upon  the  rocks.  He 
was  now  in  an  open  canoe,  which  lie  had  hired  at  Sogkonesset,  and  t^vo 
Indians  to  paddle  it.  He  ordered  them  to  go  so  near  the  rocks  that  he  might 
speak  with  those  upon  them ;  being  persuaded  that  if  he  could  have  an  op- 
portunity, he  might  still  gain  over  the  Sogkonates  to  the  side  of  the  English, 

*  This  may  strengilieii  llie  belief  ihat  Philip  pill  in  practice  a  similar  expeilieni  to  gain  the 
Mohawks  to  nis  cause,  as  we  have  seen  in  his  life. 


Chap.  IV.]       AWAHHONKa.— rHURCH'S  HA7A.RDOUS  VISIT. 


69 


'■..•'     r 


ilie 


for  he  know  tliny  never  htui  any  real  attaeliment  to  Philip,  and  were  now  in 
liis  intereHt  only  I'roni  neceHnity.  Tliey  ncror(iin|;ly  paiidled  towards  tiiem, 
who  made  n\uu»  I'or  them  to  approach ;  hut  when  they  had  ^<>t  pn'tty 
near,  they  Hkuiked  away  amon^'  the  rockH,  and  could  not  In*  seen.  The  canoe 
then  paddh'd  ott'  a^'ahi,  leHt  they  should  h;  tired  u])on ;  which  wiiiii  thoHM 
iinionj,'  tiie  rocks  ohaerved,  they  showed  theniHeives  a^'ain,and  called  to  theni 
to  come  ashore  ;  and  said  thity  wished  to  speak  with  them.  The  Indians  in 
the  canoe  answered  them,  bnt  those  on  shore  informed  them  that  the  waves 
ilushed  so  upon  the  rocks  t.iat  they  couhl  not  understand  a  word  they  said. 
Church  now  made  signs  H>r  two  of  them  to  jro  along  upon  the  shore  to  u 
heuch,  where  one  could  8»!e  a  <;()od  space  round,  whether  any  others  were 
near.  Immediately  two  ran  to  the  i>tace,  one  without  any  arms,  but  the 
other  had  a  lance.  Knowing  (Ihii.  :h  to  Ite  in  the  Itoat,  they  urged  him  to 
come  on  shore,  and  said  they  wanted  to  discourse  with  him.  He  told  him 
that  had  tin;  lance,  that  if  he  would  carry  it  away  at  consid(;ral)le  distance, 
and  leave  it,  he  would.  This  he  readily  did.  Mr.  Church  then  went  ashore, 
lell  one  of  his  Indians  to  guard  the  canoe,  and  the  other  he  stationed  upon 
the  beach  to  give  notice  if  any  siiould  a|>proach.  He  was  surprised  to  find 
that  Gcorire  was  one  of  them,  a  very  good  man,  and  the  luiH  riogkonate  he 
liud  spoken  with,  Ixung  one  of  those  sent  to  guard  him  to  his  house,  and  to 
whom  he  had  given  ciiurge  of  bis  goods  when  hi^  und(;rtook  his  mission  to 
Pliniouth.  On  being  asked  what  he  wanted  that  he  called  him  ashore, 
answered,  "that  he  took  him  ti)r  Church,  as  soon  as  he  heard  hia  voici!  in  the 
canoe,  and  that  he  was  glad  to  see  him  alive."  He  also  told  him  timtJlwa- 
shonks  was  in  a  swamf)  about  three  miles  off"  and  that  she  had  I(;ll  Philip  and 
did  not  intend  to  return  to  hitn  any  mon^ ;  and  wished  Mr.  Church  to  stay 
while  he  should  go  and  call  her.  This  Church  did  not  think  prudent,  but 
said  he  woidd  come  again  and  speak  with  Jlwushonkjt,  i\tu\  some  other  Indians 
that  he  should  name.  He  therei()re  told  Georsrc  to  notify  Jlwnshmi}<s,  \\cr  sou 
Pekr,  their  chief  captain,  and  one  JVompcuh,  to  meet  him  two  days  alter  at  a 
certain  rock,  "at  the  lower  end  of  Capt.  RichmowPs  farm,  which  was  a 
very  noted  place."  It  was  providtsd  that  if  that  day  shotdd  prove  stormy,  the 
next  pleasant  day  sliould  Im;  im|)roved.  They  parted  with  cordiality,  George 
to  carry  the  news  to  Jlwnahonks,  and  Church  ibr  Nev.'port. 

On  being  made  acquaitited  with  Churches  intention  to  visit  those  Indians, 
tlie  government  of  Rhode  Island  marvelled  nnich  at  his  presumjition,  and 
would  not  give  him  any  [)ermit  under  their  hands;  assuring  him  that  the 
Indians  woidd  kill  him.  They  said  also  that  it  was  madness  on  his  part, 
after  such  signal  services  as  he  had  done,  to  throw  away  liis  Wt'e  in  such  a 
manner.  Neither  could  any  entreaties  of  friends  alter  his  resolution,  and 
he  made  ready  for  his  departure  It  was  his  intention  to  have  taken  with 
him  one  Daniel  tVilcox,*  a  man  who  well  understood  the  Indian  languj'^e,  i)Ut 
tiie  government  utterly  refused  him ;  so  that  his  whole  retinue,  in  this  im- 
portant embassy,  consisted  only  of  himself,  his  own  man,  and  the  two  Indians 
who  conducted  him  from  Sogkonesset.  As  an  important  item  in  his  outfit, 
must  be  mentioned  a  hottle  of  rum,  and  a  roll  of  tobacco. 

The  day  appointed  having  an-ived,  after  paddling  about  three  miles,  they 
came  to  the  appointed  rock,  where  the  Indians  wenj  ready  to  receive  them, 
and  gave  him  their  hands  in  token  of  friendship.  They  went  back  trom  the 
riiiorc  about  fifty  yards,  for  a  convenient  place  lor  consultation,  wIumi  all  at 
once  rose  up  from  tlie  high  grass,  a  great  many  Indians,  so  that  they  were 
entirely  encompassed.  They  were  all  armed  with  guns,  spears  and  hatchets ; 
faces  painted  and  hair  trimmed,  in  complete  warlike  array.  If  ever  a  man 
knew  fear,  we  should  apprehend  it  would  discover  itself  upon  an  occasion 
like  this.  But,  judging  from  his  conduct,  we  should  say  he  was  one  of  those 
"  who  never  felt  fear." 

As  soon  as  he  could  be  heard,  Mr.  Church  told  Aioashanks  that  George  had 
said  that  she  desired  to  see  him,  about  making  j)eace  with  the  English.    She 

*  1667,  "  Daniel  VVillcockes  tooke  the  oath  off  fideiitic  this  court.''     Plim.  Rec. 
In  164.2,  one  Wilcox  set  up  a  trading  iiouse  in  the  Narraganset  country.    See  Callender's 
Cent.  Discourse,  38.    If  he  were  the  same,  it  vill  well  account  for  his  bein^  an  interpreter. 


.  v.*:     , 
.  .V-  ,.•    , 


"..•"•*■••■*■*■  . 


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f. ■<"■;•••'  •,.>•  •  "i 


70 


AWASHONKS.— CHURCH   ENGAGES  HER  MEN.         [Book  III. 


said,  "  Yes."  Then,  said  Mr.  Church,  "  it  i.s  customary  when  people  meet  to 
trtiat  of  peace,  to  lay  aside  their  anas,  and  not  to  appear  in  such  Jiostilo  loiin 
ait  your  people  do."  At  tliis  there  was  inucli  murmuring  among  them,  and 
Awitshonks  asked  him  what  arms  they  should  lay  aside.  Seeing  their  dis- 
pleasure, he  said,  only  their  guns,  lor  Ibrm's  sake.  With  one  consent  tliey 
then  laid  away  tht:.  guns,  and  came  and  sat  down.  He  then  drew  out  liis 
bottle  of  rum,  and  asked  Awashonks  whetin'r  she  had  lived  so  long  up  at 
Wachusett*  as  to  ibrget  to  drink  occapechea-  I  lien,  drinking  to  her,  lie  ob- 
served siie  watched  him  very  narrowly  to  see  whether  he  swallowed,  and, 
on  offering  it  to  her,  she  wislied  him  to  drink  again.  He  then  told  her  tlKMC 
was  no  poison  in  it,  and,  pouring  some  into  the  palm  of  his  hand,  sipped  it 
up.  After  he  had  taken  a  second  hearty  dram,  Jlwashonks  ventured  to  do 
likewise ;  then  she  j)asse(l  it  among  her  attendants.  The  tobacco  was  next 
passed  round,  and  tliey  began  to  talk.  Jlwashonks  wanted  to  know  wliy  lie 
had  not  come,  as  he  i)romised,  the  year  beibre,  observing  that,  if  he  had,  she 
and  her  j)eo|)le  had  not  joined  with  Philip.  He  tohl  her  he  was  prevented 
by  the  breaking  out  of  tlie  war,  and  mentioned  that  he  made  an  atteiiipi, 
notwithstjinding,  soon  after  he  lell  her,  and  got  as  far  as  Pankatesse,  when 
a  multitude  of  enemies  set  tipon  him,  and  obliged  him  to  rdtreat.  A  great 
munnur  now  arose  among  the  warriors,  and  one,  a  fierce  and  gigantic  fel- 
low, raised  las  war  club,  with  intention  to  have  killed  Mr.  Church,  but  some 
laid  hold  on  him  and  prevented  him.  They  informed  liim  that  this  fellowV 
brother  was  killed  in  the  fight  at  Punkateese,  and  that  he  said  it  wa.'  CkurcU 
tliat  killed  him,  and  he  would  now  have  his  blood.  Church  told  then  to  tell 
him  that  his  brother  began  first,  and  that  if  he  had  done  as  he  had  dirt'cted 
him,  he  would  not  have  been  hurt.  The  ciiief  captain  now  order  •'  silence, 
telling  them  they  should  talk  no  more  about  old  matters,  which  pui  an  end 
to  the  tunndt,  and  an  agreement  was  soon  concluded.  Jiwaslwnka  agreed  to 
serve  the  English  '•  in  what  way  she  was  able,"  pr'  ided  "  Plimouth  would 
firndy  engage  to  her  that  she  and  all  of  her  peopu',  and  their  wives  and 
children  should  have  their  lives  spared,  and  none  of  them  transported  out  oJ" 
the  country."  This,  Church  told  her  he  did  not  doubt  in  the  least  but  Plinioutli 
would  consent  to. 

Things  beiu!!-  i!nis  matured,  the  chief  captain  stood  up,  and,  afler  express- 
ing Mie  great  respect  he  had  fbr  Mr.  Churck,  said,  "  Sir,  if  you  will  pleasr 
accept  of  me  and  my  men,  and  will  head  iiS;  we  will  fight  fbr  you,  and  will 
help  you  to  Philip\i  head  before  the  Indian  corn  be  ripe."  We  do  not  ex- 
pect that  tills  chief  pretended  to  possess  the  spirit  of  prophecy,  but  certaiidy 
lie  was  !i  truer  propiiet  tiian  many  who  have  made  the  pretension. 

3Ir.  Church  would  have  taken  a  few  of  t,  e  men  with  him,  and  gone  di- 
rectly through  the  woods  to  Plimouth ;  but  Awashonks  insisted  that  it  would 
be  very  hai:ardous.  He  therefore  agreed  to  return  to  the  island  and  jiroceed 
by  water,  and  so  would  take  in  some  of  their  company  at  Sogkonate  Point, 
which  was  accordingly  brought  about.  And  here  it  should  be  mentioned 
that  the  friendshij),  now  renewed  by  the  industry  of  Mr.  Church,  was  never 
afterward  broken.  iMany  of  these  Indians  always  accompanied  Church  in  hi.< 
memorable  expeditions,  and  rendered  great  service  to  the  English.  When 
Philip\'i  war  was  over,  Church  went  to  reside  again  among  them,  and  the 
gioatest  harmony  always  prevailed.  But  to  return  to  the  thread  of  our  nar- 
rative : — 

On  retiu-ning  to  the  i.^Iand.  Mr.  Church  "  was  at  greav  pains  and  charge  to 
get  a  vessel,  but  with  unaccountable  disappointments;  sometimes  by  the 
falseness,  and  sometimes  by  the  faint-heartedness  of  men  that  he  bargained 
with,  and  soinctiix'j  by  wind  and  weather,  &c."  ho  was  hindered  a  long 
time.  At  length,  Mr.  Jnthoni/  Low,  o*'  Swansey,  hai»pening  to  put  into  the 
l'arl)or,  and  although  1)oin)d  to  the  westward,  on  being  made  acciuainted  with 
Mr.  Church's  case,  said  he  would  run  the  venture  of  his  vessel  and  cargo  to 
wait  upon  him.  IJut  when  they  arrived  at  Sogkonate  J*oint,  althougli  the 
Indians  were  there  according  to  agreeujcnt  waiting  upon  the  rocks,  they  met 

*  She  liail  parsed  the  Dreceiiinef  winter,  it  would  seem,  with  Philip's  people  on  the  fron 
tiers  of  Massacimseils 


Chap. 


Ji, 


Jk  III. 


Chap.  IV.]     AWASHONKS.— SURRENDERS  TO  THE  ENGLISH. 


71 


with  a  contrary  wind,  and  so  rough  a  sea,  that  none  but  Peter  Awashonks 
could  get  on  board.  Ttiis  he  did  at  great  peril,  having  only  an  old  broken 
canoe  to  get  off  in.  The  wind  and  rain  now  forced  them  up  into  Pocasset 
Sound,  and  they  were  obliged  to  bear  away,  and  return  round  the  north  end 
ot'  the  island,  to  Newport. 

Church  now  dismissed  Mr.  Low,  as  he  viewed  their  effort  against  the  wil' 
of  Providence.  He  next  drew  up  an  account  of  what  had  passed,  and  de- 
.spatched  Peter,  on  the  9  July,  by  way  of  Sogkonate,  to  Plimoiiti.. 

Major  Bradford*  having  now  arrived  with  an  army  at  Pocanset,  Mr.  Church 
repaired  to  him,  and  told  him  of  his  transactions  and  engagements  with 
.fiiiHUthonks.  Bradford  directed  him  to  go  and  inform  her  of  his  arrival,  which 
lie  did.  Jlwashonks  doubtless  now  discovered  much  uneasiness  and  anxiety, 
hut  Mr.  Church  told  her  "that  if  she  would  be  advised  and  observe  order, she 
nor  her  people  need  not  tear  being  hurt."  lie  directed  her  to  get  all  her 
people  together,  "lest,  if  they  should  be  Ibund  straggling  about,  mischief 
might  light  on  them;"  and  that  the  next  day  the  army  would  march  down 
into  till!  neck  to  receive  her.  After  begging  him  to  consider  the  short  time 
siie  had  to  collect  them  together,  she  promised  to  do  the  best  she  could,  and 
he  lelt  her. 

Accordingly,  two  days  after,  she  met  the  army  at  Punkateese.  Awashoiiks 
was  now  unnecessarily  perplexed  by  the  stern  carriage  of  Major  Bradford. 
For  she  expected  her  men  would  have  been  employed  in  the  army ;  but 
iiifitead  of  that  he  "  presently  gave  Ibrth  orders  lor  Jlwashonks,  and  all  her 
subjects,  both  men,  women  and  children,  to  repair  to  Sandwich,  and  to  be 
then;  upon  peril,  in  six  days."  Church  was  also  quite  disconcerted  by  this 
unexpected  order,  but  ail  reasoning  or  remonstrance  was  of  no  avail  with 
the  conmiauder  in  chief.  He  told  Mr.  Church  he  would  employ  him  if  he 
chose,  but  as  lor  tiie  Indians,  "he  would  not  he  concerned  with  them,"  a::d 
accordingly  sent  them  off  with  a  flag  oi'  truce,  under  the  direction  of  Jack 
Havens,  an  Indian  who  had  never  been  engaged  in  the  war.  Mr.  Church  told 
Awashonks  not  to  be  concerned,  but  it  was  best  to  obey  orders,  and  he  ^vould 
shortly  meet  her  at  Sandwich. 

According  to  promise.  Church  went  by  way  of  Plimouth  to  meet  the  Sog- 
lionates.  The  governor  of  Plimouth  was  highly  pleased  at  the  account 
Church  gave  him  of  the  Indians,  and  so  much  was  he  now  satisfied  of  his 
superior  abilities  and  skill,  that  he  desired  him  to  be  commissioned  in  the 
country's  service.  He  left  Plimouth  the  same  day  with  six  attendants, 
among  whom  were  Mr.  Jabez  Rowland,  and  Mr.  JVathanied  Southworth.  They 
slept  at  Sandwich  the  firsv  itight,  and  here  taking  a  few  more  men,  agreeably 
to  the  governor's  orders,  proceeded  to  As;awam,  a  small  river  of  Rochester, 
where  they  expected  to  meet  the  Indians.  Some  of  his  comjiany  now 
became  discouraged,  presunfing,  perhaps,  the  Indians  were  treacherous,  and 
half  of  them  returned  home.  When  they  came  to  Si[)pican  liiver,  which 
eni[)ties  into  Buzzard's  Bay  in  Rochester,  Mr.  Howland  was  so  fatigued  that 
they  were  obliged  to  leave  him,  he  being  in  years,  and  somewhat  corpulent. 
Church  left  two  more  with  him  as  a  reserve,  in  case  he  should  be  obliged  to 
retreat.  They  soon  came  to  the  shore  of  Buzzard's  Bay,  and,  hearing  a 
great  noise  at  considerable  distance  from  them,  upon  the   hank,  were  pres- 


■'.,.*-.  - 

«    '    '   ■ . 

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,  .'    r  .-'ill    - 


..  -:.-:*v 


*» 


*  Out  of  a  curious  bock  we  lake  llie  followiug  note,  as,  bo.siiles  glvini;^  us  an  inlcrcsliiig 
fad  coni'criiiiiti;  the  major,  it  oonlaius  others  ol'  vnhie.  It  was  wriuoii  in  Iti'.H.  At  that 
time,  souie  pre'.emleii  that  tiie  aj^e  of  people  was  iniirh  sliorler  in  Anierira  than  in  Europe; 
whicli  p;ave  rise  to  what  we  are  about  to  cxtrarl. — Mivij  Droirn  was  liie  tirst-born  of  New- 
liiiry,  Mass.,  who  married  a  Godfry ,  rnd,  says  our  book,  slie  '•  is  yet  ahve,  anil  is  l)ecome 
the  mother  and  ijrandmother  of  many  ciiihlrcn.''  "  The  mention  of  Munj  Brown  brings  to 
our  mind  an  idle  whim.sey,  as  if  persons  born  in  New  Knglaud  would  be  short-lived  ;  whereas, 
the  natives  livelong.  And  a  judgment  eoucerning  Knghshmen  raimol  well  be  made  till  ^20 
or  30  yenrs  hence.  Opt.  Peregrine  White,  born  [on  board  the  Mayjlower]  Nov.  Ifi20, 
is  yet  alive,  and  like  to  live.  [lie  died  7  years  after,  in  1701.]  Major  Wi/liarn  Itradford 
is  more  than  73  years  old,  and  liath  worn  a  bullet  in  his  flesh  above  20  of  them,  [whicii  he 
doublleHS  received  in  Philip's  war.  He  died  aged  7S(.]  Elizabeth  Alden,  (now  Paybody, 
whose  granddaughter  is  a  mother,)  Capt.  John  Aldi-n,  her  brother,  Alex''.  Sttindish,  and 
John  Ifoivliind,  iiave  lived  inoic  tliun  70  years."  S.  Suwall's  New  Heaven  upon  tlie  Nm 
Earth,  m,  60. 


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72 


AWASHONKS.— MANNER  OF  ftlAKING  SOLDIERS.       [Rook  111. 


ently  in  sight  of  a  "vast  company  of  Indians,  of  all  ages  and  sexes,  some  on 
horseback,  rmining  races,  some  ut  foot-ball,  some  catching  eels  and  flat  tish 
in  the  water,  some  clamming,  &c."  Tliey  now  had  to  find  out  what 
Indians  these  were,  before  they  dared  make  themselves  known  to  them. 
Church  therefore  halloed,  and  two  Indians  that  were  at  a  distance  Irom  the 
rest,  rode  np  to  him,  to  find  out  what  the  noise  meant.  They  were  ver\ 
much  surprised  wheu  they  found  themselves  so  near  Englishmen,  and  turueu 
their  horses  to  run,  but.  Church  making  himself  known  to  them,  they  gave 
Jiim  the  desired  information.  He  sent  for  Jack  Havens,  who  immediately 
came.  And  when  he  had  confirmed  what  the  others  had  related,  tliere 
arrived  a  large  number  of  them  on  horseback,  well  armed.  These  treated 
the  English  very  respectfully.  Church  then  sent  Jack  to  Awashonks,  to  inlbrni 
her  that  he  wouid  sup  with  her  that  night,  and  lodge  in  her  tent.  In  tiie 
mcian  time,  the  English  returned  with  their  friends  they  had  lelt  at  Sippican. 
When  they  came  to  the  Indian  company,  they  "were  iiimediately conducted 
to  a  shelter,  open  on  one  side,  whither  Jlwashonka  and  her  chiefs  soon  came 
and  paid  tiieir  respects."  When  this  had  taken  j)lace,  there  were  great 
shouts  made  by  the  "multitudes,"  which  "made  the  heavens  to  ring."  Aljout 
sunset,  "  the  N'etops  *  came  running  from  all  quarters,  laden  with  tlie  tops  of 
dry  pines,  and  the  like  combustible  matter,  making  a  huge  pile  thereot|  near 
Mr.  Churches  shelter,  on  the  ojien  side  thereof.  But  by  this  time  supper  was 
brought  in,  in  three  dishes,  viz.  a  curious  young  bass  in  one  dish,  eels  and 
flat  fish  in  a  second,  and  siiell  fish  in  a  third ; "  but  .salt  was  wanting. 
When  the  supper  was  finished,  "  the  mighty  i)ile  of  pine  knots  and  tops, 
&.C.  was  fired,  and  all  the  Indians,  great  and  small,  gathered  in  a  ring  around 
it.  Awashonks,  with  the  eldest  of  her  i)eople,  men  and  women  mixed,  kneel- 
ing down,  made  the  first  ring  next  the  fire,  and  all  the  lusty  stout  men 
standing  up  made  the  next ;  and  then  all  the  rabble,  in  a  confused  crew, 
surrounded  on  the  outside.  Then  the  chief  captain  stepped  in  between  the 
rings  and  tlie  fire,  with  a  spear  in  one  hand,  and  a  hatchet  in  the  other, 
danced  round  the  fire,  and  began  to  fight  with  it,  making  mention  of  all  the 
several  nations  and  companies  of  Indians  in  the  country  that  were  enemies 
to  the  English.  And  at  naming  of  every  particular  tribe  of  Indians,  lie 
would  draw  out  and  fight  a  new  fire-brand,  and  at  his  finishing  his  fight  with 
each  particular  fire-brand,  would  bow  to  Mr.  C7mrc/i  and  thank  him."  When 
he  had  named  over  all  the  tribes  at  war  with  the  English,  he  stuck  his  spear 
and  hatchet  in  the  ground,  and  left  the  ring,  and  then  another  stepped  in, 
and  acted  over  tlie  same  farce  ;  trying  to  act  with  more  fury  than  the  first. 
Aller  alwiit  a  half  a  dozen  had  gone  through  with  the  performance,  their 
chief  cajitain  stepped  to  Mr.  Churchy  and  told  him  "they  were  making 
soldiers  lor  him,  and  Avhat  they  had  lieen  doing  was  all  one  swearing  of 
them."  Awashonks  and  her  chiefs  next  came  and  told  him  "  that  now  they 
were  all  engaged  to  fight  for  the  English."  At  this  time  Awashonks  presented 
to  Mr.  Church  a  very  fine  gun.  The  next  day,  July  S'i,  he  selected  a  number 
of  her  men,  and  jiroceeded  to  Plimoui'h.  A  commission  was  given  lihn, 
and,  being  joined  with  a  number  of  English,  volunteers,  commenced  a  suc- 
cessful series  of  exploits,  in  which  these  Sogkonates  bore  a  conspicuous 
j)art,  but  have  never,  since  the  days  of  Church,  been  any  where  noticed  as 
they  (leserved. 

It  is  said  f  that  Awashonks  had  two  sons  ;  the  youngest  was  William  Mom- 
mynewit,  who  was  put  to  a  grammar  school,  and  learned  the  Latin  language, 
and  was  intended  "^r  college,  but  was  prevented  by  being  seized  with  the 
palsy.  We  have  been  able  to  extend  the  interesting  memoir  of  the  family 
of  Awashonks  in  the  early  ])art  of  this  article  much  beyond  any  before 
printed  account ;  of  Tokamona  we  have  no  printed  notice,  except  what 
ChurchX  incidentally  mentions.  Some  of  his  Indian  soldiers  requested 
liberty  to  pursue  the  Narragansets  and  other  enemy  Indians,  innnediately 

*  Signit'viii"  friends,  in  Indian.  t  Coll.  Mass.  Hut.  iS'iic. 

I  Hist.  I'liilip's  War,  39.  Il  is  usual  to  pile  Captain  Church  as  th'-  author  or  rccoriler  of 
his  (mn  actions  ;  it  i.i  so,  allhouffh  his  son  Thomas  appears  as  the  writer  of  the  history.  'I'lie 
truili  is.  the  father  diclatedto  the  son,  and  corrected  what  appeared  erroneous  after  the  work 
was  written. 


fiionicler  » 


Chap.  V.] 


PUMHAM. 


^;>:^'|SS^^i^'-  .;.i 


after  they  had  cupfiired  Philip^s  wife  uml  eon.  "  Tliej  said  the  Narraguusctd 
were  great  rogii  h,  and  tliey  wanted  to  be  revenged  on  tlicin,  lor  killing  some 
of  tlieir  relations  ;  named  Tokkamona,  (^IwaslioiUc^s  brother,)  and  some  olheres." 

About  130  years  ago,  i.  e.  1700,  tliere  were  100  Indian  men  of  the  Ssog- 
konate  tribe,  a^id  the  general  assembly  appointed  J^'umuuus  their  eaptain, 
who  lived  to  h-;  an  old  man,  and  died  about  174tf,  after  the  taking  ot  Cape 
Breton,  1745.  At  the  connneneeinent  of  the  eighteenth  eentury,  they  made 
quite  a  respiJi; table  religious  eongregation ;  had  a  meeting-house  of  their 
own,  in  whic  i  they  were  instructed  by  Rev.  Mr.  Billings,  once  a  month,  on 
Sundays.  Iney  had  a  steady  preacher  among  themselves,  whose  name  was 
John  iiimon.  :t  man  of  a  strong  mind. 

About  17  >0,  a  very  distressing  fever  carried  off"  many  of  this  tribe,  and  in 
1803  tliere  t\ere  not  above  ten  iu  Compton,  their  principal  residence. 

CHAPTER  V. 

A  furticr  account  of  chiefs  conspicuous  in  Philip's  war — Pumham — Taken  and 
slain — His  son  Ql'aquai.h — Chickon — Socononoco — Potock — His  residence — 
Com'ilaint  against  Wildbow's  encroachments — Delivers  himself  up — Put  to  death — 
Stone-wall-john — ^  great  captain — Jl  mason — His  men  greatly  annoy  the 
English  army  in  A'arragariset — Kills  several  of  them — They  burn  a  garrison,  and 
kill  fifteen  persons — Jl  traffic  in  Indian  prisoners — The  burning  of  Rehobolh  and 
Providence — John's  discourse  with  Roger  Williams — Is  killed— Hag AMOiir,  John — 
Frtt«  o/ Matoonas — Put  to  death  on  Boston  Common — His  son  hanged  for  mur- 
der— MoNoco — David — Andrew — James-the-printer —  Olu-jetiiero — Saoamokk- 
sAHfUiias  Shoshakim — Visited  by  Eliot  in  Hm2 — Anecdote — Pkter-jetheko. 

PUMHAM,  it  may  be  truly  said,  "was  a  mighty  man  of  valor."  Our 
history  has  several  times  heretol'ore  brought  him  belbre  us,  and  we  shall 
now  proceed  to  relate  such  lacts  concerning  him  as  we  have  been  able  to 
collect,  lie  was  sachem  of  Shawomet,  the  country  where  the  old  squaw- 
sacliem  Magnus  was  taken  and  slain,  as  in  her  life  we  have  shown. 

As  in  almost  every  other  case,  we  can  only  learn  how  to  estimate  the 
consequence  of  a  chief  Irom  the  story  of  his  enemies.  It  is  peculiarly  so  iu 
the  hiograpljy  of  PumJiam.  When  it  was  reported  that  he  was  slain,  every 
chronicler  seems  to  have  stood  ready,  with  the  ink  of  exultation  in  his  pen, 
to  record  all  the  particulars  of  his  tail ;  and  to  make  it  appear  the  greater,  it 
IS  to  be  feared,  they  have  sornetimes  raised  many  to  a  height  to  which  they 
were  not  entitled,  for  that  object.  But  it  was  not  so  in  the  case  of  PunUianu 
When  it  was  reported  at  Boston  that  he  was  killed,  an  author  in  our  ChjonicU 
said,  "  if  it  is  so,  the  glory  of  that  nation  is  sunk  with  him  forever." 

This  chief  was  brought  into  considerable  dilHculty  by  the  English  as  eai'ly 
as  1(J45.  In  1642,  the  Rev.  Samud  Gorton  took  refuge  in  his  country,  and 
was  kindly  treated  by  him;  and  in  January  the  next  year,  Miatxtunnomoh 
and  Canonicus  deeded  to  him  Mishawomet,  or  Shaomet,  which  he  afterward 
called  IVarwick,  after  the  earl  of  that  name.  This  settlement  was  grievous 
to  the  Puritan  fathers  of  Massachusetts,  as  they  soon  showed  by  then' 
resentment  to  Miantunnomoh ;  and  here  we  cannot  but  discover  the  germ  of 
all  the  subsequent  disasters  of  that  sachem.  Mr.  Gorton  was  kindly  treated 
by  him,  as  well  as  Piunluim,  until  the  latter  was  urged  by  Mr.  Goiion^s 
enemies  to  lay  claim  to  the  lands  he  had  purchased  of  Miantunnonwh,  whom 
the  court  of  Massachusetts  declared  an  usurper,*  as  in  his  lile  has  been  told. 

By  the  letters  of  the  unimpeachable  Roger  miliams,  the  above  conclu- 
sions will  appear  evident  In  1056,  he  wrote  to  Massaciiusetts,  showhig 
them  the  wretched  state  Warwick  was  in  from  their  difticulties  with  the 
Indians,  as  Ibliows : — "  Your  wisdoms  know  the  uihuman  insultations  of 
these  wild  creatures,  and  you  may  be  pleased  also  to  imagine,  that  they  have 
not  been  sparing  of  your  name  as  the  patron  of  all  their  wickeduesB  against 

•  MS.  state  paper. 


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74 


PUMHAM.— SOCONONOCO.— QUAQUALH. 


[Book  III, 


our  English  men,  women  and  children,  and  cattle,  to  the  yearly  damage  of 
(JO,  80  and  100  £.  The  remedy  is,  (under  God,)  only  your  pleasure  tiiat 
Pvmham  shall  come  to  an  agreement  witii  the  town  or  colony."  *  Now  it 
should  be  remembered,  that  wlien  Warwick  was  purchased,  Pumham  and 
some  other  inferior  sachems  received  presents  for  their  particular  interests  in 
what  was  sold,  agreeably  to  the  laws  and  usages  of  the  Indians. 

The  Plimouth  people  had  their  share  in  the  Warwick  controversy,  having 
caused  Ousamaqiiin  to  lay  claim  to  the  same  place,  or  a  sachem  who  lived 
with  hun,  named  JVawwashxiwsuck ;  between  whom  and  Pumham  the  quarrel 
ran  so  h'jih  that  the  Ibrmer  st^ibbed  the  latter. 

The  aflliirs  of  Warwick  had  been  under  consideration  by  the  conmiis- 
sioners  of  the  ( Jnited  Colonies  for  several  years  belbre  this,  and  in  lti49, 
tiioy  say,  "Vpjjon  a  question  betwixt  the  two  collonies  of  the  Massachusets 
and  Plymouth,  ibnnerly  [)ropounded,  and  now  again  renewed  by  the  com- 
missioners of  the  Massachusetts,  concerning  a  tract  ot  land  now  or  lately 
beloufiing  to  Pamham  and  Saconoco,  two  Indian  sagamores  who  had  sub- 
mitted  themselves  and  their  jjeojile  to  the  Massachusetts  goverment,  vppon 
part  of  whifiii  land  som  English,  (besides  the  said  Indians,)  in  anno  164;5,  were 

!)lanted  and  settled."  Tlie  decision  was,  that  though  the  said  tract  of  land 
all  within  I'limouth  bounds,  it  should  henceforth  belong  to  Massachusetts. 

About  1()46,  we  find  the  Ibllowing  record f  of  these  chiefs: — " Pomihom 
and  Saconanoco  complaining  to  us  [the  court  of  Mass.]  that  many  Indians 
dwelling  20  miles  beyond  them,  (being  friends  and  helpers  to  the  Narragau- 
setts  in  their  j)resent  wars  with  Uncas,)  are  come  upon  their  lands,  and 
planted  upon  the  same  against  their  wills,  they  not  being  able  of  themselves 
to  remove  them,  and  therefore  desire  our  counsel  and  help.  We  shall 
therefore  advise  them,  if  the  deputies  agree  thereunto,  to  send  a  messenger 
to  the  sachem  of  those  intruders  to  come  to  us  to  give  an  account  of  such 
his  intention  ;  and  if  he  come  to  us,  then  to  offer  him  protection  upon  the 
same  te'-ms  that  Pumham  hath  it,  provided  they  satisfy  Uncas  lor  any  injury 
they  have  done  him.  If  he  refuse  to  come,  then  we  would  have  our  mes- 
senger charge  them  to  depart  from  Pomham  and  Soconanocho  their  lands, 
which  also  if  they  refuse,  then  we  shall  account  them  our  enemies."! 

Though,  by  the  aid  of  the  English,  Pumham  had  been  able  to  maintain  a 
kind  of  independence  for  some  years  after  the  death  c  "  the  chief  sachem, 
yet  he  was  among  the  first  who  espoused  the  cause  of  Philip  in  his  wui, 
as  it  would  seem  from  his  not  attending  at  the  treaty  in  June,  immediately 
after  hostilities  commenced.  The  army  who  went  to  make  that  treaty  piissed 
through  his  country  in  their  march,  and,  as  Mr.  Hubbard  states,  "  They  found  the 
Indians  in  Pomham's  country  (next  adjoining  to  Philip's  borders)  all  fled,  and 
their  wigwams  without  any  people  in  them."  The  English  army  also  march- 
ed through  his  co-nitry,  in  their  return  from  the  attack  on  Philip  and  his  con- 
federates in  Narraganset,  in  December,  1075.  At  this  time  a  small  fight  took 
place  between  some  of  the  English  and  a  number  of  Pumham's  men,  under 
«  chief  whose  name  was  QUAtiUALH,  who  gained  some  advantage  of  the 
English,  wounding  lour  of  their  men.  The  whites,  however,  report  that  they 
killed  five  of  the  fiidians.  Quaqualh  himself  was  wounded  in  the  knee.  At 
the  same  time  they  burnt  Pumham^s  town,  |  which  contained  near  100  wig- 
wams.   The  English  were  commanded  by  Captain  Prentice.  § 

Pumham  was  not  the  chief  captain  in  the  fight  at  the  great  falls  in  the  Con- 
necticut, which  took  place  19  May,  1(576,  although  we  presume,  from  the 
known  character  of  him,  th>  t  he  was  the  most  conspicuous  in  it  on  the  side 
of  the  Indians;  being  a  man  c^"  vast  nnysical  powers  and  of  extraordinary 
bravery.  In  this  affair  the  English  acted  a  most  cowardly  part,  having  every 
advantage  of  their  enemy,  who  acquired  credit  upon  the  occasion,  even  at 
the  time,  from  the  historian.  The  English  came  upon  them  before  day, 
while  none  were  awake  to  give  the  alarm,  and, "  finding  them  secure  indeed, 
yea,  all  asleep,  without  having  any  scouts  abroad,  so  tliat  our  soldiers  came 

*  Hutchinson's  papers,  and  Hazard. 

t  III  manuscript,  among  the  papers  on  file  in  the  secretary's  office,  Mass.  without  date. 
X  Old  Indian  Chron.  68.    This  author  has  his  name  Bumham.    There  were  many  in. 
Btances,  at  this  time,  of  ihe  use  of  B.  for  P,  $  Hubbard,  Nar.  67. 


Chap,  v.] 


PUMHAM.— THE  FALL  FIGHT. 


75 


and  put  their  guus  into  their  wigwairis,  before  the  Indians  were  aware  of 
them,  and  made  a  great  and  notable  slaujrhter  amongst  tliem."  *  x\lauy  in 
their  friglit  ran  into  the  river,  and  were  Jiurled  down  tlie  falls,f  some  of 
wliom,  doul)tles3,  were  drowned.  As  soon  as  the  English,  who  were  led  by 
Captains  Turner  and  Holioke,  had  murdered  the  unresisting,  and  the  Indians 
having  begun  to  rally  to  o[)pose  them,  they  fled  in  the  greatest  conllision, 
altiiough  tliey  had  "about  an  iiundred  and  lour  score"  men,  J  of  whom  but 
one  was  wounded  when  the  flight  began.  This  enhances  the  valor  of  the 
Indians,  in  our  mind,  especially  as  we  read  the  following  passage,  in  Mr. 
Mather's  Brief  llistoiy : — 'In  the  mean  while,  a  j)arty  of  Indians  li-om  an 
island,  (whose  coming  on  shore  migiit  easily  have  been  prevented,  and  the 
soldiers,  before  they  set  out  t'rom  Iladley,  were  earnestly  admonished  to  take 
care  about  tiiat  matter,)  assaulted  our  men  ;  yea,  to  the  great  dishonor  of  the 
English,  a  few  Lidians  pursued  oiu"  soldiers  lour  or  five  miles,  who  were  in 
number  near  twice  as  many  as  the  enemy."  In  tliis  flight  Captain  Turner  was 
killed,  as  he  was  crossing  (Jreen  Itivijr.  Holioke  exerted  himsr-lf  Avith  great 
valor,  and  seems  well  calculated  to  o])j)Ose  such  u  chief  as  Pumhnnu  We 
hear  of  no  other  bravery  among  the  English  in  this  massacre,  but  the  follow- 
ing passage  concerning  Holioke,  which  we  are  sorry  is  so  sadly  eclipsed. 
During  the  fight,  some  old  persons,  (whether  m.  or  women  is  not  men- 
tioned,) and  childi'en,  had  hid  themselves  under  the  bank  of  the  river.  Captain 
Holioke  discovered  them,  and  with  his  own  liands  put  five  of  them,  "young 
and  old,"  to  death.  §  This  English  cjiptain  did  not  long  survive  his  antago- 
nist, ibr,  by  his  great  exertions  in  this  fight,  a  fever  was  brought  upon  him, 
of  which  he  died  in  September  following,  "  about  Boston."|| 

It  would  seem  from  the  several  accounts,  that,  although  the  English  were 
sadly  distressed  in  this  fight,  the  Indians  could  never  have  repaired  their 
loss  ;  which,  says  the  author  of  the  Present  State,  "was  almost  as  much, 
nay,  in  some  respects  more  considerable,  than  their  lives."  lie  continues, 
"We  destroyed  all  their  ammunition  and  provision,  which  we  think  they 
can  hardly  be  so  soon  and  eas.iy  recruited  with,  as  possibly  they  may  be 
with  men.  We  likewise  here  demolished  two  forges  they  had  to  mend 
their  arms,  took  away  all  their  materials  and  tools,  and  drove  many  of  them 
into  the  river,  where  they  were  drowned,  and  threw  two  great  pigs  of  lead 
of  theirs,  (intended  fbr  making  of  bullets.)  into  the  said  river."  11 — "As  our 
men  were  returning  to  Iladley,  in  a  dangerous  j)ass,  which  they  were  not 
sufficiently  aware  of,  the  skulking  Indians,  (out  ot'  the  woods,)  killed,  at  one 
volley,  the  said  captain,  and  eight-and-thirty  of  his  men,  but  immediately 
alter  they  had  discharged,  tliey  fled." 

In  relating  the  capture  and  dcnlh  of  Pumhnm, '^1r.  Hubbard  says,**  "He 
was  one  of  the  stoutest  and  most  valiant  sachems  that  belonged  to  tlie  Nar- 
ragansets ;  whose  courage  and  strength  was  so  great  that,  after  he  had  been 
mortally  wounded  in  the  fight,  so  as  himself  could  not  stand ;  yet  catching 
hold  of  an  Englishman  that  by  accident  came  near  him,  had  done  him 
mischief,  if  he  had  not  been  presently  rescued  by  one  of  his  fellows." 
This  was  on  25  July,  ll>7().  Pumham,  with  a  few  followers,  had  fbr  some 
time  secreted  themselves  in  Dedliam  woods,  where  it  was  supposed  tliey 
were  "  almost  starved  fbr  want  of  victuals."  In  this  sad  condition,  they 
were  fallen  upon  by  the  English  under  Captain  Hunting,  who  killed  fifteen 


*  /.  Matlier,  30. 

t  Wc  cannot  agree  with  our  friend  Gen.  IToijt,  that  these  falls  should  be  named  Turner's 
Falls,  altlmi^^h  we  once  thnnght  it  well  cnoU]i,'-h.  We  would  rather  call  them  the  Massacrf 
Falls,  IF,  indeed,  their  Indian  name  cannot  be  recovered.  A  beaulifiil  view  of  these  cele- 
brated falls  is  given  by  Professor  Hitchcock,  in  the  volume  of  plates  accompanying  his 
Geology  of  Mass. 

t  I.  katlier,  30.  $  Hubbard,  Nar.  88.  |l  Ibid. 

TI  Many  of  the  Inuljns  learned  trades  of  the  English,  and  in  the  wars  turned  their  knowl- 
edge to  good  accoun*.  They  had  a  forge  in  their  fort  at  Narraganset,  and  the  Indian  black- 
smith was  killed  when  that  was  taken.  The  author  of  the  Present  State,  &,c.  says,  he  was 
the  only  man  amongst  them  that  filled  their  guns  and  arrow-heads  ;  that  among  other  housei 
they  burnt  his,  demolished  his  forge,  and  carried  away  his  tools. 

**  Narrative,  100.  4to.  edition. 


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76 


POTOK.— DEAIH  OF  I'UiVUlAM. 


[Book  III. 


and  took  tliirty-five  of  tliem  without  resistance.*  They  found  here  con- 
siderable itlunder ;  "  besides  kettles,  there  was  about  Imif  a  bushel  of  wain- 
puujpeag,  which  the  enemy  lost,  and  twelve  pounds  of  powder,  which  the 
captives  say  they  had  received  from  Albany  but  two  days  belbre."  \  A  son 
of  PumJiain  was  among  the  captives,  "  a  very  likely  youtli,"  gays  Hubbard,  i 
"  and  one  whose  countenance  would  have  bespoke  liivor  for  him,  had  he 
not  iKilonged  to  so  bloody  and  barbarous  an  Indian  as  his  father  was,"  h 
would  seem  irom  this  unleeling  account  that  he  was  put  to  death.  Dr. 
Mather  says  he  was  carried  ))risoner  to  Boston.  From  the  same  autlior  wf 
must  add  to  the  revolting  picture  of  the  lather's  death.  "  This  Pumlium, 
alter  he  was  wounded  so  as  tliat  he  could  not  stand  upon  his  legs,  and  WMb 
thought  to  have  been  dead,  made  a  shift,  (as  the  soldiers  were  pursuing 
others,)  to  crawl  a  little  out  of  the  way,  but  was  Ibund  again,  and  when  an 
Englishman  drew  near  to  him,  thougli  he  could  not  stand,  he  did,  (like  a 
beast,)  in  rage  and  revenge,  get  hold  on  the  soldier's  head,  and  had  like  to 
have  Rilled  him,  had  not  another  come  in  to  his  help,  and  rescued  hiui  out 
of  the  enraged  dying  hands  of  that  bloody  harbarianJ'^  f 

That  it  may  be  seen  how  the  same  story,  recorded  at  the  same  time,  at 
the  same  place,  and  by  different  individuals,  varies  on  comparison,  Ave  give 
here  the  account  of  the  fight  in  which  Pumham  was  slain,  from  an  author  in 
the  Clu"onicle  ;  in  which  it  will  be  observed  that  a  different  date  is  given  to 
the  event.  "  Upon  the  27  of"  July  it  was,  that  about  20  Indians  were  slain, 
and  30  taken  prisoners.  We  had  5  and  20  English,  and  20  of  our  Indian 
friends  in  this  ex[)ioit.  One  of  these  that  were  slain  was  Pomham.  Alter 
he  had  received  a  deadly  shot  in  liis  back,  he  withdrew  himself  Irom  liis 
men,  (lor  they  were  all  his  relations  and  subjects  that  were  slain  and  t<iken 
at  this  time,)  and  thought  to  hide  himself  in  a  bushy  hole,  but  was  found  out 
by  an  Englishman,  who,  as  he  went  to  apprehend  him,  found  that  the  stout 
sachem  was  unwilling  to  lall  into  the  hands  of  the  English,  for  he  gave  him 
a  stunning  blow  with  his  hatchet,  which  he  had  reserved  of  all  liis  weapons, 
and  perhaps  had  slain  the  Englishman,  but  God  ordered  it  so  that  he  had  a 
sudden  revival,  and  took  courage  and  grappled  with  him,  [Pumham,]  and 
threw  him  under  him,  and  others  cornmg  in  to  his  assistance,  PumJiam  was 
Boon  despatched.  There  was  about  £20  of  Indian  money  found  in  tlieir 
baskets,"  which  the  English  gave  to  their  Indian  friends,  and  then-  guns  tliey 
took  to  themselves. 

A  short  time  before  this,  a  grandson  of  this  chief  was  killed  by  a  party 
under  Denison,^  "who  was  also  a  sachen),  and  another  sachem  called 
ChickoTi." 

POTOK,  a  Narraganset  chief,  we  may  properly,  in  the  next  place,  notice. 
None  of  his  acts  in  Philip's  war  are  recorded,  at  least  none  have  conie  to 
our  knowledge,  but  they  could  not  have  been  inconsiderable,  in  the  opinion 
of  his  enemies,  as  his  life  atoned  for  them.  We  find  him  first  mentioned, 
on  account  of  his  opposition  to  the  introduction  of  Christianity  into  his 
nation.  When,  in  the  beginning  of  PhUiv's  war,  the  English  army  marched 
into  the  Narraganset  country,  to  treat  or  fight  with  that  nation,  as  they  might 
be  found  inclined,  Potok  appeared  as  the  principal  chief.  In  the  treaty 
which  was  concluded  at  that  time,  a  condition  was  urged  by  him,  "  that  the 
English  should  not  send  any  among  them  to  preach  the  gospel  or  call  upon 
them  to  pray  to  God."  But  the  English  would  not  admit  such  an  article  ; 
but  if  an  article  of  this  character  had  been  urged  on  the  other  hand,  we 
doubt  whetlier  tliere  would  have  been  any  objection  urged  by  the  Indians. 
On  this  policy  of  the  English  Roger  Williavis  should  be  heard,  as,  at  this 
day  even,  we  need  no  better  commentary  on  the  matter  in  liaud.  It  is  con- 
tained in  a  letter  ||  to  tlie  governor  of  Massachusetts,  and  is  as  follows : — 
"At  my  last  departure  for  England,  I  was  importuned  by  ye  Narraganset 
sachems,  and  especially  by  JVtnecunaX,  to  present  their  petition  to  the  high 

*  MS.  Narrative  of  Rev.  T.  Cobhet.  f  Mather's  Brief  Hist.  43. 

\  Niirrativc,  ut  supra. 

5  Many  write  Dmnison,  but  his  own  signature,  in  my  possession,  is  as  in  the  text. 
In  MS,  dated  Providence,  6 ;  8  :  1654. 


Chu".  v.] 


.STONE-VVALI.-JOIIN.— OI.IVKRS  JOURNAL. 


r  '-  ^•■,  'I; '..►•/* 


sacliciiis  of  England,  tluit  tlu'v  might  not  be  forced  from  their  religion ;  and, 
lor  not  (.'hnnginf^-  tlieir  reii{;ioii,  he  invaded  hy  war.  For  they  said  tliey  were 
(i;iily  visiU'd  with  tiireateninfrs  hy  Indians,  tiiat  came  from  ahout  tlie  Alassa- 
cliiisitts ;  that  if  tliey  woidd  not  pn.y,  they  shonid  be  destroyed  by  war." 
And  again,  in  tlie  same  ht;er:  "Are  nut  all  tlie  English  of  this  land,  (gener- 
tlly,)  II  ptrsi'tiited  people  I  i-om  tlieir  native  soil?  and  hath  not  the  (iod  ol" 
[)t,aie  i.nd  Eiilher  of  iriercies  made  the  natives  more  friendly  in  this  than  our 
m.tive  countrymen  in  our  own  land  to  lis?  have  they  not  entered  leagues  of 
love,  and  to  this  day  continued  jjeaceable  comnicree  with  ns?  are  not  our 
liiiiiilics  grown  uj)  in  jteace  amongst  them  ?  I'pon  which  I  humbly  ask  how 
it  can  suit  with  Chrisiian  ingenuiiy,  to  take  hold  of  some  seeming  occasions 
lor  their  destruction." 

We  are  ahle  to  fix  the  |)lace  of  his  re^^idence  in  the  vicinity  of  Point  Judith, 
hi  the  year  lt)(Jl,  Polok,  wiiii  several  other  ehiefis,  complained  to  the  court 
oiMassaeliusettH,  tliat  ^^  Samuel  fVildhow,  niul  others  of  his  com|mnii',"  claimed 
jurisdiction  at  Point  Judith,  in  their  country,  and  lands  adjacent.  They  came 
on  and  jiossessed  tliemsclves  forcibly,  bringing  tiieir  cattle  and  other  effects 
with  them.*  What  order  the  court  took  uj)on  it  does  not  ap[»ear.  Ahout 
tiie  close  of  PliUiji^s  war,  Poiok  came  volnnti  rily  to  Kliode  Ishind,  no  doubt 
with  the  view  of  making  friends  again  with  ids  enemies;  but  was  sent  to 
boston,  where,  after  answering  all  tiieir  incjuiries,  he  was  j)Ut  to  death  with- 
out ceremony. 

It  IS  related  by  an  author  in  the  Oi.d  Indian  Chronicle,  that  Potok  was 
cajitured  by  the  forces  under  3Iaj(ir  Talcot,  in  June,  1670,  at  or  near  the 
same  time  Slone-I'ni/er-John  was.  In  closing  his  account  of  the  capture  of 
John,  he  adds,  "7  kewise  Po/wc^e,  the  great  Indian  counsellor,  a  man  con- 
t;i<leiinnr  his  edutuiion  of  wcuderful  subtlety,  was  brought  ])ri8oner  into 
Rhode  Island." 

In  the  account  carried  to  London  by  Captain  More,  mentioned  in  the  last 
chajiter,  is  this  notice  of  Potok : — "  There  is  one  Potuck^  a  mischievous  En- 
gine, and  a  Counsellour,  taken  Ibrmerly,  said  to  be  in  Goal  at  Rhode  Island,  is 
now  sent  to  I5oston,  and  there  shot  to  death."  f 

la  the  detail  of  the  grvat  Narraganset  exi»edition  of  1G75,  Ave  have  omitted 
to  notice  a  by-no-means-unim])ortant  Indian  captain. 

Stone-ivall-John,  Stone-layer-John,  and  sometimes  simi)ly  Stone-ivall,  were 
names  by  which  his  English  friends  knew  him,  and  we  have  not  discovered 
what  was  his  Indian  name.  One  writer  of  his  time  observes  that  he  was 
called  the  Stone-layer,  "  for  that,  beitig  an  active,  ingenious  fellow,  he  had 
learned  the  mason's  trade,  and  was  of  great  use  to  the  Indians  in  building 
their  forts,  &c."  Hence  we  may  hazard  but  little  in  the  conjecture  that  he 
was  the  chief  engineer  in  the  erection  of  the  great  Narraganset  fort,  which 
lias  been  described  in  the  lifeof  P/n'Zi/?.  Although  but  little  is  known  of  him, 
lie  was  doubtless  one  of  the  most  distinguished  Narraganset  captains. 

The  first  notice  of  Stone-layer- John,  which  we  now  remember,  is  con- 
tained in  a  letter  of  Captain  Oliver,  J  which  he  wrote  while  on  his  march 
witli  the  English  army  to  attack  the  fort,  which  we  have  just  mentioned.  He 
says, "  Dec.  15  ca[me  in]  John  a  rogue,  with  a  pretence  of  jieaoe,  and  was 
tlisniissed  with  [this]  errand:  That  we  might  speak  Avith  sachems.  That 
evoiiiiig,  he  not  being  gone  a  quarter  of  an  hour,  his  company,  that  lay  hid 
iiehind  a  hill  of  our  quarters,  killed  two  Salem  men,  and  wounded  a  tiiird 
witiiin  a  mile  of  us,  that  he  is  dead.  And  at  a  house  three  miles  off,  where 
1  had  ten  men,  they  killed  two  of  them.  Instantly  Capt.  Mosely,  myself 
and  Capt.  Gardner  were  sent  to  letch  in  Major  Jlppleton's  company,  that 
i\ei)t  three  miles  and  a  half  off,  and  coming,  they  lay  behind  a  stone  Avail, 
and  fired  on  us  in  sight  of  the  garrison,  Ave  killed  the  captain  that  killed  one 
of  the  Salem  men,  and  had  his  cap."  Mr.  Hubbard  says,  "  A  lew  desperate 
hidifins,  creeping  under  a  stone-AA  all,  fired  tAventy  or  thirty  guns  at  Mosely  in 
paiticiilar,  a  commander  well  known  amongst  them,  but  the  rest  of  the  com- 

*  MS.  Stale  Papers. 

t  Old  Indian  Chronicle,  111. 

^  In  manuscript.    See  au  account  of  it  in  a  note  to  the  life  of  Philip. 


-.*if*:-;.  ;•:■'■ 
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^  ',♦  /'■.-  v^^•  ;  y 


78 


STONE-WAlI-JOriN.— PROVIDENCE,  .fee.  BURNT.         [Book  III. 


(miiy  running  down  upon  tJieni,  killed  ono  of  tluitn  and  Bcattered  tlit*  rest." 
Tlnm  did  tlio  Hcoiits  Ironi  the  iniiin  hoiiy  of  tlio  Indians,  iifidfi*  »\\cU  capiuiuii 
ad  tin-  Sto)  e-laycr,  annoy  the  Eni/'ish  in  thpir  niarcii  into  tJieir  country.  Im- 
inediatel}  alU:r  tiicso  siiirinishes,  "tiicy  bnrnt  ^em/ /i«/rs*  lioiiw,  and  killed 
Heventecn  [poiBons.]  t  Dec.  IG,  ca»ne  that  news.  Dee.  J7,  eanie  iie\v,«i  ilmt 
Conneeticut  TorcoH  were  at  Petacpiauiseiit ;  killed  ("our  Indians  and  took  six 
jiriHonoifl.  That  di-y  we  sold  Capt.  Davenport  47  Indians,  young  and  old,  lijr 
£80  in  money."  I 

How  nmch  John  had  to  do  in  the  devastation.s  which  had  been  j^erpctiated 
the  previous  season,  is  unknown,  hut  we  are  told  that  he  ii»d  no  small 
ajioncy  in  "the  sackinjf  of  Providence,"  §  and  RcholMitli  alfo,  without  doubt. 
In  the  fornicr  about  :it)  houses  ||  were  burned,  and  in  the  latter  place  "near 
y\\  .in  40"  hous{;s  and  W  barns. 

SlnnC' wall- John  wa  :  .'oMl)tless  one  who  conversed  with  tlie  Reverend  Mr. 
Williams  at  the  '•iie  PrctvideiKn;  was  burned.  The  sulx  tance  of  that  conver- 
.«ation  is  relat  <;  i<     nonynious  author,  already  cit>  d,  in  tliese  words:— 

"iJut  indeed  tb(  son  :i  ;t  the  inhabitants  oi'  the  towns  of  Seaconick  and 
Providence  gcnei  v  escapi'c'  with  their  lives,  is  not  to  be  attributed  to  aii> 
(;onipassion  or  goon  luiture  <■':  ^  •:■  Indians,  (whose  '  cry  mercies  are  inliuiiiaiie 
cruelties,)  but,  [the  author  soon  contradicts  hiinw  If,  as  will  Im!  seen,]  next  to 
God's  providence  to  their  own  prudence  in  avoiding  their  fury,  when  they 
found  themselves  too  Aveak,  and  unable  to  resist  it,  l)y  a  timely  {light  into 
Rhode  Island,  which  now  became  the  common  'Aoar,  or  place  of  refuge  for 
tiie  distressed  ;  yet  some  remained  till  their  coming  to  destroy  the  »aid  towns ; 
as  in  particular  Mr.  fVilliams  at  Providence,  who,  knowing  SM'veral  of  the 
chief  Indians  that  came  to  fire  that  town,  discoursed  with  them  a  consider- 
able time,  who  |)retended,  their  greatest  quarrel  was  against  Pliinouth  ;  and 
as  for  what  they  attempted  against  the  other  colonies,  they  were  constrained 
to  it,  by  the  s|)oil  that  was  done  them  at  Narraganscit.H  They  told  hitn,  that 
wh(!n  Capt.  Pierce  engaged  them  near  Mr.  Blackstone^s,  they  were  bouiui 
for  Plimoiith.  They  gloried  much  in  their  success,  promising  themselves  tiic 
conquest  of  the  whole  country,  and  rooting  out  of  all  the  English.  Mr.  JVil- 
liams  reproved  their  confidence,  minded  them  of  their  cruelties,  and  told 
them,  that  the  Bay,  viz.  Boston,  could  yet  spare  10,000  men;  and,  if  tliey 
should  destroy  all  them,  yet  it  was  not  to  be  doubted,  but  our  king  would 
send  as  many  every  year  from  Old  England,  rather  than  they  should  share 
the  countr}'.**  They  answered  j»rotidIy,  that  they  should  be  ready  for  tlieiii, 
or  to  that  effect,  but  told  Mr.  Williams  that  he  was  a  good  man,  and  had  been 
kind  to  them  formerly,  and  therefore  they  would  not  hurt  him." 

This  agrees  well  with  Mr.  HuhbarcTs  account  of  the  carriage  of  John  at  the 
time  he  went  to  the  English  army  to  talk  about  peace,  already  mentioned. 
His  words  are,  "yet  could  the  messenger,  [Jo/m,]  hardly  forbear  threatening', 
vaporing  of  their  numbers  and  strength,  adding,  withal,  that  the  Engli:*li 
durst  not  fight  them." 

We  have  now  to  close  the  career  of  this  Indian  captain,  for  which  it  re- 
quires but  a  word,  as  lie  was  killed  on  the  2  July,  1G70,  at  the  same  time  the 
old  squaw-sachem  Qjiaiapen  and  most  of  her  people  were  fallen  ujwn  by 
Major  Talcot,  as  we  have  related  in  a  Ibrmer  chapter. 

Many  Indians  bore  the  name  of  JoJm,  but  when  they  were  any  ways  con- 
spicuous, some  distinguishing  prefix  or  affix  was  generally  added,  as  we 
have  seen  in  several  instances  in  the  preceding  chapters.    We  have  already 


*  Jerah  was  probably  his  name. 

t  Ten  men  and  five  women  and  children.  Hubbard,  50.  "  About  14,"  1.  Mather,  20, 
"  Eighteen,  men,  women  and  children."  Chronicle,  46. 

X  Capiain  Oliver's  MS.  letter. 

6  Old  Indian  Chiioniclk,  98. 

if  The  building  conlaining  the  records  of  R,  I.  was  consumed  at  this  time,  and  part  of  its 
contents.  Some  of  them  were  saved  by  being  thrown  out  of  a  window  mto  some  water. 
They  bear  to  this  time  the  marks  of  their  imii;<!rsion.— Oral  information  of  N.  R.  StapUi. 
Esq.  of  Providence. 

II  And  who  could  ask  for  a  better  reason  7 

•*  This  was  rather  gasconading  for  so  reverend  a  man  !  Had  he  lived  since  the  revolu- 
tionary war,  he  would  hardly  have  meant  so.,  whatever  In  might  have  said. 


CiMf.  v.] 


MATOONAS— EXECUTED  AT  BOSTON. 


TV 


irivnn  the  life  of  one  fiagnmore-John,  but  another  of  tlint  nnnifl,  still  morn 
cntispiciioiis,  (for  his  troimhtny  to  his  own  nation,)  liere  prcsenls  hiniseltl 
This  Sas^nmore-John  was  n  Nipinuk  sachem,  and  a  traitor  to  his  country. 
On  the  27th  of  July,  lt)7(;,  doubtless  from  a  conviction  of  the  hopelessness 
ot'  his  cause,  lie  came  to  IJoston,  and  threw  himself  on  the  mercy  of  tlie 
Knjriish.  They  pardoned  him,  as  he  enticed  along  with  him  about  IHU 
others.  And,  that  be  mi<,'ht  have  a  stronger  claim  on  their  clemency,  he 
seized  Mnioonas,  m\i\.  his  son,  against  wiiom  he  knew  the  English  to  be  great- 
ly enraged,  and  delivered  them  up  at  tiie  same  time.  On  death's  being  im- 
iiie<liHtely  assigned  as  the  lot  of  Mntoonas,  Sagamore- John  reqjiested  tliat  lu; 
might  execute  him  with  his  own  hands.  To  render  still  more  horrid  this 
story  of  blood,  his  request  was  granted ;  an<l  he  took  Matoonns  into  the  com- 
inoil,  bound  him  to  a  tree,  and  there  "  shot  him  to  death."  To  the  above  Dr. 
Mother  adds,*  "Thus  di(l  the  Lord  retaliate  upon  him  the  innocent  blood 
wliicli  he  had  shed ;  as  he  had  done,  so  (Jod  recpiited  him." 

Although  much  had  been  alleged  against  John,  before  he  came  in,  nftcr- 
wiuds  the  njost  favorable  construction  was  put  upon  his  conduct.  Mr.  //iti- 
Vm/says, he  "affirmed  that  he  bad  never  intended  any  mischief  to  the  Eng- 
lisli  at  IJrookfield.  the  last  year,  (near  which  village  it  seems  his  i)lace  was,) 
liiit  tlint  Philip,  coming  over  night  amongst  them,  ho  was  forced,  for  fear  ot' 
his  own  lite,  to  join  with  them  against  the  English."  f 

MATOONAS  waa  also  a  Nij)muk  chiefl  A  son  of  his  was  said  to  have 
murdered  an  Englishman  in  1()71,  whepi  "traveling  along  the  road,"  whic' 
Mr.  Hubbard  says  was  "  out  of  mere  malice  and  spite,"  because  he  was  "  vexeu 
in  Ills  mind  that  the  design  against  the  I<]nglish,  intended  to  begin  in  that 
year,  did  not  take  place."  Tiiis  son  of  Matoonas  was  hanged,  and  afterwards 
beheaded,  and  his  head  set  upon  a  pole,  where  it  was  to  be  seen  six  years 
atler.  Tl^e  name  of  the  murdered  Englishman  was  Zachary  Smith,  a  y  ung 
tiiaii,  who,  as  be  was  passing  through  Dedham,  in  the  month  of  Apri  'ut 
up  at  the  house  of  Mr.  Ca'xb  Church.  About  half  an  hour  after  he  was 
gene,  the  next  morning,  three  Indians  [)assed  the  same  way ;  who,  as  they 
passed  by  ChurcKs  bouse,  behaved  in  a  very  insolent  maimer.  They  had 
lieen  employed  as  laborers  in  Dorchester,  and  said  they  belonged  to  Philip; 
tlieyleft  their  masters  imder  a  suspicious  pretence.  The  body  of  the  murdered 
man  was  soon  after  ibund  near  the  saw-mill  in  Dedham,  and  these  Indians 
were  apprehended,  and  one  put  to  death,  as  is  stated  above.  \ 

Mr.  Hubbard  supposes  that  the  fatlicr,  "  an  old  malicious  villain,"  bore  "  an 
old  grudge  against  them,"  on  the  account  of  the  execution  of  his  son.  And 
the  .irst  mischief  that  was  done  in  Massachusetts  colony  was  charged  to  him; 
which  Avas  the  killing  of  four  or  five  persons  at  JWenrfon,  a  town  upon  Paw- 
tucket  River ;  and,  says  /.  Mather,  "  had  wc  amended  our  \vays  as  we  should 
have  done,  this  misery  would  have  been  prevented."  ^ 

When  Matoonas  was  brought  before  the  conned  of  Massachusetts,  he 
"  confessed  that  he  had  rightly  desciTed  death,  and  could  expect  no  other." 
"He  had  often  seemed  to  favor  the  praying  Indians,  and  the  Christian  reli- 
gion, but,  like  Simon  Magus,  by  his  after  practice,  discovered  quickly  that  he 
liad  no  part  nor  portion  in  that  matter."  || 

The  tbllowing  is  the  statement  of  this  affair  in  the  Old  Indian  Chronicle. 
John  "declared  himself  sorry  that  he  had  fought  against  the  English,  and 
promised  to  give  some  testimonial  to  them  soon  of  his  fidelity ;  and  at  his 
return  now  with  his  men,  women  and  children,  he  brought  down,  bound  with 
cords,  old  Mattoonvs and  his  son  prisoners.  This  Mattoonus'  eldest  son  had  been 
tried  at  Boston,  and  executed,  5  or  6  years  ago,  for  an  execrable  murder  by  him 
committed  on  a  young  maid  II  of  the  English  near  Woburn,  and  his  head  was 

*  Rrief  History  of  the  War,  13. 

\  Narrative,  101.  4to  edition.  If  this  be  true,  Philip  had  the  chief  direction  in  the  ambushing 
of  Hutchinson  and  Wheeler  at  Wickabau^,  as  related  in  the  life  of  Philip ;  but  in  our  opinion 
not  much  credit  should  be  given  to  any  thing  coming  from  a  traitor. 

t  Manuscript  amonsf  the  files  in  the  office  of  the  secretary  of  the  slate  of  Massarhuselts. 

6  Brief  Hist.  6.  H  Hulhard,  101. 

IT  This  author  is  evidently  in  error  about  the  Wobum  murder.  Dr.  1.  Mather  says,  Rela- 
tion, 75,  "  Some  few  private  murthers  there  have  been,  as  namely  those  at  Nantucket,  and 
that  by  Matoonas  his  son,  and  that  at  Woburn."    No  other  particulars  are  given  by  Mather; 


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NET[;s.-M()NO(;o.— MlRDFJtS  AT  SL'WIUKV. 


[Book  in 


liiHtciicd  to  a  polf  iit  oiui  fiid  oftlip  jriillows.  This  old  Mnlloonus'  Callu  r  Imd 
frivpii  it  out  that  ho  would  ho  iivonjfcd  of  uk  )br  Imm  son's  death,  which  coining;  tr 
tho  kiiowled^'o  of  tin;  council,  ho  wnH  sent  lor  uiid  examined  ahout  it ;  and  haviiii/ 
dcnird  it,  and  there  not  hoin«t  HUtfH-icnt  •■viiU-nro  of  it,  lie  vvaH  ditsniiisKeil. 
liMvinjr  only  confessed  tliis,  that  nnindcrins;  Hit  death  of  his  snm,  ht  found  his 
hrnrl  so  his;  hot  tvithin  hirtiy  but  thai  he  rcsotvvii  to  abide  a  faithful  frieiut  to  tin 
lhiL';l!,ih,  and  so  that  accusation  ended.  Itut  alter  sar hem  Philip  liad  1k'j,'iiii 
his  iniu'ders  in  I'limoutli  colony,  this  savajje  lirst  appeared  an  euemy  to  Uf;, 
and  slew  the  two  first  men  that  were  killed  within  the  liinitH  of  our  colony 
(to  wit,  at  IVfendliam)  und  in  that  cruel  and  uutra^'eous  attempt  ut  Unalmo^^ 
this  old  Mnttoonus  was  the  princijial  ringleader.  lk'inf(  now  brou;:lit  u 
jirisoner  to  Boston,  he  was  by  the  counc^il  the  sanu?  day,  ["^8  July,]  adjiiil;.'td. 
lo  Ihj  shot  to  death,  which  was  executed  in  iloston  coHunon,  by  three  Jiuiiuns. 
His  head  was  cut  oft"  and  placed  upon  a  poU;  on  the  jrallows,  opposite  to  liis 
.son's  that  was  there  formerly  hanged.  His  son,  brought  along  with  him, 
remains  still  a  prisoner." 

While  Jl/ff<oonfM  belonged  to  the  Cliristian  Indian**,  his  residence  was  ni 
Pakachoog.  Here  he  was  made  eonsiable  of  the  town.*  On  joining  in  tin 
war,  he  led  (mrties  which  connnitted  several  dei)r(!dalion8.  lie  joined  tlic 
main  body  of  the  Nipmuks  in  the  winter  of  l'/7.'»,  when  Javits  ({uanapokit 
was  among  them  as  a  spy,  who  saw  him  arrive  thens  with  a  train  of  I'ollovv- 
ers,  and  take  tlie  lead  in  tin;  war  dancei-i.  f  Doubtless  (^uanapohil^s  evidence 
drew  forth  the  confessions  which  be  made,  and  added  to  the  severity  exer- 
cised at  bis  execution.  I 

A  Nijimtik  captain  we  will  in  t)i«;  next  jilace  notice,  who  makes  a  sudden 
inroad  upon  the  I'rontfer  of  Massachusetts,  and  who  as  suddenly  dis- 
appears. 

NETUS,  on  the  1  February,  1070,  with  about  10  followerB,  attacked  the 
house  of  one  TAornay  U«/n«*,  4  or  5  miles  beyond  Siul  bury,  and  took  bis  and  his 
son's  families  prisoners.  They  then  «lestroyed  every  thing  upon  his  liinn, 
btu-nt  up  his  house  and  his  barns  with  the  cattle  and  corn  in  them,  and 
withdrew  beyond  the  reach  of  the  English,  as  Totoson  bad  done  at  Eel  River. 
When  this  onset  was  made,  Eames  himself  was  ahseiit  at  Uoston  to  procure 
ammunition.  In  all,  seven  §  persons  were  killed  or  fell  into  the  hands  of  this 
party  of  Indians.  About  three  months  alter"  ards,  one  oi'  the  children  taken 
at  this  time  escaped,  and  after  wandering  30  miles  alone  through  the  wilder- 
jiess,  under  extreme  sufferings,  arrived  among  the  English  settlements.  On 
the  27  March  following,  JVelus  was  killed  near  3Iarlborough,  by  a  party  of 
English  under  Lieutenant  Jacobs,  with  about  40  otlier8.|| 

We  have  yet  to  notice  a  distinguished  Ni))niuk  sachem,  called 

MONOCO  by  his  countrymen,  but,  by  the  English,  generally,  One-eya!- 
John ;  as  though  deficient  in  the  organs  of  vision,  which  jirobably  was  the 
ease.  He  was,  says  an  early  writer,  "  a  notable  fijllow,"  who,  when  Philip 
war  began,  lived  near  Lancaster,  and  consecpiently  was  acquainted  witii 
every  pai't  of  the  town,  which  knowledge  he  improved  to  his  advantage,  on 
two  occasions,  in  that  war.    On  Sunday,  22  August,  1G75,  a  man,  his  wife 


but  Hubbard,  in  the  prefare  to  liis  Narrative,  cdilimi  of  1677,  savs,  "  a  murther  was  commiitcd 
at  Fariningtoii,  another  at  Woburn,  l)y  some  liuliaus  in  their  drunken  humors  upon  a  maid 
servant  or  two,  who  denied  them  drink."  . 

»  ShallHck's  Hist.  Concord,  31.  t  1  Coll.  Miss.  Hist,  f^or   vi.SOC. 

t  The  Nipmuks  were  at  this  time  chiefly  under  five  (snrlicms,  which,  Mr.  Hvliliard  says. 
were  "  four  loo  many  to  govern  so  small  a  people."  I'he  same  author  says,  "  The  Nipiieis 
were  under  tlie  command  of  the  sachem  of  Mount  Hope,"  which  fact  is  verified  by  numerous 
passages  of  our  history.  Tlie  names  of  the  five  principal  sachems  were  Monoco,  MAUTAiap, 
Shoshanim,  Matoonas,  and  SAtiAMOiiE  John. 

6  According  to  tlie  Cotton  MSS.  seven  were  killed  and  i  wo  children  only  taken.  This  agrees 
Willi  our  Chronicle,  77,  where  it  is  said  "  they  killed  seven  people  in  a  barbarous  manner, 
and  carried  some  away  captive."  Hubbard,  84  and  Table,  says  Eames'  wife  was  killed,  and 
his  son's  wife  died  the  next  day,  but  says  nothinpr  of  the  number  killed  or  taken. 

II  Compare  Hubbard,  79  and  84.— This  was  the  ftffair  which  he  says  was  done  ".when  it 
was  so  dark  that  an  bidian  could  hardly  be  discer;ied  from  a  beUcr  man."  See  Hook  111. 
Chap.  II.  On  21  Sept.  foUdving,  three  Indians  were  hanged  as  concerned  in  the  murder  of 
Eames't  family. 


Chap.  V.j 


MONOCO— PRAYING  INDIANS   PERSECUTED, 


81 


<■"• 


and  two  cliildren  tvern  killed  nt  tlint  place.*  At  this  time  the  IIuHsanainesit 
i»riiyin)(  Iiuliuns  wore  |)hic»)d  at  Alailhoroiigli  hy  uutliority.  No  guouer  wus 
it  known  timt  a  murder  was  coininittiMl  ut  LuiieuMter,  tiiaii  not  ii  few  were 
wnntini;  to  ulinrgo  it  upon  the  lla.ssanainesits.  Captain  Mosehf,  who  it  sectns 
was  in  the  neiglibortiood,  sent  to  their  (piarters,  and  found  "much  sunpieion 
.iirainst  eleven  of  them,  l(>r  singin<r  and  dancing',  and  iiavin^  bullets  and  sluirs. 
Mid  much  powder  hid  ia  their  hiuskets."  For  this  ojjence,  these  eleven  were 
w;ut  to  Hoston  .'W  August,  on  suspicion,  and  there  tritd.  "  Ikit  upon  trial,  the 
said  |)risoners  were  all  of  thnni  lUMpiitted  (i-oin  the  fiict,  and  were  eitlnir  released, 
or  else  were,  with  others  of  that  fort,  sent  for  better  secjirity,  and  for  preventiufr 
future  trouble  in  the  likt(  kind,  to  some  of  the  islands  below  Hoston,  towards 
.Nant^isket,"  I 'n teen  wils  the  ninnbcr  brou<rht  down  to  lioston,  but  eleven 
Miilv  were  suspected  of  tiie  alhfjred  otfcnce.  Tlie  others,  among  wiiom  were 
Ah'mm  Spcen  and  John  Choo,  were  taken  along  and  imprisoned,  lor  no  other 
reason  but  thirir  being  accidentally,  at  that  time,  at  Marllioroiigh,  or  the  ciimc 
of  beiui,'  Indians.  It  appears  .soim;  time  had  elapsed  alb-r  the  nuirder  was 
roininitted,  before  they  won-  sent  down  for  trial,  or  more  probably  they  were 
siitfered  to  return  luime  befoje  being  sent  to  Deer  Island.  For  Ephraiiii 
Turner  and  iVUliam  Kent  were  not  sent  up  to  fitid  out  when;  "  they  all  were," 
iiid  what  answ<'rs  they  could  get  from  those  they  should  meet,  until  the 
lii'giiiiiiiig  of  October;  at  which  tiuii;  these  eleven  Indians  were  scattered  in 
various  directions,  about  their  daily  callings.  Aadall  the  information  Turner 
and  Kent  handed  into  court  was,  that  they  were  thus  dispersed.  H^'aban  and 
Mr.  John  IVainon,  who  had  been  appointeid  to  reside  among  those  Indians, 
were  the  only  persons  cpiestioned.  What  steps  the  court  took  upon  this 
infuiiimtiou,  we  are  not  intbrmed,  but  they  were  about  this  time  sent  to  Deer 
Isluiid. 

The  names  of  these  Indians,  concerning  whom  more  particular  inquiry 
may  herealler  be  made  by  the  benevohsjit  antiquary,  it  is  thought  should 
be  given ;  especiuUy  as  they  may  not  elsewhere  be  preserved.  They 
were, 

Old-jethro  and  two  sons,  Jamcs-tlie-printer,  James  JlcompanH,  Daniel  Munups, 
John  Cquiuquaconet,  Jahn  Jlsquenet,  George  JVbtisequasewit,  Thomas  Mamuxon- 
'/ita,  and  Joseph  IVatapacosoti,  alias  Joseph  Spooraut. 

After  a  trial  of  great  vexation  to  these  iimoccnt  ladians,  David,  the  main 
witness  against  them,  acknowledged  he  bad  pta-fidiously  accused  them ;  and 
at  the  same  time,  a  jirisoner  wa.s  brought  in,  who  testiticnl  that  he  knew  One- 
njeil-john  had  coinmitted  the  murder  al  Lancaster,  and  a  short  time  alter 
iinother  Wiis  taken,  who  coniiriTicd  his  testimony. 

These  Indians  broughtall  these  troubles  upon  themselves  by  reason  of  their 
iittnchnuuit  to  the  English.  It  was  in  their  service  that  they  discovered  and 
oipiured  Jlndrew,  a  brother  of  David,  who,  on  being  delivered  to  the  soldiery, 
was  shot  by  them  with  ferocious  precipitancy.  Therelbre,  when  the  Lancaster 
nnirder  happened,  Ca|rtainwWose/_i/,liavLng  already  sundry  charges  agiunst  David, 
MA  an  iiniuisitian  upon  him  to  make  him  eout(!SS  relative  to  the  Lancaster 
•iftiiir.  The  method  taken  to  make  him  cozifess,  (agreeably  to  the  desire 
of  his  inquisitors,)  was  this:  they  boujid  him  to  a  tree,  and  levelled  guns  at 
Ills  hreast.  In  this  situation,  to  avert  unmedititc  death,  as  well  as  to  be  re- 
venged for  the  death  of  his  brother,  he  proceeded  to  accuse  the  elei'en  Indians 
li  'fore  named.  For  thus  falsely  accusing  his  countrymen,  and  shooting  at  a 
lioy  who  was  looking  alter  siiee])  at  Marlborough,  David  was  condemned  to 
-lavery,  and  accordingly  sold,  as  was  one  of  the  eleven  naniful  IVatapacoson. 
Tiiis  last  act  being  entirely  to  calm  the  clamors  of  the  multitude ;  after  he 
!ia(l  been  once  acquitted,  a  new  trial  was  got  up,  and  a  new  jury  lor  this 
Jiarticular  end.f 

.'Indreio's  history  is  as  follows :  He  had  been  gone  for  some  time  before  the 
war,  on  a  hunting  voyage  towards  the  lakes;  luid  on  his  return  homeward, 
he  fell  in  among  Philip''s  men  about  Quabaog.    This  was  about  a  mouth 

•  The  ahove  is  iMr.  Ilubhard's  iiproiiul.  Mr.  Willard,  in  his  cxpclleul  history  of  Lan- 
(uler,  ^ivcs  us  the  names  of  six,  ami  says  fighl  were  killed.  J$ut  in  his  etimneralinii  I  count 
;"'«*'  ,•  auil  (Saokin  says  seven.     Our  text  is  acconliag  lo  Hubbard,  Nar.  30. 

'  Oookin,  Maauscript  Hist.  Pray'i»g  li)iliuus. 


*•<  ■•.•-■ 


■  ■  ••• 


•>'■■■  : 


^^••■■•J:.:^.■^'":  t-'- 

-■*  ••  if^'iiij',,'/'-  v'  .■■♦•...•■ 


,'5. .  •>  ■*. 


•H 


,1 


•r'-ri "' 


I  '■  »•  '  I '  ■  .    ■  •    .' 

I*  t    '    ■ '  ."■•/■  I 


V;...^.'' 


■.■,->>'*■■/./ 
■•  -•"»'■ .  ■  • .  ■  ■ 

'■■•'*•  " ^ 


:      ^    ■■■l/t'^^r-- 

i  ::  :^'^f.''-': 

1     ..•    .       ,      .'v    •■      ■ 

Ivf-:- ■•>^'^';•:5«<■ 


«.nT-;--.,- 


82 


MONOCO.— FIVE  CHIEFS  EXECUTED. 


[Book  III 


liel'orrthrnflliir  itt  LuiifusU^r.  Tim  roamm  lie  staid  atrion<{  tlio  iiostilo  IiidiniiH 
is  vtrv  olivioiis:  ii*;  was  ul'raid  to  v<!nturi;  into  tlit;  vicinity  of  tlit)  wliites,  U-n 
tlioy  sliould  tri'ut  iiiiii  as  an  tMioniy.  lint  as  his  ill  litrtiiiio  lull  out,  iu;  wmm 
Ibnnd  in  tlio  woods,  hy  did  countrytncn  of  I\Iarll)oi-oii<^'ii,  who  conduttt;il  iiiiu 
to  tiu)  Knxlirtli,  liy  wiioni  lio  was  shot,  as  wo  liavu  jiiMt  ruiatod.  Tiit'  *  ili- 
fur  who  pn-uidt^d  ovi^r  and  diroct«;d  this  alliiir,  would,  no  doubt,  at  any  othi  r 
tiino,  have  rcctiivcul  a  reward  proportionatt;  to  the  malignity  of  th<;  otli'ncc ; 
Itiit  in  thiu  horrid  storm  of  war,  many  were  Buttered  to  traiisgretM  the  laws 
with  im|)Uiiity. 

From  one  account  of  this  affair,*  it  would  munu  that  one  of  the  Iiuliaiis 
seized  l»y  Alosdi/  at  tiiis  time  was  actually  executed  ;  "  for,"  says  the  writer  t(» 
whom  we  reler,  "the  coiii  lonalty  were  so  enraged  against  Mr.  tVio/,  ami 
Capt.  (!u<!;t^ins  especially,  thnt  dipt,  O'jwriT'"^  saiil  on  the  Im^iicIi,  [he  iM'iaija 
judge,]  tiiat  he  was  ufraicl  to  go  along  tlie  streets  ;  the  answer  was  made,  you 
may  thank  yourself;  however  an  onler  was  issue«l  out  for  the  executioa  m 
that  one  (notorious  ahovt;  the  rest)  Indian,  and  accordingly  he  was  led  liy  a 
ro|>e  about  his  neck  to  the  gallows.  When  he  came  there,  the  executioiiur.« 
(t(>r  there  were  many)  Hung  one  eiul  over  the;  |K»st,  and  so  hoistett  irun  up 
like  u  dog,  three  or  four  times,  he  being  yet  half  alive,  and  half  dead;  tlu  n 
came  an  liulian,  n  friend  of  his,  and  w  ith  his  knife  made  a  hole  in  his  hrciist 
to  his  heart,  and  sucked  out  his  heart-blood.  Iteing  asked  bis  reason  tlieri'- 
(br,  his  answer  [was]  UitJi,  Unilt  nu,  mt;  stronger  as  i  was  Iw-lbre  ;  me  Ik-  kh 
strong  asJ  me  and  he  too;  he  be  ver  strong  man  fore  he  die.  Thus  with 
the  dog-like  death  (good  enough)  of  one  poor  heathen,  was  the  p«!ople  nige 
laid,  in  some  measure." 

We  have  yet  to  add  u  word  concerning  Monaco.  When  ({unnapoldt  wu8 
out  as  a  spy,  .1/o/ioto  kindly  entertained  him,  on  account  of  former  ac(|imiiit- 
ance  not  knowing  his  character,  'i'hey  had  served  together  in  their  wai> 
aguiiii^t  tlje  Mohawks.  On  10  Feb.  l()7(i,  about  (iOO  Indians  It'll  ii|iou 
Lancaster,  and,  uiler  burning  the  town,  carried  the  iidiabitants  into  captivity. 
Among  them  was  the  fiinmy  of  lleverend  Mr.  Rowlandaon.  Mrs.  Rmi- 
lanilson,  after  her  redemption,  published  an  amusing  account  of  the  atiiiir 
.Monaco,  or  One-cijed-john,  it  is  said,  was  among  the  actors  of  this  traircdy. 
On  13  March  lollowing,  Groton  was  .-Jurpri-sed.  In  this  affair,  too,  John 
Monoca  was  principal ;  and  on  his  own  word  we  set  him  down  as  the  ilcstroy- 
er  of  Medfield.  Aller  he  bad  burned  Groton,  except  one  garrison  house,  lie 
called  to  the  cajjtain  in  it,  and  told  him  he  would  burn  in  succession  Cliehns- 
tbrd,  Concord,  VV^atertown,  Cambridge,  Charlestown,  Koxbury  and  Boston. 
He  boasted  nuicli  of  the  men  at  his  command;  said  he  had  4riO  warriors: 
and  added — "  IVhal  me  ivill  vie  do."  The  report  of  this  very  much  emaL^cd 
the  English,  and  occasioned  his  being  entitled  a  •'  bragadocio  "  by  the  histo- 
rian. At  the  close  of  Philip's  war,  with  others,  he  gave  himself  up  to  Miijor 
WcMron  at  Cochecho;  or,  having  come  in  tiiere,  at  the  recjuest  of  Ptkr- 
jethro,  to  make  peace,  was  seized  and  sent  to  Boston,  where,  in  the  lauguaire 
of  Mr. //it66ar</,  lie,  "  with  a  few  mf)re  bragadocios  like  himself,  Suiritmort:- 
sam,  Old-jelhro,  and  the  sachem  of  (iuahaog,  [Mautamp,]]  were  taken  by  tlu 
English,  and  was  seen,  (not  long  before  the  writing  of  this,)  marching  towanis 
the  gallows,  (through  Boston  streets,  which  he  threatened  to  bum  at  iiis 
pleasure,)  with  a  halter  ai)out  his  neck,  Avith  which  he  was  Juiuged  at  tiic 
town's  end,  Sept.  2(5,  in  this  present  year,  l()7fi."J: 

On  the  24  July,  iG75,  five  of  the  principal  Nipmuk  sachems  signed  an 
agreement  to  meet  the  governor  of  Massiichusetts  to  treat  of  peace  soon  alter. 
but  not  appearing  according  to  agreement  Captain  Ilutchinsan  was  sent  ou'. 

*  In  the  Indian  Ciihonmcle,  2(),  27. 

t  Compare  Hubbard,  3j  and  73. — Tlie  same,  probably,  called  Mattaieamppe,  wlio,  in 
1G65,  wimassed  llie  sale  of  Brooklield,  Mass.,  deetled  at  that  tinfie  by  a  chief  named  Siinl- 
toockmtis.  MaiUamp  claimed  aa  interest  in  said  lands,  and  received  part  of  the  pay. — Kev. 
Mr.  Foot's  Hist.  Brook  Held. 

t  This,  so  far  as  it  goes,  agrees  with  an  entry  in  Seicairs  MS.  Diary,  dted  in  Sliattucl^s 
Concord,  C3 — "  Sagamore  Sam  goes,  One-ey'd  John,  Mai iompe  [Mautamp]  Sagamore  ol 
Qnabaog.  General  at  Lancaster,  &.c,  Jethro  (the  father)  walked  to  the  gallows.  Oiir-ry'd 
Jolt/I  accuses  Sagamore  John  to  liave  fired  tke  first  gun  at  Quabac^  and  killed  Capt.  Hutch- 

illSOIL." 


\,r.  savs,  "  it 


■)'■■: 


Chap.  V.] 


8IIOSI1AMM.— OLD  JETIIRO. 


83 


to  (lact^rtain  the  caum^  and  wan  ainbiuihnd  by  tlinm,  as  wo  liavR  in  thu  lit'u  of 
/^/ii7i// n-liil(!(l.  At  this  liinc,  "  Sam,  wirlii-iii  of  VVcslmcuin,"  uiul  Nktaump. 
urt!  particularly  inrniioiDMl  a.s  liasin^'  hi.-ii  lianf^t'd  at  ItoHtoii. 

It  waH  n-|Htrt<'(l,  (no  doiilit  liy  the  Indiana,  to  vc\  tlit-ir  ciicniioH,)  tliat  IMrH. 
Jiowhttulsun  l<ad  married  ^/o»i«<v>.  "JJiit,"  tlic  aiitlior  of  tlic  I'iiksk.nt  Statk. 
&n:  KUVH,  "it  UIU4  soon  contradict'  d,"  and,  "  tliat  mIk'  a|i|MMin>d  and  lifliaved 
iicrMtll  anion^'Ht  tlu;ni  vvitii  so  niucli  coiira^'i;  and  niaji-stic  ^'raviiy,  that  none 
dnrKt  od'cr  any  viult>nc(;  t<i  licr,  hut  on  tliu  contrary,  (in  tlii^ir  rude  nianncr) 
Micnud  to  xliow  licr  ;frtut  respect." 

Ill  the  (iInivi;  qiiotati«>ii  froin  Mr.  Hubbard,  we  iinv«;  mIiowh  at  what  tiini' 
!<(ni'ral  of  tiie  Nijiniiick  chiitls  were  put  to  death  liesidc  Mmoco. 

<)Li>-JHi'IIK(>  was  little  lesis  noted,  thoii^di  of  ipiite  a  different  cliaractRr. 
it  is  Indian  name  was  Tanlnmowi.  lie  was  present  at  the  uah*  of  Conconl 
(Muss)  to  the  Knglish,  idtoiit  wiiich  time  he  lived  at  Natick.  in  lit?  i,  he  wa!< 
)ippi>iiite<l  a  missionary  to  the  Mipmnks  living  at  W'eHJiakim,  nince  Sterlin<i, 
hill  his  stay  liiere  was  short.*  11<;  and  his  iiimily  (ot'  ahoiit  j'^  persons| 
were  anion^  those  ordered  to  It^'cr  I>laiid,  on  the  hreaki'i^  out  of  the  w.it 
the  next  year.  Tlieir  n  sideini-  then  was  at  Nohscut  Hill,  lu'iir  Siulhiiry 
His  spirit  could  not  lirook  the  iiidif;nity  offered  hy  tlios<^  Miifrlish  wlio  were 
sent  to  conduct  the  |ii'ayiiiir  Inihaiis  to  lloston,  and  in  the  ni;<lit  lie  escaped, 
with  all  hi^  liunily,  into  his  native  wilds.  His  son  J*elcr  hud  heeii  so  lon^: 
iiiulcr  the  iiiHtniction  of  the  Iwi^disli,  that  hi;  had  become  almost  one  of 
tlii'iii.  Hfi  dciserted  his  liitiier's  cause,  and  was  the  means  of  his  heinjf  exe- 
cuted vvitii  the  otiu;r  iNipmtik  sachems  already  mentioned.  This  occasioned 
Dr.  /.  Midhtr  to  say  of  him,  "  That  alKtininahfe  Indian,  Pder-jdkro,  hetruyed 
his  own  father,  and  other  Indians  id'  his  special  ucipiaintuiice,  unto  death." 
It  seeni»  he  hud  been  i;mploye<l  by  the  Englitih  for  this  pur|K)se. 

About  a  mouth  belbre  the  fall  of  Philip,  the  Nipmucks  became  fully 
iiw.ire  of  their  wretched  condition,  who,  on  the  G  July,  lt>7(],  sent  an  Indian 
iiicsseii^rer  to  the  En<,dish  with  a  white  flajr.  Jle  came,  says  our  Chronicle, 
"  liMin  Sagamore  Sam  of  Nassoway  (a  proud  Salvage,  wlio  two  months  since 
insulted  over  the  Kn;:lisli,  and  said,  if  the  English  would  first  biigge  i'eace 
of  liim,  he  would  let  them  have  Peace,  but  that  he  would  never  lusk  it  of 
liiem ;)  This  Indian  was  Ken i  from  him  with  Letters,  desiring  I'eace  of  us, 
and  exjiressely  praying  u>-  in  the  name  of  Jesus  Christ,  and  for  liiw  sake  to 
grant  it  wlujsc  holy  name  'nv.y  have  so  much  blasphemed.  Thus  doth  the 
Lord  Jesus  make  tiiein  to  Ijow  belbre  him,  and  to  lick  the  dust.  And  having 
made  mention  of  his  letter  it  will  not  be  unaccejjtable  to  transcribe  some 
copies  of  the  Letters  sent  by  him,  and  others  on  this  subjeitt,  which  take  as 
followeth.  The  reiuler  must  bear  with  their  barbarisms,  and  excuse  the 
omission  of  some  expressions  in  them,  that  can  liurdly  admit  of  good 
Eu'disL" 


•';-h':S 


•■I 


pay.- 


«  The  first  Letter,  July  the  6th,  1676.\ 

"Mr.  John  Leveretl,  my  Lord,  Mr.  Waban,  and  all  the  chief  men  our  Breth- 
ren, Praying  to  God  :  [This  Mr.  Wuhan  is  a  Praying  Indian,  faithfid,  and  a 
Rukr  anvonst  them;  by  their  Brethren  praying  to  God,  they  mean  ilwse  oj'tlie  same 
Xalion.]  We  beBPcch  you  all  to  help  us  ;  my  wife  she  is  but  one,  I)ut  there 
he  more  Prisouen  which  we  pray  you  keep  well :  Mattamuck  his  wife,  we 
entreat  you  lor  her,  ynd  not  onely  that  man,  but  it  is  the  Request  of  two  Sa- 
chems, Sam  Sachem  of  Weshakum,  and  the  Pakashoag  Sachem. 

"  And  that  further  you  will  consider  about  the  making  Peace :  We  have 
spoken  to  the  People  oi  IVashobab  (viz.  Tom  Duhler  and  Peter,)  that  we  would 
agree  with  you,  and  make  a  Covenant  of  Peace  with  you.  We  have  been 
destroyed  by  your  Souldiers,  but  still  we  Remember  it  now,  to  sit  still ;  do 

•  Mr.  Sliattuck'i  Hist.  Concord,  fW. 

t  The  tenor  of  the  following  lelters,  is  very  diflereni  from  those  in  -^pril  previous,  w4iich  I 
had  discovered  in  MS.  and  priulcd  iu  the  former  editions  of  the  Book  oi  the  lodiaiis.  These 
were  iheu  unknown  to  mt;. 


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I. 


84 


SHOSHANIM.— INDIAN   LETTERS. 


[OooK  III. 


you  consider  it  again;  we  do  earnestly  entreat  you,  that  it  may  be  so  by 
Jesus  Christ,  O !  let  it  bie  so  !  Jimtn,  Jlmen,* 
It  was  signed 

Mattamuck,  his  Mark  N. 
,  f^AM  Sachf.m,  his  Mark  'I'. 

Simon  Pottoquam,  Smhe.\ 
Uppanfppaquem,  his  —  V. 
Pakaskokag  his  Mark  '•!'." 

'■'•  Superscribed,^'  "  To  all  Englishmen  and  Indians,  a//  of  you  hear  Mr.  Wiibaii, 
Mr.  Eliott." 

"  Second  Letter. 

"My  I^ord,  ]\Ir.  Leveret  at  Boston,  ^h•.  WnJmn.,  Mr.  Eliott,  Mr.  Gookin.  ni;tl 
Conucil,  liear  ye.'u  1  went  to  Coiiuectirot  about  tlie  Captives,  that  1  niiiflit 
brinjr  thorn  into  your  hands,  and  whon  wo  wore  almost  there,  the  Ev!i;lish  lui'i 
destroyed  those  Indians:  wlien  I  heard  it,  I  rotnriuul  back  a^ain;  tdfn  wIk^ 
I  camo  home,  we  were  also  dostroyod ;  after  we  wen;  destroy'd,  then  Philip 
and  (^itanipnn  went  away  into  their  own  Coiintrey  ajraine ;  and  I  knew  tlicy 
were  much  afraid,  b(u,'niise  of  our  offer  to  joy n  witli  tJie  English,  and  tlicre- 
Ibre  tliey  went  back  into  their  own  Couiitrey,  and  I  know  they  will  make  no 
Warre ;  therefore  liecause  wht'n  some  Ens^lish  men  came  to  us,  Philip  amS 
(^uanapun  sent  to  kill  them;  but  I  said,  if  any  kill  them,  I'll  ki!l  th(>ni4 

Sam  Sachem. 

/rriiten  t?/ Simon  Boshokum  Scribe."  § 

Hard  Letter. 

"  For  Mr.  Eliat,  Mr.  GooJcin,  and  Mr.  Wabcn. 

Consider  of  this  I  entreat  you,  consider  of  this  great  bTisincsse  that  is  done; 

and  my  wonder  co?icerning  Philip ;  but  his  name  is lVewesawannii\\ 

he  "ngagetii  all  the  people  that  were  none  of  his  subjects:  Then  when  I  was 
at  Pcnnkool\  JS'vmpho  John,  Alline,M  Sum  J^Pumpho,  and  others  who  were  an<rr\', 
and  JKumpho  very  much  angry  -hat  Philip  did  engage  so  many  peo[)le  to  him ; 
and  JVumpho  said  it  were  a  very  good  deed  that  1  should  go  and  kill  him  that 


*  This  snrfiassotli  any  tiling,  in  siipplifa'ioii,  tlial  we  have,  Trom  the  poor  Tiwlians.  Tliry 
were  truly  seiisil)lc  of  ihoir  <ii'plorable  condition!  Little  to  subsist  upon — the  norihrrn  an) 
western  wilderness  so  tiiU  of  their  iiaiive  enemies.  tl)at  a  retreat  upon  those  lunilinfj-';roiniil< 
was  cut  olf — all  the  fishing'  placcu  near  and  upon  the  coast  watched  by  their  successful 
enemy — hence  nothing  now  remained  liut  to  iry  the  elVcct  of  an  oircr  of  unconditional  siib- 
niissi<ni  I — This  letter,  however,  musl  not  be  regarded  as  the  language  of  the  warriors,  il 
was  the  language  of  the  Chris'ian  Indians,  in  behalf  of  lliein  and  themselves. 

t  The  n.une  of  this  sachem  approaching  nearly  in  sound  to  that  of  the  place  since  called 
Worcester,  of  which  S^inutmore-.fohv  was  chief,  almost  induces  llie  belief  that  he  is  the  same. 
A  sachem  of  the  name  h?'i.'-.;   deec'e<l  Worcester  to  the  whites  m  1G7I,  is  additional  proof. 
See  the  elaborate  histor,;  ol  thai  town  I)"  H'hi.  Linccln,  Esq.,  now  in  course  of  publication. 
This  letter  \\\'n  l.e  regarded  as  an  aduJrt.ble  specimen  of  Indian  sentiment,  and  its  value 


X 


IS  much  enhanced,  as  it  uidblc'<  truths  of  great  value — truths  that  lay  onen  the  silualioii  nf 
things  at  this  period  iha'  will  be  gladly  received.  Sam  was  a  magnanimous  sachem.  So 
was  MoriDfo.  We  doubt  if  any  thing  can  in  truth  be  brought  agpinsl  either,  that  would  not 
comport  with  a  warrior  of  iheir  time,  but  tlu?y  ili(i  iU)t  come  within  the  limits  of  a  pardon 
oflVred  in  the  Proclamation  !  When  messengers  were  sent  to  treat  with  the  Indians  i'or  the 
redemption  of  prisoners,  to  prevent  the  evil  such  negotiation  was  calculated  to  produce,  and 
which  I'liifij).  (loubtless,  foresaw,  he  ordered  such  to  be  summarily  dealt  witi:.  Qtiamipohit 
was  suspected  for  a  spy,  and  I'hilip  had  or<)ere<l  him  to  be  killed,  but  M  noco  said,  "  I  will 
kill  whomsoever  shall  kill  QuarKipoi.''."  Slwsliaiiim  afterwards  said  the  same  when  visited 
by  Mr.  Hoar  and  i\'epa7iet,  who  were  sent  to  treat  for  the  ransom  of  Mr.  Rmvlavdsrm's  fam 
ily.  "  If  any  kill  Ihem,  I  will  kill  them,"  that  is,  he  would  kill  the  murderer.  But  these  kind 
oilices  were  forgotten  in  the  days  of  tenor  ! 

§  The  same  person,  whose  name  lo  the  last  letter  is  spelt  Pottoquam,  and  in  Book  ii.  Chap, 
vii.,  liftnkam 

11  This  stands  in  the  MS.  records,  WeinumMnuett.    See  Rook  iii.  Chap.  ii. 

i[  There  is  some  error  concerning  this  person's  name.  John  U.  Line  means  the  same  per- 
son, I  think,  in  Gookin's  MS.  history.  See  Book  ii.  '"'hap.  vii.  j  an  account  of  several  ctners 
here  nictitioned  may  there  also  be  found.  , 


Chap.  VI.] 


SHOSHANIM.— AMOS. 


85 


joyned  so  many  to  himself  without  cause :  In  like  manner  !  said  so  too. 
Tlien  had  you  Ibrmerly  said  be  at  peace,  and  if  the  Council  had  sent  word 
to  kill  P/ii/tp  we  should  have  done  it:  then  let  us  clearly  spisak,  what  you 
and  we  shall  do.     O  let  it  be  so  8j)eedily,  and  answer  ua  clearly. 

PUMKAMUN, 
PONNAKPUKU.N, 

or,  Jacob  Muttamakoog." 

"The  answer  the  Council  made  them,  was,  'That  treacherous  persons 
who  began  the  war  and  those  that  have  been  l)ari)arously  bloody,  must  not 
expect  to  have  their  lives  spared,  but  others  that  have  been  drawn  iutu  the 
war,  and  acting  only  as  Souldiers  submitting  to  be  without  arms,  and  to  liv(; 
(|uiiitly  and  peaceably  lor  the  future  shall  have  their  lives  spared.' '' 

Sagamore  Sam  was  one  of  tiiosi;  that  sacked  Lancaster,  10  l\'l)ruary, 
lt)7t).  Ilia  Indian  name  was  at  one  time  Slioslutnim,  but  in  Philip^s  war  it 
appears  to  have  been  changed  to  Unkntuligiui ;  at  h^ast,  if  he  be  the  same,  it 
was  so  subscribed  by  Peter-jethro,  when  the  letter  was  s(Mit  by  the  Indians  to 
the  I'^nglish  about  the  exchange  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson  and  others,  as  will  be 
I'oiuid  in  the  life  of  JVepanet.  He  was  hanged,  as  has  been  belbre  noted. 
Shoshanim  was  successor  to  Matthew,  who  succeeihul  S/iolan. 

This  last-mentioned  sachem  is  probab'v  referred  to  by  the  author  quoted  in 
Mr.  ThorowgooiTs  curious  book.  In  the  snnmicr  of  Kiilij,  Kevcreiid  John  FAiot 
intended  tovi-sit  theNashuas,  in  his  evangelical  capacity,  but  understanding 
there  was  war  in  thatu  -tion  among  the  Indians,*  delayed  his  journey  (or  a 
lime.  The  sachem  oi  '  •;  ".lua,  hearing  of  Mr.  ElioVs  intention,  "took  "^ 
men,  armed  alter  their  ii.  iier,"  as  his  guard,  with  many  others,  and  con- 
ducted him  to  his  country.  '  A  nd  my  author  adds,  "  tnis  was  a  long  journey 
into  the  wilderness  of  (iO  miles:  it  proved  very  wet  and  tedious,  so  that  he 
was  not  dry  three  or  fcur  days  together,  night  nor  day."  f  One  ol'the  Fndians 
at  this  time  asked  Mr.  Eliot  why  those  who  prayed  to  (iod  an^ong  the 
English  loved  the  Indiana  that  prayed  to  i.'od  "  more  than  their  own  breth- 
ren." The  good  man  seemed  some  at  v.  loss  for  an  answer,  and  waived  the 
subject  by  several  scriptural  (pmtations. 

We  ''lay  be  incorrect  in  the  supposition  that  the  sachem  who  conducted 
Mr.  Eliot  on  this  occasion  was  Sholan,  as  perhaps  Passaconaway  would 
s'jit  the  time  as  well. 


■.•■' s-.?i:V:  ■'.-' 


■■    ■■■-.  ■»!*»:■;:; '.-■'■ 


:  "["T  ":''■' >i;^;.- if? 


V"'-'  i!  ^  V  /•■'■•'  ■•   .  , 
'  •■■■.*.  "'-■'■'  ".  ■^'  7-  '»■.  '  ■ 


■\'v 


Hiet 


CHAPTER  VI. 


Friendly  Indians — Captain  Amos — Pursues  Tntoson  and  Penachason- -Escapes  th« 
sliiughtcr  at  Pmctuckei — Commands  a  company  in  the  eastern  war — Captain 
LiOHTFOOT — J  .is  services  in  Philip's  war — In  the  i 'stern  war — Kkttesanit — 
His  services — Quannapohit — His  important  services  as  a  spy — Mautamp — 
Monaco — Nkpankt — Employed  to  treat  with  th' enemy — lirinis  letters  from  them-- 
Effectt  an  exchange  of  prisoners — Peteu  Conwav — Pktku  ErauAiM. 

AMOS,  commonly  called  Captain  Amos,  was  a  Wampanoa^,  whose  residence 
was  about  Cape  Cod.  We  have  no  notice  of  him  until  Philip's  war,  at  which 
time  he  was  entirely  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  I'^-nglish.  Ailer  the  Plim- 
Duth  people  had  found  that  Tatoson  was  concerned  in  the  destruction  of 
Clark's  garrison,  they  sought  lor  some  friendly  Indians  who  would  tmder- 
take  to  deliver  him  and  his  abettors  into  their  hands.  Captain  Amos  ten- 
•lered  his  services,  and  was  didy  commissioned  to  prosecute  the  enterprise, 


'^C 


*  In  1G47,  three  Indians  were  killed  between  Qiiabaog' and  Springfiel<l,  by  oilier  Indians. 
The  next  year,  live  others  were  killed  about  midway  between  (iiiabaog  and  bancasler.— 
yVinthrop's  Journal,  (Sttvas;e'.i  cd.)     Siirli  iiislanrcs  were  common  amoiiff  iIk^  bidians. 

t  Sure  Argumenls  to  prove  thai  the  Jews  inhabit  now  in  Ameriea— By   Thomas  Tliorme- 
g^nod,  4lo.  London,  \CtCfl.    Sir  Jlo^er  L' Estrange  answered  tl'.is  book  by  another,  entitled 
Thk  Americans  no  Jews. 
8 


8W'': '■.''''■■"  .■'■    ■'■"'•'*■■ 

T   tr^'  '  ■     ■  .■ ...  ,*_'.:•* ' 
•■  ■■■  '..i<-  ■>: ,'  --v 


i1  r^ -,11,  ^  , ,;: 


.n.^?'-:: 


•  %■■".»'.''>■•*•■■'••■■ 


,  ..'•■■  ■:.•'.' rS''  ••■•Mj 


-.Vvv?^: 


i    4.'       *       •        • 


■l%f:^:'- 


.v■::^^■: 


■;■':■*  - 


86 


INDIAN  STRATAGEMS.— LIGHTFOOT. 


[Book  III. 


and  to  take  into  that  service  any  of  liis  friends.  Meantime,  Tatoson  had  fled 
to  Elizabeth  Island,  in  coin[)any  with  Penacltason,  another  chief  who  was 
also  to  he  taken,  if  lie  could  be  found.  'J'his  Penacfuison  was  probably  Talo- 
TO/i'.?  brother's  son,  sometimes  called  Tom,  who,  if  the  same,  was  also  at  tlie 
destroying,'  of  ClarKs  garrison.  Yet  the  wily  chiefs  eluded  the  vigilance  of 
r.'aptuiii  ,'lnws,  by  flying  from  that  region  into  the  Nipmuks'  country,  vvliere 
tliey  joined  Philip. 

To  (■iicourage  greater  exertion  on  the  part  of  the  friendly  Indiiiiis,  to 
execute  their  commission,  it  was  ordered,  that  izi  case  they  captured  and 
brought  in  either  Taloson  or  Penathason,  "they  may  expect  lor  tlieir  reward, 
for  each  of  tliem  four  coats,  and  a  coat  apiece  lor  every  other  Lidi  in  tliat 
siiall  prove  merchantable." 

\Ve  Jiave  mentioned  in  a  former  chapter  the  liorrid  catastro|)hc  of 
(Captain  J'eirse  and  liis  men  at  Pawtucket.  Captain  JImos  escaped  that 
dreadful  slaughter.  lie  fought  there  with  20  o*'  his  warriors,  and  wiien 
Cajdaiii  Peirse  was  shot  down  by  a  l)all  which  wounded  him  in  the  tliigli, 
he  stood  by  his  side,  and  delended  him  as  long  as  there  was  a  gleam  of 
hope.  At  length,  seeing  nearly  all  his  friends  slain,  with  admirable  presence 
of  mind  he  made  his  escafx;,  by  the  Ibllowing  subtle  stratagem: — 

JVanunlcnoo's  warriors  had  l)lackened  their  faces,  which  Captain  Jhnos  had 
oi)servc(l,  and  by  means  of  powder  contrived  to  discolor  his  own  unohs(;rved 
by  tliem.  Wiien  he  had  done  this,  he  managed,  by  a  dextrous  maua'uvre, 
to  pass  among  the  enemy  for  one  of  them,  and  by  these  means  escaped. 

\Vliat  were  Caj)tain  Amos's  other  acts  in  this  wai-,  if  any,  we  liave  not 
learned  ;  nor  do  we  meet  again  with  him  until  1G8!).  In  that  year,  lie  went 
with  Col,  Church  against  the  eastern  Lidiaiis  and  French,  in  which  expedi- 
tion h(!  also  had  the  command  of  a  company.  Church  arrived  a\  itii  his 
forces  in  Bept.  at  Caseo,  now  Portland,  and,  having  landed  secretly  uiuler 
cover  of  the  night,  surprised,  on  the  following  morning,  about  four  huiuhed 
Inilians,  who  had  come  to  destroy  the  jilace.  Although  the  Indians  did  not 
receive  much  damage,  yet,  Governor  Sullivan  says,*  the  whole  eastern  countrj- 
was  siived  by  the  timely  arrival  of  this  expedition.  In  the  fight  at  Casco, 
21  SeptiMnber,  eight  of  the  P^nglish  were  killed  and  many  wounded.  Two  of 
Captain  Amos's  men  were  badly  wounded,  and  Sam  Moses,  another  friendly 
Inclian,  was  killed.  Tliere  was  another  Indian  company  in  this  expedition, 
eotiimanded  by  Captain  Daniel,  out  of  which  one  man  was  killed,  who  was 
of  Yarmoiitii  on  Cajie  Cod.f 

LIGHTFOOT,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Sogkonates,  distinguish(>d  in  Philip's 
war,  was  also  in  the  service  under  Church  at  Casco  ;  a  mciiioraltle  expedition, 
on  more!  than  one  account.  One  circumstance;  we  will  name,  us  it  well  nigh 
jiroved  the;  ruin  of  the  undertaking.  ^VIlen,  on  the  following  morning,  after 
the  arrival  of  the  forces,  th<!  attack  was  begun,  it  was,  to  the  inexpre.sisible 
surprise  of  the  English,  found,  that  the  bullets  were  much  larger  than  the 
calibre  of  their  guns.  This  was  a  most  extraordinary  and  unaccountable 
occurrence,  and  great  blame  was  chargeable  somcnvhere.  In  this  wretched 
(iilenmia,  the  fight  having  already  begun.  Church  set  some  at  work  making 
llie  bullets  into  slugs,  by  which  resort  he  was  able  to  continue  the  fight.  It 
being  higii  water  at  the  time,  an  estuary  se|)arate(i  the  battle-ground  from  the 
town.  The  bidlets  were  to  be  carried  to  the  army  engaged,  in  buckets,  after 
being  hammered.  When  the  first  recruit  of  slugs  was  made  up.  Colonel 
Church  ran  with  it  to  the  water's  edge,  and,  not  caring  to  venture  himself  to 
wad(^  across,  called  to  those  on  the  other  si(h;  to  send  someone  to  take  it  over 
to  the  army.  None  ftppearedbut  Lis;htfoot.  This  Indifm  dextrously  repassed 
the  estuary,  with  a  quantity  of  pow(hr  upon  his  head,  and  a  "  kettle"  of  bul- 
I(!ts  ill  eacdi  hand,  and  thus  the  fight  was  maintained,  and  the  enemy  put  to 
flight. 

Ill  Philip's  war,  lAs^htfooVs  exploits  were  doubtless  very  numerous,  but  few 
of  tluMii  have  come  down  to  us.  lie  volunteered  to  fight  for  the  English,  at 
Awashonk^s  great  dance;  at  Buzzard's  Hay,  already  mentioned.  When  Little- 
eyes  was  taken  at  Cushnet,  in  107(5,  Lightfoot  was  sent  with  him  to  what  'a 


*  Hist,  VUtrict  of  Maine,  102. 


t  MS,  letter  of  Captain  Basset  of  tlie  expedition. 


■ir 


lad  fled 
Iio  was 

V  Talo- 
ut  tlie 

IUC(!    of 

vvlnTe 


pile  of 
hI   tliiit 

(1  sviieii 

tliigli, 

Jllll   of 

•reseiice 


Chap.  VI.] 


KATTENANIT.— EASTERN  WAR. 


87 


now  called  Palmer's  Island,  near  the  inouth  of  Cushnet  River,  where  he  ln^ld 
hiru  ill  ^uard  until  he  could  be  safely  conducted  to  Pliinouth.  Ahout  the 
time  Akkompoin  was  killed,  and  Philip\i  wile  and  son  were  taken,  Church 
gave  him  u  captain's  coniniidsion,  aller  which  he  made  several  successful 
e.xpeditions. — We  now  pads  to  charactera  hitherto  less  known,  though  perhaps 
of  more  interest. 

Very  little  was  kno\vn  of  certain  important  characters  among  the  friendly 
Indians  of  Massachusetts,  which  should  have  by  no  means  been  overlooked, 
until  till!  discovery  of  Mr.  Cookings  manuscript  history  of  the  praying 
Indians,  not  long  since,  and  to  which  we  have  oAen  referred  already.  We 
shall,  therefore,  devote  the  remainder  of  the  jjre.sent  chapter  to  their  history. 

JOB  KATTENANIT  seems  first  to  demand  attention,  lie  was  a  Christian 
Iiuliiiii,  and  lived  some  time  at  Natick,  but  was  at  one  time  a  preacher  at 
Magunkog,  and  belonged  originally,  we  believe,  to  Has.sanamesit.  However 
liiat  may  have  been,  it  is  certain  he  lived  there  in  the  begimiiiig  of  PhiHp\<> 
war,  when  that  chit.'fs  men  made  a  descent  upon  the  pla(!e,  with  the  intention 
of  carrying  away  those  Christian  Indians  prisoners.  Job  made  his  escape 
from  them  at  this  time,  and  came  in  to  the  English  at  Mendon.  lie  had  still 
liirei'  cliildren  in  the  enemy's  hands,  and  he  was  willing  to  rim  any  venture 
to  release  them.  Me  therelbre  a])plied  for  and  obtained  a  pass,  assuring  hin; 
safiity,  ])rovided  that,  in  his  return,  lie  should  tiill  into  the  hands  of  the  Eng- 
lish scouts.  Besides  liberating  his  children,  consideral)le  hopes  were  enter- 
tained, that  he  might  be  enabled  to  furnish  intbrmation  of  the  enemy.  It 
unfortunately  ha|)pened,  that,  before  he  had  jjassed  the  frontier,  he  fell  in 
with  souK!  English  soldiers,  who  treated  him  as  a  prisoner,  and  an  enem\, 
even  taking  from  him  his  clothes  and  gun,  s  ■nding  him  to  the  governor  of 
Boston;  "who,  more  to  satisfy  the  clamors  of  tlit^  jieople  thanfiir  any  oflenct; 
committed,"  assigned  him  to  the  common  jail,  where  he  sufii-red  exceedingly ; 
himself  and  many  others  being  crowded  into  a  narrow  and  filthy  place.  Af- 
ter about  three  weeks,  he  was  taken  out  and  sent  to  Deer  Island.  The  clam- 
ors of  the  people  were  indeed  liigh  at  this  time,  and  many  accused  Major 
Goob'n,  who  gave  him  the  [lass,  of  being  guilty  of  furnishing  the  enemy  with 
intelligence. 

After  the  Narraganset  fight,  19  December,  1675,  the  English  were  very 
anxious  to  gain  information  relative  to  the  position  of  the  enemy,  and  accord- 
ingly instructed  Major  Gookin  to  use  his  endeavors  to  employ  some  fiierdly 
Indian  si)ies;  who,  after  considerable  negotiation  among  those  at  Deer  Island, 
engaged  Job  again,  and  James  Ouannnnohit,  -dias  (^nanapaiur.  Their  reward 
was  to  be /(j)c  pounds  f'liece!  They  defiarted  ii|)on  this  service  before  day. 
the  nOtli  of  December,  and,  during  their  mission,  behaved  with  great  pru- 
<Ience,  and  brought  valuable  information  to  the  Englisli  on  their  return ;  but 
which,  from  intestine  Ickerings  among  the  English,  turned  to  small 
account. 

James  (^uannnpohit  returned  24th  of  January  follow  ing,  nearly  worn  out  and 
famished ;  having  travelled  about  80  miles  in  that  cold  season,  u|)on  snow- 
shoes,  the  snow  being  very  deej).  The  information  which  he  gave  was  writ- 
ten down  by  Major  Gookin.*  Among  other  matters,  he  stated  that  the  ene- 
my had  taken  up  their  quarters  indifferent  places,  probably  near  Scattacook  ; 
and  many  others,  including  the  Nipmuks,  about  Menumesse.  The  Narra- 
gaiisefshad  not  yet  joined  i^/n/ip  oj)eiily,  but  while  Ja/uca  and  Job  were  among 
the  Nipmuks,  messengers  arrived  from  Narraganset  which  gav(!  them  much 
joy,  for  they  exjiressed  an  ardent  desire  to  join  them  and  Philip  in  prosecut- 
ing the  war.  They  said  their  loss  in  the  great  swamp  fight  was  small.  In 
three  weeks,  James  learned,  they  would  assai.k  Ijuicaster,  which  accordingly 
came  to  pass,  ujion  the  very  day  which  he  said  they  intentled  it.  He 
learned  and  thus  divulged  their  plans  to  a  greai  extent.  A  circumstanci^  now 
oc(!uried  which  obliged  him  to  malce  his  escape,  which  was  this:  He  Ibiind  a 
friend  and  protector  in  Mautamp,\  one  of  the  Nijimuk  chiefs,  who,  it  seems, 

*  The  sumo  i)iil)lishe(l  iu  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  1.  vi.  205—208. 

t  The  same,  probal)ly,  called  Netaump,  who  was  uftt'rwcird!>  executed  at  Bostun,  at  llio 
same  linie  willi  Hagamore'Sam.    See  Hubbard,  36. 


., 

••■iV 

'•  i'-, 

),i 

<  •:. 

■  .•'-'/ 

A  ' 

'*■".■ 

■ ,' 

r<' 

■  ■/■".■I  .■».'■ 


v^.f'f. 


r-'''''f''"';'-'.''"'-^i'-''. 

i  <■■,".»'  V  • 

•  .•;•'-•'^  ■',-■- 


88 


KATTENANIT. 


[Boo  .  lii. 


I  ,'■. 


,  •■■  '■■-•vt;-;-..-.- 

■■■"■■■  '..'.it;',  li.'.-  .,'■•, 


i  ,'■■'.. 


I.-  -P't  ■■■:''.  li)'  I'-'-'S'- 


■   ■.■■>■•  •■'■■«     ■ 

'  r-' '•li'.^  ■  1  ■ '• 

ii.yf-  .'•■'•  -. 
■-'^.■*•«l■^.•^• 


mtenflcii  shnrvJy  to  visit  Philip ;  niid  insisted  that  Quannapohit  Bliould  v'. 
conr|!;itiy  liim,  mid  it  w;ls  with  no  small  difficidty  lie  was  able  to  elrnle  uir 
vigilant  eye  of  Maidamp,  and  make  liis  escape,  which,  liowevc", -.vas  ettlirtd 
only  by  a  nmninp  stratagem,  as  follows: — He  told  Maviamp  \.\m\.  he  liaci 
fou<,'ht  air.'iiiist  Philip  in  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  that  Philip  knew 
him,  and  that,  nnless  he  cfudd  <fo  to  him  with  some  important  trophy,  Philip 
would  not  believe  him,  and  would  immediately  kdl  him.  And  moreover, 
'Puknpcirillin  had  privately  told  him  that  Philip  had  given  out  word  that  cer- 
tain prayinf;  Indians  should  be  souj.dit  after,  and,  if  possible,  seized  and 
brouifjit  to  him;  for  he  wauted  to  put  them  to  death  in  a  cruel  manner,  with 
his  own  li.uids,  and  that  he  was  one  of  them.  H«  therefore  told  Mmitamp 
that  li  wnidd  >ro,  in  the  first  jdace,  and  kill  some  English,  and  take  the  ir 
heads  along  with  liim,  and  then  he  should  consider  himself  safe.  Tiiis 
being  consented  to,  he  lost  no  time  in  retracing  his  steps  to  the  frontiers  of 
the  English. 

He  mentions  Monaco,  or  Ove-ejjed-john,  as  a  great  cajitain  among  tlie  ene- 
my, who  also  treated  him  kindly,  and  entertained  him  in  his  wigwam  (hiriii:; 
his  stay  there  ;  tliey  being  old  acciuaintance,  having  served  together  in  their 
wai-s  against  th(!  Mohawks,  ten  jears  before.* 

And  here  ah-o  Mr.  Gookin  gives  afiivorable  account  of  Jlfonoco.  Philip  Iiail 
ordered  that  the  persons  above  named  should  be  brought  to  him,  if  taken 
alive,  "that  he  might  put  them  to  some  tormenting  death,  which  had  hitherto 
been  prevented  by  th(^  care  and  kiinhu^ss  of  a  great  captain  ainong  thein, 
named  John-nnth-one-eye,  belonging  to  Nashua,t  who  had  civilly  treated  and 
protected  James,  and  entertained  him  at  his  wigwam,  all  the  time  of  liis 
being  there."  t 

Job  was  requested  to  come  away  with  Qtianapohit,  but  saw  no  way  of 
getting  away  bis  children,  which  was  a  main  object  with  him.  He  kii<A, 
too,  that  James  could  give  all  Uie  iidbrmation  they  both  possessed  at  tl  at 

f)e'-io(!,  and  nc*  considering  hiniself  in  imminent  danger,  preferred  to  tarry 
onger. 

At  Wane.xit,  or  Manexit,  they  fell  in  with  seven  Indians,  who  tock  them 
and  conveyed  them  about  twenty  ii.ih's,  across  the  path  leading  to  C'oiUifcti- 
cut,  northward  from  Quabaog.  "'hese  were  sornf!  of  the  Quahnisit!-  and 
Seguncsits.  At  this  place  were  three  towns  which  contained  about  800 
warriors  well  armed.  Here  they  A.ere  threatened  with  death,  their  mission 
being  truly  g  cssed.  But  going  to  Jie  wigwam  of  One-eyed-john,  "  Sagamore 
of  Nashua,"  or  Jfonoco,  he  charge)  his  en  and  said,  "I  will  kill  whom- 
soever shall  kill  (■Iwinapohit.''^  ^  Souk;  •. mi«  ,o  had  killed  one  of  Philip's 
counsrliors  II  at  Moimt  Hojie,  and  Phil-'i--  !:,!  hired  some  to  kill  him;  also 
James  Speen,  Jlndrew  Pitiyit}/,  (y'a[itain  Iftimtr,  Tkumas  Quanapohit,  and  Peter 
Ephraim.  On  being  ordered  to  visit  Philip,  ^^Job  and  he  pretended  to  go  out 
animting,  killed  three  dear  quickly,  and  perceiving  they  were  dogged  hy 
f?oine  other  Indians,  went  over  a  pond  and  lay  in  a  swamp  till  before  day,  and 
when  they  had  prayed  together  he  ran  away."  Job  was  to  return  to  the 
enemy,  and  tell  them  that  James  ran  away  because  they  had  threatened  to 
kill  him.  Job,  not  being  particularly  obnoxious  to  them,  concluded  to 
remain  longer  for  the  cikI  of  ransoming  his  children,  as  we  have  !<aid.  ile 
returned  to  the  English  in  'he  night  of  the  t)th  of  February,  and  said,  as 
James  had  l)ef;)re,  tliat  on  the  next  day  Lancaster  would  be  attacked,  for  lie 
knew  about  four  hundred  of  the  enemy  were  already  on  their  march,  and  it 
so  resulted.  He  fiu'tlier  informed  the  English,  that  the  enemy  would  shortly 
attack  Medfield,  (Jroton,  Marlborough,  and  other  places,  and  that  the  Nur- 
ragansets  had  joined  Philip  and  the  Nipmuks. 

\Vh'!.'.  James  was  there,  "  a  Narrajianset  brought  to  them  one  English  head : 
they  bl;jt  at  him,  and  said  tlu!  Narraganseis  were  the  English  friends  all  last 


*  <.'f  this  '■  ar  we  Imvn  givi'n  an  aroount  in  Book  II.  chap.  III. 

f  (   illeil  s,  1,'ainorc  of  Nashua,  in  llic  Cotton  manuscripts. 

i  Hi"(.  Prating-  Jridi;«>!s, 

^  ilel'iTriii^  probably,  to  Thebk.     Sfu  Bo  k  III.  chap.  II. 


§  Cotton  Manuscripts. 


CliA.-.   VI.] 

summer,     Afti 
their  assi.staiici 

Itiiitre  h(!  If 
and  sundry  otl 
filh'rwai'iis  mci 
tiie  council  for 
new  (iiliicuhii! 
one  -M'  the  win 
had  aci|iiittrd 
sent  tlirin  fortl 
enemy,  and  tl 
r.'tnrn<.'d  in  saf 
This  so  interlL' 
tliat  gr-.-at  sufi 
tiiat  evijr  he  si 
much  sooner  li 
way.  About  t 
court  of  iMass, 
Thomas  Savas;i 
iudess  he  couli 
ants.  On  a  m 
bravest  men  v( 
The  army  mar 
horougii.  Job  \ 
attempt  the  fin 
'i<eet  near  Hast 
liimself  very  u 
iiis  jiopularity 
seems  (piitij  as 
Floridas,  whic 
appears,  would 
was  a(;ting  for 
most  impolitic 
their  natin-al  tr 
friend)  would  i 
frustrate  all  tin 
tiie  army  can  1 
Snvacre  and  (i 
solili(;ry  would 
accompanied  I 
But  they  did  n 
finding  his  fri 
place,  tlie  time 
siifTe  rings  wert 

We  shall  on 
the  hands  of 
taking  every  i 
•Saiiage,  he  trui 
who  ran  away 
the  fear  of  btiii 
About  two  mo 
Finally,  Job  ri; 
His  wile  was 
liands  of  the  e 
deritigs,  nurse 
young. 

When  the 
was  in  the  nei 
Bcout,  and  Ju- 

*  Vi  >:.:n  M 
t  Mno:  U.i 


CliAr".    VI.] 


KATl'KTAMT. 


f^ 


Fimimcr.  Afterwartis  two  nicssonpiTs  came  with  twclvt;  iieads,  <  i'avin<f 
tliL-ir  iitisistaiicf,  tlioy  then  uccepit  ,1  liicm.'"* 

lti'ii>iv  h<!  l(;ll  the  fiitniiy,  hn  a]i|K)inti;(l  a  jilaco  of  saltity  for  l/is  rhildrrMi. 
ami  smi(h'y  others  of  his  (rieinls,  c'a|)tiir<'(l  at  llassuiiaiiiesil,  wiirn-  he  woiihl 
iillcrwai'ils  meet  and  coiidtict  them  to  the;  1'iif.dish.  He  tlierctore  pefilioiied 
the  eontieil  for  hl)erty  to  ni(!(  t  tliein,  whicii  was  <iranted.  Jhit  he  now  had 
new  diliieiildes  to  eneounter,  owing  to  "the  riidc  temper  of  those  times,"  as 
one  of  tlit^  wise  men  of  that  ago  expressed  it.  t  Alliioiigh  hotii  thesi"  men 
had  aefjuitted  themsedves  to  the  entire  .satisfaction  of  tlie  aiitiiorities  wlio 
sent  them  fortli,  yet  the  populace  accused  tliem  of  giving  inibrmation  to  tiie 
enemy,  and  that  tliey  were  secretly  their  advisers,  or  else  tliey  had  not 
r. 'turned  in  saiety ;  to  ajipease  which  they  were  confined  tigain  to  the  island. 
This  so  inte'rlertMl  with  the  time  set  hy  Job  to  meet  his  ehililren  and  friends, 
that  great  suflerings  overtook  them,  us  well  as  himself;  and  he  knew  not 
that  ever  he  should  have  an  opportunity  to  see  his  children  again.  Unt  it 
much  sooner  liap|)ened,  no  doiiht,  than  Ik!  expected,  allhongh  in  an  indirect 
way.  Al'oiit  the  time  he  was  sent  to  the  island,  a  vote  jjassed  in  th(!  gtuieral 
court  of  Slassjicliusetts,  to  raise  an  army  of  six  inmdred  men,  and  Major 
Thonuis  Savai^e  ■Wiia  applied  to,  to  i-ondnct  them  in  iIh;  war.  Jit;  retiised, 
unless  he  could  have  some  of  tin;  friendly  Indians  from  the  island  for  assist- 
ants. On  a  messenger  being  sent  among  them,  .six  of  th(!ir  prini  ipal  and 
hravest  men  volunteiired  in  that  service,  iunon;^  whom  wjis  Job  Kdlkn.anU. 
The  army  marched  ai)outth<;  first  of  March,  1(17.1,  O.  S.  Hut  when  at  Ahirl- 
horongh.  Job  got  iiijerty  of  Major  Savdiri'  and  Major-general  Dcimisun,  In 
attempt  the  finding  of  his  friends  and  children,  \\  hom  he  had  appointed  to 
M<eet  near  Hassunaniesit,  When  it  was  known  to  (,'ai)tain  Mosclji,  lie  behaved 
himself  very  uid)econiing  towards  the  commanding  ofJicer,  and  nothing  but 
his  popularity  with  the  army  saved  his  reputation.  Indeed,  his  conduct 
seems  (piit;;  as  reprehensible  as  that  of  a  more  modern  Indian  Inmter  in  the 
Floridas,  wliicdi  all  friends  of  humanity  joined  to  condemn.  Maseli),  it 
appears,  would  place  no  confidence  in  any  Indian,  and  doubtless  thought  he 
was  acting  for  the  i)cst  interests  of  the  counlry.  He  urged  that  it  was  a 
most  impolitic  measure  to  suffer  any  Indian  to  go  away  at  tliis  time,  knowing 
their  natural  treaclierousuess :  and  he  doubted  not  but  Job  (although  a  tried 
friend)  would  inform  the  enemy  of  the  approach  of  the  army,  which  would 
frustrate  all  their  designs.  The  great  ascendency  which  this  officer  held  in 
tiie  army  can  best  be  understood  by  a  simple  statement  of  the  fiict,  tiiat  Major 
.SVd-age  and  General  Dcnnison  were  obliged  to  s(!iid  afler  Job  b((f()re  the 
sohliery  would  cease  their  clamors.  Captain  Jl'adsworth  anu  Captain  SijlL 
accompanied  by  James  Quannapokit,  went  in  pursuit  with  the  utmost  speed. 
But  (hey  did  not  overtake  him,  and  he  soon  returned  to  the  anny  without 
finding  Ids  friends ;  they,  from  fear  of  discovery,  having  changed  their 
iilace,  the  time  having  been  much  longer  than  was  set,  and  their  cousecpicnt 
siilTerings  were  indescribable. 

Wa  shall  only  add  here  concerning  them,  that  they  aflerwards  fell  into 
the  hands  of  u  l)arty  of  English,  who  treated  them  in  a  savage  manner, 
taking  every  thing  from  them.  But  when  they  were  brought  to  Major 
.S'aii«ge,  he  treated  themkindiy,  and  had  them  sent  to  Boston,  all  exce|)t  f()ur, 
who  ran  away  from  Marlborough,  where  they  stopped  for  the  night,  from 
the  fear  of  being  murdered,  some  of  the  people  so  abused  and  insulted  tlu^m. 
About  two  months  aller  that,  they  were  found  and  brought  in  by  .Vcpaiiet. 
Tinally,  Job  recovered  all  his  children,  and,  marrying  again,  lived  hap|)ily. 
His  wife  was  one  of  those  whom  he  ha<i  managed  to  deliver  out  of  the 
liands  of  the  enemy  at  such  hazard  and  pains.  She  had,  during  their  wan- 
derings, nursed  and  kept  alive  his  children,  one,  especially,  wliich  was  very 
young. 

AVhen  the  Hassanamesits  wont  off  with  the  enemy,  James  (Innnnapohit 
was  in  the  neighborhood  with  the  English  forces,  '^'aptain  Syll  sent  out  a 
Bcout,  and  ..I;-  ',cs  ?  id  Elizer  Pegin  accompanied.    S     eu  of  the  enemy  were 


*  Vi' 
t  Mi 


r,  Diini'l  CiMkin,  who  was  at  least  a  luuidretl  years  in  advance  of  iliat  age. 

3^ 


.--... jl'-. 


.A{k 


m 


■V 


;■  <■■■•  ■■  vt;..;.-::: 

■■.:,:■• -^'vSS?^ 
Tv^  •'"'*^W 


■ .  •  j<;  -^  jj  *-^'ti-' 


.  .J 


Ml 

T.'  ♦■ 


"••■  ..-iT.i  .    i'.V 


90 


EMBASSY  TO  THE  NIPMUCKS. 


[Book  HI. 


soon  discovered,  one  of  whom  wns  lending  an  Enplish  prisoner.  They 
•liscovered  the  Enj^iisli  scout,  uiid  fled.  James  and  Elher  ptirHued  them,  and 
recovered  the  prisoner,  whose  name  was  Christopher  Muchin,  who  hud  been 
Uiken  from  Marllmrough.    James  also  took  one  of  tlie  enemy's  gtms.* 

Tlie  Knglish  liaving,  by  means  of  spies,  as  in  the  preceding  lifi;  we  have 
stated,  lea;:ied  the  state  of  leeling  among  tiieir  enemies,  felt  tliemselves 
prepiinsd,  as  tiic  spring  of  107(5  advanced,  to  make  overtures  to  fliem  ihr 
peace,  or  un  excliange  of  jjrisoners,  or  botii,  as  tliey  might  be  lound  iiichncd. 

Tom  Nep.vnet  was  fixed  tipoii  as  plenipotentiary  in  this  business.  And, 
ultlioiigh  unjustly  suffering  with  many  of  his  brethren  upon  a  bleak  island 
in  i>()st()ii  liarbor,  consented,  at  the  imminent  risk  of  his  life,  to  proceed  to 
meet  tlie  Jufiians  in  the  western  wilderness,  in  the  service,  and  for  the 
benefit,  of  those  who  had  caused  his  sufferings. 

jVeimtict  set  out,  :j  April,  107(5,  to  makcj  overtures  to  the  enemy  for  the  re- 
lease of  prisoners,  especially  the  fiuuily  of  Mr.  lioivlandson,  which  was  taken 
at  Lancaster,  n^turned  on  the  V2  following,  with  a  written  answer  ii-om  the 
enemy,  saying, " /f if  Jtou^^'ve  answer  Ay  this  one  man.,  hut  if  you  like  vv/  answer 
sent  ovc  more  man  besides  this  one  Tom  Ne[)anet,  and  send  ivith  all  true  heart 
and  with  all  your  mind  bif  tico  men;  because  you  know  and  we  know  your  heart 
fp-eal  sonvw/'ul  with  cryins;  for  your  lost  many  many  hundred  man  ami  nil  your 
house  and  all  your  land  and  woman  child  and  cattle  as  all  your  thing  that  you 
have  lost  and  on  your  backside  stand. 

Signed  by    Sam,  Sachem, 

KUTQUEN,  OTld 

QuANOHiT,  Sagamores. 
Peter  Jethro,  scribe. 

At  the  same  time,  mid  I  conclude  in  the  same  letter,  they  wrote  a  few 
wor<ls  to  others,  as  follows :  *^Mr.  Rowlandson,  i/oj(r  unfe  and  all  your  child  is 
ivell  hut  one  djfe^  Yoiir  sister  is  well  and  her  3  child,  John  Kittell,  your  tvife 
and  all  your  ckUd  is  all  well,  and  all  tluem  r^risoners  taken  at  N'ashua  is  all 
welL 

Mr.  liowla\tt]snii,  se  your  lornng  sister  his  hand  (f  Hanah. 
Jlnd  old  Ivette!  imf  his  hand.  -j- 

Brother  Rowlandson,  pray  send  thre  pound  of  Tobacco  fur  me,  if  you  can  my 
loving  husband  praxj  send  thre  pound  of  tobacco  for  me, 

"  'l^his  imting  by  yow  entiaies — Sanniel  Uskattuhgun  and  Gimrasliit,  two 
Indian  sagantcres.^'' 

Mi-s.  Bawlnndsoa,  in  her  account  of  "The  Sixteenth  Remove,"  relates,  that 
when  they  had  waded  over  Rnquaugl  River,  "Quickly  tiiere  came  uj)  to  us 
an  Indian  who  informed  them  that  1  must  go  to  Wachuset  to  my  master,  for 
tlierc^  was  a  letter  come  from  the  ct)uncil  to  the  saggamores  about  redeeming 
the  captives,  an-'  that  there  would  be  another  in  14  days,  and  that  I  must  be 
there  ready  "t  This  was  riouhtless  nflcr  the  letter  just  recorded  had  been 
sent  to  the  English.  "  About  two  days  after,"  Mrs.  R.  continues,  "  came  a 
comp'-ii; ,  of  Jmimns  to  us,  near  80,  all  on  horseback.  My  heart  skij)t  within 
me,  lir.f.'cing  they  icid  been  Englishmen,  at  the  first  sight  of  them:  For  they 
were  dnjs.-cd  iii  Eii^lish  aj.parel,  with  hats,  white  neck-cloths,  and  sashes 
about  i;'.'  >r  wu'sts,  iu,'>  ribbons  upcii  their  shotilders.  But  when  they  came 
near,  there  was  '•.  wis?  "lifference  between  the  lovely  faces  of  Christians,  and 
the  foul  looks  i/t  thosr  heathen,  wluch  much  damped  my  spirits  again."  § 

Having,  afitir  groat  distress,  arrived  at  Wachuset,  our  authoress  adds, 
*'Then  came  Tom  and  Peter  with  the  second  letter  from  the  council,  about 
the  captives."    "  I  asked  them  how  my  husband  did,  and  all  my  friends  and 


*  Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Christian  Indians. 

\  Or  Pav  )ua?e,  now  Miller's  River.  Its  confluence  with  the  Connecticut  is  bctweea 
Northfield  Bnil  Montague. 

X  Narrative  of  her  Captivity,  6!J. 

^  Ihid.  fiO.  The  reg-imcntals  in  which  I'  cy  were  now  tricked  out,  were  probab'»  taken 
from  the  Englisii  whom  they  bad  k4lle<i  in  battle, 


|>)    if 


Chap.  VI.J 


NEPANET— SECOND  EMBASSY. 


91 


acquaintance.  They  said  they  were  well,  but  very  melancholy."  They 
brought  her  two  biscuits  and  a  pound  of  tobacco.  The  tobacco  she  jnive  t(» 
the  Indians,  and,  when  it  was  all  gone,  one  threatened  her  b(!canse  sh(;  hail 
no  more  to  give ;  probably  not  believing  her.  Slie  told  liim  when  h'-r 
liiisbniul  came,  she  would  give  him  some.  "Hang  him,  rogue,  says  he,  I 
will  knock  out  his  brains,  if  he  comes  here."  "Again,  at  the  same  breath, 
tlicy  would  say,  if  there  s)u)uld  come  an  hundred  without  guns  they  would 
(!()  iliem  no  hurt.  So  unstable  and  like  madmen  they  wen-."  *  Tiicre  had 
lu'cn  something  talked  about  Mr.  Jtotolandson^s  going  himself  to  ransom  his 
will',  but  slie  says  she  dared  not  send  ibr  him,  "  for  there  was  little  more 
trust  to  them  than  to  the  master  they  served."  * 

.Vpand  learned  by  tlu;  enemy  that  they  lost  in  the  fight  when  Capt.  Peirse 
wiis  kilhsd,  "  scores  of  their  men  that  sabbath  day."t 

As  they  refused  to  treat  with  Tom  JVepanet  alone,  Peter  Conivai/  was  joined 
with  him  on  a  second  eXf)e<iition,  as  we  have  seen,  which  l«;d  to  several 
others,  to  which  some  English  ventured  to  add  themselves,  which  resulted  in 
the  redein|)tion  of  Mrs.  Rotvlarutson  and  several  others. 

"  When  the  letter  was  come,  (says  Mrs.  /?.),  the  saggamores  met  to  ennsuit 
about  the  captives,  and  called  me  to  them,  to  inquire  how  much  my  husband 
would  give  to  redeem  me :  When  I  came  and  sat  down  among  them,  as  I  was 
wont  to  do,  as  their  marmer  is :  Then  they  l)id  rne  stand  uj),  and  said  they 
were  the  general  court.  They  bid  me  speak  what  I  thought  lie  would  give. 
Now  knowing  that  all  that  we  had  was  destroyed  by  the  Indians,  I  was  in  a 
great  strait."  ;  She  ventured,  however,  to  say  £20,  and  Tom  and  Peter  bore 
the  offer  to  Boston. 

Of  their  return  the  same  writer  proceeds :  "  On  a  sabbath  day,  the  sun 
bei)ig  about  an  hour  fiigh  in  the  afternoon,  came  Mr  John  Hoar,  (the  council 
permitting  him,  and  his  own  Ibrward  spirit  inclining  him,)  together  with  the 
two  lore-mentioned  Indians,  7'om  and  Peter,  with  the  third  letter  from  the 
louncil.  When  they  came  near,  I  was  al)roa(l ;  they  presently  called  me  in, 
and  bid  me  sit  down,  aiul  not  stir.  Then  they  catched  up  their  guns  and 
away  they  ran,  as  if  an  enemy  had  been  at  hand,  and  the  guns  went  off 
a|)ace.  I  manifested  some  great  trouble,  and  asked  them  what  was  the 
matter.  I  told  them  I  thought  they  had  killed  the  Englishman  ;  (for  they 
had  in  the  mean  time  told  me  that  an  Englishman  had  come  :)  they  said,  j\'o, 
ilmj  shot  over  his  horse,  and  vnder,  and  before  his  horse,  and  they  pushed  him  this 
icajl  and  that  way,  at  their  pleasure,  showing  him  what  they  could  do.">S 

They  would  not  at  lirst  si.ili-r  her  to  see  Mr. //bar,  but  when  tiiey  had 
gratified  their  tantalizing  whim  siiflicicntly,  she  was  [)ermitted  to  see  hiin. 
lie  brought  her  a  j)oun(l  ol'  tobacco,  which  she  sold  for  nine  shillings.  "  Tiie 
next  morning,  Mr.  Hoar  invited  tii<!  saggamores  to  dimier;  but  wlien  we 
went  to  get  it  ready,  we  tbutid  they  had  stolen  the  greatest  jjart  of  the  [irovis- 
ions  Mr.  Hoar  had  brought.  And  we  may  see  the  wonderful  power  of  (Jod, 
in  that  one  passage,  in  that,  when  there  was  such  a  number  of  them  together, 
and  so  greedy  of  a  little  good  food,  and  no  English  there  but  Mr.  Hoar  and 
myself,  that  there  they  did  not  knock  us  on  the  head,  and  take  what  we  had  ; 
there  being  not  only  some  provision,  but  also  trading  cloth,  a  part  of  the 
20  poinids  agreed  upon  :  But  instead  of  doing  us  any  mischief,  tluiy  seemed 
to  he  ashamed  of  the  fact,  and  said  it  was  the  malchit  [bad]  Indians  tL  u 
did  it."  Ij 

It  is  now  certain  that  this  negotiation  was  the  immediate  cause  of  their 
final  overthrow.  For  before  this  time  the  Pokanokets  and  Narragansetts 
went  hand  in  hand  against  their  common  enemy,  and  they  were  the  most 
|)owerful  tribes.  This  parleying  with  the  English  was  so  detestable  to  Philip, 
that  a  separation  took  place  among  these  tribes  in  consequence,  and  he  and 
the  Narragansets  separated  themselves  from  the  Nipmuks,  and  other  inland 
tribes,  and  went  off  to  their  own  country.  This  was  the  reason  they  were 
so  easily  subdued  after  the  separation  took  place. 


^W 


,»  ■■,'-• 


^v  .'v'''':-'>^Qs'r 


::f^^':^'': 


5.  .<  ;• 


'"* '  r  *  1 


•  >.  .■.•;•■■    ■• 


P^':'-^;::^:l^ 


♦»• 


"  Narrative  of  her  Captivity,  64,  bb,  ]  Manuscripts  of  Rev.  J.  Cotton. 

t  Narraii\  e,  ut  supra,  65.  $  Ibid.  71,  72,  ||  Ibid.  72.  73. 


w 

7;!;^' 

i^Fwr 

It' 

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, '  1^. 

Vo-^^- 

.  ■■    ■■> 

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S  •; 

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y     ■- 

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/.  ■ 

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■  »'' 

;"v>, 

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.  ',.V\"'*-.  ■/./ 

■;■'  ^^'^^■^.•■.."'■- 


0-2 


PETER  KPHUAlM.-QUANAl'OIIIT. 


IIJOOK  HI. 


It  \v;is  iliiuiiffli  Al/wners  moans  fliat  a  jiarty  of  Enjrlisli,  uihUt  Captain 
IIcn<:lim(ni,\\('f*'V[m\)Uf\  to  surprise  a  body  <  t'liis  coiintryKHMi  at  W«sliakom* 
Ponds  near  Laiirastcr,  MO  May,  l<)7(i.  Followiiifr  in  a  track  jHiintcd  out  by 
^Vrpdiiet,  tlic  Indians  were  (idlcn  n|)on  wliilo  fishiufTt  imd,  ln'irifr  entirely  un- 
prcjpiired,  seven  were  kili«'(l,  and  2!>  taken,  cbiefly  women  and  children. 

i'K'n;i{-i;iMII{AIiM  and  ANDIHOW-IMTYMK  were  also  two  other 
considerably  disiii'^Miislied  Nipmnk  Indians.  They  rendered  mn<"h  service 
to  the  Kn^dish  in  Philip's  war.  They  went  out  in  January,  ]<)7(),  and  bronffht 
in  many  of  the  Ni|)ni'ts,  wlio  liad  endeavored  to  shtdter  themsidves  under 
Unctis.  But,  Mr.  Huhbjrd  t)bserves,  that  UiiCaS,  havi'iji:  "shabbed"  them  ofl', 
"they  were,  in  the  be;:i.niinf^  of  th(^  winter,  [1()7(!,]  bronjrht  in  to  IJoston, 
many  oC  tiiem,  iiy  Ptter-cplimim  and  ,/lndrao-piiiime"  Kphraim  commanded 
an  Indian  com|iaiiy,  and  had  a  commission  (i'om  froveinmenf.  The  news 
tliat  many  of  the  en<>niy  were  doin;.' miscli',"fabont  Hehoboih  caused  a  partv 
ol"  Enjilisii  ol"  Medlicid  to  march  ont  to  their  relict';  Ephraim  went  vvitli 
tlicm,  will)  iiis  comiiany,  which  consisted  of  yj).  The  snow  beinff  deep,  tlie 
J'^,ni;li>ii  soon  ^'rew  disr()nra^fed,and  returned,  but  (.'aptain  J>y>/iraim  continued 
the  march,  and  came  n|K)n  a  ixaly  of  tliem,  encamp*'d,  in  the  id^dit.  Karlv 
the  next  mornin>:,  he  successfully  suirotnided  tliem,  and  ofil-red  them  (piar- 
ter.  "  lOijiht  resolute  fellows  refused,  who  wen^  presently  sliot;"  the  others 
yielded,  and  wire  broujrht  in,  being  in  number  4'^.  Other  minor  exploits  of 
this  Indian  captain  are  recorded. 

T1K)MA8  UUANAPOHIT,  called  also  Itumney-mnrsh,  was  a  brother  of 
James,  and   was   also   a   Christian  Indian.     In    the   begiiuiini;  of  liostilitics 
against  Philip,  Major  Gookin  received  orders  to  raise  a  comjiany  of  praying 
Indians    to    be   employed  against   him.     This    company   was   immediately 
raised,  and  consisted  of  52  men,  who  were  conducted  to  Mount  Hope  by 
Captain  Isaac  Johnson.     Quanapohit  was  one  of  these.     Tlie  officers  under 
whom  they  served  testified  to  their  credit  as  faithful  soUliers ;  yet  many  of 
the  ami}',  ofiicers  and  men,  tried  all  in  their  power  to  bring  them  into  disre- 
]iuto  with  the  country.     Such  ]noceedlngs,  we  should  naturally  conclude, 
would  tend  much  to  dishearten  those  friendly  Iiulians ;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
they  used  every  exertion  to  win  the  afiections  of  their  op{)res8ors.     Q)/ana- 
pohit,  with  the  other  two,  received  from  government  a  reward  for  the  scalps 
which  they  brought  in.     Though  not  exactly  in  order,  yet  it  must  be  men- 
tioned, that  when  Thomas  was  out,  at  or  near  Swanscy,  in  the  begiiniing  of 
the  V  nr,  he  by  accident  had  one  of  his  hands  shot  off.    He  was  one  of  tti« 
troo|)c5S,  and  carrieil  a  gun  of  remarkable  length.     The  weather  being  ex- 
ct'ssively  hot,  his  horse  was  very  uneasy,  being  disturbed  by  flies,  and  struck 
the  lock  of  tlie  gun  as  the  breech  rested  upon  the  ground,  and  caused  it  to 
gooff,  which  horribly  mangled  the  hand  that  held  it;  and,  notwithstanding 
it  was  a  long  time  in  getting  well,  yet  he  rendered  great  service  in  the  war 
afterward.    The  account  of  one  signal  exploit  having  been  preserved,  shall 
here  be  -'.'laicu.     AVhile  Cajttahi  Henchmnn  was  in  the  enemy's  countiy,  he 
ii""^c  un  excursion  from  Hassanamesit  to  I'ackachoog,  which  lies  about  ten 
miles  north-west  from  it.    Meeting  here  with  no  enemy,  he  inarched  again 
for  Hassanamesit ;  and  having  got  a  few  miles  on  his  way,  discovered  that 
he  had  lost  a  tin  case,  which  contained  his  commission,  and  other  instructions. 
He  therefore  despatched  Thomas  and  two  Englishmen  in  search  of  it.    They 
made  no  discovery  of  the  lost  article  until  they  came  in  sight  of  an  old  wig- 
wam at  Packachoog,  where,  to  their  no  small  surprise,  they  discovered  some 
of  the  enemy  in  possession  of  it.     They  were  but  a  few  rods  from  them,  and 
being  so  f  ^w  in  number,  that  to  have  given  them  battle  would  have  been 
desperate  in  the  extreme,  as  neither  of  them  was  armed  for  such  an  occasion; 
stratagem,  therefore,  could  only  save  them.     The  wigwam  was  situated  upon 
an  eminence  ;  and  some  were  standing  in  the  door,  when  they  a[)proached, 
who  iliscovered  them  as  soon  as  they  came  in  sight.     One  presented  his 
gun,  l)ut,  the  weather  being  stormy,  it  did  not  go  off.    At  this  moment  our 
chief,  looking  back,  called,  and  made  many  g«!stures,  as  though  he  were  dis- 
posing of  a  large  force  to  encompass  them.     At  this  manoeuvre  they  all  fled 

*  Ro^er  Williams  sets  down  sea  as  the  cltfuikion  of  Wecliecum, 


1  ! 


Chap.  VII.] 


PASSACONAWAY. 


9:J 


boinjr  six  in  numbor,  Icavinnr  owr  lierocs  to  piiisuc  their  object.  Tbiis  their 
preservation  was  ihio  to  i^uanapuhit ;  ami  is  tiie  more  to  be  admired,  as  tiiey 
were  in  so  fur  destitute  of  tiie  ;iieans  of  delcnce.  Captain  ({uanapolul  liad 
himself  only  a  ])istol,  and  one  of  bis  men  a  gun  without  u  tlint,  and  thu 
(itlier  no  <;un  at  all.* 

It  was  about  the  time  these  events  (xrcnrred,  that  Captain  Tom,  of  wliom 
we  have  spoken,  his  danj^hter,  and  two  ehildren,  were  taken  by  a  scout  sent  out 
1»V  Captain  //e/ic/iTmirt,  about  1(J  miles  south-east  of  Marlborough.  They  ajjpear 
10  have  been  taken  on  the  11  Jime,  and  on  the  !JG  of  the  same  month  Captain 
Tom  was  executed. 

CHAPTER  VII. 


''.•'■   «; ; . 


J-;.-:.- 


of  the,  Indians  in  A'ew  Hampahirr,  and  Miiine  prrrioiis  to  their  wars  with  the  whilrs — 
Dominions  of  the  hashuba — Prrinhcs  in  war — I'assaconawav — His  dominions — 
His  last  speech  tu  his  people — His  life — H  s  dmiifhtcr  imirries  Winnapurket — Peti- 
tions the  court  of  Massachusetts — Liinds  iilloUed  to  him — English  send  a  force  to 
ilisarm  him — Their  fears  of  his  rnmitij  unfounded — they  seize  and  illtreat  his  son — 
He  escapes — Passaconawaij  delirrrs  his  arms,  and  makes  pence  with  the  English — 
Traditions  concerning — Life  if  Wannai.anckt — His  situation  in  I'/iilip's  war — 
Messengers  and  letters  sent  him  hijthe  English — Leaves  his  residence — His  humanitij 
— Fate  q/' JosiAii  NouF.f, —  IVannalaaret  returns  to  his  country — His  lands  seized 
in  his  absence — He  again  retires  into  the  loHilerness — Mosely  destroys  his  village, 
^■c. — Imprisoned  for  debt — Favors  Christianity — j3  speech — Wkha.nownowit, 
saehiin  of  jVew  Hampshire — IIoiiinhouu — His  sales  of  land  in  Maine — MoNQeiNK 
— Kennkbis — AssiMCNAstiuA — Abbuj  AUASSKT — Thciv  residences  and  sales  of  land 
— Melancholy  fate  of  CuoconuA. 

Some  knowledge  of  the  Indians  eastward  of  the  Massachusetts  was 
very  early  obtained  by  Captain  John  Smithy  which,  however,  was  very 
general ;  as  that  they  were  divided  into  several  tribes,  each  of  which  had 
Uieir  own  sachem,  or,  as  these  more  northern  Indians  pronounced  that 
word,  sachemo,  which  the  English  understood  sagamore ;  and  yet  all  the 
sachemos  acknowledged  «ubjection  to  one  still  greater,  vhich  they  called 
hashaba. 

Of  the  dominions  of  the  bashaba,  writers  differ  much  in  respect  to  their 
extent  Some  suppose  that  his  authority  did  not  extend  this  s''1e  the  Pas- 
ciitnqut,  but  it  is  evident  that  it  did,  from  Captain  Smith's  account.!  VVars 
and  postilence  had  greatly  wasted  the  eiustern  Indians  but  a  short  time  before 
tiie  JjUglish  settled  in  the  country ;  and  it  was  then  difficult  to  determine  the 
relalion  the  tribes  had  stood  in  one  to  the  other.  As  to  the  bashaba  of  Penob- 
scot tradition  states  that  he  was  killed  by  the  Tarratines,  who  lived  still 
lartlier  east,  in  a  war  which  was  at  its  height  in  1615. 

P/iSSACONAWAY  seems  to  have  been  a  bashaba.  He  lived  upon  the 
Merrimack  River,  at  a  place  called  Pemmkook,  and  his  dominions,  at  the 
period  of  the  English  settlements,  were  very  extensive,  even  over  the  sachems 
living  upon  the  Pascataqua  and  its  branches.  The  Abenaqucs  ii  labited 
between  the  Pascataqua  and  Penobscot,  and  the  residence  of  the  chief 
sachem  was  upon  Indian  Island.|  Fluelkn  and  Captain  Sunday  were  early 
known  as  chiefs  among  the  Abenaques,  and  Squando  at  a  later  period  ;  but 

*  Gookin's  MS.  Hist.  Prayi'.i^  Indians. 

t  "  Tlie  principal  habitations  1  saw  at  norlhwaril,  was  Penobscot,  who  are  in  wars  with  liie 
Terciiliiies,  tiieir  next  northerly  neighbors.  Soiuherly  up  the  rivers,  and  along  the  coast,  we 
found  Mecadacut,  Segockct,  Pemmaqnid,  Niisconcus,  Sagadahork,  Satqiiiii,  Auinaunjhcaw- 
!;ei\  and  Kenabeca.  To  those  belong  the  countries  and  people  of  Segotago,  Pauhunlanuck, 
I'ocopassuin,  Taughtanakagnet,  Wabigganus,  Nassaque,  Masherosqueck,  Wawrigwick, 
-M  -liiimen,  Waccogo,  Pusharanaek,  &,c.  To  those  are  allied  in  confederacy,  the  countries 
•if  Aiicocisco,  Accominticus,  Passataquak,  Augawoam  and  Nacmkeek,  all  these,  for  any 
thing  I  could  perceive,  differ  little  in  language  or  any  thing  ;  though  most  of  them  be  sagamos 
and  lords  of  themselves,  yet  they  hold  the  bashabes  of  Penobscot  the  chief  and  greatest 
amongst  them."    3  Coll  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  21,  '22. 

I  WUliainson's  Hist.  Maine,  ii.  4. 


'•'^\^■•■  ■-■■ 


'  ')•;  ^\'V 


:  .-.If;.-.-.'  .•< '  •  ■>.<:■•■• 


V'vy^^> 


h":  • 


■v-'':^i;u 


VVI4l'< 


■■i:'^--i>. 


'•.'.-.'•.'■ 


.^'■■■■■••va--' 


■'./< 


,'»?. 


I 't^ 


■*  Tf     .•^  U■ 
A-  i  ' ;X'- *:■■':" 

»   >   f'  ■.''   •  V  •,'  • 
.'  ■'  »,-<!;.'■*•■■♦  •;S 

.■.  .•■■  V  •  •'<« 

;-.,--V7f;  ^>.-.; 


i.-  V; 


li^-^:;^!^ 


1 1-. 


'.  •.-■;:;.■.■■-•'  .it '',;, 


It    ■■,: 

i4  ■■  ■■■■''! 

l-fiV.;'  •', 

k^ 

94 


PASSACONAWAY. 


[Boot  Jli 


of  tlioae  wp  slinll  be  more  norticuJiii  liereal\or:  the  finit  8nrhoni  we  istioiild 
notice  is  Pajmacnnawav.  Ho  "  I'ivimI  to  a  very  jfroat  uge  ;  for,"  Buys  iln-  uuilior 
«»r  my  muruiHcript,  "l  Baw  him  alivo  at  Pawttickct,  when  he  wuh  uhout  u 
hundrorl  and  twenty  yoarH  old."*  HeCore  his  death,  he  dehvi  red  tim  follow- 
ing speech  to  his  children  and  friends :  "  /  am  now  f^oina;  the  way  oj'alljkuli,  or 
rem/;/  to  die,  and  not  likthj  to  see  yon  evir  meet  tof!;ether  any  more.  I  mil  now  leave 
thi.i  irnrd  of  counsel  tvith  yo  u,  that  yov  may  lake  heed  how  i/ou  quarrel  with  the  Eniflinh, 
for  thoxLSfh  you  may  do  them  much  mischiif,  yet  assuredly  you  will  all  he  deslroijtd, 
and  rooled  off'  the.  earth  if  you  do  ;  for,  I  was  as  much  an  enemy  to  the  Eiif^lislt,  at 
their  first  nmina;  into  these  parts,  a.s  any  one  whatsoever,  and  did  try  idl  ways  and 
means  posxible,  to  have  destroyed  them,  at  least  to  have  prevenhd  thcmsclllinirdoiim 
here,  but  I  coiUd  no  way  effect  it ;  therefore  I  adinse  you  never  to  contend  with  the 
Enifli.sh,  nor  make  war  tvith  the.m.^'  And  Mr.  Hubbard  adds,  "  it  is  to  he  nou^d. 
that  this  Passaconawa  was  the  most  noted  powow  and  sorcerer  of  all  ihc 
country." 

A  story  of  the  marriage  of  a  daughter  of  Passaconaway,  in  l(i()2,  is  thim 
related.  fVinnepurket,  commoidy  called  Georire,  sachetn  of  Saugus,  niudc 
known  to  the  (diief  of  Pennakook,  that  he  desired  to  marry  his  dim^ilitcr. 
which,  hcing  agreeable  to  all  parties,  was  soon  consummated,  at  the  resi- 
dence of  PflMaconaM-'ai/,  and  t(i<!  hilarity  was  closed  with  a  great  feaaL  Ac- 
cording to  the  usages  of  the  chiefs,  Passaronaway  onhsred  a  select  numljcrof 
his  men  to  accompany  the  new-married  couple  to  the  dwelling  of  tlip 
husband.  When  they  had  arrived  there,  several  days  of  feasting  ibllowcd. 
for  the  entertainment  of  his  friends,  who  could  not  he  jjresent  at  the  cori- 
sunitnntion  at  the  bride's  father's,  as  well  as  for  the  escort ;  wlio,  when  \\m 
was  ended,  returned  to  Pennakook. 

Some  time  after,  the  wife  of  Winnepurket,  expressing  a  desire  to  visit  licr 
father's  house  and  friends,  was  j)ermitl('d  to  go,  and  a  choice  company  con- 
ducted her.  When  she  wished  to  return  to  her  husband,  her  lather,  insltad 
of  conveyuig  her  as  before,  sent  to  the  young  sachem  to  come  and  taki;  her 
away.  He  took  this  in  high  dudgeon,  and  sent  his  father-in-law  this  answer: 
"  When  she  departed  from  me,  I  cause«l  my  tnen  to  escort  her  to  your  dwell- 
ing, as  became  a  chief.  She  now  having  an  intention  to  return  to  me,  I  did 
expect  the  same."  The  elder  sachem  was  now  in  his  turn  angry,  and 
returned  an  answer  which  only  increased  the  difference ;  and  it  is  bielieved 
that  thus  terminated  the  connection  of  the  new  husband  and  wife.f 

This  satiK^  year,  [16()2,]  we  fii.i'  the  general  coint  acting  upon  a  petition 
of  Passaconaway,  or,  as  his  name  is  spelt  in  the  records  themselves,  Papisst- 
coneway.  The  petition  we  have  not  met  with,  but  fiom  the  answer  gi\(  ii  to 
it,  we  learn  its  nature.  The  court  say :  "  In  answer  to  the  petition  of 
Papisseconeway,  this  court  judgeth  it  meete  to  graunt  to  the  said  Papissecone- 
way  and  his  men  or  associates  about  Naticot,  |  above  Mr.  Brtnton\i  lands, 
where  it  is  free,  a  mile  and  a  half  on  cither  side  Merremack  Riuer  in  breadth, 
three  miles  on  either  side  in  length :  provided  he  nor  they  do  not  alienate 
any  j)art  of  this  grunt  without  leave  and  license  from  this  court,  first 
obtained." 

Governor  fVinthrop  mentions  this  chief  as  early  as  1632.  One  of  his  men, 
having  gone  with  a  white  man  into  the  country  to  trade,  was  killed  by 
another  Indian  "  dwelling  near  the  Mohawks  country,  who  fled  away  with 
his  goods ; "  but  it  seems  from  the  same  account,  that  Passaconaway  pursued 
and  took  the  murderer.  In  l(>42,  there  was  great  alarm  throughout  the 
English  settlements,  from  the  belief  that  all  the  Indians  in  the  countiy  were 
about  to  make  a  general  massacre  of  the  whites.  The  government  of  Mas- 
sachusetts took  prompt  measures  "  to  strike  a  terror  into  the  Indians."  They 
therefore  "  sent  men  to  Cutshamdkin,  at  Braintree,  to  fetch  him  and  his  guns, 

*  Gookin's  Hist,  of  Prayinfr  Indians.  This  history  was  drawn  up  during  the  year  1677, 
and  how  long  before  this  the  author  saw  him,  is  unknown  ;  but  there  can  be  no  doubt  but  he 
was  dead  some  years  before  PhiHp's  war.  Nevertheless,  with  Mr.  Hubbard  and  our  text 
tefore  him,  the  author  of  Tales  of  the  Indians  has  made  Passaconmoay  appear  in  the  person 
of  Aspinquid,  in  1682,  at  Agamentacus  in  Maine. 

t  Deduced  from  facts  in  Morton's  N,  Canaan, 

\  Another  version  of  Nahum-keag. 


rn*P.  VII.]    WAl 


Thap.  VIl.)    WANNAI.ANCET  MADE  PRISONER  BY  THE  ENGLISH. 


95 


Ikiws,  &.C.,  wliich  wns  done;  and  ho  came  willingly:  And  l»oing  Inte  in  the 
iiif'ht  vvhon  th(\v  caiiu!  to  HohIoii,  ho  was  put  into  l\w,  prison  ;  hut  tlio  next 
inorninjr,  tindiiij,'.  upon  cvaniination  orhiin  and  divors  of  hin  ujen,  no  ground 
of  suspicion  <»f  liis  partakiiij;  in  any  sucli  conH[»ira(;y,  ho  wits  disiuidsod. 
Upon  the  warrant  which  went  to  Ipuwich,  Ilovvh'y  and  Nnwl)ury,  to  dinarni 
PuiMconanv),  who  livod  hy  Mcrriuiack,  they  sf'nt  forth  10  nn-n  arrnt'd  tlit; 
ni-xt  day."  ThcHo  lOnj^lifh  were  hindorcd  from  visitin;;  the  vvi<;wam  of 
Pasmronawd'j,  hy  rainy  weather,  "  hut  Ihi'y  cami!  to  hi.s  ,'^oii's  and  took  liim." 
Tliis  son  w(>  pri^sumi'  was  IVnrDwlnnai.  This  thi'y  Jiad  oniers  to  do  ;  hut 
for  takiii"?  a  sipjaw  an(i  her  child,  llicy  had  none,  and  were  ordiTcd  to  si-nd 
tlieui  hack  a/^ain  iimnechately.  Fearim,'  lVann(danceCn  e>cap»^,  they  "  led  him 
in  n  liiii',  hut  he  takin;,'  an  opportunity,  nlipp'iii  his  lint!  and  erfcapnd  Irotn 
tiicrn,  Init  one  very  indiscreetly  made  a  shot  at  him,  and  missed  him  nar- 
rowly." These  wen;  called,  then,  "unwarranted  i)ro(;eedin<;;s,"  as  we  shoidd 
say  they  very  well  mi^dit  have  heeu.  The  English  now  liad  somt!  actual 
re.'ifion  to  fear  that  F<t,i.mronaipay  would  resent  tliis  outrage,  and  therelore 
"nent  Cutsfuimekin  to  iiim  to  let  him  know  that  what  was  done  to  his  son 
mid  squaw  was  without  order,"  and  to  invite  him  to  a  parley  at  Ikiston;  also, 
"to  show  him  the  occassion  wlier(Mi|»on  we  had  sent  to  disjirm  all  tlie  In- 
iliaiis,  and  that  wiien  we  sliould  lind  tiiat  they  were  innocent  of  any  such 
oiispiracy,  we  would  restore  ail  their  arms  again."  Passaconatoay  mM  when 
he  should  iiave  his  son  and  scpiaw  returned  safe,  he  woidd  go  and  speak 
with  them.  The  squaw  was  so  much  i'rightened,  that  she  ran  away  into  the 
woods,  and  was  ahscnt  ten  days.  It  seems  that  fVannnlanctt  was  soon  lih- 
nrated,  as  lie  within  a  short  time  went  to  tiie  English,  "  and  delivered  up  his 
i,'uiis,  &c."  *  These  were  the  circumstances  to  which  Miantunnomo h  ailrnhd 
so  happily  afterwards. 

At  a  court  in  Massachusetts  in  1044,  it  is  said,  "  Passaconawau,  the  Merri- 
mack sachem,  came  in  and  sid)mitti'd  to  our  government,  as  Vumham,  &c. 
had  done  hefore ;"  and  the  next  year  the  sjitn(!  entry  occurs  again,  with 
the  addition  of  his  son's  submission  also,  "  together  with  their  lands  and 
people."  t 

This  clnef  Is  supposed  to  have  died  about  the  same  time  with  Mcasasoit, 
a  sachetn  whom  in  many  respe(!ts  he  sc-ems  to  have  much  resembled.  J  He 
was  often  styled  (^e  tp-eat  sachem,  and,  according  to  Mr.  Hubbard,  was  con- 
sidered a  great  powwow  or  sorcerer  among  his  people,  and  his  tame  in  this 
respect  was  very  extensive  ;  and  we  know  not  that  there  was  any  thing  that 
they  thought  him  not  able  to  perform :  that  ho  could  cause  u  green  leaf  to 
grow  in  winter,  trees  to  dance,  and  water  to  bum,  seem  to  have  beetj  feats 
of  common  notoriety  in  his  time. 

WANNALANCEiT,  or  H^onolancd,  in  obedience  to  the  advice  of  his  father, 
always  kept  peace  with  the  English.  He  resided  at  an  ancient  seat  of  the 
sagamores,  upon  the  Merrimack,  called  at  that  time  JVaamkeke,  but  from 
whence  he  witt>drew,  in  the  time  of  the  war  with  Philip,  and  took  up  his 
quarters  among  the  Pennakooks,  who  were  also  his  people. 

About  the  beginning  of  Se{)tember,  1(j75,  Captain  Mosely,  with  about  100 
men,  was  ordered  to  march  up  into  the  country  of  the  Merrimack  to  ascertain 
the  state  of  affairs  under  Wanrmlancd.  These  men  scouted  in  warlike  array 
as  far  a^  Pennakook,  now  Concord,  N.  H.  They  cmld  not  find  an  Indian, 
i)ut  came  upon  their  wigwams,  and  burned  them,  ansi  also  a  quantity  of  dried 
fish  and  other  articles.  Although  this  was  a  most  wanton  and  unwarrantable, 
not  to  say  unnecessary  act  of  these  whites,  yet  no  retaliation  took  place  on 
tlie  part  of  the  Lidians.  And  whether  to  attribute  their  forbearance  to  cow- 
ardice, or  to  the  great  respect  in  which  the  dying  advice  of  PossacoTiaioa?/  was 

*  Winthrop's  Journal.  f  Ibid. 

{  Among  other  stanzas  in  Farmer  and  Moore's  Collections,  the  following  very  happiljr 
introduces  Passaconaway : — 

"  Once  did  my  throbbing  bosom  deep  receive 
The  sketch,  which  one  of  PaMacemawai/ drew. 
Well  may  the  muse  his  memory  retrieve 
From  dark  oblivion,  and,  with  pencil  true, 
Retouch  that  picture  strange,  with  tints  and  honors  due." 


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W«BSTM,N.Y.  MSM 

(716)  •72-4303 


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WANNAl.ANCEr.— WniANS  gEIZKD  AT  DOVER.       [Book  III. 


hehl,  js  not  -ortaiii ;  for  Wnnnlancd  and  his  men  had  ntrticn  of  tl»«  approach 
oi  Mostly,  iiikI  Iny  coiiri'iilwd  while  ho  was  destroyinfj  their  eflects ;  and 
might  iiuvc  cut  ort"  hw  eompuny,  whicli  the  young  warriors  advised,  but 
fVannnlancet  wonhl  not  permit  a  gun  to  bo  fired. 

Having  nlHUiihint  reiiHon  now  to  fenr  the  resentment  of  the  Pawtnclcett  and 
Pennukook  Indians,  tiie  rouneii  of  Mussnchusctts,  7  8eftteml)cr,  IG75,  ordered 
tliat  Lieutenunt  Thomns  Henchman,  of  Chelmsford,  should  send  some  messen- 
gers to  find  him,  mid  persuade  him  of  their  friendship,  and  urge  hisri'turn  to  his 
jdace  of  residence.  With  this  order,  a  l<'tter  was  sent  to  tVannalancet  at  the 
same  time.  They  are  as  follows :  "  It  is  ordered  by  the  council  that  Lieut. 
Tho*.  Henchman  do  forthwith  endeavor  to  procure  by  hire,  one  or  twe 
suitable  Indians  of  VVamesit,  to  tnivel  and  seek  to  find  otit  and  speak  with 
tVantudancet  the  sachem,  and  carry  with  titcm  a  writing  from  the  council, 
l)cing  a  safe  conduct  unto  the  said  saciiem,  or  any  other  principal  men  be- 
longmg  to  Natahook,  I'enagooge,  or  other  |>eople  of  thoeo  northern  Indians, 
giving  (not  exceeding  six  persons)  free  liberty  to  come  into  the  house  of  the 
said  Henchman,  where  the  council  will  appoint  Cjipt  Gookin  and  Mr.  Eliot  to 
treat  with  them  about  terms  of  amity  and  peace  between  tlien»  and  the  Eng- 
lish ;  and  in  ease  agreements  and  conclusions  be  not  nuule  to  mutual  satis- 
faction, then  the  said  sachem  ami  all  others  that  accompany  him  shall  have 
free  lilterty  to  return  back  again ;  and  this  offer  the  council  are  induced  to 
make,  l)ceause  the  suiil  fVamudancet  naciiem,  as  they  are  informed,  hath  dc- 
clare«l  himself  that  the  English  never  ditt  any  wrong  to  him,  or  his  father 
Paasaconaicay,  but  always  lived  in  amity,  and  that  his  father  charged  him  so  to 
do,  ond  that  said  Wannalaiicet  will  not  l»egin  to  do  any  wrong  to  the  English." 
The  following  is  the  letter  to  Wannalanctt : — 

"This  our  writing  or  safe  conduct  doth  declare,  tliat  the  governor  and 
coimcil  of  Massachusetts  do  give  you  aiul  every  of  you,  provided  you  exceed 
not  six  persons,,  firee  liberty  of  coming  unto  and  returning  iu  safety  from 
the  house  of  Lieut.  T.  Henchman  at  Nmimkeuke,  and  there  to  treat  witit 
Capt.  Daniel  Gookin  and  Mr.  John  Eliot,  whom  you  know,  and  [whom]  we 
will  fully  empower  to  treat  and  conclude  with  you,  upon  such  meet  terms 
and  articles  of  frirndship,  amity  and  subjection,  as  were  formerly  made  and 
concluded  between  the  English  and  old  Passaconaway,  your  father,  and  his 
SODS  and  people  ;  and  for  this  end  we  have  sent  these  messengers  \hlank  in 
the  MS.]  to  convey  these  unto  you,  and  to  bring  your  answer,  whom  we 
desire  you  to  treat  kindly,  and  si>ee«lily  to  despatch  them  back  to  us  with 
your  answer.  Dated  in  Boston,  1  Oct.  llJ75.  Signed  by  order  of  the 
council.  Joi.  .N  Leverctt,  Gov^ 

EdwK  Rawson,  Seer." 

The  me.  i  ,jger8  who  went  out  with  this  letter,  to  find  Wannakmcet,  could 
not  meet  with  him,  but  employed  another  to  find  him,  and  returned ;  and 
whether  he  ever  received  it  is  not  distinctly  stated.  However,  with  a  few 
followers,  he  retired  into  the  wilderness  near  the  source  of  the  Connecticut, 
and  there  passed  the  winter.  The  next  summer  he  was  joined  !>y  parties  of 
Nipmuks  under  Sagamore  sam,  One-eyed-John,  and  others,  who,  coming  in 
with  him,  were  in  li'pes  of  receiving  jiardon,  bat  their  fate  has  been 
stated. 

Major  Waldron  of  Cochecho  had  many  Indians  in  his  interest  during  the 
war  with  Philip.  Some  of  these  wore  omi)loyed  to  entice  men  from  the 
enemy's  ranks,  and  they  succeede<l  to  a  great  extent  And  by  the  beginning 
of  September,  1(576,  about  400  Indians,  from  various  clans  far  and  near,  had 
been  mduced  to  conte  into  Dover.  Among  these  was  Wannalancei  and  his 
company.  They  came  without  hesitation,  as  they  had  never  been  engaged 
in  the  war ;  and  many  who  had  been  engaged  in  hostility  came  along  with 
them,  presuming  they  might  be  overlooked  hi  the  crowd,  and  so  escape  the 
vengeance  of  their  enemies  ;  but  they  were  all  made  prisoners  on  the  6  Sep- 
tember by  a  stratagem  devised  by  several  officers,  who  with  their  men  hap- 
pened then  to  be  at  Dover  with  Waldron,  and  somewhat  more  than  half  of 
the  whole  were  sold  into  foreign  slavery  or  executed  at  Boston ;  about  300 
were  of  the  former  number. 


were,  set  at  I 


li'V.^^; 


'■'■'.•  > 


Chip.  VII.] 


WANNALANCET  RETIRES  TO  CANADA. 


9f 


The  Btnitagem  made  use  of  to  trepan  those  Indians  was  as  follows:  It  was 
proposed  by  the  English  that  they  should  join  with  the  Indians  in  a  training, 
and  have  sham-fights.  While  {MTforniing  tlieir  evolutions,  a  movement  was 
inadi!  by  the  whites,  which  entirely  Kiirroundcd  the  Indians,  and  they  were 
all  secured  without  violence  or  bloodsheiL 

On  the  3  May,  1676,  Thamaa  Kimbal  of  Bradford  was  kille<l,  and  his  wife 
and  five  chiliir  carried  into  the  wilderness.  From  tin:  circumstance  that 
IVannalancet  caused  them  to  be  sent  home  to  tlieir  frionds  again,  it  would 
seem  that  they  were  token  by  some  of  the  enemy  within  his  sacheindonj,  or 
by  some  over  whom  he  had  motw  c.icrol.  From  a  manuscript  written  ul)ont 
JJie  time,*  we  are  able  to  make  tiie  l<>llowing  extract,  which  goes  to  show 
thnt  fVanniikincd  was  ever  tlio  friend  of  the  English,  and  also  his  di8{M)Hition 
to  hiuiiane  actions.  Mr.  Cobbet  says,  "  though  she  [Mrs.  Kimbal,]  and  her 
sucking  child  were  twice  condemned  by  the  Indians,  and  the  fires  ready 
made  to  burn  them,  yet,  both  times,  saved  by  the  request  of  one  of  their  own 
jrrandeps ;  and  afterwards  by  the  intercession  of  the  siichem  of  Pennicook, 
stirred  up  thereunto  by  Major  tValdron,  was  she  and  her  five  children,  together 
with  PhUif  Eastman  of  Haverliill,  taken  captive  when  she  and  her  children 
were,  set  at  lilicrty,  without  ransom." 

The  400  Indians  surjirised  at  Cochecho,  by  Haihome,  Frost,  SUL,  and  Wal- 
dron,  inchuled  IVannalancti  with  his  people,  who  did  not  probably  exceed 
lOO.  This  chief,  then,  with  a  few  of  iiis  people,  being  set  at  liberty,  was  per- 
suaded to  return  to  his  former  residence  at  Naomkeke,  Imt  he  never  felt  rec- 
onciled here  afterwards,  for  it  IumI  become  almost  us  another  place :  some 
lawless  whites  hod  seized  upon  his  lands,  and  looked  u;)on  him  with  envious 
eyes,  astliough  he  had  been  an  intruder  and  had  no  right  there.  He,  however, 
continued  for  about  a  year  afterwards,  when,  upon  the  19  September,  1677, 
lie  wos  visited  by  a  party  of  Iinlians  from  Canada,  wIk)  urged  him  to  accom- 
pany them  to  their  country.  He  fiiioJIy  consented,  and  with  aj  ^^f  Lis  people, 
except  two,  in  number  about  50,  of  whom  not  above  eight  were  men,  depart- 
ed for  Canada,  and  was  noC  heard  of  after,  f 

It  was  on  this  very  same  day,  viz.  19  September,  that  a  party  of  Indians  M[ 
npou  Hatfield,  the  particulars  of  which  irru()tion,  though  in  one  view  of  the 
case  does  not  strictly  belong  to  the  life  of  (Vaxmalancd,  we  give  here  in  the 
words  of  Mr.  Hubbard,  X  ^  About  Sept.  1  Otli,  40  or  50  River  Indians  §  fell  sud- 
denly upon  the  town  of  Hatfield,  whose  inhabitants  were  a  little  too  secure, 
and  too  ready  to  say  the  bitterness  of  death  was  past,  because  they  had  neither 
seen  nor  heard  of  un  enemy  in  tho»e  |arts  for  half  a  year  befonis.  liut  at  this 
time, as  a  considerable  ntnnber  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  small  village  were 
employed  in  raising  the  frame  of  an  house  without  the  palisadoes,  tiiat  defend- 
ed their  houses  fjrom  any  sudden  incursions  of  the  enemy,  they  were  violent- 
ly and  suddenly  assaulted  by  40  orSOLidiana,  whom  they  were  in  no  capacity 
to  resist  or  detisnd  themselves,  so  as  several  were  shot  down  from  the  top  of 
the  house  which  they  were  raising,  and  sumlry  were  carried  away  captive,  to 
the  number  of  20  or  more,  which  was  made  up  24  with  them  they  carried  away 
tlic  same  or  the  next  day  from  Deerfield,  whither  some  of  the  inhabitants  had 
unudviseiUy  too  soon  returned.  One  of  the  com|Miny  escaped  out  of  their  hands 
two  or  three  days  after,  who  infbi-me^l  that  they  had  passed  with  their  poor 
eaptives  two  or  three  times  over  the  Connecticut  to  prevent  being  i)ursue(l." 

At  first  this  attack  was  supposed  to  have  been  made  by  a  party  of  Mohawks, 
neconlitig  to  Goo&tn,  because  it  took  place  tlie  next  day  after  stmie  of  that 
nation  had  {nesed  through  the  place  with  some  Cliristian  Indians  prisoners, 
and  a  scalp,  which  was  afterwards  foimd  to  have  been  taken  from  the  head 
of  an  Indian  named  Josiah  Novxl,  \  near  Sudbury.    But  one  of  the  captives 


*•.•■■    V' 


•.:.:i< 

.(•" 


■■  vt » *■  ■-■'.. I  ■  "I  ■         •  •        I 


•  1.  .'■.'■'"'■' I''' ■<    . 


'.  i\:^ 


"■^r- ' 


«.  •  1 


r-      > 


... ' 


•      •■,;<  I 


!.>^>i-^%^• 


•  By  Rev.  T.  Cohbft  of  Ipswich. 

i  (•ookin's  MS.  Hist.  I'rajrinir  Indians.  X  Hist.  N.  England,  CM. 

^  They  inhabited  chiefly  in  New  York  aioui^  the  Hudson  ;  a  few  in  ijie  N.  W.  corner  of 
Ctoimeclicat,  and  a  few  on  the  Houfsaiunnuk  River.  Hopkin's  Memoir  of  the  Ifounatunnuk 
/rMfiant,  n.  1,— ."The  Wabin^a,  sometimes  called  River  Indians,  sometimes  Mohicanders, 
and  who  nad  their  dwellings  Seiween  the  west  branch  of  Delaware  and  lludiion's  River,  from 
the  Killatinney  ridge  clown  to  the  Rarilon."    Jefferson's  Notes,  308. 

11  By  hit  d«aih  four  imall  ciiildiea  wete  left  iklbcfless.  Nouel  and  JamtM  Seen  haii  beea 
0 


.>■■■•■>.    ■:.  ■ 


"    •*"1 


ASHPELON.— STOCKWELL'S  CAPTIVITY. 


[Book  III. 


^f: 


taken  at  Hatfield  escaped,  and  returned  soon  after,  and  reported  that  the  com- 
pany of  Indians  that  attacked  Hatfield  consisted  of  '^3  men  and  four  women, 
and  were  some  of  those  who  had  belonged  to  Philip's  party,  but  had  tukfi) 
up  their  residence  in  Canada,  from  whence  they  made  this  ex|)editiui).* 
Another  party  left  Canada  at  the  same  time,  who,  after  separating  from  the 
former,  du-ected  tlieir  course  towards  Merrimack,  and  this  was  the  company 
who  persuaded  or  compelled  IVannalaneet  to  go  with  them.  That  he  went 
not  by  compulsion  is  very  probable  ;  for  the  party  with  whom  he  went  off 
"  were  his  kindred  and  relations,  one  of  them  was  his  wife's  brother,  and  his 
eldest  son  also  lived  with  the  French  "  in  Canada,  f 

While  at  Puwtucket,  and  not  long  before  his  final  departure,  Wannalantet 
went  to  the  Reverend  Mr.  Fiske  of  Chelmsford,  and  inquired  of  him  con- 
cerning the  welfare  of  his  former  acquaintances,  and  whether  the  place  iiuil 
suflTered  much  during  the  war.  Mr.  Fiske  answered  that  they  had  bctn 
highly  favored  in  that  respect,  and  for  which  he  thanked  God.  "  Me  next," 
said  the  chief,  thereby  intimating  that  he  was  conscious  of  having  prevent(  d 
mischief  from  falling  u])on  them.  | 

In  1G59,  JVannalansit  was  thrown  into  prison  for  a  debt  of  about  £45.  His 
people,  who  owned  on  ishmd  in  Merrimack  River,  three  miles  above  Paw- 
tuckett  Falls,  containing  60  acres,  half  of  which  was  under  cultivation, 
relinquished  it,  to  obtain  nis  release.  About  1G70,  ho  removed  to  Pawtuckett 
Falls,  where,  upon  an  eminence,  he  built  a  ibrt,  and  resided  until  Philip's 
war.  He  was  about  55  years  of  age  in  1674 ;  always  friendly  to  the  Engiisii, 
but  unwilling  to  be  importuned  about  adojitiiig  their  religion.  When  he  had 
got  to  be  very  old,  however,  he  submitted  to  their  desires  in  that  rcsjM  rt. 
Upon  that  occasion  he  is  reported  to  have  said,  "  /  rmist  acknowledge  I  have  alt 
my  days  been  used  to  pass  in  an  old  canoe,  and  notoyou  exhort  me  to  change  and 
leave  my  old  canoe  am  embark  in  a  netoone,  to  which  J  have  hitherto  been  unuill- 
ing,  bvi  now  I  yield  up  myself  to  your  advice^  and  enter  into  a  new  canoe,  and 
do  engage  to  pray  to  God  ntreaJUr. 

Reverend  John  Eliot  thus  writes  to  the  Honorable  Robert  Boyle  §  in  England, 


together  but  half  an  hour  before  the  former  was  killed,  and  by  appointment  were  to  liave  met 
again.  But  when  Spten  came  to  the  place,  he  could  find  nothiug  of  his  friend.  They  were 
brothers-in-law. 

*  It  seems  from  the  narrative  of  QuiiUin  Stoclcwell,  that  the  party  who  rnmmittrd  iliis 
depredation  was  led  by  a  great  and  magnanimous  sachem  railed  AbHPELOI^,  of  whnm, 
further  than  the  events  of  this  famous  expedition,  I  have  learned  nothing.  "  Sept.  19,  ir)77. 
about  sunset,"  says  Stockwell,  "  1  and  nnother  man  being  together,  the  Indians  witli  great 
shouting  and  shooting  came  upon  us,  [at  Deeificld,]  and  sonic  other  of  the  English  hard  by,  at 
which  we  ran  to  a  swamp  for  refuge  ;  which  they  perceiving,  made  alter  us,  and  shot  iii  u.v 
tliree  guns  being  discharged  upon  me.  The  swamp  being  miry  I  slipt  in  and  fell  dnwn  ; 
whereupon  an  Indian  stept  to  me,  with  his  hatchet  lifted  up  to  Knock  me  on  the  liead,  sup- 
posing I  was  wounded,  and  uiilit  for  travel.  It  happened  I  had  a  pistol  in  my  pocket,  wtilrh 
though  uncharged,  I  presented  to  him,  who  presently  stept  bark,  and  told  me,  if  I  would 
yield  I  should  nave  no  hurt ;  boasted  that  they  had  destroyed  all  Hattirld,  and  that  Ihn  \\oo(h 
were  full  of  Indians  ;  whereupon  I  )>ielded  myself"  H'"  was  then  taken  bark  to  DerrlirlH. 
where  he  was  pinioned,  and  with  other  captives  marched  into  the  wilderness.  Their  siifl'rr- 
ings,  as  usual  m  Indian  captivity',  were  most  cruel  and  severe  ;  for  many  nights  together  they 
were  "  staked  down  "  to  the  cold  ground,  in  this  manner  :  The  captive  l)eiiig  laid  upon  his 
back,  his  arms  and  feet  were  extended,  and  with  cords  or  withr.s  lashed  to  stakes  driveii 
into  the  ground  for  that  purpos<^.  Besides  lashing  the  arms  and  legs,  the  nerk  and  body  wen 
also  secured  in  the  same  way,  and  oAen  so  tight  as  to  caii.se  swellings  and  the  most  exrriiri- 
ating  paius.  While  on  their  march,  the  captives  had  frequent  oppoitnniiicj  of  csrapins 
singly,  but  would  not,  for  fear  Pi  emiangering  the  lives  of  the  rest ;  out  at  length  Ilfvjamm 
Subhins,  in  a  journey  with  hir  Indian  master  to  Wachuset  hill,  made  jiii  escape.  Wli''n  ilie 
rest  knew  this,  they  were  fo-  i)urning  the  remaining  captives,  but  some  being  opposed  te  the 
measure,  they  agreed  to  have  a  court  and  debate  lli«i  sunjcrt.  Ashpelon  told  the  English  not 
to  fear,  for  he  would  speak  last,  and  would  frustrate  the  design  of  burning,  for  he  would  show 
that  it  was  not  Stebbins's  fault  for  running  away,  but  the  fault  of  the  Indian  who  had  him  in 
charge  ;  and  he  brought  it  to  pass,  as  he  had  promised.  Having  at  length  arrived  among  the 
French,  Stockwell  was  pawned  to  one  of  them,  and  in  the  end  sold  for  21  beaver  skir.s,  and 
lome  time  the  next  year  got  home  again.    RtmarkabU  Proridencea.    Blome's  America,  231 

t  Gookin's  MS.  History.  X  Alltn's  Hist.  Chelmsford,  167. 

^  For  many  years  at  the  head  of  the  Society  for  Propagating  the  Gospel  among  the  Indianii. 
He  was  a  great  benefactor  of  N.  England,  and  one  of  iTie  founders  of  the  Koval  Surieiv  of 
London.    He  was  by  birth  an  Irishman,  out  aciUed  fiually  at  Oxford,  England.   He  dieu  in  Lou 


Chap.  VII.] 


WANNALANCET. 


99 


in  1677: — "We  had  a  sachem  of  the  greatest  blood  in  the  country  submitted 
to  pray  to  God,  a  little  before  the  wure :  his  name  is  fVaruUauncet :  in  the 
time  of  the  wars  he  fled,  by  reason  of  the  wicked  actings  of  some  English 
youth,  who  causelessly  and  basely  killed  and  wounded  some  of  them.  He 
>\us  persuaded  to  come  in  again.  But  the  English  having  plowed  and  sown 
with  rye  all  their  lands,  they  had  but  little  corn  to  e-ul>sist  by.  A  party  of 
French  Indians,  (of  whom  some  were  of  the  kindred  of  this  sachem's  wife,) 
very  lately  fell  U|)on  tliis  people,  being  but  few  and  unarmed,  and  piu-tly  by 
|)erHUusion,  |>artly  by  force,  carried  them  away.  One,  with  liis  wifi.*,  child 
and  kinswoman,  who  were  of  our  praying  Indians,  made  their  escape,  came 
in  to  the  English,  and  discovered  what  was  done.  These  things  keep  some 
in  a  continual  disgust  nnd  jealousy  of  all  the  Indians."  * 

It  may  be  proper  to  add  a  word  upon  the  name  of  the  place  which  wi; 
have  ofix-n  mentioned  in  this  lilL;,  ^h  the  same  woni,  difl'erently  prunounced, 
was  a|>plied  to  a  great  many  places  $).v  the  Indians,  and  is  the  same  word 
whii'li  Dr.  L  M(Uher  and  some  others  made  many  believe  was  made  ii|>  of 
two  Hebrew  words,  to  prove  that  the  Iiu'ians  were  really  tlie  desireiidaiits  of 
the  dispersed  Jews ;  but  for  which  pur|)Ose,  if  we  are  not  misinfornieil,  any 
other  Indian  word  would  answer  the  same  pur|M>so.  The  doctor  writes 
the  name  JVahumheik,  and  adds  that  jVahum  signiiies  consolation,  and  keik  a 
bosom,  or  heaven ;  aiul  hence  the  settlers  of  places  bearing  this  name  were 
seated  in  the  bosom  of  consolation,  f  He  points  out  tliis  i-tymological  anal- 
ogy in  speaking  of  the  settlement  of  Salem,  which  was  called  liy  tlic  liidian> 
J\/'aumkuig,  JVamkeff;,  JSTaamhok,  JS/aumkuk,  or  something  a  lUtle  somttwhac 
like  it  A  sad  busome  of  consolation,  did  it  prove  in  the  days  of  Tiluba,  (t«» 
say  nothing  of  some  more  modern  events,)  and  even  in  Dr.  Mather's  own 
days.  [Though  a  digre^ion,  we  shall,  I  doubt  not,  be  pardoned  f(.>r  insekting 
heie  Dr.  C.  Matha's  account  of  a  curiosity  at  Amoskeag  Falls,  which  he  gav.- 
in  a  letter  to  Louden,  and  which  allerwards  appeared  in  the  Philosophical 
TronsaetionH :  X  "  At  a  place  called  Aninuskeag,  a  iiiile  above  the  hidedus  ^ 
falls  of  Meriinack  River,  there  is  a  huj;e  rock  in  the  midst  of  the  stream,  on 
the  top  of  whicli  are  a  great  number  ot  pits,  made  exactly  round,  like  iMirrels 
or  hogsheads  of  different  capacities,  some  so  large  as  to  hold  several  tuns. 
The  natives  know  nothing  of  the  time  they  were  made ;  but  the  neighboring 
Indiiuis  have  Iteen  wont  to  hide  their  provisions  in  them,  in  their  wars  with  the 
jMaquos ;  affirnung,  (iod  had  cut  'n  out  for  that  use  fur  them.  They  seem 
plainly  to  be  artificial."  It  could  ccrtniiily  have  re<]uiied  no  great  sagacity 
to  have  supposed  -hat  one  stone  placed  upon  another  in  the  water,  so  as  to 
have  been  constantly  rolled  from  side  to  side  by  the  current,  would,  in  time, 
occasion  such  cavities.  One  quite  as  remarkable  we  have  seen  near  the 
source  of  this  river,  in  its  descent  from  the  F^ranconia  Mountains ;  also  upon 
the  Mohawk,  a  shon  t  isiance  below  Little  F'alls.  They  may  be  seen  as  you 
pass  upon  tlie  canal. 

Early  purchases  of  lands  bring  to  our  notice  a  host  of  Indians,  many  of 

(Ion,  1691,  aged  64  years.     The  rolloT  'iig  lines  are  no  less  well  conceived  by  the  poet  Ihau 
deserved  by  liiis  benevolent  philosopher : 

How  much  (o  Hoti.k  the  learned  world  does  owe, 
The  learned  world  does  only  know. 
He  (raced  great  nature's  seciet  springs  ; 
The  causes  and  the  seeds  of  (hings  ; 
What  strange  elastic  power  the  air  contains, 
What  mother  earth  secures  within  her  secret  veins. 

Athenian  Oracle,  i.  67. 
•  1  CM.  Matt.  Hist.  Soc.  iii.  179. 

t  Relation  of  the  Troubles,  &c  20.  Dr.  Increase  Mather  was  the  author  of  a  great  many 
works,  chiefly  sermons,  many  of  which  have  become  curious  for  (heir  singularity,  and  some 
others  valuable  for  the  facts  the v  contain.  His  sermons,  like  many  others  of  tha(  day,  had 
very  li((le  meaning  in  (bcm,  and  consequently  are  now  forgo(ten.  He  was  son  of  H'charcl 
Mather,  preached  m  Bosioii  above  60  years,  died  in  1723,  aged  84  years.  See  hit  life,  by  hi* 
ton,  lit.  Cotton  Mather,  who  was  bom  12  Feb.  1662— 3,  died  13  Feb.  1727—8,  aged  GH.  Se« 
his  life  by  8ai:Mel  Mather. 
\  Vol.  v.  of  Jones's  Abridgement,  part  ii.  164. 

^  We  cannot  say  what  they  were  in  those  days,  but  should  espect  to  be  laughed  at  if  wa 
should  call  ihem  hadeous  at  tne  present  time. 


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100 


WEHANOWNOWIT.-ROBINHOOD. 


[Book  III. 


St.'. -J 


whom,  tiiough  sachetna,  but  for  such  circumstances  of  trade,  would  ncTcr 
have  (Mime  to  our  knowledge.  There  an?  some,  however,  of  whom  we  shall 
in  this  chapter  take  notice,  ,\a  such  notices  assist  in  enabling  us  to  judge  how 
the  natives  regarded  their  lands,  and  the  territories  of  their  neighboring 
countrymen. 

WirHANOWNOWIT  was  a  New  Hampshire  sachem,  whose  name  has 
been  considerably  handled  within  a  few  years,  from  its  l»cing  found  to  the 
nuich-talked-of  deed  conveying  lands  in  New  Hauipshrre  to  the  Revcrrnd 
John  Whedimsht,  and  others,  3  April,  1(5.'?8.  If  H'thanmcnomt  were  sachem  of 
the  tract  said  to  have  been  by  him  conveyed,  his  "  kingdom "  was  larg«;r 
than  some  can  boast  of  at  this  day  who  call  themselves  kings.  It  was  to 
contain  30  miles  scjuare,  and  its  boundaries  were  thus  described :  "  lying  and 
situate  within  three  miles  on  the  northerne  side  of  y«  River  Merenioke, 
extending  thirty  miles  along  by  the  river  from  the  sea  side,  and  frou)  tl»e 
sayd  river  side  to  Pisscataqua  Patents,  30  miles  up  into  the  coimtrey  north- 


to  the  deed  above  mentioned ;  ajid  another  Indian,  belonging  to  that  'ract  of 
country,  namod  Wtdthtnowet :  these  both  relinquished  their  title  to^  oi  con- 
curred in  the  sale  of  said  tract. 

KoiiiNuooDf  wasthe  ttither  of  a  more  noted  chief,  whose  Imlian  name 
was  fyohawa,  but  commonly  known  among  tlie  English  as  Hopehood.  His 
territories,  as  will  appear,  were  upon  the  Keuuebeck  River  in  the  first  settle- 
ment of  N.  England. 

Our  iirst  notice  of  Robinhood  runs  as  follows:  "Be  it  known** — "that  I, 
Ramef^n,X  soe  called  by  njy  Indian  name,  or  Robinhood,  soe  called  by 
English  name,  sagamore  of  Negusset,  [or  Neguasseag,]  doe  freely  sell  vnto 
JanKS  Smilk,"  —  "  part  of  my  land,  beginning  att  Merrv -meeting  Cove,  and 
soe  downward  the  maine  riuer  vnto  a  rockc,  called  IVtndoive's  lioeke,  in  the 
ionge  reach,  and  in  breadth  eastward  ouer  the  little  riuer,  runinge  tlirough 
tlie  {(reat  mersh,  with  the  priuilidgcs  [reserved  to  me]  as  hunting,  fowlinge, 
tishiug,  and  other  games."  Smith  was  to  pay  him  or  his  heirs,  on  the  1  No- 
vember anrmally,  "  one  peck  of  Indian  corn."  Ttiis  deed  bears  date  8  May, 
1(J48,  and  is  signed  and  witnessed  as  follows : — § 

Neowinis  his  -f  mark.  RoaiwHOoo  "VJ  hia  nuark. 

SoNoREEKooD  kis   I' wiort  .flfr.  Thomas  a  his  mark. 

Pewazeosake  SL '^**  marL 
The  mark  v-/'^  of  RoBis. 

Tho  next  year,  1G49,  he  sold  the  island  of  Jeremysquam,  on  the  east  side 
of  the  Kunnebeck,  and  in  1654  we  find  him  selling  his  place  of  residence, 
which  was  in  what  is  now  Woolwich,  to  Edward  Bateman  and  John  Brown. 
In  1(>(>3,  Robinlutod  is  mentioned  as  one  of  the  principal  chiefs  among  the 
eastern  Indians.  || 

Li  l(>(i7,  the  inhabitants  upon  Coimecticut  River,  about  Hadley,  sustained 
some  injury  from  Lidians,  in  their  lands  and  domestic  animals,  and  satistiic- 
tion  therefor  was  demanded  of  Rohinhnod;  at  the  same  time  tlireatening  him 
with  the  utmost  severity,  if  the  like  should  be  repeated.  But  whether  his 
peopUj  were  the  perjjetrators  we  are  not  toid ;  but  from  the  following  facts 
it  may  be  thought  otherwise.  "  To  promote  amity  with  them,  license  was  at 
length  given  to  the  traders  in  fur  and  iu  peltries,  to  sell  unto  Indian  friends 


and  tivc  English. 


*  MS.  communicalion  of  (hnt  geuUeman. 

\  This  uame  was  a<loptc(l,  I  have  no  doubl,  as  it  came  somctbine'  near  (he  sound  of  bis 
bidian  name,  as  was  the  case  in  several  iustaoces  which  we  liave  already  recorded  :  the  old 
English  roijber  of  that  name,  or  fables  cuiircrning  him,  are  among  the  first  in  the  nursery. 
Even  at  tiiis  dav,  the  curious  adult  will  dispense  with  Mr.  RiUon's  collections  of  legends  coa- 
cerning  him  with  peculiar  regret. 
X  'J'he  same,  1  suppose,  called  in  Sallivan's  Hist.  Rogomok. 
From  a  manuscript  copy  of  the  original  deed. 
By  Jossetyn,  who  visited  the  country  at  tliis  time.    See  his  Voyages. 


Chap.  VII.] 


KENNEBIS.— CHOCORUA. 


101 


:-s 


gufu  and  ammunition,"  *  Hence  these  friends  could  see  no  reason,  a(Ver< 
wards,  ^'hy  arms  were  prohibited  them,  ns  we  shall  again  have  occasion  to 
notice. 

On  the  breaking  out  of  PhUip'a  war,  Robinhood  was  in  no  wise  inclined 
to  join  in  it,  and  when  a  party  of  English  was  sent  at  that  tiiiiu  to  Irani 
the  feelings  of  his  people  in  that  respect,  he  made  a  gn;at  dance,  and  by 
Hongs  and  shouts  expressed  his  satisfaction  that  the  English  were  disposed 
to  maintain  peace. 

Mo.NQUiNE,  "alias  Natahanada,  the  son  of  old  JVo/airorme//,  snganiore  of 
Kennel)eck  River,"  sold  to  fVilliam  Bradford  and  others,  all  the  land  on  l)ntli 
sides  of  said  river,  "  from  Cussenoeke  upwards  to  Wesserunsiekf'."  T.'iis 
sale  iKtre  date  8  August,  1648.  The  signature  is  ^Monquine,  alias  Dum- 
hanadti."  Then  follows:  "We,  JIgodoademagu,  the  sonne  of  ff'tuahetnett,  and 
Tftssivcke,  the  brother  of  MUahanada,  \  do  consent  freely  unto  the  sale  ;o 
Bradford,  Paddy,  and  others."  J 

Kennebis  was  a  sachem  from  whom  it  has  been  supposed  that  the  Ken- 
ncbei'k  River  derived  its  name.  But  whether  tiiere  were  a  line  of  saga- 
mores of  this  name,  from  whom  the  river  was  so  called,  or  whetiier  sachems 
wore  so  called  from  their  living  at  a  certain  place  upon  it,  is  uncertain.  It 
ja  certain,  however,  that  there  was  one  of  this  name  residing  tliere,  contein- 
porareously  with  Robinkood,  who,  besides  several  others,  deeded  and 
redeeded  the  lands  up  and  down  in  tho  country.  lie  was  sometimes  asso- 
ciated in  his  sales  with  Mbigadaaaet,  and  sometimes  with  otiiers.  In  1(»4!>, 
lie  sold  to  Christopher  Latoson  all  the  land  on  the  Kennebeck  River  up  as 
high  as  Taconnet  fulls,  now  Winslow,  which  was  the  residence  of  the  great 
chief  Essiminaaqua,  or  Jissiminat  m,  elsewhere  mentioned.  About  the 
same  time,  he  sold  the  same  tract,  or  a  part  of  it,  to  Sntmxr  and  Clark.  The 
residence  of  Kennehia  was  upon  Swan  Island,  "  in  a  delightful  situation,  and 
that  of  Ahbigudojiaet  between  a  river  of  his  name  and  the  Kennebeck,  u[ion 
tlie  northern  borders  of  Merry-meeting  Bay."§  Swan  Island  was  |)iirchased 
of  Mbigadasaet  in  1667,  by  Humphry  Dcvie,  and  allerwards  claimed  by  Sir 
John  Davy,  a  Serjeant  at  law.  || 

We  shall  proceed  to  notice  here  one,  of  another  age,  whose  melancholy 
fate  has  long  since  commanded  the  attention  of  writers. 

Sotne  time  previous  to  the  settlement  of  Burton,  N.  II.,  that  is,  previous  to 
176(),  there  resided  in  that  region  a  small  tribe  of  Indians,  among  whom  was 
une  named 

CnocoRUA,  and  ho  was  the  last  of  the  primitives  of  those  romantic  scenes. 
This  region  was  attracting  to  them  on  account  of  the  beaver  which  were 
found  in  its  pellucid  waters,  and  its  cragged  cliffs  afforded  safe  retreats  to  a 
plentiful  game.  It  is  handed  to  us  by  tradition,  that  Chocorua  was  the  last 
of  this  region,  and  that  he  was  murdered  by  a  miserable  white  hunter,  who, 
with  others  of  his  complexion,  had  wandered  here  in  quest  of  game.  This 
solitary  tnan  had  retired  to  a  neighboring  mountain,  and  was  there  discovered 
and  shot  The  eminence  to  which  it  is  said  this  Indian  had  retired,  is  the 
highest  mountain  in  Burton,  and  commands  a  beautiful  view  of  u  great 
extent  of  surrounding  country.  One  of  the  most  superb  engravings  that 
has  appeared  in  all  our  annuals,  is  that  representing  Chocorua  in  his  last 
retreat. 

It  is  a  fact  well  known  in  all  the  neighboring  parts  of  the  country,  that 
cattle  cannot  long  survive  in  Burton,  although  there  appears  abundance  of 
all  that  is  necessary  for  their  support.    They  lose  their  appetite,  pine  and 


•  WUliamton's  Maine,  i.  428,  from  3  Mass.  Rfc. 

t  II  appears  from  the  "  Answer  to  tlie  Remarks  of  the  Plymouth  Company,"  that  Esseme- 
No^^uE  was  also  one  that  consented  to  the  sale.  He  is  the  same  whom  we  shall  notice  as 
Assiminasqua  in  our  next  chaoter. 

X  I'eople  of  Plimouth. —  Wuliam  Paddy  dtxcA  9.\  Boston.  His  gravestone  was  dug  out  of 
the  nihhish  uni'er  the  old  stale-house  in  1830. 

«    Williamson,  i.  467. 

I  VVilliimson,  i,  331.  Dr.  Holmes,  in  his  Annals,  places  the  sale  of  Swan  Island  under 
k»8. 


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9* 


102 


SQUANDO.— BURNING  Ot   SACO. 


[Book  III. 


'■ys^T^i' 


die.  It  is  said  that  Choeorua  cursed  the  English  before  he  expired,  and  the 
Bupcrstitioiis,  to  this  dny,  attribute  the  disease  of  cettle  to  the  ^rurse  of  Cho- 
eorua. But  a  much  inoru  rational  one,  we  apprehsnd,  will  be  found  in  the 
affection  of  the  waters  by  niiueruls. 


CHAPTER  Vm. 

Sqoando,  sachem  ofSaco — Atlacks  the  town  of  Saro — Singvlar  account  of  him  by  a 
contemiinrarij — The  ill  treatment  of  his  wife  a  cauteof  war — His  humanity  in  restor- 
ing  a  captive — Madokawanuo — Causes  of  hit  hostility  —  Assiminasijua — Hit 
speech — Speech  of  Tarumkin — Miioo — /»  carried  to  Boston  to  execute  a  treatif — Is 
Mudukuirando's  ambasswivr-  -Release  of  Thomas  Cobbet — Madokawanilo' s  kindntti 
to  prisoners — Mow  i  attacks  Wells  and  is  beaten  off — .Attacked  the  next  year  by  the 
Indians  under  Madokatoando  and  a  company  of  frenchmen — .^re  repulsed  with 

great  loss — Incidents  of  the  siege — Mons.  Casteins — A  further  account  of  Minus 

Wanunoonet — AssAcoMBUiT — Further  account  of  Mug^ — His  d-ath — Svmon, 
Anurkw,  Jf.ofkrev,  Petkr  and  Joskpii — Account  of  their  depredations — L'ife  of 
Kankamagvs — Treated  with  neglect — Flies  his  country — Hicomes  an  enemy- 
Surprise  of  Dover  and  murder  of  Maj.    tValdnm  —  Masandowet — Worl-mbo— 

Ills  fort  captured  by  Church — Kankamagus's  leife  and  children  taken — Hupehood 

Conspiruaius  in  the  ina.  taere  at  Salmon  Fall* — His  death — Mattahanoo— 
Megunneway. 

The  first  chief  which  will  here  be  properly  noticed  is  Squando,  a  Tur- 
ratine,  sachem  of  the  Socokis,  conmionly  called  sagamore  of  Suco.  Me  In 
mentioned  with  a  good  deal  of  singularity  by  the  writers  of  his  times.  And 
wo  will  here,  by  way  of  exordium,  extract  what  Mr.  Mi/Aer,  in  his  Brief 
History,  &c.,  says  of  him.  "After  this,  [the  burning  of  Casco,]  they  [the 
Indians]  set  upon  Saco,  where  they  slew  13  men,  and  at  la^t  burnt  the  town. 
A  principal  actor  in  the  destruction  of  Saco  was  a  strange  enlhusiaslical  saga- 
more called  Squando,  who,  some  years  before,  pretended  that  God  appeared 
to  him  in  the  form  of  a  tall  man,  in  black  clothes,  declaring  to  him  that  he 
was  God,  and  commanded  him  to  leave  his  drinking  of  strong  li(|uors,  and 
to  pniy,  and  to  k<;ep  sabbaths,  and  to  go  to  hear  the  word  preached ;  all 
which  things  the  Indian  ilid  for  some  years,  with  great  seeming  devotion 
and  conscience,  observe.  But  the  God  which  appeared  to  him  said  nothing 
to  him  about  Jesus  Christ;  and  therefore  it  is  not  to  be  marvelled  at,  that  at 
last  he  discovered  himself  to  be  no  i>therwise  than  a  child  of  him  that  wom 
a  murderer  and  a  liar  from  the  beginning."  Mr.  Hubbard  sr.ys  that  he  was 
"the  chief  actor  or  rather  the  be,;;::!ner "  of  the  eastern  war  of  1G75 — 6; 
tut  rather  contradicts  the  statemvuit,  as  we  apprehend,  in  the  same  para- 

fraph,  by  attributing  the  same  caiise  to  the  "  rune  and  indiscrete  act  of  some 
Inglish  seamen,"  who  either  for  mischief  overset  a  canoe  in  which  was 
SqvaruWs  wife  and  child,  or  to  nae  if  yoimg  Indians  could  swim  naturally 
like  animals  of  the  brute  creation,  as  some  had  reported.  *  The  child  went 
to  the  bottom,  but  was  saved  fr^m  drowning  by  the  mother's  diving  down 
and  bringing  it  up,  yet  "within  a  while  alter  the  said  child  died."  "The 
said  Squando,  father  of  the  child,  hath  been  so  provoked  thereat,  that  he  hatli 
ever  since  set  himself  to  do  all  the  iniBchief  he  can  to  tlie  English."  The 
whites  did  not  believe  that  the  death  of  the  child  waB  owing  to  its  immer- 
sion ;  still  we  must  allow  the  Indians  to  know  as  well  as  they.  As  the 
most  memorable  exploit  in  which  Squando  was  engaged  was  the  burning 
of  Saco,  it  will  be  j)roper  to  enter  here  more  in  detail  into  it  The  two  prin- 
cipal inhabitants  of  the  place  were  Captain  Bonithon  and  Major  Philips, 
whose  dwellings  were  situated  on  opposite  sides  of  Saco  River;  the  former 
on  the  east  and  the  latter  on  the  west.  On  18  Geptember,  1675,  Captain  Bon- 
ilhon's  house  was  discovered  to  be  on  fire,  but  himself  and  family  had  just 

*  "  They  can  swim  naiurally,  strikiiis;  their  paws  under  their  throat  like  a  dog,  and  not 
spreading  their  arms  as  yve  do."    Josselyn's  Voyage  to  N.  E.  142. 


English. 


CKAr.  VIII.] 


BURNINn  OF  SACO. 


103 


before  escaped  across  the  river  to  Major  Phillip's,  and  thus  fortunately  de- 
feated a  part  of  the  deBi^n  of  their  enemies.  For  thin  fortunate  escape, 
however,  they  were  under  deep  obiifration  to  a  friendly  Indian  who  lived 
uear  by ;  he  having  been  some  how  made  acquainted  with  the  decigu  of 
Stptanlo,  immediately  imparte<l  his  inf   mation  to  the  Eitgfish. 

The  tire  of  fionithon's  house,  says  Mr.  Hubbard, "  was  to  them  [at  PhUlips'a 
f^arrison,]  as  the  firing  of  a  bsacon,"  which  gave  them  '^tiaie  to  look  to  thein- 
iielves."  A  sentinel  in  the  chamber  soon  gave  notice  that  he  saw  an  Indian  near 
at  hand,  and  Major  Phillipa  going  into  the  top  of  the  house  to  make  furtlier 
discovery,  received  a  shot  in  the  shoulder ;  but  it  proved  to  be  only  a  desb 
wound.  Knowing  Phillipa,  and  supposing  him  to  be  siain,  the  liulious 
raised  a  great  shout,  t>..d  instantly  discovered  themselves  on  all  sides  ut'  the 
garrison ;  but  the  English,  being  well  pn-pared,  tired  upon  tiiem  from  all 
quarters  of  their  works,  kilUng  some  and  wounding  otiiers.  Among  the 
latter  was  a  chief  who  died  in  his  retreat,  three  or  four  miles  fron  the  place. 
He  advised  liis  fellows  to  desist  from  the  enterprise,  '>ut  they  refused,  and 
after  continuing  the  siege  for  about  an  hour  longer,  they  began  to  devise 
some  means  to  set  the  garrison  en  fire.  IJ'it  in  order  to  draw  out  the  men 
from  it  in  the  first  place,  they  set  a  house  on  fire  near  it,  and  also  a  suiv  and 
grist  mill ;  that  rot  huvi.ng  the  desired  effect,  they  called  to  them  in  an 
exulting  tone,  and  said,  "  You  rowartUy  English  doga,  come  out  and  put  out  the 
fin!" 

The  attack  had  begun  about  11  o'clock  in  the  day,  aiid  though  the  night 
partially  put  an  en  1  to  it,  yet  the  English  were  alarmed  every  half  hour, 
until  about  lour  or  five  o'clock  in  the  morning,  when  the  work  of  the  preced- 
ing night  discovered  itself.  A  noise  of  axes  and  other  tools  had  been  heard 
in  the  neighborhood  of  the  saw-mill,  and  it  was  expected  tlie  Lidiuus  were 
preparing  some  engine  with  which  to  accomplish  their  object,  and  it  proved 
true.  A  cart  with  lour  wheels  had  been  constructed,  and  on  one  end  they 
had  erected  a  breastwork,  while  the  body  of  the  cart  was  tilled  with  birch, 
straw,  (lowder,  and  such  like  matters  tor  the  ready  consummation  of  their 
stratagem.  The  approach  of  this  formidable  machine  dismayed  some  of 
tlie  Englishmen  in  the  garrison ;  but  being  encouraged  by  their  officers,  they 
stood  to  their  quarters,  and  awaited  its  approach.  Their  orders  were  not  to 
tire  until  it  came  within  pistol  shot.  When  it  had  got  witliin  about  that 
distance,  one  of  the  wheels  stuck  tiist  in  a  gutter,  which  its  impellers  not 
observing  in  season,  tliey  forced  the  other  wheels  onward,  and  brought  them- 
selves into  a  position  to  be  effectually  raked  by  the  right  tiank  of  the  garri- 
son. This  mistake  of  the  enemy  was  improved  to  great  advantage  by  the 
English.  They  poured  in  a  sudden  fire  upon  them,  killing  six  and  wound- 
ing 15  mure.  This  sudden  and  unexpected  reverse  decided  the  fate  of  the 
garrii  )n.  The  Indians  immediately  retreated,  and  the  garrison  received  no 
further  molestation. 

As  was  generally  the  case  in  sieges  of  this  kind,  the  English  learned  what 
dumuge  they  did  their  enemy,  their  numbers,  &c.,  some  time  at\er  the  affair 
happened.  In  this  case,  however,  nothing  more  is  related  concerning  the  loss 
of  the  Indians  than  we  have  given,  and  theii  numbers  Mr.  Hubbard  does  not 
expr.ssly  state,  but  says  the  people  in  the  garrison  " espied  40  of  them 
marching  awuy  the  next  morning  at  sunrise,  but  how  many  more  were  in 
their  company  they  could  not  tell."  *  There  were  50  persons  in  the  garri- 
son, though  but  15  of  them  were  able  to  act  in  its  defence. 

But  tew  days  before  the  affau*  at  Saco,  viz.  on  12  f  September,  the  family  of 
Tkoioa^  fVakely  at  Presumpscot  R.'ver  were  massacred  in  a  revolting  manner. 
The '^  old  man,"  his  son,  and  his  daughter-in-law,  then  enceinte,  with  three 
grandchildren,  were  all  murdered,  and  when  discovered  by  their  neiglibors, 
partly  burned  in  tlie  ruins  of  their  habitation,  to  which  the  Indians  hud  set 
lire  on  leaving  the  place.  One  of  the  family  was  tiUcen  captive,  a  girl  about 
11  years  old,  who,  alter  Laving  {mssed  through  all  the  tribes  from  the  Sokokia 
to  the  NatTagansets,  was  restored  to  the  English  at  Dover  by  Squando.    But 


*  Mr.  Potiom,  Hist.  Saco  and  Biddeford,  155,  says  they  -^ere  computed  at  100 
t  Williamson's  Hist.  Maine,  i.  620. 


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MAIX)KA\VANDO. 


(n<>iii.  III 


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it  d<)CM  not  nppoar  wlmthcr  tliiM  rliiuf  had  any  thing  fiirtliRr  to  do  in  the 
tnuttur,  alliiungti  it  niuy  b«)  inlfrnui,  thut  hu  hud  homim  runtrol  or  roniiiiniid 
ovtT  liuwe  tiiut  held  hnr  priHoncr.  i'Voni  the  circiiniBtance  thut  thJH  child 
wuM  Hticwti  to  thu  iioHtiii)  triltvM  tliroiigh  the  country,  it  would  Hcvni  thtit  the 
«!UKtern  Indians  wero  in  coni-tTt  with  thoHo  to  the  went ;  and  it  iH  proltuhle 
thnt  thlH  ca])tive  wuh  thuM  vxiiibitud  to  prove  thut  they  hod  talinn  up  th«> 
hutclutt.  lf|)on  her  \>c\ug  ntturnud,  Mr.  Hubbard  nMnurkH,  "  Hhe  huvinj;  Itcen 
curried  up  and  down  tiie  country,  Houie  huiidruda  of  Iniles,  as  (iir  oh  Narra- 
{rnnaet  Ibrt,  wuh,  tiiiM  last  June,  returned  Iwck  to  Major  ffa/</ron'«  hy  one 
Squando,  the  Haguincre  of  8uco ;  u  Htrange  mixture  of  mercy  und  cruelty !  " 
And  the  liistoriun  of  Main's  ol)8erveH,  that  his  '*  conduct  exiiihited  at  diHisrcnt 
timcH  Huch  traitH  of  cruelty  und  coni|Ni88ion,  aa  rendered  his  churucter 
dilHcult  to  Ih3  |)ortraye(L" 

Ilu  won  a  greut  ])owwow,  and  acted  in  concert  with  Madokawaiido.  Thcw 
two  cliiufu  "are  said  to  be,  hy  them  thut  i<uow  them,  a  strange  kind  of  nior- 
ali/ed  Huvuges ;  grave  and  eeriouH  in  their  speech  and  carriage,  and  not 
without  some  siiow  of  a  kind  of  religion,  which  no  douht  but  they  have 
learned  from  the  prince  of  (hirkness."  In  another  jtlace,  Mr.  Hubbard  t-ailH 
him  an  "  entlnisiai^tical,  or  rather  diabolical  miscreant."  Ilis  abilities  in  war 
gained  him  this  epithet 

Maookawando,  of  whom  we  have  just  made  mention,  was  chief  of  the 
Penobscot  tribe.  He  was  the  adopted  son  of  a  chief  by  the  name  of  ^hsi- 
mituuqua.  Some  miHcliief  had  been  done  by  the  AndroHcoggin  Indians  in 
Philips  war,  und  the  Knglish,  following  the  example  of  those  whom  they 
so  much  re|»robated,  retaliated  on  any  Indians  that  tisll  in  their  way. 

Madokawando  was  not  an  enemy,  nor  do  we  learn  that  his  people  had 
committed  any  depredations,  until  alter  some  English  spoiled  Ins  corn,  and 
otherwise  did  him  damage. 

Many  of  the  eastern  Indians  had  been  kidnapped  and  sold  for  Hlavos, 
almiit  the  time  PhUip'a  war  commenced.  This,  it  will  not  be  questioned, 
was  enough  to  cause  a  war,  without  Philxp'a  instigation,  or  the  afl'ront  oHcred 
to  the  wife  and  child  of  Squando.  The  English  nad  prohibited  the  sale  of 
arms  and  ammunition  to  them,  as  they  hud  lietore  to  the  western  tribes, 
as  a  means  of  lessening  their  power,  provided  they  should  declare  themselves 
hostile ;  thus  proi>erly  regarding  their  own  safety,  and  totally  disregard- 
ing whatever  evils  might  accrue  from  the  measure  to  the  Indians.  Knowing 
enough  hud  been  done  to  excite  their  resentment,  agents  were  sent  to  parley 
with  them,  in  the  spring  and  siunmer  of  1670,  to  huider,  if  iwssible,  their 
taking  offence  at  these  proceedings. 

Meanwhile  the  Indians  hud  complained  to  some  friendly  English  of  the 
outrage  upon  their  fi-iends,  who  were  unacquainted  with  the  circumstance, 
and  hardly  l)elieved  it :  still,  told  the  Indians,  that  if  it  were  so,  those  kid- 
napped should  l)e  restored,  and  the  perpetrators  punished.  But  knowing 
the  circumstance  to  be  us  they  had  represented,  it  is  rather  marvellous,  that 
Indiana,  instead  of  at  once  retaliating,  should  hearken  to  unsatisfactory  par- 
leyings,  as  will  appear ;  for  when  the  English  agents  went  to  treat  with  them, 
or  rather  to  excuse  themselves  for  what  they  could  not,  or  pretended  they  could 
not,  amend,  the  Indians,  in  the  course  of  the  interview,  said,  "  We  irere  rfn'ren 
from  our  com  last  year  by  the  people  (dmut  Kennebeck,  and  many  of  u»  died.  We 
liod  no  powder  and  shot  to  kill  venison  and  fowl  tcith  to  prevent  U.  If  you  English 
tvere  our  friends,  aayou  pretend  you  are,  i/ou  would  not  suffer  ua  to  starve  as  we  did." 
»  However,"  says  Mr.  Huhbarcl,  "the  said  agent,  making  the  best  he  could  of  a  bad 
cause,  used  all  means  to  pacify  the  complainants."  The  great "  all  means  "  was, 
that  they  should  try  to  get  the  Androscoggin  Indians  to  come  and  hold  a  treaty ! 
BO  that  if  the  English  could  effect  a  treaty  with  them,  then  there  would  be  a 
general  peace  with  the  eastern  Indians.  This  talk,  it  was  said,  they  received 
with  joy.  "  Yet,"  adds  the  same  author,  still  by  one  fatal  accident  or  other, 
jealousies  still  seemed  to  increase  in  their  minds,  or  else  the  former  injuries 
began  to  boil  afresh  in  their  spirits,  as  not  being  easily  digested,"  &c. 

A  meeting  had  been  agreed  upon  at  Totononnock,  or  Taconnet,  and 
immediately  ufler  the  meeting  just  mentioned  a  runner  was  sent  down  from 
thence,  with  word  that  Squamio  would  be  there  with  "  divers  Amonoscoggau 


Chap.  VIII] 


MADOKAWANIKl 


105 


mclinnm,"  Muifg  Imvinir  iMcn  nnnt  ni  a  nicssciifrnf  tn  him.  Acrnrdiiiftly  the 
Kii^lixh  procfioilod  to  Tnronnnt.  On  thoir  nrrivnl,  thoy  wcro  hoiiontd  willi 
n  salute,  luxi  roiuhirteil  into  the  conucll  hoiiiw,  wlinre  they  t'oinid  Mwhkn- 
icnndo,  Aisimiruuqxut,  Torumkin,  Uopthonil^  •I^f'U^ffi  tuul  tnnny  atteiidnntH. 
Mnlokaimndo  wiih  nriine  negotiator,  Hnd  Jhsiminnthiua  diiof  H|M>akni-,  who 
Hooti  after  proceeded  to  niai<e  ii  speerli,  and  ainoiiK  otlier  thin^H  Htiil, — 

"  H  ia  not  our  ciulom  when  mf9$ensrera  comr  to  trenl  of  pence,  to  seize  u/mn  their 
persona, aa  aometimes  the Mohnwka do ;  yea,  nathr  Iwiirlisli  hint;  i\u\\v,aehim(ufmn 
fourteen  Iniiiatu,  our  men,  who  tpeni  to  treat  inith  you — aetlinn  n  muml  over  than, 
and  taking;  away  their  fcuna.  Thia  ia  not  all,  but  a  aeroiul  time  you  reipiired  our 
KTtna,  and  demanded  its  to  come  down  unto  you,  or  elae  you  would  kill  ua.  Thia 
teas  the  cause  of  our  leavins;  both  our  fort  and  our  roni,  to  our  i^ent  Ion,)." 

This  Hjieech  cuu8c<l  conHidcrahlo  eiiil)urni!<Hini'nt  to  thi;  Kn<riiHh,  "ynt," 
HuyH  Huobai'd,  "  to  put  the  lient  conHtnictioii  lui^Hit  h(>,  on  Hii<;h  irrt>);nlnr 
nctioiis,  whinh  coidd  not  well  he  hiHtificd,  they  told  theiri,  the  pt>n«oiiH  who 
had  so  done  •  were  not  within  the  liniita  of  tlu'ir  f.'ov<!rnrnent,  and  therefore, 
thoii^^h  they  conid  not  call  them  to  an  aceonnt  tiir  fo  nrtiti;.',  yet  they  did 
utterly  disallow  thenfof."f  And  to  Im'  uh  rxpeditions  an  possihio,  the  English 
ronnnisHionerri  told  these  chiefs  that  they  chiik!  to  treat  witli  the  Andruscog- 
gins,  and  were  sorry  that  Squantio  was  not  thrn;.  And  it  apfxtars  that, 
though  the  English  reported  a  noacD  with  the  I'enohHcots,  yet  Mndokaioando 
and  his  coadjutors  scarcely  understood  as  rinich ;  and  it  is  also  evith;nt  that 
the  hiisiness  was  hurried  over  as  fast  as  possihie  hy  the  English  conitnis- 
sioncrs. 

AssiMtifASQUA,  it  will  be  proper  here  to  c>?ierve,  was  a  Kanibas  sachem, 
whose  residence  was  at  or  near  the  place  where  the  treaty  was  held. 

What  had  been  said  hy  Jlasiminasqua  \n  the  morning  was  merely  prelimi* 
nnry,  and  it  was  his  intention  in  the  ailernoon  to  enter  more  particularly  into 
details ;  but  the  English  cut  the  matter  short,  and  proceeded  to  trent  with 
such  of  the  Androscoggins  as  were  present.  Torumkin  was  their  orator,  and 
he  spoke  to  this  effect :-~ 

"  /  have  been  to  the  loeatward,  where  I  have  found  many  Indians  unwillin/r  to 
ma'te  peace ;  but  for  my  own  part,  lam  unllir^,^  which  he  confirmed  by  taking 
the  English  by  the  hand,  as  did  seven  or  eight  of  his  men,  among  whom 
were  Mugg  and  liobinhood's  son.  The  English  had  now,  as  thetf  supposed, 
got  matters  into  a  regular  train  ;  but  Madokatvando,  it  appears,  was  not  will- 
ing tn  leave  things  in  quite  so  loose  a  manner,  as  it  regarded  his  people. 
He  tlicrefore  interrupted : — 

"  IVkat  are  we  to  do  for  powder  and  shot,  when  our  com  is  consumed^  what 
ahall  we  do  for  a  winter^s  fnpply  ?  Must  we  perish,  or  must  we  abandon  our  coun- 
try, and  fly  to  the  French  for  protection  ?  " 

The  English  replied  that  they  would  do  what  they  could  with  the  gov- 
ernor ;  "  aonu  might  be  alloieed  them  for  necesrity.'"  Madohawando  added : 
"  We  have  waited  a  great  while  already,  and  now  we  expci  you  will  say  yes  or  no." 
The  English  rejoined :  "  You  say  yourselves  that  maiiy  of  the  western  In- 
dians would  not  have  peace,  and,  therefore,  if  we  sell  you  powder,  and  you 
give  it  to  the  western  men,  w^hat  do  we  but  cut  our  oion  throats  ?  It  is  not  in 
our  power,  withoxU  leave,  if  you  shoidd  wait  ten  years  nwre,  to  let  you  have 
powder."  Here,  as  might  reasonably  have  been  expected,  ended  the  nego- 
tiation, and  massacres  and  bloo<lshed  soon  after  desolated  that  part  of  the 
country. 

At  the  close  of  the  war  of  1G75  and  6,  this  sachem's  people  had  among 
them  about  60  English  captives.  When  it  was  known  to  him  that  the  Eng- 
lish desired  to  treat  about  peace,  he  sent  Mugg,  one  of  his  chiefs,  to  Pascata- 
([ua,  to  receive  proposals ;  and,  that  he  might  meet  with  good  acce|)tance, 
sent  along  with  him  a  captive  to  his  home.  General  Gendal,  of  Massachu- 
setts, being  there,  forced  Miu(g  on  board  his  vessel,  and  carried  him  to  Bos- 
ton, for  which  treacherous  act  an  excuse  was  pleaded,  that  he  was  not  vested 
with  sufficient  authority  to  treat  with  him.  MadokawamJo's  ambassador, 
being  now  in  the  power  of  the  English,  was  obliged  to  agree  to  such  terms 


*  That  is,  those  who  had  kidnapped  their  friends. 


t  Hubbard,  pan  ii.  38. 


T^W-' 


.    ■  ■ 

,  'VJt^H 

...•Vt<. 

'    ^WA 

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im 


MADOKAWANDa—DESTRUCTION  OF  YORK. 


[Book  III 


P 


WW- 


s:fci:^^ 


as  tlio  Knglinh  dictated.*  It  in  no  wonder,  therefore,  if  the  great  chief  ■oon 
apiM^nnt  again  tiieir  enemy.  Htill,  whnu  Muffg  was  sent  home,  Madokawando 
ttgn-ud  to  the  treaty,  more  roudily,  perhapfi,  aa  two  armed  vcwelH  of  the  Kng- 
liah  conveyiMi  him. 

A  Hoii  ol  K«;V(;ri;nd  Thomas  Cobbel  had  lieen  taken,  and  wbh  among  the  Indiann 
nt  Mount  Dt'sert.  It  do  hapix-ned  tiiut  hiu  muHt«!r  liud  at  that  time  sent  hirti 
down  to  CfuUrih'a  trading-hoiiw,  to  l)ny  |H>wd(tr  (or  liim.  Murr  tooit  liiin  hy 
(liM  hand,  and  told  him  ho  hud  lM!c>n  ut  hiH  iiither'a  houHC,  anu  liad  pronusvii 
to  H(;nd  him  home.  Madokaxvandu  demanded  a  ranHom,  iirohahly  to  wiiiMfy 
the  owner  ofttie  ca|*iive,  "yeannj|f,"  lie  Haid  ^  to  be  killed  bii  nim,  \f  ke  yielded  km 
H/)  wilhout  he  were  there  to  coruent ;  for  he  toot  a  demerate  man,  \f  crossed,  and 
hiul  in\\nM\  tuM  or  three  in  that  tcay."  Iteing  on  iKuird  one  of  the  vcHseln, 
and  troatcd  to  Home  litpinr,  "he  wa/Kud  awhile,"  huvh  C'o66e(, "toundaguiiion 
the  deck,  and  on  a  nndden  made  a  stand,  and  said  to  Captain  Mvore,  *  Well 
captain,  Hince  it  ia  ho,  take  thirf  man :  I  freely  give  him  up  to  you ;  carrj'  him 
home  to  hin  friends.'  "  |  A  red  cout  was  given  to  Madokaicando,  which  gnve 
him  great  sutinfaction. 

The  liiHtoriaiiH  of  the  War  have  all  ohnerved  that  the  prisoners  under  Ma- 
iLikawando  wen;  rcmarkahly  well  treated. 

In  Fehrnary,  11)77,  Major  H'aldron,  and  Ca|ttain  Frost,  witli  a  l)ody  of  men, 
were  Hent  into  the  euHtern  coast  to  ohserve  the  motions  of  the  Indians,  who 
still  remained  hostile.  At  I'emmaqnid,  they  Avere  invited  on  shore  to  hold  a 
treaty,  hut  the  English  finding  some  weapons  concealed  among  them,  thought 
it  a  sufficient  umbrage  *o  treat  theui  as  enemies,  and  a  consideiahio  tight 
ensued,  in  which  many  of  the  Indians  were  killed,  and  several  taken  prison- 
ers ;  among  whom  was  u  iMstcr  of  Madokateando.  He  had  no  knowhulgc  of 
the  aftiiir,  having  been  gone  for  several  mouths  at  a  great  distance  into  the 
country,  on  a  hunting  voyage. 

We  hear  no  more  of  Mmlokawando  until  1601.  It  will  be  found  mentioned 
in  the  account  of  Es^eremet,  that  in  that  year  a  treaty  was  made  with  hirii  and 
other  eastern  chioti).  This  was  in  NovefuU-r,  and  it  was  agreed  by  thetii, 
that,  on  the  first  of  May  following,  they  would  deliver  all  the  captives  in  their 
(lossesaion,  at  Wells.  "  But,"  says  Dr.  Mather,^  "as  it  was  not  upon  the  firm 
land,  hut  in  their  canoes  upon  the  water,  that  tliey  signed  and  sealed  this  in- 
strument ;  so,  reader,  we  will  be  jealous  that  it  will  prove  but  a  fluctuating 
and  unstable  sort  of  business ;  and  that  tlie  Indians  will  do  a  lie  ta  they  used 
to  do." 

Meanwhile  Madokaicando,  among  other  important  expeditions  which  he 
planned,  attempted  one  upon  York,  in  which  he  succeeded  nearly  to  his 
wishes,  if  not  beyond  his  expectations.  Such  was  his  manner  of  attack,  that 
the  Knglish  scarce  knew  their  enemy;  from  whence  they  came,  or  their 
numbers.  But  it  was  alterwards  ibund  by  the  Indians'  own  confession,  and 
soine  captives  they  had  liberated,  that  Madokawando  was  the  leader  in  the 
business.  Whether  he  had  during  the  winter  been  to  Canada,  and  got  the 
assistance  of  some  Frenchmen,  or  whether  Castiens,  his  son-in-law,  and  some 
otlier  Frenchmen  who  then  resided  among  his  people  at  Penobscot,  were 
with  hun,  we  cannot  take  it  upon  us  to  state ;  but  certain  it  is,  some  French 
were  in  his  company,  but  how  many  is  also  uncertain,  but  the  number  of 
Indians  was  stated  at  almut  250.  It  was  on  Monday,  Febniary  5,  in  the  year 
1692,  early  in  the  morning,  rhat  York  was  laid  in  ashes,  all  except  three  or 
four  garrisoned  houses,  and  about  75  of  its  inhabitants  killed,  and  85  taken 
captive. 

Such  only  escaped  as  reached  the  garrisons,  and  these  were  summoned  to 
surrender,  but  the  besiegers  dared  not  to  continue  long  enough  to  make  any 
effectual  assault  upon  them,  and  thus  they  escaped.    The  wretched  captives 

•  A  treaty  was  siened  9th  of  Dec.  1676.  JUanuteript  Nar.  of  Rev.  T.  Cobbet.  It  may  be 
seen  in  Hubbard's  Narrative. 

t  The  Indian  word  for  killed.     Wood's  N.  E.  Prospect. 

X  Manuscript  Narrative,  before  cited.    Perhaps  this  was  the  Mme  Captain  Moore  who  car- 
ried the  news  ofPhilip't  defeat  and  death  to  London  aAerwards.    S«e  Old  Indiah  Cukor 
ICLE,  105. 

4  Magaalia,  vik  76. 


Chap.  VIII] 


MADDKAWANDO. 


107 


were  lii^rried  into  the  wildernoRH,  nn<l  many  Bufltired  nnd  died  hy  the  way. 
The  Uevercnd  Shubael  Dummer,  iiiiniNtiT  of  tlie  place,  a  man  in  higli  citima' 
tiun  tor  )■/!  virtiiuH,  wua  uboiit  tli»  tirHt  vii-tini;  he  wum  Hhot  uh  he  wnn  mount- 
ing iiiH  lionw)  ut  hiH  own  door;  hin  wite  wuh  among  the  cuptivcH,  und  died  in 
fu|iiiviiy.  York  wua  at  tliiH  time  one  of  the  moHt  important  townii  in  the 
(•(»iintry.* 

CirriiMiHtanccs  having  thiiA  trunHpired,  the  FingliHh  lind  very  Httlu  reaeon  to 
expect  an  ohHer^unce  ot  tiut  articleH  of  the  treaty  Itcfore  alluded  to,  yet  per- 
HoiiH  were  oent  to  VVollii  to  receive  the  captiveH,  provided  they  uhoiild  Ite  of' 
len-d.  They  took  care  to  lie  provided  with  an  armed  litrce,  and  to  have  ihe 
plure  of  meeting  at  a  strong  place,  which  wub  Stunr't  garrioon-hontte.  Unt, 
iiM  (he author  jnHt  cited  olmerven,  "The  Indiann  lieing  poor  mtunciana  l()r  keep- 
iiur  uf  time,  came  not  according  to  their  articles."  The  reason  of  thiH  we 
cnnnot  explahi,  unlenH  the  warlike  apfteurance  of  the  KngliHh  deterred  ihcm. 
Alter  waiting  a  while,  Captain  Converse  surpriaed  some  of  thei  t,  and  brought 
them  in  hy  torce,  and  having  reason  to  iKilieve  the  Indians  provoked  by  this 
time,  inunediately  added  li'i  men  to  his  Ibrce.  These,  says  Mather,  "  were 
not  come  half  an  hour  to  Slorer'a  house,  on  the  Uth  of  June,  lliUl,  nor  hod 
they  got  their  Indian  weed  tiiirly  lighted,  into  their  mouths,  beforo  fierce 
Moxus,  with  i^OO  Indians,  madi;  an  attack  upon  the  garrison,"  f  but  were  re- 
pulsed  and  soon  drew  oil*.  Mudokawando  was  not  here  in  person,  but  when 
lie  knew  of  the  disu.ster  of  his  chief  captain,  he  said,  "Afy  brother  Moxua  has 
miued  it  now,  but  I  will  go  mytelf  the  next  year,  and  have  the  dog  Converse  out 
of  his  hole.'" 

The  old  chief  was  as  good  as  his  word,  and  appeared  before  the  garri- 
son t2  June,  WJ^i.  He  was  joined  by  PortneuJ"  and  Labrocre,  two  French 
oflicers,  witli  a  body  of  their  soldiers,  and  their  united  strength  was  esti- 
mated at  about  500  men.  They  were  so  confident  of  success,  that  they 
agreed  before  tlio  attack,  how  tlie  prisoners  and  projierty  should  be  divided. 
Convtrse  had  but  15  men,  but  fortunately  there  arrived  two  sloops  with  about 
us  many  more,  and  supplies,  the  day  belore  the  battle. 

Mudokaimndvi's  men  had  unwisely  given  notice  of  their  approach,  by  firing 
upnii  some  cattle  they  mot  in  the  woods,  which  running  m  wounded,  gave 
tlie  inhabitants  time  to  fly  to  the  garrison.  The  Indians  were  not  only 
seconded  by  the  two  French  officers  and  a  company  of  tlieir  men,  as  belore 
observed,  but  Moxus,  Egeremet  and  fforombo  were  also  among  them. 

They  began  the  attack  licl'orc  day,  with  groat  fierceness,  but  alter  continu- 
ing' it  tor  some  time  without  success,  they  lell  upon  the  vessels  in  the  river; 
and  here,  although  the  river  wns  not  above  twenty  or  thirty  feet  broad,  yet 
tliey  met  with  no  better  success  than  at  the  garrison.  They  tried  many 
stratagems,  and  succeeded  in  scttin<;  fire  to  the  sloops  several  times,  by  means 
of  fire  arrows,  but  it  was  extiii«uislied  wi.hout  great  damage.  Tired  of 
thus  exposing  themselves  and  throwing  away  their  ammunition,  they  return- 
rd  again  to  the  garrison,  resolving  to  practice  a  Biratogem  upon  that,  and 
thus  ended  the  f^st  day  of  the  attack.  Tlicy  tried  to  persuade  the  English 
to  surrender,  but  finding  they  could  not  prevail,  made  several  desperate 
charges,  in  which  they  lost  many.  Beginning  now  to  grow  discouraged, 
they  sent  a  flag  to  the  garrison  to  effect  a  capitulation,  but  Converse,  being  u 
man  of  great  resolution,  replied,  "  that  he  wanted  nothing  but  men  to  come 
nnd  fight  him."  To  which  the  bearer  of  tlie  flag  said,  "  Being  you  are  so 
stout,  why  donH  you  come  and  fight  in  the  open  field  like  a  man,  and  not  fight 
tn  a  garriaon  like  a  squaw  ?  "  This  attempt  proving  ineffectual  also,  they  cast 
out  many  threats,  one  of  which  was,  "  fVe  toill  cut  you  as  small  as  tobbaco, 
befi)re  to-morrow  morning"  The  captain  ordt red  them  " to  come  on,  for  he 
wanted  work." 

Having  nearly  spent  their  ammunition,  and  General  Labrocre  bein^  slain, 
they  retired  in  the  night,  afler  two  days'  siege,  leaving  several  of  their  dead 
behind ;  among  whom  was  tlie  general  just  named,  who  was  shot  through 
the  head.    They  took  one  Englishman,  named  John  Diamond,  who  had  Ten- 


4«     • 


..    v."-i..''  i 


•     / 


MofCnalia,  vii.  nr—WiUumiOH,  Hut.  Maine  i.  628—9, 


t  Mogilalia,  vii.  76> 


'••  tS..' 


108 


madokawando. 


[Book  III. 


■Pip? 


tured  out  of  the  gorrieon  on  some  occasion,  whom  they  tortured  in  a  mo8t 
barbarous  nianmr.  About  the  time  of  their  retreating,  they  fired  upoc  the 
sloops,  .:iid  kilk'd  tlie  only  man  lust  by  the  vessels  during  the  assault.  In 
the  attack  upon  the  vessels,  among  other  stratagems,  they  prepared  a  breast- 
work upon  wheels,  which,  notwithstanding  their  previous  experitucc  in  this 
kind  ot  engine,  at  hirookfield  and  Saco,  they  again  resolved  to  try,  and  tiiere- 
tore  endeavored  to  brmg  it  close  to  the  edge  of  the  river.  Wlien  they 
had  got  it  pretty  near,  one  wheel  sunk  in  the  ground,  and  a  l-'ren'^h  soldier, 
end«;avoring  to  lilt  it  nut  with  his  shoulder,  was  shot  down  ;  a  second  was 
ulso  killed  in  the  like  attempt,  and  it  was  abandoned.  They  also  built  a  raft 
in  the  creek  above  the  vessels,  and  placed  on  it  an  immense  pile  of  combus- 
tibles, and,  setting  them  on  fire,  floated  it  down  towards  them.  But  when 
within  a  few  rods  of  tiie  sloops,  the  wind  drove  it  on  shore,  and  thus  they 
were  delivered  from  the  most  dangerous  artifice  of  the  whole.  For  it  was 
said  that,  had  it  come  down  agahist  them,  they  could  not  have  saved  them- 
selves  irom  the  fury  of  its  flames. 

As  late  as  1736  an  attempt  was  made  to  j)rove  that  Madokcucndo  was  not 
chief  sachem  of  the  Penobscots,  which  it  pecins  no  one  in  his  lilctime 
thought  of  questioning.  Nor  had  tlw;  liict  at  tliis  time  been  questioned  but 
from  mercenary  motives.  A  claim  iiuving  been  set  up  to  lands  upon  St. 
George's  River,  in  opposition  to  that  of  the  heirs  of  Governor  Leverett,  that 
falsehood  was  resorted  to,  to  maintain  it.  i'he  foundation  of  Leverett's  claim 
was  in  a  de»d  dated  Pennnaquid,  9  May,  lti94,  by  which  Madokawando  con- 
veyed to  Sir  JfiUiam  Phips  the  tract  of  land  on  both  sides  of  St.  George's 
River,  bounded  east  by  Wessamesskek  River,  west  by  Hatthett's  Cove  Island, 
thence  by  a  line  to  the  upper  fiills  of  St  George's  River;  also  Mastomqiioog 
Island  in  the  mouth  of  said  river,  and  St.  Greorge's  Islands.  A  valuable  con- 
iiideration  is  said  to  have  been  paid,  but  what  it  was  does  not  appear  from  the 
deed.  The  deponents  called  upon  afterwards  to  prove  Madokawando's  [)ower 
to  sell  that  tract,  state  the  cousidoration  variously,  tliough  none  of  them  defi- 
nitely ;  some  said  Sir  IVilliam  Phips  gave  a  large  amount  in  money,*  and 
one  tliat  he  gave  a  hatfull.]    To  this  deed  were  the  following  signatures  :— 


The  mark  of 

WAND' 

of  Penobscot, 


Madokawando,  ^  Sagamore 


and  a  seal. 


Signed,  sealed  and  delivered  in 

presence  of 
The  mark  21  of  Ldgar  Emit, 

Sagamore  of  Kenrubek. 
The  mark  ft  ©/"Wknemouet, 

cozin  to  Madokaicando. 
The  mark  X  of  Jonn  Saugmore, 

of  Sheepsgui  River,  interpreter. 
Also  6  or  7  whites. 

From  an  examination  of  the  various  aflidavits  before  mentioned  we  derive 
the  following  interesting  historical  facts  in  the  life  of  Madokawando ;  viz. 
that  he  died  in  1698,  and  was  succeeded  by  fVenamouet,  or,  as  his  name  is 
sometimes  spelled,  fVenoggonet.  Thie  appears  from  the  deposition  of  Cap- 
tain Cyprian  Sotiihack,  who  further  savs  "  that  he  was  with  Madokawando, 
when  a  [tresent  of  10  barrels  of  guifpowder,  a  quantity  of  fire-arms,  and 
some  clothes,  were  delivered  him  by  Governor  Hillebone,  which  was  a  present 
sent  him  by  the  King  of  France."  "And  that  Monsieur  Castain  married 
the  said  Madokawando's  daughter." 

Joseph  Baiu  dci)osed,  *'  that,  in  1G91,  he  was  with  Theodore  Atkinson,  late 
of  Newcastle,  in  ^{.  Hampshire,  Esq.,  said  Atkinson's  wife,  and  Mrs.  Elizabeth 
Alcock  of  Portsmojith,  widow,  and  many  others  at  the  house  of  Joseph 
Moidton  of  York  in  the  county  of  York,  when  they  were  taken  captive  by 
a  large  number  of  Indians,"  that  Madokawando  was  then  commander  of 
said  Lidians,  and  was  then  reputed  chief  sachem  of  Penobscot  Bane 
further  relates  that  he  was  sold  to  an  Amaroscoggen  Indian,  with  whom  he 
lived  till  1699,  and  that  he  was  present  when  Mcuiokawando  ordered  Theodore 


^     .}*^^.C■■• 
mU■■ 


Deposition  otJolm  Phillips,  2  July,  nX.-—Waldo'i  Defence,  3. 


t  Ibid.  35. 


i  we  derive 
loando ;  viz. 


ra*p.  VIII.] 


MADOKAWANDO.—BARON  CASTEINS. 


109 


Jtkinson,  who  was  his  cnpt'  e,  to  write  to  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  t« 
srnd  a  vessel  to  Sagadahok  with  goods  to  redeem  the  captives  ;  tliat  it  was 
iiccordin^'ly  sent  there,  and  Atkinson,  his  wile,  and  about  40  others  were 
icd«eiri(d. 

Jokn  Longley  was  taken  prisoner  .at  Groton  ii  iily,  1GJ)4,  and  was  servant 
ta  MaiMiawando  two  years  and  a  halK 

The  inhabitants  of  Black  Point  gave,  yearlj,  a  peck  of  com  each  to  Ma 
ilokmcando^  as  jin  acknowiedgnient  that  he  was  sactiern  of  Penolwcot. 

hi  1()!X)  Tobias  Oakman  was  taken  by  the  Indians  at  Black  Point.  At 
which  time  he  says  he  "  personally  knew  Edsar  Emet  who  was  then  chief 
siichttin  of  Kenebeck  and  Squando  who  was  then  chief  sachem  of  Saco,  and 
M'\rut  who  was  then  chief  sachem  of  Noridgawock,  and  Shepcot  John  who 
was  t'len  chief  sachem  of  Shepscot  and  with  Ooniniby,  who  was  then  chief 
jjachem  of  Pejemscot."  Oakman  was  taken  prisoner  by  JJO  Iridians  in  ii 
|rarti^'8  undor  '3  chiels  ;  one  from  Penobscot,  one  from  Norridgewok  and  the 
other  Iroiii  Pejepscot ;  Madokawando,  Moxus  and  Oorwnby  being  the  respec- 
tive sachems  ;  hence  Madokawando  was  sachem  of  Penobscot  at  that  time. 

hi  the  treaty  which  the  eastern  chiefs  made  with  Sir.  M'Uliam  Phips  at 
Penimaquid,  11  August,  ItJPS,  the  following  hostages  were  delivered  to  the 
English  to  ensure  its  obsei-vance.  "  Ahassamhamst,  brother  to  Edger  Emet ; 
We.vomouett,  cousin  to  Madokawando ;  Bagatawa  woNGO.v,and  Sheepscott 
John."  * 

A  daughter  of  Madokawando,  as  we  have  seen,  married  the  Baron  De  Cos- 
Idns,  by  whom  he  had  several  cliildren. 

hi  all  of  our  former  editions  we  gave  Lahontan's  account  of  Casteins  in  a 
note,  and  in  the  French  language  ;  but  it  having  been  suggested  by  triends, 
jhat  it  should  not  only  occupy  a  place  in  the  text,  but  be  rendered  in  English, 
I  improve  the  opportunity  to  make  the  change. 

The  Baron  De  St.  Casteins^  a  gentleman  of  Oleron  in  Beam,  having  for 
about  20  years  resided  among  the  Abenakis,  gained  so  much  of  their  esteem, 
tliat  they  regarded  him  as  their  tutelar  deity.  He  had  been  an  officer  of  the 
Carignan  regiment  in  Canada ;  but  when  that  regiment  was  disbanded,  he 
cast  himself  among  the  savages,  of  whom  he  learned  their  language.  He 
took  I'rom  them  a  wife  after  their  manner,  preferring  the  forests  of  Acadie, 
to  the  Pyrenean  mountains,  which  environ  his  native  coimtry.  He  lived, 
(luring  the  first  years  of  his  abode  with  the  Indians,  in  such  a  manner  as  to 
min  a  respect  from  them,  above  whot  can  be  imagined.  They  made  him 
jn'eat  chietj  which  is  the  same  as  sovereign  of  the  nation,  and  by  little  and 
little  ho  has  worked  up  a  fortune,  which  any  other  man  would  have  turned 
to  good  account,  and  withdrawn  from  the  country  with  two  or  three  hundred 
thousand  crowns  of  gold  in  his  coffers.  However,  lie  only  uses  it  to  buy 
meicliandise,  with  wliich  to  make  presents  to  his  Indian  brethren,  who, 
when  they  return  from  their  hunting  excursions,  reimburse  him  for  his 
presents  with  a  triple  amotmt  in  beaver.f  The  governors  of  Canada 
direct  him,  and  those  of  New  England  fear  him.  He  has  several  daughters, 
all  of  whom  are  advantageously  married  to  Frenchmen,  with  each  a  rich 
dowry.  He  has  never  changed  his  wife,|  showing  the  Indians  by  his 
€xam])le  that  God  is  not  pleased  with  inconstant  men.  It  is  said  t.iat  he  has 
endeavored  to  convert  these  poor  people,  but  that  his  words  produce  no 
irood  fruit,  and  hence  it  is  of  no  use  for  the  Jesuits  to  preach  tlie  truths  of 
<Jhristiauity  to  them  ;  yet  these  fathers  relax  not  their  labors,  and  consider 
that  to  confer  baptism  unon  a  dying  infant  repays  th  im  ten  fold  for  the  suf- 
ferings and  privations  they  experience  in  living  among  that  people.^ 


*  Waldo's  Defence,  39.— The  names  of  these  hostages  difler  matciially  from  those  in  the 
.\faffnalia,  vii,  85, 

t  We  should  think  that  to  a  man  of  a  sordid  mind,  this  was  ''  turning  a  fortune  to  good 
account." 

t  That  this  amounts  to  a  denial,  as  Mr.  Halket  reads  it,  (Notes  on  the  American  Indians, 
S30,)  that  Castenu  had  but  one  wife,  we  do  not  agree.  His  not  changing  his  wife,  (//  n'c 
jamais  changi  defemme,)  might  be  true,  if,  as  some  assert,  he  had  sever^  at  the  same  lime. 

$  Mtmoiret  de  CAmertque,  ii.  t9, 30. 


10 


■  ■  ,■  ■  -^   •>•  ','..•.'"•->■"•, 
'     ■.■•'■  t>  .';<*'.->•''  -•'■■•. 

•  •.  ...>r4j'  •I 

'■    '■■.«•?"•'>  •,"...     vri»l 
••"!yV■^s;fV!•■.";.•^■^■■■•^;:»4| 


■'.'ty  -v,( 


4- 


■m 


-   fc"  - 


IJO 


MOXUS.— DEATH  OF  MUGG. 


[Book  III 


The  town  now  called  CcuAint,  on  tlie  Penobscot  River,  was  the  place  of 
the  residence  of  the  French  baron,  and  a  son  of  his  succeeded  him  in  the 
sachemdom  of  the  Penobecots.  He  was  with  IberviUe  at  the  ca])ture  of 
Pemmaqiiid  in  169(5,  in  whicli  expedition  lie  led  200  Indians.  Captain  Chubb, 
of  whom  we  have  spoken  belore,  commanded  the  Ibrt,  which  was  well 
manned  and  sup])lied,  having  13  pieces  ci'  cannon  and  90  men,  but  surreii- 
dered  it  in  a  cowardly  manner.  He  helped  defend  Port  Royvl  in  170(),  in 
defence  of  which  he  was  wounded  in  1707.  He  finally  retired  to  his  native 
country,  where  he  ended  his  days.  In  ltJ88,  Governor  Jlndros^  with  an  arma- 
ment, took  possession  ofCagtaiti's  village,  plundered  his  house,  and  committed 
other  depredations,  but  himself  escaped.  In  1721,  his  sou  was  seized  b} 
the  English,  and  carried  to  Boston ;  but  they  not  long  alter  set  him  at  liberty- 
Some  have  endeavored  to  ground  an  argument  upon  the  similarity  of  tti'e 
name  of  this  chief  to  that  of  Madock  the  Welshman,  that  the  eastern  In- 
dians were  descended  from  a  Welsh  colony,  who,  in  1170,  left  that  country, 
and  were  never  heard  of  after.  The  story  of  some  white  Indians  speaking 
Welsh,  on  the  Missouri  River,  has  gained  supporters  in  former  and  latter 
jieriods.  * 

Moxus,  or,  as  he  was  sometimes  called,  Jlgamagvjt,  was  also  a  noted  chief. 
We  can  add  little  concerning  him,  to  what  has  already  been  said.  After 
Madokawando  was  dead,  and  the  war  between  the  French  and  English  natioas 
had  ceased,  the  eastern  chiefs  were  ready  to  submit  to  terms.  Moxus  seems 
the  successor  of  Madokawando,  and  when  delegates  were  ent  into  the  east- 
ern country  to  make  peace  with  the  Indians,  in  1699,  his  name  stood  first 
among  the  signers  of  the  treaty .f  He  concluded  another  treaty  with  Governor 
Dudley,  in  1702.  The  next  year,  in  company  with  ff'anungonet,  Jlasacambmt, 
and  a  number  of  French,  he  invested  Captain  March  in  tlie  fort  at  Caaco. 
After  using  every  endeavor  to  take  it  by  assault,  they  had  recourse  to  the 
following  stratagem.  They  began  at  the  water's  edge  to  imdermine  it  by 
digging,  but  were  prevented  by  the  timely  arrival  of  an  armed  vessel  under 
Captain  Southack.  They  had  taken  a  vessel  and  a  great  quantity  of  plunder. 
About  200  canoes  were  destroyed,  and  the  vessel  retaken.  From  which 
circumstance  it  may  be  inferred  that  their  number  was  great 

Moxus  was  at  Casco  in  1713,  to  ticjat  with  the  English,  and  at  Georgetown, 
upon  Arowsike  Island,  in  1717.  There  were  seven  other  chiefs  who  attended 
also  at  the  time  and  place  last  mentioned. 

MuGG  was  a  chief  among  the  Androscoggins,  and  very  conspicuous  in  the 
eastern  war  of  1676-7,  into  whicli  he  seems  to  have  been  brought  by  the 
same  cause  as  Madokawando,  already  stated.  He  had  been  very  friendly  to 
tlie  English,  and  had  lived  some  time  with  them. 

On  the  12  October,  1676,  he  made  an  assault  upon  Klack  Point,  now  in 
Scarborough,  with  about  100  warriors.  All  the  inhabitants  being  gathered  into 
one  fortified  place  upon  that  point,  a  few  hands  might  have  defienaed  h  against 
all  the  Indians  on  that  side  of  the  country.}:  While  the  captain  of  the  garri- 
son was  gone  out  to  hold  a  talk  with  Mugg,  the  people  fled  from  the  garrison 
and  took  all  their  effects  along  with  theiri.  A  few  of  his  own  servants,  how- 
ever, remained,  who  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  chief,  who  treated  them  kindly. 
When  Fraticis  Card  was  a  prisoner  among  his  men,  he  told  him  "that  he  had 
found  out  the  wan  to  hum  Boston,"  and  laughed  much  about  the  English; 
saying  he  would  have  all  their  vessels,  fishing  islands,  and  whole  country, 
and  bragged  about  his  great  numbers.  He  was  killed  at  Black  Point,  on  16 
May,  the  same  place  where,  the  year  before,  he  had  had  such  good  success.  He 
had  besieged  the  garrison  three  days,  killed  three  men,  and  taken  one  captive. 
The  celebrated  Symon,  who  had  done  so  much  mischief  in  many  places,  was 
with  him  here.    Lieutenant  Tippin,  who  commanded  the  garrison,  "  made  a 

*  See  Janson's  Stranger  in  America,  TIO,  ed.  4to.  I-ondon,  1807;  Universal  Magazine,  yo\. 
xciii.  21  j  Dr.  Soulhey's  Preface  to  his  Madock ;  Bouquet's  Exped.  as;ainst  Ohio  Indians,  69 
ed.  4lo.  London,  1766 ;  K«^r'»  Travels  in  America,  167 — 172  -,  Burk,  Hist.  Vtjjgtma,  ii.  84 
Beatty,  Jour.  24;  Moulton'::  New-York,  i.  45.;  Barton's  Physical  Jow.  i.  pi.  ii.  79 
ColumI}.  Mag.  for  ?7?7. 

t  Magnalia,  vii.  '«.   It  is  dated  7  Jan.  16:;<U 9.  1  Hubbard,  Ind.  Wmt,  U.  46. 


Chap.  Vlll.] 


SYMON  ATTACKS  BRADFORD. 


Ill 


succe8s<\il  shot  upon  an  Indian,  that  was  observed  to  be  very  busy  and  bold 
in  tlie  assault,  who  at  that  time  was  deeiried  to  l)e  Symon,  tlie  arch  villain  and 
incendiary  of  all  the  eastward  Indians,  but  proved  to  be  one  almost  as  goo<i 
u8  himself,  who  was  called  Mogg"  * 

SvMO.v,  just  named,  was  a  troublesome  fellow,  who  continued  to  create 
considerable  alarm  to  the  inhabitants  upon  the  Merrimack  River,  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  Newbury  and  Amcsbury,  about  which  part  seems  to  have  been  his 
residence,  as  late  as  the  month  of  July,  )(J77.  On  the  9th  of  July,  six  Indians 
were  seen  to  go  into  the  bushes  not  far  from  the  garrison  at  Amesbury ;  two 
days  before,  several  men  had  been  killed  in  the  neighlKM-hood,  and  one  wcTiaii 
wounded,  wliose  name  was  Qidmby,  Sipnon  was  the  alleged  leader  of  the 
party  which  committed  tlie  depredation.  Mrs.  ^timby  was  sure  that  it  was 
he  who  "  knocked  her  on  the  head,"  and  she  knew  llie  names  of  many  of  the 
rest  with  him,  and  named  Andrew,  Geoffrey,  and  Joaeph.  She  begged  of  Sumon 
not  to  kill  her.  He  replied,  "  fVhy,  goodioife  Quimoy,  do  you  think  that  i  mil 
kill  you  f"  She  said  she  was  afraid  he  woidd,  because  he  killed  all  the 
Engli.sh.  Swnon  then  said,  *'  I  will  give  «[narter  to  never  an  English  dog  of 
von  all,"  ana  then  gave  her  a  blow  on  the  head,  which  did  not  happen  to  hurt 
iier  niucli ;  at  which,  being  a  woman  of  great  courage,  she  threw  a  stone  at 
him ;  he  then  turned  upon  her,  and  "  struck  her  two  more  blows,"  at  which 
she  fell,  and  he  lell  her  for  dead.  Before  he  gave  her  the  last  blows,  she 
called  to  the  garrison  for  help.  He  told  her  she  need  not  do  that,  lor,  said 
he,  "I  will  have  that  too,  by  and  by."  Sytnon  was  well  known  to  many  of 
the  inhabitants,  and  especially  to  Mrs.  Qxdmby,  as  he  had  formerly  lived  with 
her  father,  William  Osrood.\  In  Apiil,  1(577,  Symon  and  his  companions  burnt 
the  house  of  Edward  fVtymouth  at  Sturgeon  Creek,  and  plundered  the  house 
of  one  Crawley,  but  did  not  kill  liim,  because  he  had  shown  kindness  to 
Sjmon's  graodmother.t 

Symnn  was  one  of  the  Christian  Indians,  as  were  Jtndrew,  Geoffrey,  Peter, 
and  sever. '  others  of  the  same  company,  a  circumstance  which,  with  many, 
much  aggravated  their  offences.  The  irruption  just  mentioned  is  thus  re- 
lated by  Mr.  Huhbard :  §  "  Symon  and  Andrew,  the  two  brethren  in  iniquity, 
with  a  few  more,  adventured  to  come  over  Pascataqua  River  on  Portsmouth 
side,  when  they  burnt  one  house  within  four  or  five  miles  of  the  town,  and 
took  a  maid  and  a  young  woman  captive ;  one  of  them  having  a  young  child 
in  her  arms,  with  which  not  willing  to  be  troubled,  they  gave  leave  to  her 
that  held  it,  to  leave  it  with  an  old  woman,  whom  the  Indian  Symon  spared 
becauss  he  said  she  had  Ijecn  kind  to  his  grandmother;  yet  one  of  the  two 
captives  escaped  from  their  hands  two  days  after,  as  did  the  other,  April  22, 
who  gave  notice  of  the  Indians,  (being  not  so  narrowly  looked  to  as  they 
used  to  do  others.") 

It  was  on  3  May,  1676,  that  Symon,  Andrew  and  Peter  fell  upon  the  house 
of  Thomas  Kimhal,  of  Bradfoi-d,  killed  him,  and  carried  off  his  wife  and  five 
children  into  the  wilderness.||  Having  on  the  whole  concluded  to  make 
peace  with  the  English  while  they  could,  did,  before  the  end  of  six  weeks, 
restore  the  captives.  Instead  of  imi)roving  the  opportunity  of  securing  tlieir 
friendship,  the  English  seized  Symon  and  Andrew,  and  confined  them  in  the 
jail  at  Df'ver.  This  treatrnent  tney  considered,  as  very  naturally  they  should, 
only  a  precursor  of  domething  of  a  different  character ;  and  therefore  found 
means  to  break  jail,  and  make  good  their  escape.  They  joined  their  eastern 
friends,  and  hence  followed  many  other  cruelties,  some  of  which  we  have 
already  related.  About  the  first  depredation  which  followed  their  flight  from 
Dover,  was  committed  at  Greenland.  One  John  Keniston  was  killed,  and  his 
house  burned.  A  writer  of  that  day,  af\er  observing  that  the  perpetrators  of 
the  outrage  were  Symon,  Andrew,  and  Peter,  observes  that  they  were  the  "  three 
we  had  in  prison,  and  should  have  killed,"  and  closes  with  this  exclamation, 


f  MS.  DocumeoU. 


t  Belknap's  N.  Hampthirt. 


*  Hist.  N.  England. 

J  Hist.  N.  England,  6M. 
See  the  very  creditable  History  of  Haverhill,  (p.  53.)  by  Mr.  Myrick,  for  other  interesting 
particulars  respecting  (his  afTair. 


..  •   lit  .■-      •■•  s- .  *»      ■  ■ 

•  ■•■•.■•  •!■-'  -Si^  '■'•;'. 

'•  <><'«;  .  '■-■  ■ 
'■    ■   ..■     *  .»*    ■'','.  J*  ;.lg 

•  ■•     ..'•■.^- ■■■*<■  ■  'i0ii 


■    I     •/>,  -.1 .  Ai    -I 


'  >:. '  ?'  -'  .'■ 


'   ■  ■  -V   • 

*'    '. 

'*',".•' 

J. 

•-■-■, 

•81 

JI9 

112 


SYMON.— ESCAPE  OF  CAPTIVES. 


(Book  IIL 


'1  mk 


fiw, 


,  ,"«•,' 


«•>' 


il^ 


i^i^ 


.•■■*•. 


^  -.' 


'A^iM- 


"The  good  Lord  pardon  ua."  *  Thus  some  considered  they  had  need  or  par' 
ion  for  not  dealing  with  more  rigor  tovvurds  the  Indians  ! 

One  of  the  most  important  actions  in  which  Symon  was  engaged  remains 
to  be  related.  Mr.  Anthony  Brackett,  who  lived  at  Back  Cove,  upon  a  large 
estate  now  owned  in  part  by  Mr.  During  of  Portland,  had  been  visited  by 
Sumon,  occasionally,  who,  liKe  Tototon,  in  the  case  of  Clark*  at  Eel  River,  in 
Plimouth,  had  made  himself  well  uc<{uai<>tpd  with  the  situation  of  his  house 
and  family.  On  the  9th  of  August,  l(i7(j,  some  ludiaus  hud  killed  one  o{  Brack- 
«tP»  cows.  Brackttt  immediately  compluiued  to  Symon  of  the  outrage,  who 
promised  to  bring  to  him  the  perpetrators.  Meanwhile  a  complaint  was  de- 
spatched to  Ma^or  Waldron  at  Dover,  which  might  have  been  the  cause  of  the 
course  Symon  immediately  after  pursued ;  for,  if,  when  he  had  promised  to 
aid  in  adjusting  the  affair,  he  learned  thut,  at  the  same  time,  a  force  had  been 
secretly  applied  for,  it  is  a  sufficient  reason,  in  tliis  ruffled  state  of  '.hings, 
that  he  should  show  himself  an  enemy,  as  he  did,  on  the  morning  of  the 
11th,  two  days  alter  the  injury  was  done.  Friday  was  the  11  August,  and  it 
was  early  in  the  morning  that  Symon  appeared  at  the  head  of  a  party,  at  the 
house  of  Captain  Anthony  Brackett.  "■  'ihesc  are  the  ludiaus,"  said  he,  "that 
killed  the  cow."  No  sooner  was  this  suid,  than  the  house  was  entered,  and 
the  guns  seized  upon  belonging  to  the  iimiily.  Brackett  then  asked  what  was  the 
meaning  of  their  carriage,  and  Symon  replied,  "  So  it  must  be,"  and  demanded 
of  him  whether  he  would  go  with  them,  us  u  captive,  or  be  killed  ;  to  which 
he  answered,  that  if  th<>,  case  were  so,  he  prcierred  to  serve  as  a  cap- 
tive ;  Symon  then  said  tlit^  must  be  hound,  and,  accordingly,  Mr.  Bradcttl, 
hia  wife,  (who  was  a  daughter  of  Michael  Milton,)  and  a  negro,  were  bound. 
Mrs.  BrackdCa  brother  JVaihaniel,  only  son  of  M.  Mittony  was  of  the 
family,  and  nude  some  resistancj  .-.hen  they  were  about  to  bind  him, and 
was  killed  upon  the  spot.  The  /est,  hi  crhett,  his  wife  and  five  children  were 
carried  away  prisoners.  They  continued  in  captivity  until  the  November 
following,  when  some  of  them  found  means  to  effect  an  escape ;  which  was 
singularly  fortunate,  and  worth  relating.  In  their  Avanderiugs,  those  who 
held  them  captive,  came  to  the  nortii  side  of  Casco  Bay.  Here  news  reached 
the  Indians  that  Arowsike  Island  had  been  captured  by  their  br^hren,  and 
they  at  once  determined  to  share  in  the  booty ;  »o,  in  th.cir  hurry,  their  eager- 
ness for  the  spoil  of  Arowsike  outweighed  their  fears  of  losing  their  prison- 
ers. Therefore  they  promised  Captain  Brackett  and  the  rest,  that  if  they  would 
come  after  them,  they  should  have  a  share  in  the  good  things  which  had 
been  taken ;  and  accordingly  set  off  and  left  them.  Mrs.  Bratkett,  taking  ad- 
vantage of  their  good  feeling,  just  before  they  left,  asked  them  for  some 
meat,  which  was  readily  granted ;  she  found  an  old  birchen  canoe,  which  had 
been  probably  abandoned  by  the  Indians,  by  reason  of  its  being  nearly  brok- 
en up,  but  in  which  it  was  resolved  to  attempt  an  escape :  and  with  the  help  of 
a  needle  which  Mrs.  Brackett  also  found  in  an  old  house  at  that  place,  she 
was  enabled  so  to  mend  the  canoe,  that  it  wafted  herself  and  child,  her  hus- 
band and  thc;  negro  man  to  the  opposite  shore  of  the  bay,  a  distance  of  eight 
or  nine  m'^les,  in  safety.  They  hardly  could  have  exjiected  but  what,  on 
landing  nciur  Black  Point,  they  would  have  been  in  the  very  presence  of  In- 
dians, yet  it  so  happened  that  although  they  had  but  just  destroyed  the  settle- 
ments there,  they  had  all  left  the  place.  And  a  vessel,  which  happened  very 
fortunately  in  that  neighborhood,  took  them  in  safety  to  Portsmouth. 

The  wife  of  Captain  Anthony  Brackett  should  not  be  overlooked  in  enume- 
rating the  heroines  of  our  country.  Her  name  was  Ann.  She  died  after  this 
war,  but  the  time  is  not  ascertained.  Her  husband  married  again,  a  daughter 
of  Abraham  Drake,  Senior,  of  Hampton,  whose  name  was  Susannah,^  by  whom 
he  had  several  children.  When  Colonel  Church  had  the  memorable  fight 
with  the  Indians  at  Casco,  21  September,  1089,  Captain  Brackett  was  killed. 
After  this  his  wife  and  children  went  to  her  fathers  at  Hampton,  but  finally 
returned  to  their  possessions. 

We  are  now  to  commence  upon  the  recital  of  one  of  the  most  horrid  mas- 
sacres cny  where  recorded — the  sacking  of  Dover  by  the  famous  chiefs  Kati' 


•  HUt.N.Ei>flaml,i.l6S. 


t  Hubbard'*  Nar.  and  iViUu'*  PorUaod,  i.  143— 15d. 


Chap.  VDI.] 


KANKAMAGU3.— INDIAN  LETTERa. 


113 


kttmagui  and  Miuacmdoted,  and  the  barbarous  murder  of  Major  Watdron  and 
many  of  his  people. 

KANKAMAGUS,  commonly  in  the  histories  called  Hogkins,  Hawkins,  or 
HakiHS,  was  a  Pennakook  sachem,  and  an  arttiil,  persevering,  faithful  man,  as 
long  as  he  could  depend  ujpon  the  English  for  protection.  Jkit  when  Crovemor 
Cranjwld,  of  New  Hampshire,  used  his  endeavors  to  bring  down  the  Mohawks 
to  destroy  the  eastern  Indians,  in  lt)84,  who  were  constantly  stirnnl  up  by  the 
French  to  commit  depredations  upon  the  English,  Kardcamagua,  knowing  the 
Mohawks  made  no  distiaction  whi^e  tiiey  came,  fled  to  the  eoHtward,  and 
joined  th<3  Androscoggins.  He  had  a  Ibrt  upon  that  river,  where  his  family 
and  that  of  another  sachem,  called  fVorombos,  or  fVorombo,  lived.  But  before 
he  fled  his  country,  he  addressed  several  letters  to  the  governor,  which  dis- 
cover his  fidelity  as  well  as  his  fears ;  ai>d  from  which  there  is  no  doubt  but 
he  would  always  gladly  have  lived  in  Uia  own  country,  and  on  the  most  inti- 
mate and  friendly  terms  with  the  English,  to  whom  he  had  become  attached, 
and  had  adopted  much  of  their  manner,  and  could  read  and  write,  but  foi 
the  reasons  just  stated.  Tlie  IbUowing  letters  fully  explain  the  situation  of 
his  mind  and  his  feelisgs,  at  the  time  he  expec/ted  the  Mohawks  would  ravage 
his  country : — 

"  Mm/  15th,  1685.  Honor  governor  my  Jriend.  Y<m  my  friend  I  iesirt  your 
teorship  and  your  power,  beeatue  I  hope  you  can  do  som  great  matters  this  one.  I 
am  poor  ana  naked,  and  have  no  men  at  my  place  becatute  I  afraid  aUways  Mohogs 
he  will  kill  me  every  day  and  night  If  your  teorship  when  please  prayiuip  me  you 
no  let  Mohogs  kM  me  at  my  place  at  Malamake  River  called  Panukkog  and  Jva- 
tukkog,  {  wUl  submit  your  worship  and  your  poteer.  And  now  I  want  pouder  and 
such  alminishon,  shatt  and  guns,  because  I  have  forth  at  my  horn,  and  I  plartl 
iheare." 

This  att  Indian  hand,  ivt  pray  you  do  consider  your  humUe  servauL 


SiMOif  Dbtoskom,'* 
Joseph  X  Trask, 
Kino  ^  Harrt, 
Sam  ^  LiHis, 

WaPEOUANAT  nj;  SAOtTACHtrWASHAT, 

Olb  X  Robin  , 
MAHAirosacEs  $  Avdra. 


JOHN  HOGKINS, 
PETEr  ot  Robin, 

Mr.  JoROE  X  RODUNNONDKOCS, 

Mr.  Hope  X  HoTH,t 
John  Toneh, 
John  do  Canowa, 
John  X  Owamosimhin, 
Natonill  t{  Indian. 


,.  ■'•* '. 


■■;  ,.■■•'•;(•■■ 

'  M 

i^0i^'-  ■ 

■  ■■/■'% 

av  ik[  ■  ■ 

■     ■  '■-.  ■'  ' 

'  « 

'•  ¥^-^u^^:f 

■  I    ■•  ' 

,*  ■-  ■'    ;■  -  1    **  ■ 

..'■/.      ',  *  ; .*•  ■ 

r . 

'    ■  ■  4  1."    >-•  .^  i   '.1  ■'  •    ■ 

■>  ■'■  I  •'-.■■» ''-Ti '  • 

''■^■eV^^^•i^'•y  V 

.  ,      i 

'.               '         ■!•          '       1             "'     '■- 

.  ;•.     -.I 

H."   ■'■     'r.    ■   ^ 

'  '    ^  k' "•■.-'•<-■ 

•      '.*''.      '    • 

■/.    ■^•!:'-y' 

"-■■'  r    Vt. 

/'.    r  ,'.  .. 


:-;:-f 


r-^' 


The  same  day,  as  appears  by  the  Aate  of  it,  tt  gkint  wrote  the  followinjr 
letter,  which  bears  the  same  signature  as  the  above : — 

"  Honor  Mr.  Governor, — JVbw  this  day  I  com  your  house,  I  vant  se  you,  and  I 
brin^  my  hand  at  before  you  I  want  shake  hand  to  you  if  your  worship  when  please, 
then  receive  my  hand  then  shake  your  hand  and  my  hand.  You  my  friend  because 
Iremetnber  at  old  time  lohen  live  my  grant  father  and  grant  mother  then  English- 
men com  this  country,  then  my  grant  father  and  Englishmen  they  make  a  good 
government,  they  friend  allwayes,  my  grant  father  living  at  place  called  Malamake- 
revtr,  other  name  chef  jYatukko  and  Panukkog,  that  one  rever  great  many  names 
and  I  bring  you  this  few  skins  <d  this  frst  time  I  wiil  giue  myjrvend. 

"■  This  tUl  Indian  hand." 

The  two  following  are  from  the  same. 

"  Please  your  worship, — /  reill  intreat  yon  matther  you  my  friend  now  [  ] 

this  if  my  Indian  he  do  you  long  pray  you  no  put  your  law,  because  som  my  Indians 
foot,  som  men  much  love  drunk  then  he  no  know  what  he  do,  may  be  he  do  mischief 
uhen  he  drunk  if  so  pray  you  must  let  me  know  what  lie  done  because  I  wiU  ponit 


■:-f 


'•■•■:■'.>.'-*. 


•'.  ■?■■■■■-'.;■:.■ 


*  The  same  called  Betokom  la  Gookin,  probablj. — See  ante,  Book  ii.  Chap.  viL 
i  Pexbaps  Ffoixhood. 

ID* 


>     '  ''H  pi-     A-   ;  ■, 


114 


KANKAHAGUS.— INDIAN  TREATY. 


[Book  FIL 


a 


''feS''?fS:^i:^*'^i 


Ami  about  what  he  haut  dotu,  you,  you  my  /rUnd  ij  you  duin  my  hutiness,  then 
sent  mt  I  will  help  you  if  lean.  Jou»  HooKi.Ni.'' 

"Mr.  Mason, — Pray  /  want  tpeak  you  a  few  words  if  yowr  worship  when  pltnst 
btcause  I  com  parfas  fwill  speake  this  governor  but  he  go  away  so  he  say  ai  last 
night,  and  so  far  I  underHand  this  governor  his  power  that  your  power  noin,  so  he 
speak,  his  own  mouth.  Pray  if  you  taf  ^ifhat  I  want  pray  com  to  me  becami  I 
tvant  go  horn  at  this  day.     lour  humble  servant, 

"May  IG,  1G85.  John  Uookiks,  Indian  sagrimr." 

About  tlie  time  these  letters  were  writteu,  persons  w«>re  sent  amoDg  the 
Indians  to  ascertain  whether,  as  was  reported,  they  were  assuming  a  warlike 
attiiiide.  Tliose  to  whom  the  inquiry  was  intrusted,  on  their  return  report- 
ed, "  that  four  Indians  came  from  fort  Albany  to  the  fort  at  Penaeook,an(l  in- 
formed them  [the  Indians  there]  that  all  the  Mohawks  did  declare  they  would 
kill  all  Indians  from  Uncus  at  Mount  Hope  to  the  eastward  as  far  as  Pegypscou 

'■^  The  reason  of  JVatombamat,  sagamore  of  Saco,  departed  his  phiee  was,  be- 
cause the  same  news  was  brought  there,  as  himself  declared,  upon  readiiij; 
my  orders  at  Penacook.  JVatombamat  is  gone  to  carry  the  Indians  down  to 
thie  same  place,  where  they  were  before  departed  from  ua  on  Sunday  morn- 
ing, and  desired  Ca])taiu  Hoolie  to  meet  him  at  Saco  five  days  alter.  Botii 
sagamores  of  Penacook,  viz.  Wonalanset  and  Mesandowit,  the  latter  of  vrliich 
is  come  dnw  \  did  then  declare  they  had  no  intention  ^'  war,  neither  indeed 
are  they  in  any  posture  for  war,  hieing  about  24  men,  besides  squaws  and 
papooses.  The  reason,  they  aaic^  why  they  did  not  come  among  the  English 
as  formerly,  was,  their  fear,  that  if  the  Mohcvks  came  and  fought  them,  and 
they  should  fly  for  succor  to  the  English,  that  ti^^u  the  Mohawks  would  kill 
all  the  English  for  harboring  them.'' 

Notwithstanding  this  state  of  aiiairs,  commissir/ners  met  the  Indians  on 
the  8  September,  IG85,  and  a  peace  was  concluded  "  between  the  subjects  o(' 
his  Majesty  King  Jaine«  II,  inhabiting  N.  Hampshire  and  Maine,  and  the  In- 
dians inhabiting  the  said  provinces."  The  articles  were  subscribed  on  the 
part  of  the  Indians  by 


The  mark  ^  of  Mesandowit. 
'*  X  of  WaHOWaH, 

cdias  HopGHOoiv 
•*         vj/  of  Tecamorisick, 

alias  JusiAS. 


The  mark  ^  of  John  Nomont, 
alias  Ufsawah. 
"■       B  of  Umbesnowah, 
alias  Robin. 


Tho  fbllowinc  signer*  agree  to  comply  with  the  terms  of  ths  treaty 
their  neighbors  have  done." 


■as 


7%e  mark  '\S  of  Netamboket. 
«  of  Wahowah,  alias 

HOPSHOOD. 

of  Ned  Hiuoon 
of  NsweoMK 


C 


KANCAMAGUS,  oKas 
John  Hawkics^  sagamore, 
signed  this  instrianeni,  19th  7ber, 
1685,  his  □  irtc:xk. 

BAes:ssoN,,a/-a«  Joseph  Taaske, 
hia  ^  mark. 
within  written. 


And  agreed  to  all 


Whether  Hogkins  were  among  the  Penakooks  seized  by  Major  Waldron 
about  ton  years  before,  is  not  certain,  or,  if  he  were,  ii  is  not  probable  any 
resentment  remained  in  his  Iwreast  against  him  in  that  account,  as  the  Pen- 
nakooks  were  all  permitted  to  return  home ;  but  it  is  certain  that  he  was  the 
director  and  leader  in  the  dreadful  calamity  whieh  fell  upon  H'atdron  not 
long  afterward,  and  which  i»  as  much  chargeable  upon  the  maltreatment 
they  received  from  the  English^  at  leasts  as  upon  any  agency  of  the  French. 
It  may  be  true  that  manv  belonging  to  the  eastward,  who  were  seized  with 
the  Pennakooks,  and  soiu  or  leit  in  foreign  countries,  had  found  their  way 
back  among  their  friends  a^ain,  and  were  gled  of  the  first  opportunity  of 
reven^ng  themselves  upon  the  author  of  their  unjust  expatriatiuii. 

Miyor  naldxon  Uy^id  at  Dover^  then  called  by  its  Indian  name,  QiiocAec^. 


<«' 


Chap.  VIII.l        KANKAMAGUS.—DESTRUCTION  OF  DOVER. 


115 


in  New  Hampshire,  in  a  strong  garrison-house,  at  which  place  were  also 
four  others.  Kanknmagtut  had  artfully  contrived  a  stratagr  in  to  effi'ct  the 
surprise  of  the  place,  and  had  others  lieside  the  Pcnnakoohs  f''oni  diHerent 
places  ready  in  great  numbers,  to  prosecute  the  undertaking'  The  plan  was 
this.  Two  squaws  were  sent  to  each  garrison-housu  to  get  lilierty  to  stjiy  for 
the  night,  and  when  all  should  hr  asleep,  they  were  to  open  the  gates  to  the 
warriors.  Masandowet,  who  was  next  to  KmJcamagua,  went  to  Major  Jf'al- 
dron's,  and  informed  him  that  the  Indians  would  come  the  next  day  and  trade 
with  iiiin.  While  at  supper  with  the  major,  Masandowet  said  to  him,  with  an  air 
of  furr.liarity,  "Brother  Waldron,  what  would  you  do  if  the  strange  Indians 
should  come  ?  "  To  which  he  vauntingly  replied,  "  that  lie  could  usHend>le 
an  hundred  men  by  lifting  up  his  finger."  In  this  security  the  gates  were 
opened  at  midnight,  and  the  work  of  death  raged  in  all  its  fury.  One  garri- 
son only  escaped,  who  would  not  admit  the  squaws.  They  rushed  into 
fValdron's  house  in  groat  nuntbcrs,  and  while  some  guarded  the  door,  others 
commenced  the  slaught'-r  of  ail  who  resisted,  h'aldron  was  now  HO  years 
of  age,  yet,  seizing  his  sword,  defended  himself  with  great  resolution,  and  at 
first  drove  the  Indians  before  him  from  room  to  room,  until  one  gutting  be- 
iiiiui  hiiM,  knocked  him  down  with  his  hatchet.  They  now  seized  U|K>n,  and 
ilrtig<,a;(i  him  into  tiie  great  room,  and  placed  hi[n  in  an  armed  chair  upon  a 
table.  While  they  were  thus  dealing  Avith  the  master  of  tiie  house,  they 
obliged  the  family  to  provide  them  a  f  uppor,  which  when  they  had  eaten,  they 
took  off  his  clothes,  and  proceeded  to  torture  him  in  the  most  dreadful  man- 
ner. Some  gashed  his  breast  with  knives,  saying,  "  /  cross  otU  my  account ; " 
others  cut  on  joints  of  his  fingers,  and  said  to  him,  "  JVow  will  your  fist  weigh 
a  pound ?  " 

Afler  cutting  off  his  nose  and  eai-s,  and  forcing  them  into  his  mouth,  he 
became  faint  from  loss  of  blood ;  and  some  holding  his  own  sword  on  end 
upon  the  floor,  let  him  fall  upon  it,  and  thus  ended  his  misery. 

The  Indiana  had  been  greatly  abused  and  wronged  in  their  trading  with 
the  whites,  and  it  is  a  tradition  to  this  day  all  over  that  part  of  the  country, 
tliat  Major  fValdron  took  great  advantage  of  them  in  trade,  and  did  not  cross 
out  their  accounts  when  they  had  paid  him ;  and  that,  in  buying  beaver,  his 
fist  was  accounted  to  weigh  a  pound.  Although  he  may  have  taken  no  more 
advantage  of  the  Indians  than  the  majority  of  Indian  traders,  yet,  at  this  dis- 
tant day,  extenuation  will  not  be  looked  for  in  impartial  accounts  of  the 
truiisactions  of  our  ancestors  with  the  Indians. 

To  enumerate  the  villanies  practised  upon  this  devoted  people,  would  be 
to  expose  to  everlasting  odium  the  majority  of  frontier  traders  from  the 
earliest  to  the  present  time ;  but  true  history,  now-a-days,  is  but  little  read, 
and  little  indeed  where  the  facts  militate  against  the  pride  of  ancestry.  A 
history  of  wrongs  and  sufferings  preserved  only  to  be  read  by  those  who 
have  committed  them,  must  be  an  unwelcome  record  !  It  was,  and  to  this 
day  is,  in  many  places,  a  uniform  practice  among  speculators  or  land-jobbers, 
to  get  the  Indians  drunk,  and  then  make  their  bargains  with  them !  In  the 
time  of  Philip's  war,  an  Androscoggin  Indian  said  "  that  he  had  given  an 
hundred  pound  for  water  drawn  out  of  Mr.  P.  [Purchas]  his  well."*  But  to 
return  to  our  narrative. 

Several  were  killed  at  each  of  the  garrison-houses  that  fell  into  their  hands. 
They  kept  the  place  until  the  next  morning,  when,  after  collecting  all  the 
plunder  they  could  carry,  took  up  their  march,  with  29  captives,  into  the  wil- 
derness towards  Canada ;  whera  the  chief  of  them  were  bought  Uy  the  French, 
and  in  time  got  home  to  their  country  again.  Twenty-three  were  killed  be- 
fore they  left  the  place.  This  affair  took  place  on  the  night  of  the  27th  of 
June,  1689.  Several  friendly  Indians  informed  the  English  at  Chelmsford 
of  the  certainty  of  an  attack  upon  Dover,  and  they  caused  a  letter  to  be  de- 

*  Hubbard,  ii.  Tl.—Tliomas  Purchase's  house  at  Peg^ypsrot  was  among  the  first  ihat  fell  a 
prey  to  the  eastern  Indians  in  Pliilip's  war.  In  the  beginning  of  September,  about  20  of  them 
went  there,  and  at  first  oflTeied  to  trade,  but  Mr.  Purchase  and  his  son  being  from  home,  they 
took  what  they  liked  without  even  asking  the  price  of  it,  killed  a  few  sheep  and  calves,  and 
departed.    Ibid,  14, 15. 


••■  ??*«■■■.  ■--■'■ 


•^r^ 


•J  ,Of;;t-,r.^>. 


■tij^!:'.- 


•    •  f .  *'     :•,  .,'  ,->,^ -J.  ■ 

-■■•;»:.-;C^  Vi'   ,  ■     '••:'. 

'  •  ;.  •       -I*.'  ■■■•  •■•>  •,  .'■">      ■  .' 

•   --  •  ^'-  '■»'■.'♦.■. V  ■'■,  '' 

■'.•  •<#-\,-  •■  ...• .. 

■     ■■      ■!    !'.V.-  '     .'■    '(     i 

m 


■ .'  ■■f 


■■    ■  ■     ;•■; . '.  .'»  •'4.  .■ 


.     .9     •      l> 

'•      ■'.  ■'■It  r*      ' 

.-*;•'■■■  v-^'  ^ 


216 


HOPEHOOD..  -ATTACK  ON  NEWICHEWANNOK.        [Book  111 


,1' 


§ 


spatchrd  in  season  to  hav»  notified  the  people,  but  on  account  of  soiiie  delay 
at  Newbury  terry,  tne  b<>nefit  of  that  iiifurniation  was  lost. 

Four  years  after,  ("oloncl  Church  tooi<  Worombd's  fort,  in  wliich  were  Kan- 
kamagvji'a  wife  and  children.  This  fort  was  upon  the  Androscoggin,  about 
25  or  30  miles  from  its  mouth.  In  another  place,  we  have  given  a  iiinturv 
of  Churches  expedition  to  this  fort  The  })riHoner8  taken  here  informed  Church 
that  there  had  been  lately  a  great  council  held  there  by  the  Indians,  in  wliii-h 
"  ninny  were  for  peace  and  many  against  it ; "  but  they  finally  agreed  to  go 
with  tiOO  warriors  to  Wells  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  to  offer  the  F-iipli8li 
peacOf  which  if  not  accepted,  they  would  then  fall  upon  them.  "  If  tlipy 
rould  not  take  Wells,  then  they  resolved  to  attack  Piscataqua.  The  wliicli, 
says  Churchy  when  we  were  well  informed  of,  we  left  two  old  squaws  that 
were  not  able  to  march,  gaue  them  victuals  enough  for  one  week  of  their  own 
corn,  boiled,  and  a  littleof  our  pruisions,  and  buried  their  dead,  and  left  tli<;iii 
clothes  enough  to  keep  them  warme,  and  left  the  wigwams  for  them  to  lye 
in  :  guue  them  orders  to  tell  their  friends  how  kind  we  were  to  them,  hidiiif; 
them  doe  the  like  to  ours.  Also  if  they  were  for  peace  to  come  to  goodiniui 
Smairs,  att  Barwick,  within  14  days,  who  would  attend  to  discourac  them; 
then  we  came  away  with  our  own  five  captiues,  [English  that  they  had  de- 
livered,] and  n>ue  of  theirs."* 

In  tlie  same  letter  we  are  informed  that  among  these  prisoners  were 
Kankamagjis's  wife  and  four  children.  His  brother-in-law  was  taken,  but  he 
"  ran  away  frpm  them."  Among  the  slain  was  Kanhnmagus's  own  sister.  A 
girl  was  Inought  away  whose  father  and  mother  had  been  slain  before  her 
eyes.  Two  of  the  children  of  Woromho  were  also  among  the  prisoners,  all  of 
whom  were  carried  to  riimouth.  This  expedition  upon  the  Androscoggin 
was  on  Sunday,  14  September,  1G90. 

A  few  days  after  this.  Church  landed  at  Casco,  where  the  Indians  fell  upon 
him  by  surprise,  and  were  not  beaten  off  for  some  time,  and  then  only  by 
hard  fighting.  This  was  on  the  21  September.  Church  had  seven  men  k'.ileil 
and  24  wounded,  two  of  whom  died  in  a  day  or  two  after.  The  Irdians  who 
.nade  this  attack  were  probably  led  by  Kankamagus  and  Worombo. 

HoPEHOOD  was  a  chief  nearly  as  celebrated,  and  as  much  detested  in  his 
time,  as  the  chiefs  of  whom  we  nave  just  spoken.  He  was  chief  of  the  tribe 
of  the  Kennebecks  generally  known  as  the  Nerigwoks.  He  was  the  son  ot' 
Robinhood,  a  sachem  of  whom  we  have  spoken  in  a  former  chapter.  Accord- 
ing to  some  writers  Hopehood  was  also  known  by  the  name  fVohawa.\  The 
career  of  his  warlike  exploits  was  long  and  bloody.  Our  first  notice  of  him 
is  in  Philip's  war,  at  the  attack  of  a  house  at  Newichewannok,  since  Berwick, 
in  Maine.  Fifteen  persons,  all  women  and  children,  were  in  the  house,  aud 
Hopehood,  with  one  only  beside  himself,  Andrew  of  Sac»),  whom  we  have  be- 
fore mentioned  as  an  accomplice  with  Sifmon,  thought  to  surprise  them,  and 
but  for  the  timely  discovery  of  their  approach  by  a  young  woman  withio, 
would  liave  cftected  their  purpose.  She  fixstened  and  held  the  door,  while 
all  the  others  escaped  unobserved.  Hopehood  and  his  companion  hewed 
down  the  door,  and  knocked  the  girl  on  the  head,  and,  otherwise  wounding 
her,  left  her  for  dead.  They  took  two  children,  which  a  fence  had  kept  from 
escui»iug.  One  they  killed,  the  other  they  carried  off  alive.  The  young 
woman  recovered,  and  was  entirely  well  afterwards. 

One  of  the  most  important  actions  in  which  Hopehood  was  engaged  was 
that  against  Salmon  Falls  in  New  Hampshire,  which  is  minutely  detailed  by 
Charlevoix,  from  whose  history  we  translate  as  follows.  Three  expeditions  had 
been  set  on  foot  by  Governor  Frontenac,  the  troops  for  which  had  been  raised 
at  three  places,  Montreal,  Three  Rivers,  and  Quebeck.  Those  raised  at 
Three  Rivers  were  ordered  against  New  England  ;  and  such  was  the  insig- 
nificance of  that  place,  that  but  52  men  could  be  raised,  including  5  Algon- 
quins  and  20  Sokokis :  these  Indians  had  lately  returned  from  an  eastern 
exiiedition.     They  had  at  their  head  one  of  the  ofiicers  of  the  colony,  to 

*  Manuscript  letter  written  at  the  lime  by  Church,  and  sent  to  Governor  Hinckley  of 
PUmouth. 

t  Harris,  in  his  Voyagres,  ii.  302,  who  says  he  was  a  Huron  j  but  as  he  cites  no  authorities, 
we  know  not  how  he  came  by  his  iuformaiiun. 


Chap.  VIII.]    HOPEHOOD.— DESTRUCTION  OF  SALMON  FALLS. 


117 


;:•'■:■-;' ^ 


whom  could  be  intruHted  the  execution  of  an  entorprisfl  of  such  a  nuture, 
with  the  greatest  confidence  ;  such  is  the  tefltimonv  which  Count  Frontenac 
gave  in  u  letter  whi  h  he  wrote  at  the  time  to  M.  at  Seignelay.  That  officer 
waa  tlie  Sieur  Hertd.  In  the  small  company  which  he  commanded,  lie  had 
three  of  his  sons  and  two  of  his  nephews ;  viz.  The  Sieur  Crevier,  Lord 
of  S.  Francois,  and  the  Sieur  Gatineait, 

He  left  Three  Rivers  the  28  January  1(590,  proceeding  directly  south  into 
the  country,  leaving  Lake  Champlain  to  his  left,  then  turning  to  the  oust,  and 
after  a  lon^  and  rugged  march  he  arrived  on  the  27  *  March,  near  Salmon 
Falls,t  which  he  had  reconnoitred  by  his  spies.  He  then  divided  his  men 
into  three  companies ;  the  first,  composed  of  15  men,  was  onlered  to  attack 
a  large  fortified  house.  The  second,  consisting  of  1 1  men,  was  ordered  to 
seize  upon  a  fort,  defended  by  four  bastions.  The  third,  wliich  Hertd  com- 
iiiaiideu  in  person,  marched  to  atuick  a  still  greater  fort,  which  whs  defended 
by  cannon.  All  was  executed  with  o  "Oiidiict  and  brovery  which  astonished 
the  Knglish,  who  made  at  first  stout  esislance;  but  they  could  not  with- 
stand the  fire  of  the  assailants :  the  bravest  were  cut  to  pieces,  I  and  the 
rest,  to  the  numlier  of  54,  were  made  prisoners  of  war.  It  cost  tlie  victors 
but  one  Frenchman,  who  had  his  thigh  broken,  and  who  died  the  next  day  : 
27  houses  were  reduced  to  ashes,  and  2000  §  domestic  animals  perished  in 
tlic  burns,  which  had  been  set  on  fire. 

Salmon  FiUls  was  but  six  leagues  from  a  great  town  called  Puscataqua,)! 
from  whence  men  enough  might  be  sent  to  swallow  up  Hertd,  and  cut  oft 
his  retreat  In  fact,  upon  the  evening  of  the  same  day  two  savages  gave 
notice  tliat  200  5  English  were  advancing  to  attack  them.  Hertel  expected 
it,  and  hud  taken  his  measures  to  frustrate  those  of  his  enemy.  He  drew 
i.p  bis  men  in  order  of  battle  upon  the  edge  of  a  river,**  over  which  there 
was  a  very  narrow  bridge,  one  extremity  of  which  he  had  secured,  and  it 
was  impossible  for  the  Lnglish  to  come  upon  him  ot  any  other  point  They, 
however,  attempted  it,  despising  the  small  numbers  of  the  French,  whom 
tliey  engaged  with  great  confidence.  Hertd  suffered  them  to  advance  with- 
out firing  a  gun,  and  all  at  once  fell  upon  them,  sword  in  hand ;  8  were 
killed  and  10  wounded  in  the  first  shock,  and  the  rest  fled  with  precipita- 
tion, tt  He  lost  in  this  encounter  *>^'^  brave  Crevier,  his  nephew,  and  one  of 
the  Sokokis.  La  Fresniere,  his  elder  son,  was  shot  in  the  knee ;  the  scar  of 
which  wound  he  Iwre  for  50  years.  |t 

As  Hertd  §§  was  returning  to  Canada,  he  fell  in  with  another  party  of  his 
countrymen,  which  proved  to  be  that  raised  at  Quebec,  before  mentioned, 
under  M.  de  Portmuf,  ||  ||  and  with  him  agreed  upon  an  expedition  against 

*  Belknap,  Hist.  N.  H.  i.  132,  following;  Mather,  Magnalia,  viL  G8,  dates  this  afTair  IS 
March  :  there  is  in  reality  no  error,  allowin^Tor  the  difference  of  stvie,  (except  one  day ;)  the 
Ei)glisli  not  yet  having  adopted  the  Gregorian  method,  which  the  French  haa. — See  UuoK  H. 
Cap.  il 

t  Pr^s  d'une  bourgade  Angloise,  appetite  SemenleU. 

i  About  30  were  killed,  according  to  Belknap,  Hist.  N.  H.  i.  132. 

^  Charlevoix  has  been  misconstrued  by  some  authors,  and  made  to  say  2000  head  of  cattle 
weie  burned. — ^See  Williamson,  Hist.  Maine,  i.  619,  who  probably  did  not  refer  to  the  text  of 
Charlevoix,  or  perhaps  used  an  exceptionable  translation.  "  Denx  miJle  pieces  de  hetait  peri- 
rent  dans  les  etables,  oit  I'on  avail  mis  le/eu."    Nouvelle  France,  ii.  61. 

II  Sementels  n'^toit  qu'i  six  lieues  d'une  assez  grosse  bourgade  de  la  Nouvelle  Angleterre, 
nommee  Pescadouit.    NowielU  France,  ii.  51. 

ir  "  About  140  men."    Belknav,  ii.  132. 

**  VVoosler's  River,  in  Berwick.    Ibid. 

ft  The  English  advanced  with  ^reat  intrepidity,  and  a  warm  engagement  ensued,  whirh 
lasted  till  night,  when  they  retired  with  the  loss  of  four  or  five  killed.    Rid. 

tt  The  English,  although  warned  by  the  fate  of  Schenectaday,  "  dreamt,"  says  Mather, "  that 
while  the  deep  snow  of  the  winter  continued,  they  were  safe  enough;  but  this  proved  as  vain 
as  a  dream  of  a  dry  summer.  On  March  18,  the  French  and  Indians,  bftin^  half  one,  half 
t'other,  half  Iiidianised  French,  a:id  half  Frenchified  Indians,  commaiided  byltfonsieur  Artel 
and  Hoop-Hood,  fell  suddenly  upon  Salmon-falls,"  &c.     Magnolia,  vii.  68. 

6&  The  English  called  him  Artel,  as  his  name  was  pronounced.     See  Magnolia,  ibid. 

1]  Il  The  French  wrote  English  na.-nes  queer  enough,  but  really  I  should  be  sadly  puzzled  to 
tell  which  should  laugh  at  the  other ;  however,  modern  writers  should  not  couy  old  errors  of 
ignorance.  It  is  easy  to  see  now  we  come  by  the  name  of  Bumeffe  in  our  Histories  of  Neio 
England.— Sno  Hist.  Maine,  i.  621. 


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118 


lIOPEIlt)OD— DESTRUCTION  OF  CA8CO. 


[Book  III 


>^  ■  '  i) 


iii 


(y'asco.  Am  Porttieuf  marched  thro"((li  the  rountry  of  the  AlMnakiH,  manv 
of  tiieiii  joiiivd  him,  hikI  he  cum«  >  tlie  iieif{tihorhoud  of  Cum-o,  utrcortf- 

iii^  to  the  t'reurh  account,  on  the  ny.     On  the  following  night,  he  pre- 

jiured  un  unibiiMh,  und  towurdH  nioi.  in  Eugliehmun  fell  iiito  it  und  wao 
killed.  The  Indiana  tlicn  ruitied  the  \vu.'-whoup,  und  about  uoon  .'jO  Knglish 
marched  (>iit  trum  tlic  garriaon  t>  leurn  what  wua  the  occuttion  of  it ;  the) 
made  no  discovery  until  they  worn  within  a  few  puces  of  the  ambuHh,  when 
they  were  fired  upon ;  und  betbre  they  could  resiHt  were  fallen  upon  bv  the 
French  und  Indiuntt  with  their  bwordH  und  toutaliawks  with  greut  uluugiiter: 
but  lour  CHCuped,  and  theue  were  badly  wounded. 

The  J'^ni(liHh  aeeiiig  now  they  must  stand  a  eiege,  abandoned  four  gnrri- 
80im,  and  all  retired  into  one,  which  waH  provided  with  cannon.  Uclore  tiiesc 
were  ubundoned,  un  nttuck  wuti  made  upon  one  of  them,  in  which  tiic 
French  were  repulsed,  with  the  loss  ol'  one  Indian  killed  and  one  French- 
man  wounded.  Portneuf  began  now  to  doubt  of  his  ability  to  Uike  Cuoco. 
l()uring  tiie  issue ;  lor  ids  couunission  only  ordered  him  to  luv  wume  thi- 
Knirlish  settleinerts,  and  not  to  attempt  fortified  places  ;  but  in  this  diUtmniu 
Hekel  und  Hopehood  arrived.*  It  was  now  determined  to  press  the  m-w. 
In  the  deserted  Ibrts  they  tbund  all  the  necessary  tools  for  carrying  on  the 
work,  and  thev  begun  a  mine  within  50  feet  of  the  fort,  under  a  steep  hunk, 
which  entirely  protected  them  from  its  guns.  The  English  became  dis- 
couraged, and  on  the  ^8  f  May  surrendered  themselves  prisoners  of  war. 
There  were  70  men,  und  probubly  a  much  greater  number  of  women  and 
children.  All  of  whom,  except  Captain  Davia,  who  commanded  the  gurrison, 
and  throe  or  lour  others,  were  given  up  to  the  Indians,  who  murdered  niOKt 
of  them  in  their  cruel  manner;  and  if  the  accounts  be  true,  Hopelvood 
excelled  all  other  savages  in  acts  of  cruelty.  In  the  course  of  the  Hunie 
month,  with  a  small  party  he  foil  upon  Fox  Point,  in  New  Ilnmpshire,  killed 
alraut  fourteen  persons,  und  curried  away  six,  alter  burning  several  houses. 
This  was  as  easily  done,  says  Cotton  Mather,  X  "  as  to  have  spoiled  an  ordinary 
iien-rooal"  Two  companies  ol  English  soon  collected  und  pursued  them ; 
came  up  with  them,  killed  some,  and  recovered  considerable  plunder.  In 
this  action  Hopehood  was  wounded,  and  lost  his  gun.  § 

Many  were  the  horrid  acts  of  barbarity  inflicted  on  the  prisoners  taken 
at  this  time.  Not  long  alter  this,  Hopeliood  went  to  the  westward,  "  with  u 
design,  says  Mather,  to  bewitch  another  crew  at  Aquadocta  into  his  atisist- 
uuce."  The  Indians  of  Canada  and  tlie  Five  Nations  were  then  at  war, 
and  he  being  in  their  country,  was  met  by  some  of  the  Canada  Indiutm, 
who,  tuking  Iiini  to  be  of  the  Iroquois  nation,  slow  him  and  many  of  his 
compuuions.  He  hud  been  once  a  captive  to  the  English,  and  served  a  time 
in  Boston  us  a  slave.  There  a])pears  to  have  been  another  Nerigwok  chief 
of  the  same  name,  who  treated  with  Grovernor  Dudley  at  Casco,  in  1703.  | 

We  have,  in  narrating  the  events  in  the  life  of  Mndokawando,  noticed  the 
voyage  of  Major  JValdron  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine,  which  was  ut  the 
close  of  Philip's  war.  IIow  much  treachery  was  manifested  at  that  time  by 
the  Indians,  which  caused  the  English  to  niussacre  many  of  them,  we  shall 
not  take  upon  us  to  declare ;  yet  this  we  should  bear  in  mind,  that  we  have 
only  the  account  of  those  who  performed  the  tragedy,  and  not  that  of  those 
who  suflTered  in  it 

Captain  Charles  Frost,  of  Kittery,  was  with  JValdron  upon  that  expedition, 
and,  next  to  him,  a  [trincipal  actor  in  it ;  and,  like  him,  was  killed  by  the 
Indians  afterwards.  ||  Mr.  Hubbard  gives  this  account  of  his  taking  a  noted 
warrior  as  follows : — "  Capt  Frost  seized  an  Indian  called  Megvnnewau,  a 
notorious  rogue,  that  had  been  in  arms  at  Connecticut  last  June,  at  the  folis, 

*  Madokatoando  was  also  at  the  taking  of  Casco,  as  were  the  Doneys  and  the   Higiiers 

[Higgins]  Captain  Davis'a  Nar.  in  3  Coll.  Mas.  Hist.  Soc.  104,  5.— -Hopeliood  bad  been  taken 

prisoner,  and  held  as  a  hostage,  with  about  a  dozen  others,  and  was  set  at  libert}'  by  Attdros, 

some  time  before.     Ibid. 

t  This  agrees  with  the  English  accounts,  abating  10  days,  as  observed  in  a  note  on  the  last  page. 

i  Magnalia  Christ.  Americana,  b.  vii.  73. 

"  An  heathen  Indian  would  rather  part  with  his  head  than  with  his  gun."    LoskUl,  ii.  Sll. 
At  his  native  place,  4  July,  1697.    MS.  Utter  of  John  Farmer,  Esq. 


um 


Crap.  IX.] 


BOMAZEEN. 


119 


and  (WW  that  brave  and  resolute  Capt  l\imer,  when  he  was  alnin  aliout 
Green  River;  and  helped  to  kill  Thomas  Bracket*  at  Curco,  [Hth]  Auf;uHt 
latt,  [1<>7(>.1  And  with  the  help  of  Lieut  A^t/ler,  aocordinx  to  the  mujor'H 
order,  carried  him  iilraard  "  their  vesseL  "  By  thi^^  tinir,"  the  tiaine  author 
contimu'H,  "  some  of  the  aoldieni  were  got  aahorc,  and  instantly,  occordinf; 
to  th(!ir  niiijor'fl  command,  puraued  the  enemy  towards  their  caiioca.  In  tiie 
chnHe,  several  of  the  enemy  were  slain,  whose  IxMlies  these  [soldiers]  Ibuiid 
at  their  return,  to  the  number  of  seven ;  amongst  whom  was  Mattahando, 
the  Migamore,  with  an  old  powow,  to  whom  the  Devil  had  revealed,  aH  Home- 
times  he  did  to  Saul,  that  on  the  same  day  he  should  be  with  him  ;  for  he 
had  a  little  l>efore  told  the  Indians,  that  within  two  days  the  English  would 
come  uiul  kill  them  all,  which  was  at  the  very  same  time  verified  upon 
himself."  M«;re  we  must  acknowledge,  notwithstanding  our  great  reH|iect 
for  this  author,  that  his  conunentary  u|>on  that  passage  was  rather  gratuitous. 
He  might  have  considered  that  Sauls  among  the  English  would  not  l)e  want- 
ing ot  whom  parallels  might  be  made.  Indeed,  the  historian  of  Kankumntfus 
might  say  the  Devil  was  less  deceitful  with  tliis  powwow  than  he  was  after- 
wards in  the  case  of  Major  IValdrotu 

The  English  took  much  plunder  from  the  Indians  at  this  time,  among 
'.vhich  were  about  1000  lbs.  of  dried  l)eef,  and  various  other  commodities. 
Meffunneway,  alter  having  tuUen  into  their  huuds  as  we  have  stated,  was  shot 
without  ceremony. 

CHAPTER  IX. 


I  •• 


»\- 


BoMAZREir — Treachery  of  the  whites  Uneards  him — Is  imjtrisoned  at  Boston — Saves 
the  life  of  a  female  cavtive — Captures  S<ieo — /»  killai — Arruhawikwabemt — 
His  capture  and  death — Eqerkmet — Seized  at  Pemmaquid — Barbarously  viur- 
derrd — Treachery  of  Chubh — Its  requital — Captain  Tom — Surprises  Hampton — 
DoNy — His  fort  captured  buColonel  Church — Events  of  Church's  expedition — Captain 
SiMMO — Treats  with  the  English  at  Casco — His  speech — Wattanujhmon-  '^'iptain 
Samuf.i. — His  fight  at  Damaris  Cove — Heoan — One  of  the  name  barbar^  .sly  de- 
stroyed by  the  lehites — Moao — Westbrook  hums  Nerigwok — Some  aecou  t  of  the 
Jesuit  Rasle — Moul ton's  expedition  to  Jferigiook — Death  of  Mogg — Death  of  Father 
Riisle — JYotice  of  Moulton — Charlevoix's  account  of  this  affair — Padous — Bounty 
offered  fur  Indian  scalps — Captain  John  Loveieell's  first  expedition — His  second 
hunt  for  Indians — Falls  in  witn  Pav ova"- Fights  him,  and  is  slain — Particulars  of 
the  affair — Incidents — Songs  composed  on  the  event. 

We  will  continue  here  our  catalogue  of  eminent  chiefs  of  the  east,  which, 
tliough  a  remote  section,  has  no  less  claim  than  any  other ;  and  the  first  of 
them  which  we  shall  introduce  was  called,  by  the  whites, 

Bomazeen,  who  was  a  sachem  of  a  tribe  of  the  Canibas,  or  Kennehecks, 
whose  residence  was  at  an  ancient  seat  of  sagamores,  upon  a  river  bearing 
their  name,  at  a  place  called  J^orridgewock,  +  Whether  Bomazeen  were  the 
leader  in  the  attack  upon  Oyster  River  in  N<)W  Hampshire,  Grotoii  in  Massa- 
chusetts, and  many  other  places,  about  the  ye(  r  1G94,  we  cannot  determine, 
but  Hutckiruon  says  he  was  ''a  principal  actor  in  the  carnage  upon  the 


•I--' 


*  He  was  brother  to  Anthony,  and  was  killed  the  11  August,  as  we  have  mentioned  in  our 
account  of  Sijmon.  These  Indians,  or  some  of  iheir  party  [that  captured  Antlumy  Bracket] 
went  over  upon  the  neck,  where  they  shot  John  Mitnjoy  and  Iscuk  Wakely.  Three  men.  who 
were  going  to  reap  at  AtUhony  Brae '-rf's,  having  iieard  from  Munjoy  and  (i^a/t;e/y  of  the  trans- 
action there,  left  them  to  return,  when,  hearing  the  guns,  they  turned  towards  liwnMs  Bracket's, 
who  lived  near  Clark's  Point,  where  they  had  left  their  canoe,  having  probably  crossed  over 
from  Piirpooduck.  Here  they  saw  77ioimu  Bracket  shot  down,  and  his  wife  and  children 
taken  ;  they  then  made  their  escape  to  4fun/oy'»  garrison,  at  llie  lower  end  of  the  neck,  which 
had  become  a  place  of  refuge.  Willis's  Hist'.  Portland,  i.  144. — This  was  an  extensive  depre- 
dation, 34  persons  having  been  killed  and  carried  into  captivity. 

t  Nerigwok  is  believed  to  be  the  most  proper  way  of  spelling  the  name  of  this  place,  as 
agreeing  best  with  its  orihoCpy ;  at  least,  with  that  heard  at  and  in  the  vicinity  of  it,  at  ihit 
day,  as  pronounced  by  the  oldest  inhabitants.  It  is  a  delightful  place,  and  will  be  found  eli^ 
where  described. 


•."» '  V 


•  ■■'f  ■ .' 


130 


ARRUIIAWIKWADEMT.— TAKEN  AND  KILLED. 


[Book  III. 


f'.*»jalw.|S  »«■:• 


Rngli8h,"  nA«r  the  treaty  which  he  Imd  made  with  Governor  Phip»,  in  1008. 
In  ItiSM,  hi!  ratne  to  the  ibrt  at  I'uniinuqiiid  with  a  Aag  of  truce,  oiid  was 
treacherouHJy  Hei/t;d  by  thone  wlio  coininaiided,  and  Hent  prisoner  to  Ikmtoii 
when;  he  remained  Nome  months,  in  a  loathsome  prison.  In  17(K»,  new  bar- 
baritiefl  were  committed.  Chelmsford,  8udbury,  CIroton,  Exeter,  Dover,  and 
many  other  places,  Buffered  more  or  less.*  Many  captives  were  taken  and 
carried  to  Canada,  and  many  killed  on  the  way.  A  {Kior  woman,  one  Rtbtccn 
Taylor,  who  had  arrived  at  the  Kivor  Ht  Lawrence,  was  about  to  be  Imnfted 
by  her  master,  on  "  overpvwn  Indian,"  named  Sampson.  The  limb  of  ilm 
tree  on  which  he  was  executing  his  purpose  gave  way,  and,  while  lie  was 
makinj^r  a  second  attempt,  Bamaxeen  iiapi>eued  to  be  passing,  and  rus- 
cued  her. 

We  hoar  of  him  just  afler  the  death  of  Anrvhavnkwabemty  in  October, 
1710,  when  he  fell  upon  Saco  with  (X)  or  70  men,  and  killed  several  ]i«-o|i|«-, 
and  carried  away  some  captives.  He  is  mentioned  as  a  **  notorious  felluw," 
and  yet  btit  few  of  his  acts  are  upon  record.  8ome  time  alter  the  pe»c(>  of 
1701,  it  seemed  to  be  confirmed  by  the  a|)pearance  of  Bomazeen,  and  unotiier 
principal  chief,  who  said  the  French  friars  were  urging  them  to  break  their 
union  with  the  English,  "  but  that  they  had  made  no  tmpreaaion  on  them,  for 
they  were  aafirrn  as  the  mounlainjt,  and  ahoxdd  conlintu.  so  as  long  as  the  sun  and 
moon  endured."  On  peace  being  made  known  to  the  Indians,  as  having  taken 
place  t)ctween  tlie  F'rench  and  English  nations,  they  came  into  Cusco,  with 
a  flag  of  truce,  and  soon  alter  concluded  a  treaty  at  Portsmouth,  N.  H., 
dated  13  July,  171;).     Bomazeen^s  name  and  mark  are  to  this  treaty. 

When  Captain  Moidton  was  sent  up  to  Nerigwok,  in  1724,  tliey  fell  in  with 
Bomazeen  alH)ut  Taconnet,  where  they  shot  him  as  lie  was  escaping  through 
the  river.  Near  the  town  of  Nerigwok,  his  wife  and  daughter  were,  iu  a 
barbarous  manner,  fired  upon,  the  daughter  killed,  and  the  mother  taken. 

We  purposely  omit  Dr.  C.  Mathers  account  of  Bomazeen's  conversation 
with  a  Minister  of  Boston,  while  a  prisoner  there,  which  amounts  to  little 
else  thnn  his  recounting  some  of  the  extravagant  notions  which  the  French 
of  Caiiada  had  made  many  Indians  believe,  to  their  great  detriment,  as  he 
said ;  as  that  Jesus  Christ  was  a  French  man,  and  the  Virgin  Mary  a  French 
woman  ;  that  the  French  gave  them  poison  to  drink,  to  inflame  them  against 
the  English,  which  made  them  run  mad.  We  hear  of  others,  who,  to  excite 
them  against  the  English,  endeavon-d  to  make  them  believe,  among  other 
absurdities,  that  they  put  Jesus  Christ  to  death  in  London. 

Arruhawikwabemt,  just  mentioned,  was  a  sachem  of  the  same  tribe,  and 
was  said  to  be  of  Norridgewock  also.  We  can  find  but  very  few  particulars 
of  him,  but,  from  the  fate  be  met  with,  it  is  presumed  he  had  been  very 
instrumental  in  continuing  or  bringing  about  the  eastern  war  of  1710.  In 
that  year,  Colonel  Walton  made  an  expedition  to  the  eastern  coast  of  Maine 
with  170  men.  As  they  were  encamped  upon  an  island,  the  smoke  of  their 
fires  decoyed  some  of  the  Indians  into  their  hands,  among  whom  was  .^Trru- 
haioikwahemt.  Penhallow  says,  he  was  "  an  active,  bold  fellow,  and  one  of  an 
undaunted  spirit ;  for  when  they  asked  him  several  questions,  he  made  them 
no  reply,  and  when  they  threatened  him  with  death,  ht  laughed  eit  it  with  con- 
tempt! At  which  they  delivered  him  up  unto  our  friendly  Indians,  who  soon 
became  hia  executioners.  But  when  the  squaw  saw  the  destiny  of  her 
husband,  she  became  more  flexible,  and  freely  discovered  where  each  |)arty 
of  them  encamped."  The  savage  perpetrators  of  this  act  called  themselves 
Christian  warriors!  and  it  must  be  acknowledged  that  civilization  gains 
nothing  in  contrasting  the  conduct  of  the  whites,  imder  fVdlton,  and  that 
of  Bomazeen  towards  a  captive,  just  related. 

EoEREMET,  as  wc  havc  seen,  was  chief  sachem  of  Keimebeck  in  1690, 
and  his  principal  residence  appears  to  have  been  at  Machias.  This  chief, 
and  HoivquiD,  with  three  or  four  others,  having  been  invited  to  a  conference  at 
Pemmaquid,  were  treacherously  muniered  there,  16  February,  1696.  Their 
seizure  and  mui'der  could  not  have  been  outdone,  by  the  greatest  barbarians, 

*  Bomazeen  was  supposed  to  have  led  the  party  that  attacked  the  south  part  of  Oyster  River, 
now  Durham,  in  which  10  persons  were  killed.    This  was  ou  27  April. 


ClIAF.  IX.J 


BOEREMGT. 


m 


for  faithloosnoRA ;  and  wc  Hhnll  lenfii  tliat  itn  niithor  |mi«l  for  it  in  duu  time 
with  IiIh  life.  VV«  urn  not  <li.«|>oii«!(l  to  luld  to  traiimictiona  wliicii  uru  in 
t>i<-niH<'lv*.>H  Pii(!ici<>ntly  horritilu,  liut  wo  will  vcnturu  to  givu  the  account  uii 
wt!  find  it  in  IJr.  C.  jHnlKei't  dreennium  lucluotum :—  * 

**  J<)'t  IIS,  befnn;  th«!  yoar  tii!  (|iiitu  uniw,  hv«  Hoiiie  vcngcaiico  tukni  upon 
the  htaub  in  the  htiuat  of  the  mcktd.  Know  tht-ii,  reudiT,  tliul  Cupi.  .lA/rcA 
|)t>titioniii^  to  be  diHnnHHod  fVoin  Ida  roniinuiid  ot'  thu  fort  ut  l'nniiii>i|nid, 
nun  CUuh  Huc«:«udvd  iiiiii.  TIiIh  ('huh  toinid  nil  o|)|tortunity,  in  u  pretty 
chubbed  manner,  to  kill  thn  liiinouii  EJiferemH  und  ^'IIkiu/uuI,  h  i-oiipif  of 
priiR'ipid  Ha^umorcM,  with  one  or  two  other  Indiuii!*,  on  u  Lord's  day.  Some 
that  well  enougli  liked  the  thir^  which  wuh  now  done,  did  not  alto^rctlitT 
like  the  numner  of  doing  it,  becuiiHe  there  wuh  a  pretence  of  trrMtu  bftw(;eu 
Ckub  and  tiie  HugamoreH,  whereof  ho  took  his  advantage  to  lay  violent  Imnds 
oil  them." 

Thus  tho  manner  is  nccn  in  whicli  this  liorri<l  and  rold-blooded  net  is 
related  !  !  Few  are  the  instances  that  we  meet  with  in  history,  where  Iiulian 
tnacherif,  as  it  is  torineii,  can  go  before  this.  The  reverend  author  adds,  "  If 
there  were  any  unfair  dealing  (which  I  know  not)  in  this  action  of  Chub, 
there  will  be  another  Febrvmy  not  far  off,  wherein  tho  avengers  of  blood  will 
take  their  sali^action."  By  this  innuendo,  what  licfell  Captain  C'huJib  alter- 
wards  is  understood,  and  of  which  we  shall  presently  give  an  account. 

The  |)oint  of  land  called  Troll's  JSTeck,  in  Woolwich,  in  the  state  of  Maine, 
was  sold,  in  Kid.'i,  by  Egertmet  und  several  other  sachems.  In  I()IK3,  on  the 
11  August,  with  Vi  other  chiefs,  he  made  a  treaty  f  with  Sir  William  Phips,  ut 
Peniinu(|uid,  to  which  their  names  stood  as  follows,  and  without  marks,  in 
the  printed  account 


Edoeremett. 
Madockawando. 
Wassambomet  o/"  JVoridgwock. 
Wenobson  of  Teconnelf  in  behalf 

of  Moxus. 
Ketterhamouis  qf  JS/arridgtoock, 
Ahanquid  of  Penobscot, 
bomaseen. 
Nitamemet. 


Webenes. 
awansomeck. 
Robin  Ooney. 
Madaumbis. 

Paquaharet,  alias  Nathaniel. 
John  Ilornybrook. 
John  Bugutawawongo,  alias 
Sheepscott  John. 
Phill.  Dunsakis,  S<iuaw,  in- 
terpreters. 

Before  this,  in  1691,  "New  England  being  quite  out  of  breath," says  Dr. 
C.  Mather,  a  treaty,  or  truce,  was  entered  into  between  the  eastern  sachems 
and  Messrs.  Hutchinson  and  Totonsend,  of  Boston,  and  others  of  the  eastern 
coast,  at  Sagadahock.  Here  ten  captives  were  given  up  Ly  them,  and  tho 
English  gave  up  eight  captive  Indians.  One  was  a  woman  by  tiie  name  of 
Hull,  who  had  been  of  great  service  to  them,  having  written  letters  on 
various  occasions,  such  as  their  affairs  required,  and  with  whom  they  re- 
gretted much  to  part  Another  was  JVathaniel  White,  who  had  been  bound 
and  tortured  in  a  wretched  manner.  His  ears  were  cut  off,  and,  instead  of 
food,  ho  was  forced  to  eat  them,  after  which,  but  for  this  time  y  treaty,  the 
sentence  of  burning  would  have  been  executed  upon  him.  This  truce 
stipulated  that  no  hurt  should  be  done  the  English  until  May,  1692,  and  that, 
on  the  first  of  that  mouth,  they  would  deliver,  at  Wells,  all  English  captives 
in  their  hands,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  would  inform  of  any  plots  that  they 
might  know  of  the  French  against  the  English.  Egercmet  being  the  chief 
sacliein,  and  most  forward  in  this  business.  Dr.  MaSier  utters  his  contempt 
for  him  by  saying,  "  To  this  instrument  were  set  the  paws  of  Egeremet,  and 
five  more  of  their  sagamores  and  noblemen."  | 

This  treaty  may  be  seen  at  length  in  the  Collections  of  the  Moss.  Hist  Soc, 
but  is  dated  one  year  earlier  than  it  is  in  the  MagnaJia.  The  fact  that  it  was 
made  upon  the  water,  as  Dr.  C.  Mather  says,  and  as  we  have  quoted  in  the 
life  of  Madokawando,  appears  from  the  last  paragraph  of  that  instrument, 

*  Magnalia,  b.  vii.  89.  f  It  may  be  seen  in  the  Magnolia,  vii.  86. 

\  Magnalia  Christ.  Americans,  book  vii.  art.  xxviii.  p.  94.^ 


n-. 


■H(:/ 


1.V</^t' 


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■fM' 


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rr'''j^p^W'i-^ 


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ilH^^^' 

HB^^ 

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IBs 

.•;••;'••;■  V'-i-v  V'-.     •■• 
.•>  i> /•>■■*»»-■  • 

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j»Ja>f>' 


139 


EUEREMET.— KILLED  AT  PEMAQUID. 


[Book  III. 


Chap. 


which  is  in  these  words : — "  Signed  and  sealed  interchangeably,  upon  the 
water,  in  canoes,  at  Sackatehock,  ichen  the  wind  bltw."  It  was  headed,  "  At  a 
treaty  of  peace  with  the  eastward  Indian  enemy  sagamores."  The  other  fiv« 
sachems,  beside  Esceremet,  were  Toquelmut,  Watumbomt,  fVatombamet,  JVcdumbt, 
[fVoromhns,]  and  John  Haiokins,  [or Kankantagus.]  The  places  for  whicli  they 
stipulatftd  are,  according  to  the  treaty, "  Pennecook,WJnnepis8eockeege,  Ossejm, 
Pigwocket,  Anioscungen,  Pechepscut,  Kennebeck  River,  and  all  other  places 
adjacent,  within  the  territory  and  dominions  of  the  above-nained  sagamores." 
The  wilnessps  Were,  Deteatuh,  [the  same  called  Miwando,  by  Penhallow, 
probably,]  JVed  Higon,  John  Jilden,  jr.,  and  N'athanitl  Aldtn, 

TIk!  next  year,  Ef^eremet  was  with  Madokaicando,  Moxus,  and  a  body  of 
French  under  liobrocre,  and  made  the  notable  attack  upon  the  garrison  at 
Wells,  which  Will  be  found  recorded  in  the  last  chapter. 

Wo  will  now  inlbrni  the  reader  of  the  wretched  fate  of  Captain  Pasco  Chub. 
It  w'<s  not  long  after  he  connnitted  the  bloody  deed  of  killing  the  Indian  sag- 
amores, before  he  and  the  fort  were  taken  by  the  French  and  Indians.  He 
\vnB  exchanged,  and  returned  to  Boston,  where  he  suffered  much  disgrace 
lor  his  treachery  with  the  Indians,*  He  lived  at  Andover  in  Massachusetts, 
where  about  30  Indians  made  an  attack  in  1698,  on  22  February,  in  which 
he,  with  others,  was  killed,  and  five  were  captivated.  It  was  not  thought  that 
they  expected  to  find  him  there  ;  but  when  they  found  they  had  killed  him, 
it  gave  them  as  much  joy,  says  Hutchinson,  "  as  the  destruction  of  a  whole 
lo^vn,  because  they  had  taken  their  beloved  vengeance  of  him  for  his  perfidy 
and  barbarity  to  their  countrymen."  They  shot  him  through  several  times 
after  he  was  dead. 

In  his  characteristic  style,  Mr.  Oldmixon  speaks  of  this  eventf  He  says, 
"  Nor  must  we  forget  Chub,  the  false  w  retch  who  surrendered  Pemmaquid 
Fort.  The  governor  kept  him  under  examination  some  time  at  Boston,  and 
then  dismissed  him.  As  he  was  going  to  his  house,  at  Andover,  the  Indians 
surprised  him  and  his  wife,  and  massacred  them  ;  a  just  reward  of  his  trea- 
son." I'he  autiior,  we  think,  should  have  added,  according  to  the  jurispru- 
dence of  savages. 

The  most  favorable  account  given  of  the  conduct  of  Chvh,  and  indeed  the 
only  one,  follows :  "  An  Indian  sagamore's  son  appeared  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and 
Capt.  Chtib  went  out  to  them  without  arms,  man  for  man.  An  Indian  asked  for 
rum  and  tobacco:  the  captain  said,  '>Vo;  t^  is  Sabbalh  day.'  They  said, 
'  We  loill  have  rum,  or  we  will  have  rurn  and  you  too.'  Two  Indians  laid  hold  on 
the  captain.  Then  he  called  to  his  men,  to  fall  on,  fbr  God's  sake.  Then  he 
made  signs  to  his  men,  to  come  from  the  fort  One  of  the  English  had  a 
hatchet  under  his  coat,  took  it  out  and  killed  an  Indian;  and  then  ours 
killed  two  more  Indians,  and  took  another  alive,  and  wounded  another,  sup- 
posed mortally.  Then  many  of  the  enemy  came  near  to  the  English,  who 
retreated  all  safe  to  the  fort."  J 

There  wivs  another  sagamore  of  the  same  name,  noticed  in  the  following 
wars  with  the  eastern  Indians,  who  was  friendly  to  the  whites;  it  was  proba- 
bly he  who  sometimes  bore  the  name  of  Moxut, 

•  Ifarris's  Voya{!«s,  ii.  305,  (ed.  1764,)  says  Chtb  was  arrested  by  Colonel  Gedney,  who  was 
sent  east  with  three  ships  of  war,  on  hearing  of  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  and  that  no  French  or 
Indians  could  be  found  5  that  after  he  strengthened  the  garrison,  he  returned  home. 

"  Col.  Gedttetj  had  been  by  land  with  .500  men,  to  secure  the  eastern  frontiers.  Finding  the 
enemy  (rone,  he  strenjthenea  the  garrisons,  which  were  not  taken.  He  also  arrested  Pasco 
Chubb,  for  surrendering  Pemuquid  Fort,  while  under  his  command  in  July,  and  had  him 
brought  to  Boston.  Here  Captain  C/(mIi6  was  confined,  till  it  was  decided  thai  he  should 
lose  his  commission,  and  not  be  eligible  for  aiiy  other.  This  unfortunate  man,  with  his  wife 
Hannah,  and  three  others,  were  killed  by  the  Indians  at  Andover,  Feb.  22,  1698."  Rev.  Mr. 
Fell's  Annals  vf  Salem. 

A  naval  force  was  sent  at  the  same  time ;  hence  the  ftccounts  are  hut  altogether  irrecon- 
cilable. Three  men-of-war  were  sent  out  in  purauit  of  the  French,  "  but  meeting'  with  con- 
trary winds,  they  could  never  gel  sight  of  them."    Neal,  His.  N.  Eng.  ii.  661. 

t  British  Empire  in  America,  i.  77,  78. 

i  Manuscript  letter  in  library  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  written  in  the  following  month.  As  it  was 
written  at  a  ^reat  distance  from  the  place,  and  from  a  report  of  the  day,  ultle  reliance  can  be 
placed  upon  it.    It  may  have  been  Cltub's  report  of  tbe  c«se. 


Chaf.  IX.] 


CAPTAIN  TOM— nONEV. 


123 


In  the  Indian  war  of  1703,  there  was  a  great  Indian  captain  who  resided 
somewliere  to  the  east  of  Pascataqiia  River,  who  made  his  name  dreaded 
among  tlie  settlements  in  that  region,  by  some  bloody  expeditions  which  he 
conducted.     He  was  called,  by  tlie  English, 

Captaix  Tom.  On  17  August  of  this  year,  this  daring  war-captain,  with 
al)out  30  others,  surprised  a  part  of  Ham|)ton,  killed  five  persons,  wliercof 
one  was  a  widow  Hussey, "  who  was  a  remarkable  speaking  Quaker,  and  tnuch 
lamented  by  her  sect."  After  sacking  two  iiouscs  near  the  garrison,  they 
drew  off.* 

Many  Indians  bore  the  name  of  Tom.  Indian  Hill,  in  Newburj',  was  owned 
by  Grtai  Tom.  He  is  8U|)[)osed  to  have  been  the  last  Indian  proprietor  ot 
lands  in  that  town.  In  written  instruments,  he  styles  himself,  "  /  (treat  Tom 
Indian."  \ 

We  come,  in  the  next  place,  to  an  interesting  portion  of  our  eastern  history. 
It  has  been  generally  supposed  that  the  name  uonij,  or  Doiey,  was  the  name 
of  an  Indian  chief,  but  it  is  now  quite  certain  that  he  was  a  Frenchman,  who 
took  up  his  residence  among  tlie  Indians,  as  Baron  de  St.  Casteina  did.  There 
appears  in  our  history,  in  1G45,  a  "Monsieur  Dony"  who  had  some  difficulty 
wth  Lord  de  la  Tour,  about  their  eastern  possessions,  and  he  was,  doubtless, 
the  same  of  whom  we  have  an  account  afterwards,  in  the  war  of  ItiUO,  with 
the  eastorn  Indians.  At  this  time,  there  were  two  of  the  name  in  Maine, 
father  and  son.  The  son,  perhaps,  like  Casteins  the  yoimger,  was  half  Indian, 
but  of  this  we  are  not  sure ;  nevertheless,  to  preserve  our  narrative  of  the 
events  of  Colonel  Churches  expedition  of  1690,  wo  shall  notice  them  among 
others. 

Church  landed  at  Maquait,  12  September,  before  day,  and,  after  a  wet, 
fatiguing  march  into  the  woods  of  about  two  days,  on  the  south-west  side  of 
the  Androscoggin,  came  into  the  neighborhood  of  a  fbrt.  They  came  upon 
an  Indian  and  nis  wiic  who  were  leading  two  captives ;  and  immediately  pur* 
suing  and  firing  upon  them,  killed  the  Indian  woman,  who  proved  to  be  the 
wifi;  of  Young  Doney.\  We  can  ordy  hope  it  was  not  their  design  thus  to  have 
killed  an  innocent  woman.  Which  party  it  was  that  fired  upon  them  (lor  they 
divided  themselves  into  three)  is  unknown,  and  we  in  cha^  "y  must  suppose 
that,  at  considerable  distance,  and  in  much  confusion,  it  was  di*!icidt  't  know 
an  Indian  man  from  a  woman. 

As  Church  expeetod,  Doney  ran  into  one  gate  of  the  fort,  and  out  at  the 
other,  giving  the  alarm  so  effectually,  that  nearly  all  within  it  escaped.  They 
found  and  took  prisoners  "  but  two  men  and  a  lad  of  about  18,  with  some 
women  and  children.  Five  ran  into  the  river,  three  or  four  of  whi(;h  were 
killed.  The  lad  of  18  madi>  his  escape  up  the  river."  The  whole  number 
killed  in  this  action  was  "  six  or  seven."  The  English  had  but  one  wounded. 
Tliey  took  here,  at  this  time,§  a  roiisiderable  quantity  of  corn,  gims,  and  ammu- 
niiion,  and  liberated  Mrs.  Huckinga,  widow  of  Lieutenant  Robert  Huckings, 
taken  at  Oyster  River,  Mrs.  Barnard,  wife  of  Benjamin  Barnard,  of  Salmon 
Falls,  Jlnne  Heard,  of  Cocheco.  a  young  woman,  daughter  of  one  Willis,  of 
Oyster  River,  and  a  Ijoy  belonging  to  Exeter.  These  captives,  says  Church, 
"  were  in  a  miserable  condition."  They  learned  by  them  that  most  of  their 
men  were  gone  to  Winter  Harbor  to  get  provisions  for  the  Bay  of  Fundy  In- 
dians. This  information  was gi\en  by  a  prisoner  taken  in  the  tort,  who  also  said 
that  the  Bay  of  Fundy  Indians  were  to  join  them  against  the  English,  in  the 
spring.  "The  soldiers,  being  very  rude,  would  hardly  8[mre  the  Indian's  life, 
while  in  examination  ;  intending,  when  he  had  done,  that  he  should  be  exe- 
cuted. But  Capt  Hucking's  wife,  and  another  woman,  down  on  their  knees 
and  begged  for  him,  saying,  that  he  had  been  a  means  of  saving  their  lives, 
and  a  great  many  more  ;  and  had  helped  sevend  to  opportuinties  to  nm  away 
and  make  their  escape ;  and  that  never,  since  ho  came  amongst  them,  had 
fought  against  the  English,  but  being  related  to  Hakin^s  ||  wife,  kept  at  the 

"  Penhatlmo,  Ind.  Wars,  8  j  Farmer's  Belknap,  i.  167. 

t  Manuscript  Hist.  Newbury,  by  J.  Coffin. 

i  Ami  the  same  called  in  llie  IVfagiialia  Robin  Doney. 

i  Says  my  record,  which  is  a  manuscript  letter  from  Church,  written  at  (hat  tiiM. 

II  The  same  called  Kankamagus, 


m 


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124 


DONEV.— CAPTAIN  SIMMO, 


«ii 


[Book  III. 


'    ^^'^'^-ai'^'^- 


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fort  with  them,  having  been  there  two  years ;  but  his  living  was  to  the  west- 
ward of  JJoston.     So  upon  their  request,  tiis  life  was  spared. 

Two  old  squaws  were  left  in  tlie  fort,  provided  with  provisions,  and  instruct- 
ed to  tell  those  who  returned  who  they  were,  and  what  they  were  determined 
to  do.  They  then  put/our  or  Jivt  to  death,  and  decam[)ed.  Those,  we  must 
suppose,  were  chiefly  women  and  children  !  "  Knocked  on  the  head  for  an  ei- 
ample.'"  We  know  not  that  any  excuse  can  be  given  for  this  criminal  act ;  nnd 
it  is  dep'^ading  to  consider  that  the  civilized  must  be  supposed  to  imagine  that 
they  crn  prevont  barbarities  by  being  wretchedly  barbarous  themselves. 

Old  Donet,  as  he  is  called,  was  next  to  be  hunted.  As  they  were  em- 
barking at  Maquait,  Mr.  Anthony  Bracket  *  tame  to  the  shore  and  called  to  them 
to  take  him  on  board,  which  they  did>  He  learning  that  an  English  army  was 
thereabout,  made  his  escape  from  the  Indians,  with  whom  he  had  been  some 
time  a  prisoner.  The  fleet  now  proceeded  to  Winter  Harbor,  from  whence 
they  despatched  a  detachment  of  GO  men  to  Saco  Falls.  When  ihey  came 
neai',  they  discovered  Doney's  company  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  who 
chiefly  made  their  escape.  A  canoe,  with  three  Indians,  was  observe*!  coming 
over  the  river ;  they  did  not  see  the  English,  and  were  fired  upon,  and  "  all 
three  perished."  This  gave  the  first  alarm  to  Doney's  company.  They  did 
not,  however,  leave  their  ground  without  returning  the  fire  of  the  English,  by 
which  Lieutenant  Hunnewell  was  shot  through  the  thigh-f  When  the  parties 
fired  upon  each  other.  Old  Doney,  with  an  English  captive,  was  higher  up 
the  river,  who,  hearing  the  firing,  came  down  to  see  what  it  meant ;  and  thus 
he  discovered  the  English  time  enough  to  escape.  Doney  fled  from  the 
canoe,  leaving  his  captive,  who  came  to  the  English.  His  name  was  Thomas 
Baker,  who  had  lived  before  at  Scarborough. 

There  were  many  otlier  movements  of  the  English  after  this,  iu  which 
they  got  much  plunder,  and  which  tended  to  cause  an  uneasiness  a  nong 
them,  and  their  final  determination  to  return  home.  Church  urged  a  longer 
continuance,  but  was  outvoted  in  a  council  of  officers,  and  thus  ended  the 
expedition.  Many  in  the  country  reproached  Church  with  cowardice,  and 
almost  every  thing  but  what  we  should  have  looked  for.  If  putting  to  death 
captives  had  been  the  charge,  many  might  have  ac(  orded  Amen!  But  we  do 
not  find  that  urged  against  him. 

Two  years  alter  this,  in  1693,  Rohin  Doney  became  reconciled  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and  signed  a  treaty  with  them  at  Pemmaquid.  But  within  a  year  after, 
he  became  suspected,  whether  with  or  without  reason,  we  know  not,  anfl 
coming  to  the  Ibrt  at  Saco,  probably  to  settle  the  difficulty,  was  seized  by  the 
English.  What  his  fate  was  is  rather  uncertain,  but  the  days  of  forgiveness 
and  mercy  were  not  yet. 

Among  the  chiefs  which  we  shall  next  proceed  to  notice,  there  were  seve- 
ral of  nearly  equal  notoriety. 

Captain  Simmo's  name  should,  perhaps,  stand  most  conspicuous.  Wc 
shall,  therefore,  go  on  to  narrate  the  events  in  his  life,  after  a  few  preliminary 
observations. 

Whenever  war  commenced  between  the  English  and  French  in  Europe, 
their  colonies  in  America  were  involved  in  its  calamities,  to  an  unknown  and 
fearful  extent.  This  was  the  aspect  which  afl&irs  wore  in  1703.  With  the 
first  news,  therefore,  of  its  flame,  the  New  Englanders'  thoughts  were  turned 
towards  the  Indians.  Governor  Dudley  immediately  despatched  messenger?  :o 
most  of  the  eastern  tril)es,  inviting  them  to  meet  him  in  council  upon  the  pen- 
insula in  Falmouth,  on  the  20  June.  His  object  was  so  to  attach  them  to  tl  ^ 
English,  that,  in  the  event  of  hostilities  between  the  rival  powers  on  this  f  ! 
of  the  Atlantic,  they  would  not  take  arms  against  them.  Agreeably  to  ue 
wishes  of  the  English,  a  vast  multitude  assembled  at  the  time  appointed : 
the  chiefs  Adiwando  md  Hegan  for  the  Pennakooks,  Wattanummon  for  the 
Pequakets,  Mesambomett  and  fVexar  for  the  Androscoggins,  Moras  and  Hope- 
hood  (perhaps  sou  of  him  killed  by  the  Mohawks)  for  the  Nerigwoks,  Boma- 
zeen  and  Captain  Samuel  for  the  Kennebecks,  and  Warrungunt  and  Wanadu- 

*  Son  of  AfUlumy,  who  was  killed  by  the  Indians,  as  we  have  related,  ante 
t  Official  letter  in  MS.  rrom  the  expedition. 


scene: 


:« 


Chap.  IX.] 


CAPTAIN  SAMUEL. 


125 


eunbuent  for  the  Penobsoots.  \ftor  a  short  speecli  to  them,  in  which  the 
jfovernor  expressed  brotherly  afiectioti,  and  a  desire  to  settle  every  difficulty 
•«  which  had  happened  since  the  last  treaty,"  Captain  Sinuno  replied  as 
follows : — 

«  fVe  iluink  you,  good  brot1itr,for  coming  so  far  to  talk  loith  us.  It  is  a  great 
favor.  The  clouds  Jfty  and  darken-^but  we  still  sing  with  love  the  songs  of  peace. 
Believe  my  words. — So  far  as  the    sun   is   above    the   earth   are   our 

THOHiHTS   FROM  WAR,  OR  THE  LEAST  RUPTURE  BETWEEN  US."  * 

Tlie  governor  was  then  presented  with  a  belt  of  wiuii[)iuu,  was  to  confurni 
the  truth  of  what  had  been  said.  At  a  previous  treaty,  two  heaps  of  small 
stones  had  been  thrown  together,  near  by  the  treaty  ground,  and  called  the 
Two-brothers,  to  signify  that  the  Indians  and  English  were  brothers,  and  were 
fonsidcri'd  by  the  pai-ties  in  the  light  of  seals  to  their  treaties.  They  now 
repaired  to  these  heaps  of  stones,  and  each  increased  their  magnitude,  by  the 
addition  of  other  stones.  Thus  was  happily  terminated  this  lamous  treatj'. 
Sonic  p«irade  and  rejoicing  now  commenced,  and  a  circumstance  transpired 
which  threw  the  English  into  great  f.jar,  and,  perhaps,  greater  suspicion.  A 
grtind  salute  was  to  be  fired  upon  each  side,  at  parting,  and  the  English,  ad- 
visedly, and  very  wm-iiy,  it  must  be  confessed,  but  in  appearance  compliment- 
ary, expressed  their  desire  that  the  Indians  would  fire  first.  The  Indians 
received  the  coniplnnent,  and  discharged  their  guns  ;  to  their  great  surprise, 
the  English  found  they  had  been  loaded  with  bullets.  They  had  before 
doubted  of  their  sincerity,  but,  owing  to  this  discovery,  considered  their 
treachery  certain,  and  mai"velled  at  their  escape.  However,  it  can  only  be 
presunie<l,  tiiat,  occording  to  the  maxim  of  the  whites,  the  Indians  had  come 
prepared  to  treat  or  fight,  as  the  case  might  require;  for  no  doubt  their  guns 
were  charged  when  they  came  to  the  treaty,  otherwise  why  di*;  they  not  fire 
upon  the  English  when  they  saluted  tliem .' 

What  became  of  Captain  Simmo  we  have  as  yei  no  account.  Several  of 
the  other  chiefs  who  attended  this  council  were,  perhaps,  equally  con- 
spicuous. 

Wattanummon  being  absent  when  the  council  first  met  on  the  20  June, 
no  business  was  entered  upon  for  several  days.  However,  the  English 
afterwards  said  it  was  confirmed  that  it  was  not  on  that  account  that  they 
delayed  the  conference,  but  that  they  expected  daily  a  reinforcement  of  200 
French  and  Indians,  and  then  they  were  to  seize  upon  the  English,  and 
ravage  the  country.  Whether  this  were  merely  a  rumor,  or  the  real  state 
of  the  case,  we  have  no  means  of  knowing,  ff'attanummon  was  HUfiposed 
to  have  been  once  a  Pennakook,  as  an  eminence  still  bears  his  name  about  a 
mile  from  the  state-house  in  New  Hampshire.f 

Captain  Samuel  was  an  Indian  of  great  bravery,  and  one  of  the  most  for- 
ward in  endeavoring  to  lull  the  fears  of  the  English  at  the  great  council  just 
mentioned.  What  gave  his  pretensions  the  air  of  sincerity  was  his  conoing 
with  Bomazeen,  and  giving  some  information  about  the  designs  of  the  French. 
They  said, 

"  Although  several  missionaries  have  come  among  us,  serd  by  the  Frtnchfriars 
to  break  the  feace  betwetithe  English  and  us,  yet  their  words  have  made  no  impres- 
sionupon  us.    Wk  are  as  firm  as  the  mountains,  and  will  so  continub, 

AS  LONB  as  THE  SUN  AND  MOON  ENDURES." 

Notwithstanding  these  strong  expressions  of  friendship,  "  within  six  weeks 
after,"  says  Penhtdlow,  "the  whole  eastern  country  was  in  a  conf?" "•ration, 
no  house  standing  nor  garrison  unattacked."  The  Indians  were  no  doubt 
induced  to  commit  this  depredation  from  tlie  influence  of  the  French,  many 
of  whom  assisted  them  in  the  work.  And  it  is  not  probable  that  those 
Indians  who  had  just  entered  into  the  treaty  were  idle  spectators  of  the 
scene ;  but  who  of  them,  or  whether  all  were  engaged  in  the  affair,  wc  know 
not.  A  hundred  and  thirty  people  were  said  to  have  been  killed  and  taken, 
within  that  time. 

Captain  Samuel  w;.  >  either  alive  20  years  after  these  transactions,  or  another 

*  This  is  Mr.  WUiiamson's  version  of  (he  speech,  Hist.  Maiue,  ii.  36. 
t  MS.  commuuicelioB  of/.  Farmer,  iilMi. 
ll» 


,.   i-l    Vr-.i-w.i,ti.-    >.'-•,  ■JSJ 
.-■       '■"■  ■  \.  '.<■■        -(iKllS 

'    ■•'    ■■^•'•■'     ■'.    ■■  "  ''^ 
•  ■■''■..TSk<l>.<"'^''-  V^ 

-■•■k:;:.^^;V'>--../':J 

•  ■!■■:■  :.■.»'?.' 'k*  -.  i-fm 
••'  •'■•■.•*^v>,^'r''-'.    \tM 

.,:.'./?;:,•->.  V'"       -■■■•:• 
' '  L.  .J  '.•i-y  ■'•'<,'       >■  J 

r.'  >  V  '■'    .'^i*'-* 

.•  ••*■■.*•     ■    ;  .  . 

'■^.'•ACh't- '•■'■-..-,■■'■: 


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■■:'l^^^ 


J.;;:f--"M'- 


•f-  ■■■..■./■  , 


126 


HEGAN.— MOGG. 


[Book  III. 


>•     w  '  if  >  J  * '    . 


** .)  ^ 


ri  » 


1,  »" 


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^I^^l**   .  .%\ 

pJLii'T^'  .1 

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ljE'i»j'i      ,'  j4    ' 

f^  4 .  ■'  "5  * 

V  tS'^    f -^  •        4        •,  * 

l^'Jf    '*'- 

m  '• ''•   '  ;' 

Sc^/"^'  ^' ' 

BBC'f  "   **"'^ 

^^  4*'l  !•  /*  ■■ 

KfM*'*l  "^*  ■ 

Km 

of  the  name  made  himself  conspicuous.  In  June,  1722,  this  warrior  cliief,  at 
the  head  of  five  others,  boarded  Lieutenant  THlton,  as  he  lay  at  anchor  a  fishing, 
near  Damaris  Cove.  They  pinioned  him  and  his  brother,  and  beat  them 
very  sorely  ;  but,  at  last,  one  got  clear  and  released  the  other,  who  tlien  fell 
with  great  fury  upon  the  Indians,  threw  one  overboard,  and  mortally  wound- 
ed two  more.*  Whether  Captain  Samuel  were  among  those  killed  is  not 
mentioned. 

There  was  a  Captain  Sam  in  the  wars  of  1745.  In  the  vicinity  of  St. 
George's,  Lieutenant  Prodor,  at  the  head  of  19  militia,  had  a  skirmish  with  the 
Indians,  5  Sept.,  in  which  two  of  their  leaders  were  killed,  viz.  Colonel  Morris 
and  Captain  Sam,  and  one  Colonel  Job  was  taken  captive  ;  the  latter  being  sent 
to  B  ston,  he  died  in  prison.  To  quiet  the  resentment  of  his  relatives,  the 
government  made  his  widow  a  valuable  present  after  the  peace,  f 

We  should  not,  perhaps,  omit  to  speak  separately  of  another  chief,  who 
was  present  at  the  famous  treaty  mentioned  above  ;  we  i-efir  to 

Hegan.  His  name  is  also  spelt  Hegon  and  Heieon.  There  were  several 
of  the  name.  One,  called  Moggheigon,  son  of  iFalter,  was  a  sachem  at 
Saco,  in  16()4.  This  chief,  in  that  year,  sold  to  ffm.  Phillips,  "  a  iruct  of 
land,  benig  bounded  with  Saco  River  on  the  N.  E.  side,  and  Keunehunk 
River  on  the  S.  W.  side."  To  extend  from  the  sea  up  Saco  River  to  Salmon 
Falls,  and  up  the  Kcnnebunk  to  a  point  opposite  the  Ibrmer.  No  amount  is 
mentioned  for  which  the  land  was  sold,  but  merely  "a  ceitain  sum  in 
goods."  I  One  Sampson  Hegon  attended  tlie  treaty  of  Pemmaquid,  in  1()98 ; 
John,  that  at  Casco,  m  1727 ;  JVcd  was  a  Pennukook ;  JValter,  brother  of 
Mogg  ;  §  The  fate  of  one  of  the  name  of  Ilegon  is  remembered  amop>/  the 
inhabitants  of  some  parts  of  Maine  to  this  day.  He  was  tied  upon  a  horse 
with  spurs  on  his  heels,  in  such  a  manner  that  the  spurs  continually  goaded 
the  animal.  When  the  horse  was  set  at  liberty,  he  ran  furiously  through  an 
orchard,  and  the  craggy  limbs  of  the  trees  tore  him  to  pieces.  Mather,  in 
his  Decennium  Luctcosum,  1|  seems  to  confirm  something  of  the  kind, 
which  took  place  at  Casco,  in  1C94,  where  the  Indians,  having  taken  some 
horses,  made  a  bridle  of  the  mane  and  tail  of  one,  on  which  "  a  son  of  the 
famous  Hegon  was  ambitious  to  mount."  "But  being  a  pitiful  horseman,  he 
ordered  tHem,  for  fear  of  his  falling,  to  tie  his  legs  fas^t  under  the  horse's 
belly.  No  sooner  was  this  beggar  set  on  horseback,  and  the  spark,  in  his  own 
opinion,  thoroughly  equipped,  but  the  nettlesome  horse  furiously  and  presently 
ran  with  him  out  of  sight.  Neither  horse  nor  nmn  was  ever  seen  any  more. 
The  astonished  tawnies  howled  after  one  of  their  nobility,  disappearing  bv 
such  an  unexpected  accident  A  few  days  after,  they  found  one  of  his  legs, 
(and  that  was  all,)  which  they  buried  in  Capt  Bracket  s  cellar,  with  abundance 
of  lamentation." 

Here  We  cannot  but  too  plainly  discover  the  same  spirit  in  the  narrator, 
which  must  have  actuated  the  authors  of  the  deed.  He  v.  ho  laughs  at  crime 
is  a  participator  in  it. — From  these,  we  pass  to  affairs  of  far  greater  notoriety 
in  our  eastern  history ;  and  shall  close  this  chapter  with  two  of  the  most 
memorable  events  in  its  Indian  warfsire. 

Mogg,  the  chief  sachem  of  Norridgewok  in  1724,  may  very  apf-opri- 
ately  stand  at  the  head  of  the  history  of  the  first  event.  How  long  he  had 
been  sachem  at  that  period,  we  have  not  discovered,  but  he  is  mentioned 
by  the  English  historians,  as  *he  old  chief  of  Norridgewok  at  that  tine. 
Notwithstanding  Mogg  was  the  chief  Indian  of  the  village  of  Nerigwok,  or, 
as  Father  Cluirlevoix  writes  it,  Naiantsoak,  there  was  a  French  priest  settled 
here,  to  whom  the  Indians  were  all  devotedness ;  and  it  is  believed  that 
they  undertook  no  enterprise  without  his  knowledge  and  consent.  The 
name  of  this  man,  according  to  om*  English  authors,  was  BalU,  but  accord- 
ing to  his  own  historian,  Charlevoix,  it  was  ilcwZe.1I  The  de[)redations  of 
the  Abenaquis,  as  these  Indians  were  called  by  those  who  lived  among  them, 


•  Penhallmo's  Ind.  Wars,  86. 

t  MS.  among  the  files  io  our  state-house. 

b  Magnalia,  vii.  87. 

ir  Hiat.  Gen.  de  la  Noav.  Ft.  ii.  380;  et  tuiv. 


t   Williamson's  Hist.  Me.  ii,  241. 
$  MS.  letter  ofJohn  Farmer,  Esq. 


!UAP.  IX.] 


MOGG.— DESTRUCTION  OF  NERIDGWOK. 


127 


were,  therefore,  directly  charged  by  the  English  upon  Father  Rash ;  hence 
their  first  step  was  to  ofter  a  reward  for  his  head.*  The  object  of  the  expe- 
dition of  Colonel  fVestbrook,  iu  1722,  was  ostensibly  to  seize  upon  him,  but  he 
found  the  village  deserted,  mid  nothing  was  effected  by  the  ex()ediiion  but 
the  hiirning  of  the  place.  Fatiier  Raale  was  the  last  that  led  it,  which  he 
did  at  the  same  titne  it  was  entere<l  by  the  enemy ;  having  first  secured  th(^ 
sicrcd  vases  of  his  temple  and  the  ornaments  of  its  altar.  The  English 
made  search  for  the  fugitives,  but  without  success,  although,  at  one  time, 
they  were  within  about  eight  foci  of  tlie  very  tree  that  screened  the  object 
for  which  they  sought.  Thus  the  French  considered  that  it  was  by  a  remark- 
able interposition  of  Providence,  or,  as  Charlevoix  expresses  it,  par  njie  main 
invisible^  that  Father  Rasle  did  not  fall  into  their  ha'ids. 

Determined  on  destroying  this  assemblage  of  Indians,  which  was  the 
head-quarters  of  the  wliole  eastern  country,  at  this  time,  the  Englisli,  two 
years  after,  1724,  sent  out  a  force,  consisting  of  208  men  and  three  Mohawk 
Indians,  under  Ctqitains  Moultoru,  Harman,  and  Bourne,  to  humble  them. 
They  came  upon  the  village,  the  2J<  August,  when  there  was  not  a  man  in 
arms  to  op|Kxse  tlnim.  They  had  'eft  40  of  their  men  at  Teconet  Falls, 
which  IS  now  within  the  town  of  Winslow,  u|)on  the  Kennebeck,  au<l  about 
two  miles  below  Waterville  college,  upon  tlie  op[)osite  side  of  the  river. 
The  English  had  divided  themselves  into  three  squadrons :  80,  under  Har- 
wan,  proceeded  by  a  circuitous  route,  thinking  to  surprise  some  iu  their 
corn-fields,  while  Moulton,  with  80  more,  proceeded  directly  (or  the  village, 
which,  being  surrounded  by  trees,  could  not  be  seen  until  they  were  close 
upon  it  All  were  in  their  wigwams,  and  the  English  advanced  slowly  and 
iu  perfect  silence.  When  pretty  near,  an  Indian  came  out  of  his  wigwam, 
and,  uccidently  discovering  the  English,  ran  in  and  seized  his  gun,  and 
giving  the  war-whoop,  in  a  few  minutes  the  warriors  were  all  in  arms,  and 
advancing  to  meet  them.  Moidion  ordered  his  men  not  to  fire  until  the 
Indians  had  made  the  first  discharge.  This  order  was  obeyed,  and,  as  he 
expected,  they  overshot  the  English,  who  tlien  fired  upon  them,  in  their 
turn,  and  did  great  execution.  When  the  Indians  had  given  another  volley, 
they  fled  with  great  precipitation  to  the  river,  whither  the  chief  of  their 
women  and  children  had  also  fled  during  the  fight.  Some  of  the  English 
pursued  and  killed  many  of  theiii  in  the  river,  and  others  fell  to  pillaging 
and  burning  the  village.  Mogg  disdained  to  fly  with  the  rest,  but  kept  pos- 
session of  a  wigwam,  from  which  he  fired  uj  >n  the  pillagers.  In  one  of 
his  discharges  he  killed  a  Mohawk,  whose  brotner  observing  it,  rushed  upon 
and  killed  him ;  and  thus  ended  tbo  strife.  There  were  about  60  Avarriors 
in  the  place,  about  one  half  of  whom  were  killed. 

The  famous  Rasle  shut  himself  up  in  his  house,  from  which  he  fired  upon 
the  English  ;  and,  having  wouuded  one.  Lieutenant  Jaques,]  of Nfcwbury,  X  burst 
open  the  door,  and  shot  him  through  the  head  ;  although  Moulton  had  given 
orders  that  none  shoidd  kill  hiin.  He  had  an  English  boy  with  him,  about 
14  years  old,  who  had  been  taken  some  time  before  from  the  frontiers,  and 
wliom  the  P^nglLsh  reported  Rasle  was  about  to  kill.  Grei;t  brutality  and 
ferocity  are  chargeable  to  the  English  in  this  affair,  according  to  their  own 
account ;  such  as  killing  women  and  children,  and  scalping  and  mangling 
the  body  of  Father  Rask. 

There  was  here  a  handsome  church,  with  a  bell,  on  which  the  Englisii 
committed  a  double  sacrilege,  first  robbing  it,  then  setting  it  on  fire  ;  herein 
surpassing  the  act  of  the  first  English  circumnavigator,  in  his  depredations 
upon  the  Spaniards  in  South  America ;  for  he  only  took  away  the  gold  an<l 

*  "  Apr^s  plitsiettrs  tentaiives,  d'ahord  pour  engager  ces  sauimges  par  les  offren  et  lea 
promesses  les  plus  s^duisatUes  a  le  livrer  aujc  Anglois,  oh  du  mains  a  It  renvoyer  a  Quebec,  et 
a  prendre  en  sa  place  un  de  leitrs  ministres  ;  ensuite  pour  le  snrpendre  et  pour  I'e/ilever,  Us 
Anglois  resolus  de  s'en  d^faire,  quoiiiH'il  teur  en  dUi  codter,  mirent  sa  tele  d  prix,  ft  promirtnt 
mille  livres  sterling  &  celui,  qui  la  leur  porteroit."     Charlevoix,  ut  supra. 

t  Who,  I  conclude,  was  a  volunteer,  as  I  do  not  find  his  name  upon  the  return  made  by 
Moulton,  which  is  upon  file  in  the  g;arret,  west  wing  of  our  state-house. 

t  Manuscript  History  of  Newbury,  by  Joshua  CoJJin,  S.  H.  S.,  which,  should  the  world 
ever  be  so  fortunatr  ag  to  see  in  print,  we  will  insure  them  not  only  great  gratification,  but 
a  fund  of  amiuemeat. 


..,:U  ■%..'  rv  ':  ■"  i»i  '1 

■.%:>^r^^  ■'■■■•■  t 

..>;'  .*   1.7, V..'.    >.    •       ^i'ii^B 

.  *•>  ■  H*<.ii.  v. :  .  • 
■■','^  ^;V?^^!  ;-•'•'• 


'••V  .A!?:.*'...   ^l..  s^    ■.■. 


■T    I; 


■  !'. 


■.^Ti 


JV..^:f^.v-i-.:v 


■  '\/\ 


^m 


•■    .      '      ' 

•  ■      ^ 

.1 

f' ■•  '^ -f- '.  ^. ' 

'4 

-.■'1 

i:.v'|"./-  - 

A-i      ii 

''i 

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\uMi 


'•'■.V, 


l.:»: 


*tfj 


^^•■ 


m 


PAVQVS.-LomV.'ELVS  HGHT. 


[Rook  in. 


silver  vessels  of  a  church,  and  its  crucifix,  because  it  was  of  massy  gold,  set 
about  with  diamonds,  and  that,  too,  upon  tlie  advice  of  his  chaplain.  "  This 
might  pass,"  says  a  reverend  author,  "  for  sea  divinity,  but  justice  is  quite 
another  thing.''  Perhaps  it  will  be  as  well  not  to  inquire  here  what  kind  of 
divinity  would  authorize  the  acts  recorded  in  these  wars,  or  indeed  any  wars. 

Upon  this  memorable  event  in  our  early  annals,  Father  Charlevoix  should 
he  heard.  There  were  not,  says  he,  at  the'  time  the  attack  was  made,  above 
50  wa)Tiors  at  Neridgewok ;  these  seized  their  arms,  nnd  run  in  disorder,  not 
to  defend  the  place  against  an  enemy,  who  was  alreaily  in  it,  but  to  favor  the 
flight  of  the  women,  the  old  men  and  the  children,  and  to  give  them  time  to 
gam  the  side  of  the  river,  which  was  not  yet  in  possession  of  the  English. 
Father  Rasle,  warned  by  the  clamors  and  tumult,  and  the  danger  in  which 
he  found  his  proselytes,  ran  to  present  himself  to  the  assailants,  hoping  to 
draw  all  their  fury  upon  him,  that  thereby  he  might  prove  the  salvation  of 
his  flock.  His  hope  was  vain  ;  <br  hnrdly  had  he  discovered  himself  when 
the  English  raised  a  great  shout,  which  was  followed  hy  a  shower  of  shot, 
by  which  he  fell  dead  near  to  the  cross  wliich  he  had  erected  in  the  centre 
of  the  village:  seven  Indians  who  attended  liim,  and  who  endeavored  to 
shield  him  vrith  their  own  bodies,  fell  dead  at  his  side.  Thus  died  this 
charitable  pastor,  giving  his  life  lor  lii«  sheep,  after  37  years  of  painful  labors. 

Although  the  English  shot  near  2000  muskets,  they  killed  but  30  and 
wounded  40.  They  spared  not  the  church,  which,  after  they  had  indignantly 
profhned  its  sacred  vases,  and  the  ndorahle  body  of  Jesus  Christ,  they  set  on 
fire.  They  then  retired  with  precipit-ition,*  having  been  seized  with  a  sud- 
den panic.  The  Indians  returned  iiiiiiiediately  into  the  village  ;  and  their 
first  care,  while  the  women  sougJit  plants  and  herbs  proper  to  heal  the 
wounded,  was  to  shed  tears  upon  the  body  of  their  holy  missionary.  They 
found  him  pierced  with  a  thousand  shot,  his  scalp  taken  off,  hie  skull  frac- 
tured with  hatchets,  his  mouth  an(i  eyes  filled  with  dirt,  the  bones  of  his 
legs  broken,  and  all  his  members  iiiutiluted  iu  a  hundred  different  ways^f 

Such  is  the  account  of  the  fall  rl'  Haste,  by  a  brother  of  the  faith  ;  a  deplo- 
rable picture,  by  whomsoever  related !  Ol'  the  truth  of  its  main  particulars 
there  can  be  no  doubt,  as  will  be  seen  by  a  comparison  of  the  above  transla- 
tion with  the  account  preceding  it.  Th<;re  were,  besides  Mogg,  other  chief 
Indians,  who  fell  that  day;  "Bomazeen,  Mogg,  Wissememet,  Job,  Cara- 
BESETT,  and  Bomazeen's  son-in-law,  all  famous  warriors"  The  inhumanity 
of  the  English  on  this  occasion,  especially  to  the  women  and  children, 
cannot  be  excused.    It  greatly  eclipses  the  lustre  of  the  victory. 

Harmon  was  the  general  in  tlie  expedition,  %  and,  for  a  time,  had  the  honor 
of  it ;  but  MouUon,  according  to  Governor  Hidchinson,  achieved  the  victory,  and 
it  was  afterward  acknowledged  by  the  country.  He  was  a  prisoner,  when  a 
small  boy,  among  the  eastern  Indians,  being  among  those  taken  at  the 
destruction  of  York,  m  1693.  He  died  at  York,  20  July,  1765,  aged  77. 
The  township  of  Monltonborough,  in  New  Hampshire,  was  named  from 
him,  and  many  of  his  posterity  reside  there  at  the  present  day. 

Under  the  head  Paugva,  we  shall  proceed  to  narrate  our  last  event  in  the 
present  chapter,  than  which,  may  be,  few,  if  any,  are  oflener  mentioned  in 
New  England  story, 

Paugus,  slain  in  the  memorable  battle  with  the  English  under  Captain 
Lovewell,  in  1725,  was  chief  of  the  Pequawkets.  Fryeburg,  in  Maine,  now 
includes  the  principal  place  of  their  former  residence,  and  the  place  where 
the  battle  was  fought  It  was  near  a  considerable  body  of  water,  called 
Saco  Pond,  which  is  the  source  of  the  river  of  the  same  name.  The  cruel 
and  barbarous  murders  almost  daily  committed  by  the  Indians  upon  the 
defenceless  frontier  inhabitants,  caused  the  general  court  of  Massachusetts 
to  offer  a  bounty  of  £100  for  every  Indian's  scalp.    Among  the  excursions 


Chap. 


*  They  encamped  the  following^  nig-ht  in  (lie  Indian  wigwams,  under  a  guard  of  only  40 
men.     Hutchinson,  ii.  312. 


t  Histoire  Generale  de  IHouvelle  Franre,  ii.  382—4. 
I  He  did  not  arrive  at  the  village  till  neu  night,  wben-  the  action  was  «v«t. 
M,  ii.  313. 


Hvkhm' 


w 


Chap.  K.) 


PAUGUS— LOVEVVELL'S  FIGHT. 


129 


performed  by  Lovewdl,  p  iviotia  to  tliut  in  which  he  waa  killed,  the  mogt 
important  was  that  to  the  head  of  Salmon- fall  River,  now  Wakefield,  in 
New  Hampshire.  *  With  40  men,  he  came  upon  a  small  company  of  ten 
Indians,  who  were  asleep  by  their  fires,  and,  by  stationing  his  men  advan- 
tageously, killed  all  of  them.  This  bloody  deed  was  pertbrmed  near  the 
shore  of  a  pond,  which  has  ever  since  borne  the  itame  of  LovtvoMt  Pond. 
After  taking  off  their  scalps,  these  40  warriors  marched  to  Boston  in  great 
triumph,  with  the  ten  scalps  extended  u|)on  hoops,  displayed  in  the  bidian 
manner,  and  for  which  they  received  £1000.  This  exploit  was  »he  more 
lauded,  as  it  was  supposed  that  these  ten  Indians  were  upon  an  expedition 
against  the  English  upon  the  frontiers;  having  new  guns,  much  ammuni- 
tion, and  spare  blankets  and  moccasons,  to  accommodate  captives.  This, 
however,  was  mere  conjecture;  and  whether  they  had  killed  friends  or 
enemies,  was  not  quite  so  certain  as  that  they  had  killed  Indians. 

It  is  said  that  Pacous  was  well  known  to  many  of  the  English,  and  per- 
floually  to  many  of  LovewelCt  men.  That  his  name  was  a  terror  to  the 
frontiers,  we  have  no  doubt ;  and  that  his  appearance  at  Pequawket,  when 
met  by  Laoewell,  was  enough  to  iiave  struck  terror  into  all  that  bobeld  him, 
may  not  be  questioned,  we  will  let  the  poetf  describe  him. 


I .  'TwM  Ptugua  led  the  Pequ'k't  tribe  : 
As  runs  the  Ibx,  would  Paugus  run  ; 
As  bowls  tke  wild  wol(|  would  lie  bowl ; 
A  huge  bear-skia  had  Paugus  on. 


2.  Rut  Chamierlain,  of  Dunstable^ 
One  whom  a  savage  ne'er  shall  slay, 
Met  PanguB  by  the  water-side, 
And  shot  him  dead  upon  that  day. 


The  second  in  command  among  the  Indians  on  that  memorable  day  waa 
named  Wahwa,  but  of  him  we  have  no  particulars.  Captain  LovewcU 
marched  out  from  Dunstable  with  46  men,  about  the  16  April,  1725,  of  wliicL 
event  the  poet  thus  speaks : — 


3.  What  time  the  noble  Lovemell  came, 
With  fi(\y  men  from  Diustable, 
The  creel  Pequ'k't  tribe  to  lame. 
With  arms  and  bloodshed  terrible. 

4.  With  LoveieeU  brave  John  Harwood  €ame ; 
From  wife  and  babes'  Iwar  hard  to  part ; 
Young  Harwood  look  her  by  the  hand, 
And  bound  the  weeper  to  his  heart 

5.  "  Reprebs  that  leaf,  my  Mafy,  dear, 
Said  Harwond  to  his  loving  wife ; 
It  tries  Rsc  hard  to  leave  thee  here, 
And  seek  in  distaat  woods  the  strife. 

6.  "  When  gone,  my  Mary,  think  of  me, 
And  pray  to  God  that  I  may  be 
Such  as  one  ought  that  lives  for  thee, 
And  corae  at  last  m  victory." 


7^  Tiius  left  yo»Bg  Harwood,  babe  and  wife ; 
With  accent  wild  she  bade  adieu : 
It  grieved  those  lovers  much  to  part, 
So  foad  and  fair,  so  kiad  aad  true. 

8.  John  Harwood  died  all  bathed  in  blood, 
Wbeb  he  liad  fought  till  «et  of  day ; 
And  many  inore  we  may  not  name, 
Fell  in  that  Moody  battle  fray. 

9.  When  news  did  come  to  Harwood's  wife, 
That  he  ^vith  Lovewell  fouglit  and  died ; 
Far  in  (be  wild*  had  given  his  life 

Nor  more  would  in  this  home  abide ; 

10.  Such  g^ief  did  seize  upon  her  mind, 
Such  sorrow  filled  her  faiihiiil  breast, 
On  earth  she  ne'er  found  peace  again, 
But  followed  Harwood  to  his  rest. 


They  arrived  near  the  place  where  they  expected  to  find  Indians,  on  the 
7  JMay ;  and,  early  the  next  morning,  while  at  prayers,  heard  a  gun,  which 
they  rightly  suspected  to  be  fired  by  some  of  Paugus's  men,  and  imme- 
diately prepared  for  an  encounter.  Divesting  themselves  of  their  packs, 
tliey  inaix;hed  forward  to  discover  the  enemy.  But  not  knowing  in  Avhnt 
<iirection  to  proceed,  they  marched  in  an  opposite  direction  from  the  In- 
diaii.f.  This  gave  Paiigvs  great  advantage;  who,  following  their  tracks, 
eoon  fell  in  with  their  packs,  from  which  he  learned  their  strength.  Being 
encouraged  by  his  superior  numbers,  Paugits  courted  the  conflict,  and  pur- 
sued the  English  with  ardor.    His  number  of  men  was  said  to  have  been 


y  r  ,^  ^  fc%»  .^  ^ 


Li   ^         ••  , 


'  I  -^ 


&  , 


J'. 
I  -  /-  - 


*  In  DecemUer  of  the  previous  year,  (1721,}  with  n  few  followers,  he  made  an  expedition  to 
the  north-east  of  Winnipisiogee  Lake,  in  which  he  killed  one  and  took  another  prisoner.  For 
these  he  received  the  bounty  offered  by  government. 

t  The  editors  or  publishers  of  tke  N.  U.  collections  have  inserted  the  above  lines,  in 
itaitatioii  of  the  ancient  Chew  Chase ;  but  whence  they  were  obtained,  or  who  was  their 
author,  they  do  not  inforna  ■•-  perhaps,  like  that  of  which  they  are  an  imitation,  the  author 
nemains  imknoii'D.    We  give  it  entire. 


'«-  "  ... 


'      '  &<lt) 


fy/ 


130 


PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT. 


[DooK  in 


Mi 


■■% 


'■"  V' 


<     far  >  V   *       .. 


I* '  »f  *•' 


» 

It"?' 


80,  while  that  of  tho  English  consisted  of  no  more  than  34,  having  leA  ten 
in  a  fort,  which  they  built  at  O88i[>eo ;  and  one,  an  Indian  named  Toby,  liud 
before  returned  home,  on  account  of  lameness.  Tho  fort  at  Ossipee  was  for 
a  retreat  in  case  of  emergency,  and  to  serve  as  a  deposit  of  part  of  their 
provisions,  of  which  they  disencumbered  themselves  before  leaving  it. 

After  marchin^r  a  considerable  distance  from  the  place  of  their  eiicaniii- 
ment  on  the  morning  of  the  8  *  May,  Ensign  ft'ipnan  discovered  an  Indian, 
who  was  out  hunting,  having  in  one  hand  some  towls  he  had  just  killed,  and 
in  the  other,  two  guns.  There  can  be  no  probability  that  he  thought  of  tncctiii;; 
an  enemy,  but  no  sooner  was  he  discovered  by  tlie  English,  than  several  gunw 
were  fired  at  liim,  but  missed  him.  Seeing  that  sure  death  was  his  lot,  tins 
valiant  Indian  resolved  to  defend  himself  to  his  last  breath  ;  and  the  action  whs 
as  speedy  as  the  thought :  his  gun  was  levelled  at  the  English,  and  Lovewell 
was  mortally  wounded.  Ensign  M^yman,  taking  deliberate  aim,  killed  tiie  poor 
hunter;  which  action  our  poet  describes  in  glowing  terms  as  follows : 


11.  Seth  Wifman,  wlio  in  VVobuni  lived, 
A  marksman  he  of  courage  true, 
Shot  tlie  tirst  Indian  whom  they  saw  ; 
Sheer  through  his  heart  '.he  bullet  flew. 


12.  The  savage  had  been  seeking  fjame ; 
'I'wo  guns,  and  eke  a  knile,  he  hort-, 
And  two  black  ducks  were  in  his  hand ; 
He  shrieked,  and  fell  to  rise  no  mure. 


He  was  scalped  by  the  chaplain  and  another,  and  then  they  marched 
again  by  the  way  they  came,  to  recover  their  paeks.  This  movement  was 
expected  by  tlie  wily  Paugus,  and  he  accordingly  prepared  an  ambush  to 
cut  them  off,  or  to  take  them  prisoners,  as  fortune  should  will. 


13.  Anon,  there  eighty  Indiatts  rose, 

Who'd  hid  themselves  in  ambush  dread  \ 
Their  knives  they  shook,  their  guns  tliey 

aimed, 
The  famous  Paugus  at  their  head. 


14.  John  Lovewell,  captain  of  the  band. 

His  sword  he  wavi'd,  that  ghlterccHwight, 
For  the  last  time  he  cheered  his  men, 
And  led  tbem  onward  to  the  'ight. 


Wlien  the  Indians  rose  from  their  coverts,  they  nearly  encircled  the 
English,  but  seemed  loath  to  begin  the  fight ;  and  were,  no  doubt,  in  hopes 
that  the  English,  seeing  their  numbers,  would  yield  without  a  battle ;  and, 
therefore,  made  towards  them  with  their  guns  presented,  and  threw  away 
their  first  fire.  They  then  held  up  rojjes  which  they  had  provided  for  secur- 
ing captives,  and  asked  them  if  they  would  have  quarter.  This  only  encour- 
aged the  Engliali,  who  answered  "only  at  the  muzzles  of  their  guns;"  and 
they  rushed  toward  the  Indians,  fired  as  they  pressed  on,  and,  killing  many, 
drove  them  several  rods.  But  they  soon  rallied  and  fued  vigorously  in 
their  turn,  and  obliged  the  English  to  retreat,  leaving  nine  dead  and  three 
wounded,  where  the  battle  began.  LoveweUy  tliough  mortally  wounded  be- 
fore, had  led  his  men  until  this  time,  but  fell  before  the  retreat. 

Although  we  transpose  the  verses  in  the  song,  to  acconnnodate  them  to 
the  circmnstances  of  the  fight,  yet  we  cannot  avoid  entirely  their  irregular- 
ity in  reference  to  it.  By  the  next  that  follow,  it  wotdd  seem,  tliat  Lovewell 
received  a  second  wound  before  he  fell. 


Good  heavens  !  is  this  a  lime  for  prayer  ? 
Is  this  a  time  to  worship  God  ; 
When  Lovewell's  men  aie  dying  fast. 
And  Pausrus'  tribe  hath  felt" the  rod  ? 


15.  "  Fight  on,  fight  on,"  brave  Lovewell  said ;     IG. 
"  Fight  on,  while  Heaven  shall  give  you 

breath ! " 
An  Indian  ball  then  pierced  him  through, 
And  LovetixeU  closed  his  eyes  in  dcal'ii. 

In  this  16th  verse  the  poet,  perhaps,  had  reference  to  the  morning  prayer, 
which  Mr.  Frye,  the  chaplain,  made  before  mai'chiug,  on  the  day  of  the 
battle  ;  or,  perhaps,  more  probably,  to  the  ejaculations  he  made  on  the  field 
alter  he  was  mortally  wounded.  In  the  morning  he  prayed  thus  patriotically : 
"  We  came  out  to  meet  the  enemy ;  we  have  all  along  prayed  God  we  might 
find  them ;  we  had  rather  trust  Providence  with  our  lives ;  yea,  die  for  our 
country,  than  try  to  return  without  seeing  them,  if  we  might ;  and  be  called 
cowards  for  our  pains."  f 

*  This  was  O.  S.  and  corresponds  to  Way  I'J,  N.  B. — See  tiote  in  last  cliapicr. 

t  Address  of  C.  S.  Davis,  (p.  17,)  delivered  at  Fryeburg,  100  years  after  the  fishu 


Chap.  IX.] 


PAUGUS.— LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT. 


131 


17.  The  chaplain's  name  was  Jonathan  Frye  ; 
In  Andover  his  father  dwell, 

And  oft  with  LoveujeU's  men  he'd  prayed, 
Before  the  mortal  wound  he  fell. 

18.  A  man  was  he  of  comely  form, 
I'uiishcd  and  brave,  well  learnt  and  kind  ; 
Uld  Harvard's  learned  halls  he  left. 

Fur  in  the  wilds  a  grave  to  find. 

1!).  Ah  !  now  hi4  blond-red  arm  he  lifts. 
His  closing  lids  he  tries  to  raise  ; 
And  speak  once  more  before  he  dies, 
III  supplication  and  in  praise. 

m.  He  prays  kind  Heaven  to  {;rant  success, 
Bruvii  Luveivell's  men  to  (juide  a'ld  bless, 
And  wlien  they've  shed  tiieir  hearts'-blood 

true, 
To  raise  ihcin  ail  to  happiness. 


21 .  "  Come  hither,  Farwell,"  said  voung  Frye. 
"  You  see  that  I'm  about  to  cfie ; 

Now  for  Ihe  love  I  hear  lo  you, 

When  cold  in  il<>aih  my  bones  shall  lie  ; 

22.  "  Go  Ihou  and  see  my  parents  dear, 
And  tell  them  you  stood  by  nic  here ; 
Console  them  when  tlicy  cry,  Alas  '. 
And  wipe  away  the  fulling  tear.'' 

23.  Lieutenant  Farwfll  took  his  hniul, 
His  arm  around  his  neck  he  threw, 

And  said,  "  ISravc  chaplain,  I  could  wish 
That  Hearen  had  made  me  die  for  you.' 

24.  The  chaplain  on  kind  Farwll's  breast. 
Bloody,  and  lant^uishing,  he  fell; 

Nor  after  lliul,  said  more  but  this, 

'■  I  love  thee,  soldier;  fare  thee  well  I  " 


"  The  fight  continued,"  says  the  RevtMcnd  Mr.  Sjfmmes,  "  veiy  fiiiious  and 
obstinate  till  towards  night.  The  Indians  roaring  and  y<illing  and  howling 
like  wolves,  barking  like  dogs,  and  making  all  sorts  of  hideous  noises :  the 
English  frequently  shouting  and  huzzaing,  as  they  did  aller  the  first  rotind. 
At  tne  time  Caj)tain  Wymnn  is  confident  they  were  got  to  Pownwing,  by 
their  striking  on  the  groi'r.',  and  other  odd  motions;  but  at  length  Wyman 
crept  up  towards  them,  and,  firing  amongst  them,  shot  the  chief  Powaw,  and 
broke  up  their  meeting."  * 


25.  Good  hervens !  they  dance  the   powow 
da.  cc, 
What  horriJ  ycl!.  the  forest  fill ! 
The  grim  bear  crouches  in  his  den. 
The  easfie  seeks  the  distant  hill. 


2G.  "  What    means  this    dance,  (his    powow 
dance  ?  " 
Stern  Wyman  said  ;  with  wondrous  art, 
He  crept  full  near,  his  riile  aimed, 
And  shot  the  leader  thriiu';li  the  heart. 


The  first  of  the  following  stanzas  is  very  happily  conceived,  and  although 
not  in  the  order  of  the  poet,  is  as  appropriate  here,  as  where  it  origiqally 
etood. 


27.  Then  did  the  crimson  streams,  that  flow'd, 
Seem  like  the  waters  of  the  brook, 
I'lint  bri<;htly  shine,  that  loudly  dash. 
Far  down  the  clifl's  of  Agiochook.  t 


28.  Ah  I  many  a  wife  shall  rend  her  hair. 
And  many  a  child  cry,  "  Woe  is  me,'' 
When  messengers  the  news  shall  bear, 
Of  Lonewell's  dear-bought  victory. 


*  Narrative  of  the  fight  at  Piggwackct,  vii. 

t  The  Indian  name  of  the  White  Mountains,  or,  as  the  people  of  New  Hampshire  would 
say,  White  Hills.  The  natives  believed  the  summits  of  these  mountains  to  be  inhabited  by 
invisible  beings,  but  whether  good  or  evil  we  are  not  informed.  Nor  is  it  of  much  importance, 
since  they  reverenced  the  one  as  much  as  the  other. 

It  is  always  highly  gratifying  lo  the  curious  to  observe  how  people  primitively  viewed 
objects  which  have  become  familiar  to  them.  We  will  here  present  the  reader  with  Mr. 
Josselyn's  description  of  Ihe  White  Mountains,  not  for  its  accuracy,  but  for  its  curious  extrava- 
(fance.  "  Four  score  miles,  (upon  a  direct  line,)  to  the  N.  W.  of  Scarborow,  n  ridge  o!' 
mountains  run  N.  W.  and  N.  E.  an  hundred  leagues,  known  by  the  name  of  the  Whitu 
.Mountains,  upon  which  lieth  snow  all  the  year,  and  is  a  landmark  twenty  miles  oft"  at  sea.  It 
Is  a  rising  ground  from  the  sea  shore  lo  these  hills,  and  they  are  inaccessible  but  by  ilie  gul- 
lies which  the  dissolved  snow  hath  made.  In  these  gullies  grow  saveii  bushes,  which  beiii^ 
taken  hold  of,  are  a  good  help  lo  the  climbing  discoverer.  Upon  the  lop  of  the  highest  of 
ihe.sc  mountains,  is  a  large  level,  or  plain,  ofa  day's  journey  over,  whereon  nothing  grows 
but  moss.  At  the  farther  end  of  this  plain  is  another  hill  called  the  Sucrar-loaf,  to  outward 
appearance  a  rude  heap  of  massie  stones  piled  one  upon  another,  and  you  m.iy,  ns  you 
ascend,  step  from  one  stone  to  another,  as  if  you  were  going  up  a  pair  of  stairs,  but  winding 
still  about  the  hill,  till  you  come  lo  the  lop,  which  will"  require  half  a  day's  lime,  and  yet  it  is 
not  above  a  mile,  where  there  is  also  a  level  of  about  an  acre  of  ground,  with  a  pond  of 
clear  water  in  the  midst  of  it,  which  you  may  hear  run  down,  but  how  it  ascends  is  a  mystery. 
From  this  rocky  hill  you  may  see  the  whole  country  round  about ;  it  is  far  above  the  lower 
clouds,  and  from  hence  we  beheld  a  vapor,  (like  a  great  pillar,)  drawn  up  by  the  sun-beams 
out  of  a  great  lake,  or  pond,  into  the  air,  where  it  was  formed  into  a  cloud.  The  country 
beyond  ifiese  hills,  northward,  is  daunting  terrible,  being  full  of  rocky  hills,  as  thick  as  mole- 
hills in  a  meadow,  and  cloathed  with  infinite  thick  woods."  New  England's  Rarities,  3,  4. 
Sad  recollections  are  associated  with  the  name  of  ihosr,  mountains.    The  destruction  of  lives, 


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182 


PAUGU8.— LOVEWELL'8  nOHT. 


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29.  With  Toolstcps  slow  shall  travellers  go, 
Wlierc  l,ovnBfH'»  pond  shines  clear  ai.'J 

bright, 
Ami  mark  the  plarc  whore  those  nre  laid, 
Wliu  lull  iu  LovewtWt  b)uu<ly  fight. 


30.  Old  men  shall  shake  their  heads,  aiid  say 
'*  Sail  was  the  hour  and  terrible, 
When  Lovewelt,  brave,  'gaiusi  Pitugut 

went, 
Wilh  fifty  nnen  from  Dunstable." 


It*  iiiiracles  had  not  then  ceased  in  the  land,  we  should  be  induced  to  uasa 
to  their  credit  the  extraordinary  escape  of  several  of  the  wounded  Kiiglisii- 
itien.  ikUonum  KeyUy  having  received  three  wounds,  said  he  would  hide  hiin- 
snll',  and  die  in  a  secret  place,  where  the  Indians  could  not  find  hiui  to  get 
his  scalp.  As  he  crawled  U||on  tlie  shore  of  the  pond,  at  some  d'lHtance 
from  the  scene  of  action,  he  found  a  canoe,  into  which  he  rolled  liiin- 
sellj  atid  was  driAed  away  by  the  wind.  To  his  great  astonislinient,  he 
was  cast  ashore  at  no  great  distance  from  the  fort  at  Ossipec,  wliich  he  ibuml 
means  to  recover,  and  there  met  several  of  his  companions ;  and,  gainiug 
strengtii,  retiunicd  home  with  them. 

Those  who  esi;aped  ditl  not  leave  the  battle-ground  until  near  niiiJiit<.'lit. 
When  they  arrived  at  tlio  Ibrt,  they  expected  to  have  ibuud  refreshment,  and 
those  they  had  left  as  a  reserve  ;  but  a  iellow,  whose  name  is  not  mentioned, 
who  deserted  tlie  rest  when  the  battle  began,  and  fled  there,  so  frightuued 
them,  that  they  fled  in  great  confusion  and  dismay  to  their  homes. 

The  place  where  tliis  fight  took  place  was  50  miles  from  any  white  inliab- 
itants;  and  that  any  should  have  survived  tlie  i'amine  which  now  stared 
them  in  the  face,  is  almost  as  miraculous  as  that  they  should  have  escaped 
death  at  the  hands  of  the  courageous  warriors  of  Paugu* ;  yet  14  lived  to 
return  to  their  friends. 

Fitly  men,  from  New  Hampshire,  afterwards  marched  to  the  scene  of 
action,  where  they  found  and  buried  the  dead.  They  found  but  three  In- 
dians, one  of  whom  was  Pmigua.  The  rest  were  supposed  to  have  bceu 
taken  away  when  they  retreated  from  the  battle. 

ThiLs  progressed  and  terminati'd  the  expedition  against  the  Fequawkcts. 
And  altliuugh  the  whites  could  scarcely  claim  the  victory,  yet,  asiu  the  case 
of  the  Nurragansets,  the  Northern  Indians  received  a  blow  from  which  they 
never  recovered.  With  the  Androscoggins,  the  Pequawkets  soon  after  retired 
towards  the  sources  of  the  Connecticut  River.  After  remaining  in  those 
n  jions  about  two  years,  they  separated,  and  the  Androscoggins  removed  to 
Canada,  where  they  were  afterwards  known  as  the  St  Francis  tribe.  The 
Pequawkets  remained  upon  the  Connecticut,  who,  in  the  time  of  the  revolu- 
tionary war,  were  under  a  chief  named  Philip.  In  1728,  a  tract  of  countrj', 
since  Pembroke,  N.  H.,  was  granted  to  the  men  that  went  out  with  LoveuxUs 
and  it  for  some  time  bore  the  name  of  LovtwtWa  Town. 

We  had  here  nearly  concluded  to  close  our  account  of  this  afiair,  but 
cannot  relieve  ourself  easily  of  the  recollection  of  the  following  song,  with- 
out inserting  it,  although  we,  and  others,  have  elsewhere  published  iL  It  is 
said  to  have  been  composed  the  same  year  of  the  ftght,  and  for  several 
years  afterwards  was  the  most  beloved  song  in  all  New  England : 

1.  Of  worthy  Captain  Lmyeieell  I  purpose  now  to  sing, 
How  valiantly  he  served  his  country  and  his  king : 

He  and  his  valiant  soldiers  did  range  the  woods  lull  wide. 
And  liardships  tiiey  endured  to  ciuelT  tlie  Indian's  pride. 

2.  'Twas  nigh  unto  Piffwackel,  on  the  eighth  day  of  May, 
They  spied  a  rebel  Indian  soon  after  break  of  day  j 

He  on  a  bank  was  walking,  upon  a  neck  of  land, 
Which  leads  into  a  pond,  as  we're  made  to  understand. 

3.  Our  men  resolved  to  have  him,  and  travelled  two  miles  round, 
Unlit  they  met  the  Indian,  who  boldly  stood  his  ground ; 

Then  speaks  up  Captain  Lovewetl,  "  Take  you  good  heed,"  says  he  \ 
"  This  rogue  is  to  decoy  us,  I  vety  plainly  see, 


occasioned  by  an  avalanche  at  the  celebrated  Notch,  in  1826,  will  not  soon  be  forgotten. 
Mr.  Moore,  of  Concord,  has  published  au  interesting  account  of  it  in  the  Coll.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc. 
vol.  iii 


''J 


Ciu.  IX.1 


PAUaUS— LOVEWELL'S  FIGHT. 


139 


"»' 


4.  "  The  Indian*  lie  in  ambuah,  in  Home  place  nigh  nt  hand, 
In  order  (o  surround  us  uptin  this  neck  of  land  ; 
Therefore  we'll  mitrrh  in  order,  and  each  man  leave  his  pack, 
That  we  may  briskly  fij^t  them  when  they  shall  us  attack." 

5.  They  came  unto  this  Indian,  who  did  them  thus  defy- ; 

As  soou  as  they  came  nieh  him,  two  runs  he  did  let  fly, 
Whirli  wounded  Captain  Lm-etnell,  ana  likewise  one  man  more ; 
Rut  when  this  rogue  was  running,  they  laid  him  in  his  gore. 

6.  Then  having  scalped  the  Indian,  they  went  back  to  the  spot. 

Where  thry  had  laid  their  parks  down,  but  there  they  found  them  not ; 
For  the  Indians  having  spied  them,  when  they  them  down  did  lay, 
Did  seize  them  for  their  plunder,  and  carry  tncm  away. 

7.  These  rebels  lay  in  ambush,  this  very  place  hard  by, 
So  that  an  English  soldier  did  one  of  them  espy. 

And  cried  out,  ■'<  Here's  an  Indian !  "  with  that  they  started  out, 
As  fiercely  a^  old  lions,  and  hideously  did  shout. 

8.  With  that  our  valiant  English  all  gave  a  loud  huzza, 
To  shew  the  rebel  Indians  they  feared  them  not  a  straw ; 
So  now  the  fight  began,  as  fiercely  as  could  be, 

The  Indians  ran  up  to  them,  but  soon  were  forced  to  flee. 

9.  Then  spake  up  Captain  Lmtewell,  when  first  the  fight  began, 
"  Fight  on,  my  valiant  heroes  t  you  see  they  fall  ifke  rain." 
For,  as  we  are  informed,  the  Indians  were  so  thick, 

A  man  could  scarcely  fire  a  gun  end  not  some  of  then  hit. 

10.  Then  did  the  rebels  try  their  best  our  soldiers  to  surround 
But  they  could  not  accomplish  it,  because  there  was  a  pond, 
To  which  our  men  retreated,  and  covered  all  the  rear ; 

The  rogues  were  forced  to  flee  them,  although  they  skulked  for  few 

11.  Two  logs  (here  were  behind  them  that  close  together  lay, 
Without  being  discovered,  they  could  not  get  away ; 
Therefore  our  valiant  English  iney  travelled  in  a  row. 
And  at  a  handsome  distance  as  they  were  wont  to  go. 

12.  'Twas  ten  o'olock  in  the  morning  when  first  the  fight  begun. 
And  fiercely  did  continue  till  the  setting  of  the  sun, 
Excepting  that  the  Indians,  some  hours  before,  twas  night. 
Drew  ofl'mto  the  bushes  and  ceased  a  while  to  fight. 

13.  But  soon  again  returned  in  fierce  and  furious  mood. 
Shouting  as  in  the  morning,  but  yet  not  half  so  loud. 
For,  as  we  are  informed,  so  thick  and  fust  they  fell, 
Scarce  twenty  of  their  number,  at  night  did  get  home  well. 

14.  And  (hat  our  valiant  Ens;lish,  till  midnight  there  did  stay, 
To  see  whether  the  rebels  would  have  another  fray ; 
But  they  no  more  returning,  they  made  ofl*  towards  their  home, 
And  brought  away  their  wounded  as  far  as  they  could  come. 

19.  Of  all  our  valiant  English,  (here  were  but  thirty-four, 
And  of  the  rebel  Indians,  there  were  about  four  score, 
And  sixteen  of  our  English  did  safely  home  return: 
The  rest  were  killed  and  wounded,  for  which  we  all  must  mourn. 

16.  Our  worthy  Captain  Lmnciell  among  them  there  did  die  ; 

They  killed  Lieutenant  Robbint,  and  wounded  good  young  Frye, 
Who  was  our  English  chaplain  ;  he  many  Indians  slew. 
And  some  of  them  he  scalped  when  bullets  round  him  flew. 

17   Young  Fullam  too  I'll  mention,  because  he  fought  so  well ; 
Endeavoring  to  save  a  man,  a  sacrifice  he  fell. 
And  yet  our  valian(  Englishmen  in  fight  were  ne'er  dismayed. 
But  still  they  kept  their  motion,  and  Wymati  captain  made ; 

18.  Who  shot  the  old  chief  Pauous,  which  did  (he  foe  defeat, 
Then  set  his  men  in  order,  and  brough(  off  the  retreat ; 
And  braving  many  dangers  and  hardships  in  the  way, 
They  safe  arrived  at  Duustable,  the  thirteenth  day  of  May. 
]2 


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184 


ST.  FRANCIS  DESTROYED. 


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CHAPTER  X. 

77i«  S/.  Franns  Indians — Rogers'  expfditum  against  them — Philip — SAntris— 
Arnold's  expedition — Natanis — The  modern  I'tnnbseots — Aittkon — Nkhtune— 
Captain  Fhancis — Susup  murders  an  Englishmtin — Specimen  of  the,  I'enobseoi 
lan/ruitire. — Rowi.r.s — Aw  projihr.cu — Hi.ind  vVii.i. — Killed  hij  the  Muhatcks — As- 
»ACAMiii;ir — t^isils  France  and  is  knighted  by  the  king — Attacks  and  burns  Haver- 
hill— His  death. 

TowARns  tlio  cloHo  of  tilt!  last  chapter,  mention  was  made  of  tlic  St- 
Fruiicis  liuliiiMH,  nnd,  as  thoy  were,  a  j)art  of  tliein,  the  remnant  of  the  onc(> 
rnHpi'ctahh!  AiidioHco{,'^'ini<,*  their  history  will  here  Ik;  rt'suined.  We  have 
already  rtlati'd  some  of  their  hurdshioH  and  sufferings,  both  in  Philip\i  war 
and  the  Frenclj  wars  allcrwards,  wlien  thoy  had  to  contend  with  the  old 
experienced  chief.  Colonel  Church ;  and  also  their  (<everc  disaster  in  opposing; 
Lovctcell. 

Alter  th.'ir  arrival  upon  the  Lake  St.  Francis,  from  which  their  villape  took 
its  name,  iliey  were  nwder  the  influence  and  guidance  of  French  ecclcsias- 
ticH.  Their  village,  in  17.').'S,  consisted  of  about  40  wigwams  and  a  chnrili, 
and  a  friar  resided  among  them.  What  time  the  Aiidroscoggins  joined  the 
St.  Francis  tribe  has  not  been  discovered;  but  whenever  war  existed  Ixitwecn 
France  and  England,  they  generally  had  some  participation  in  ■♦,  the  fre- 
quent occurrence  of  which  at  length  ended  in  their  almost  total  destruction, 
in  1759. 

B(!fore  the  cajrture  of  Quebec,  in  that  year,  and  while  the  English  army 
under  General  Jlmhersl  lay  at  Crown  Point,  an  expedition  against  St.  Frniicip 
was  ordered  by  him ;  being  so  "  exasperated,"  says  Colonel  Rogers,  "  lit  tho 
treatment  Capt.  Kennedy  had  received  from  those  Indians,  to  whom  he  had 
been  sent  with  a  flag  of  truce,  and  proposals  of  peace,  who  had  been  by 
them  made  jirisoner  with  his  i)arty,  that  he  determined  to  bestow  upon  them 
a  signal  chastisemer.t."  This  does  not  appear,  however,  to  be  all  that  was 
charged  against  them,  for  Major  Rogers  continues,  "They  had,  within  my  own 
knowledge,  during  the  six  years  past,  killed  and  earned  away  more  than 
(>00  persons."    Accordingly  Major  Rogers  was  despatched  upon  this  entor- 

t»rise  with  142  efl'ective  men,  including  oflicers,  and  a  few  Indians  of  the 
'equawket  tribe,  under  Philip,  their  chief.  It  was  a  most  perilous  undertak- 
ing ;  near  300  miles  of  wild  country  to  be  passed,  late  in  October,  175^'. 
Whcii  they  came  in  sight  of  the  town,  towards  evening,  on  the  5  October, 
the  inhabitants  were  dancing  about  in  great  glee,  celebrating  a  weddinp. 
Half  an  hour  before  sunrise  the  next  morning,  the  English  tell  suddenly 
upon  them,  in  three  divisions,  and  completely  surprised  them,  killing  200 
Indianfc  and  capturing  a  few  women  and  children.f  With  such  secrecy  and 
}irompti,ude  did  the  English  act  on  this  occasion,  says  our  author,  "that  the 
enemy  bad  no  time  to  recover  themselves,  or  take  arms  in  their  own  defence, 
until  they  were  mostly  destroyed."  Some  few  ran  down  to  the  river  to  es- 
cape by  swinmiing  or  in  their  canoes,  but  were  pursued  and  destroyed. 
Their  village,  except  three  houses,  was  burnt,  and  many  persons  in  it.  By 
seven  o'clock  the  butchery  was  ended,  and  a  retreat  was  immediately  com- 
menced.   Two  bidian  boys  were  brought  away  prisonere,  one  of  whom  was 


'  ''At  St.  Franpais,  from  some  of  Zanglie'darankiac,  or  people  from  the  mouth  of  this  river. 
1  lociriicrl,  iliat  iliey  call  il,  or  rather  its  hanks,  Amilcungantiquoke,  or  banis  of  the  river 
ahomulinfr  in  dried  meat."    Kendal's  Travelii,  iii.  143. 

t  1  lately  received  a  letter  from  a  ^endeman  who  subscribed  himself  "  Joseph  Alex. 
Masta,  an  Indian  of  the  St.  Francis  tribe,''  complaining  of  the  inaccurate  account  given  bv 
Major  Rogers  of  the  destruction  of  that  tribe ;  but  as  the  author  of  the  letter  docs  not  give 
an  account  himself,  nor  direct  me  where  I  can  obtain  one,  better  than  I  have  used,  I  am  con- 
strained to  reprint  mv  account  without  much  emendation.  The  only  facts  which  I  can  gather 
from  his  letter,  are,  tfiat,  "  before  this  event  [Rogers's  Expedition]  took  place,  the  St.  Francis 
tribe  numbered  from  1800  to  2000  inhabitants  ;  but  since,  this  number  has  made  rapid  decline, 
and  at  present  on  the  point  of  total  dissolution."    Letter,  dated  Vincennes,  Vt.  25  April,  1836. 


nup.  X]       PHILIP  OF  PIGWOKET— ARNOLD'S  KXPKDITION. 


135 


>»■ 


nntncd  Stbaii$.  The  English  commander  Hays,  "  We  found  600  §calpH  hang- 
lilt;  iipnn  |iol(>8  over  tho  doors  of  thtiir  wi^wuuiH." 

Although  tho  EngliHh  had  madu  Huch  havoc  ainorig  the  iiidians,  yet  u 
wr<t<-h«Hl  calaiiiitv  awaited  them  in  their  liomuward  march.  Tliey  had  hut 
one  of  their  niitntier  killed,  wtio  waH  an  indiiui,  aiul  hix  wounded,  during  the 
iiiiiHsucre,  Init  on  tiieir  return  many  were  loHt  in  the  wilderness,  t^tiu'ved  and 
tVozrii  to  death.  Tho  scenes  of  individual  huflering,  could  they  Im;  known, 
would  prohahly  exceed  those  which  followed  Lovewell^a  fifj^Ut.  Having  mTih- 
mkeii  the  Upper  for  the  Lower  Cooh,  some  set  off  hy  point  of  conipasM,  and 
were  never  hoard  of  atter,  and  the  enemy  follow<;d  and  cut  off  t>tlierH.  liut 
Pkilip,  at  the  head  of  his  company,  made  good  his  retreat  without  losing  a 
mail  ill  the  way. 

Bisides  this  expedition,  in  which  Philip  was  one  of  "Rogers'  rangers,"  he 
was  at  the  capture  of  Louishurgh,  under  (Jeneral  Jlviherat,  and  was  tho 
tirst  man  that  took  possession  of  tho  Ibrtress.* 

In  the  winter  of  1757,  when  the  English  and  French  armies  had  gone  into 
winter  quarters,  Colonel  Rofrera  wa«  lill  in  command  of  Fort  I'Alvvurd, 
and  had  several  severe  hattles  with  the  F'rench  and  Indians  in  scouting 
cxpiditions.  In  ono  of  these,  ho  fell  in  with  a  superior  forct;  to  his  own, 
near  Ticonderoga,  and  lost  many  of  his  men,  in  killed  and  prisoners.  This 
was  on  21  January.  The  chief,  Philip,  was  in  that  affair,  and  acted  as  ser- 
tteant.  Concerning  this  ciiief,  it  is  further  snid  that  he  was  hut  "half  Indian," 
and  that  in  the  revolution,  he  joined  the  Americans,  saying  "  he  was  a  whig 
inilian." 

Mention  has  been  made  of  an  Indian  of  the  name  of  Sebatis  or  Sauatis. 
There  were  several  of  the  name,  and  douhtless  it  was  peculiar  to  the  Ahena- 
i|uies ;  and  hence  that  Sabaiia,  captured  at  St.  Francis,  was  descended 
t'roni  an  Ahcnaquis  family,  who  had  settled  there.  It  is  possible  also,  that 
ho  may  bo  tho  same  who  al\erwards  resided,  near  the  head  waters  of  the 
Kennebeck,  with  a  brother  named  JVaianis,  who  is  brought  to  our  notice 
ill  the  accounts  f  of  General  JhrnoltVa  expedition  through  that  region  in  the 
tall  of  1775 ;  but  this  is  conjecture.  However,  what  is  known  of  these  two 
brothi-rs  follows. 

General  Arnold  having,  on  his  arrival  in  the  Kennebeck  River,  ordered  a 
small  hand  to  proceed  in  advance  o(  the  army,  to  discover  and  mark  out  a 
route  for  it,  gave  strict  orders  that  J^atania  should  be  captured  or  killed.  This 
order  had  been  given,  because  the  general  had  been  infbrtned  that  he  had 
been  fixed  there  by  the  English  of  Canada,  as  a  8[)y,  to  give  information 
if  mi  enemy  should  approach  in  that  direction.  But  this,  as  it  proved,  was 
false  information,  and  JSfatania  was  the  friend  of  the  Americans,  as  also  was 
liis  brother  Sabatis,  who  lived  about  seven  miles  higher  up  the  river,  above 
liim. 

The  residence  of  JVatania  was  a  lonesome  place,  upon  the  bank  of  the 
river ;  his  cabin,  situated  in  the  centre  of  a  green,  the  border  of  which  was 
beyond  musket  shot  from  it,  was  a  discovery  whicli  added  to  the  susfiicions 
of  the  party,  who,  having  arrived  in  the  neighborhood,  4  October,  surrounded 
it  at  every  point,  and  run  in  upon  it  with  great  eagerness ;  expecting,  without 
doubt,  to  have  taken  him  prisoner.  In  this  they  were  disappointed,  for  it  ap- 
peared that  the  place  had  been  deserted  a  week.  Near  by,  at  tlie  shore 
of  the  river,  a  map  drawn  upon  birch  bark,  was  found  in  the  top 
of  a  stake,  very  accurately  delineating  the  courses  of  the  rivers  towards 
Canada,  and  lines  denoting  places  of  crossing  from  one  to  another.  This 
{jreatly  surprised  them,  but  they  profited  much  by  it  Nothing  was  seen  of 
any  Indians  during  t  le  excursion  of  the  exploring  party,  who,  after  about  22 
days,  in  which  they  suffered  every  thing  hut  death,  rejomcd  the  army. 

Wiien  the  army  had  arrived  within  the  bounds  of  Canada,  which  was  on 
-the  4  November,  "  we  for  the  first  time,"  says  Mr.  Henry,  "  had  the  pleasure 
of  seeing  the  worthy  and  respectable  Lidian,  JVatania,  and  his  brother,  Saba- 


.■?■■• 


"'*-.    •.''. 


V:  ; 

♦  ■.  , 

< 

•  * 

•Xt^ 

'**,-■ 

•■St 


."»■] 


:f 


*  Rof^ers'  Reminiscences,  Appendix  to  new  edition. 

t  Sue  that  of  Judge  John  J.  Ileriry,  32,  to  3G,  and  74,  &,c.     See  also  Sliallu's  Tables,  ii. 
509,  and  Col.  Maine  Hist.  Soc.  i.  394. 


:.i  '(«  ,f    .,, 


A  ■•»;! 


•  ■      ,csi-.-^Si'  ;  ■■.■■ 


136 


NATANIS.—SABATIS.— PENOBSCOT  INDIANS. 


[Cook  III. 


III!  ■  t..  ■•5  .;-^;4"?*;\;  V 

^^^ ■*''f ^V*«  -A''.^' 
Sp'i'lti  .'*'•'■■■      ' 


fis,  with  some  others  of  their  tribe."  Catania  went  to  each  of  the  companiea 
of  spies,  and  shook  them  by  the  hand,  as  though  he  had  been  formerly 
acquainted  with  them.  He  explained  himself  by  telling  them,  that  he  had 
kept  close  to  them  all  the  time  they  were  making  their  discovery  beyond  iiig 
residence,  and  until  they  returned,  but  did  not  dare  to  make  himself 
known,  for  fear  they  would  kill  him — a  wise  resolution. 

Natanis  and  Sabatis,  with  17  others  of  their  tribe,  joined  the  army 
on  the  River  Chaudiere,  and  marched  with  it  to  Canada.  When  the  attack 
on  Quebec  was  made,  31  Deceniber,  1775,  JVatonis  was  wounded  by  a  shot 
through  the  wrist,  and  iell  into  the  hands  of  the  British  general,  Carleton, 
who  immediately  set  him  at  liberty.  These  were  the  first  Indians  employed 
in  the  revolutionaiy  contest  by  the  Americans.* 

We  cannot  pass  over  the  momentous  undertaking  of  AmoU,  without  re- 
questing the  reader  to  notice  how  many  men  of  note  and  eminence  survived 
its  ruins — General  Daniel  Morgan  of  Virginia,  then  a  captain — General  Henry 
Dearborn  of  Massachusetts,  of  like  rank — Timothy  Bigelow  of  Massachusetts, 
a  major — Return  J.  Meigs,  father  of  the  late  postmaster-general,  of  the  same 
rank — Samtiel  Spring,  t>.  D.  of  Newburvport,  a  chaplain— ./3aron  jBwrr  of  New 
Jersey,  and  General  Benedict  Arnold  of  Connecticutf  Numerous  others  de- 
serve'equal  notice ;  but  it  is  not  our  province  to  enumerate  them  here.  And 
from  this  digression  we  return  to  notice  another  chief  nearly  similar  in  name 
to  the  last. 

At  the  treaty  of  Gfeorgetown,  on  Arrowsik  Island,  held  by  the  eastern 
tribes  with  the  English,  9  August,  1717,  Sabbadia,  as  his  name  was  then  writ- 
ten, appeared  for  the  Androscoggin s.  Also  at  the  treaty  of  Casco,  dated 
25  July,  1727,  we  find  among  the  signers  Sahatiats  of  Arresagontacook.| 
What  j)art  Sabatis  acted  in  the  tragedies  from  1722  to  1725,  does  not  appear. 
In  the  History  of  Maine§  we  find  the  following  passage  concerning  Sab- 
batist,  as  he  is  there  called.  "  Li  1730,  a  chaplain  was  allowed  at  Fort  George ; 
and  it  was  in  this  place,  where  Sabbatist,  the  Anasagunticook  sagamore,  re- 
quested government  to  keep  some  supplies:  for,  said  he,  in  ^cold  vxinters  and 
deep  snows,  my  Indians,  unable  to  go  to  Fort  Richmond,  sometimes  suffer,^  " 

We  now  pass  to  our  own  times  to  notice  some  modern  Indians  in  the 
state  of  Maine.  In  1816,  the  Penobscot  tribe  at  Old  Town,||  having  lost  its 
sachem,  entered  upon  the  election  of  another.  It  was  some  montlis  before 
they  could  agree  upon  a  successor,  although  it  is  their  custom  to  elect  a  near 
relation  of  the  deceased.  At  length  party  spirit  having  run  unreasonably 
high,  their  priest,  who  is  a  Roman  Catholic,  interfered,  and  they  forsook  tlie 
rival  candidates,  and  elected  John  JUtteon.  This  m^n,  it  is  said,  was  a  de- 
scendant of  Baron  de  Saint  Castiena.  The  induction  into  office  took  place 
19  September,  1816.  At  the  same  time  John  JVeptune  was  constituted  his 
lieutenant,  and  Captain  Francis  and  another  were  confirmed  as  chief 
captains. 

A  specimen  of  modern  oratory  among  these  Indians  is  given  by  Mr.  Wii- 
r.iAMSoN,  who  heai*d  it,  in  his  History  op  Maine.  It  was  made  in  a  court, 
by  John  JVeptune,  in  extenuation  of  thn  murder  of  one  Knight,  by  Peol  Susup. 
The  cose  was  nearly  as  follows :  In  the  evening  of  28  June,  1816,  this  Indian 
was  intoxicated,  and  at  the  tavern  of  said  Knight  at  Bangor,  (whether  he  had 
procured  liquor  there  with  which  to  intoxicate  himself,  we  are  not  informed,) 
and  being  noisy  and  turbulent,  Knight  endeavored  to  expel  him  from  his 
house.  Having  thrust  him  out  of  iloor,  he  endeavored  to  drive  him  nway, 
and  in  the  attempt  was  stabbed,  and  immediately  died.  On  his  arrest,  Susup 
acknowledged  his  guilt,  but  said  he  was  in  liquor,  and  that  Knight  abused 


*  Judge  llewy,  7a. 

t  Henry,  our  uutliurity  before  mentioned,  was  a  private,  ae'ed  but  16,  who  rnn  awav  from 
his  father,  and  joined  the  army  clandestinely;  ho  died  in  IS  10,  aged  fi2.  Mcrgan  died  in 
1802,  uet.  (i3  i  Dearborn  in  1829,  ael.  78 ;  Mngs  in  1823 ;  Spring  in  1819,  ael.  73 ;  Arnold  in 
1801,  at  London,  ael.  61 ;  Purr  died  in  New  York,  in  1836. 

t  Coll.  N.  H.  Hist.  Soc.  ii,  242.  260.  $  WiUianum,  ii.  159. 

II  In  1811,  this  tribe  consisted  of  but  57  families,  and  241  persons.    In  1820  there  were  277 
(ouls.    Their  increase,  says  Dr.  Morse,  Appendix  to  Indian  Rkport,  65,  is  owing  to  aa 
obligation  of  the  chiefs  imposed  upon  their  young  men  to  marry  early. 
o 


CiixP.  X] 


Castillo, 


CinP.  X] 


AlTTEON.-Ni:rT(JNE. 


137 


him,  or  he  had  not  done  it  Being  bronjrht  to  trial  in  June  the  next  yenr  at 
Custiiic,  by  udvire  of  counsel,  he  pleaded  not  guilh/;  and  idler  a  day  spent  in 
his  trial,  a  verdict  was  rendertd,  accorditig  to  the  delence  set  up,  nuin- 
tlaughier.  Susup  had  a  wife  and  several  children  ;  four  of  whom,  with  their 
mother,  were  present,  as  were  many  other  Indians  from  St.  Johns  and  Passn- 
inaquoddy,  hesides  a  great  crowd  of  Whites. 

After  sentence  was  declared,  Susup  was  asked  by  the  court  if  he  had  any 
tiling  to  s!iy  for  himself;  to  which  he  replied,  "John  Neptune  ivill  speak  for 
me"  Neptune  rose  up,  and,  having  advanced  towards  the  judges,  delib- 
pnitely  said,  in  English, 

"  You  knoto  your  people  do  my  Indians  great  deal  ivrong.  They  abuse  thtm 
wnj  nuch — yes  they  murder  them  ;  then  they  walk  right  off— nobody  touches  them. 
This  makes  my  heart  bum.  Well,  then  my  Indians  say,  we  toill  go  kill  your  very 
bad  and  wicked  men.  JVo,  IteWem  nemr  do  that  thing,  we  are  brothers.  S.nne 
time  ago  a  very  bad  man  *  about  Boston,  shot  an  Indian  dead.  Your  people  said, 
surely  he  should  die,  but  it  was  not  so.  In  the  great  prison  house  he  eats  and  lives 
to  this  day.  Certainly  he  never  dies  for  killing  Indian.  My  brothers  say  let  that 
bloody  man  go  free — reol  Susup  too.  So  we  unsh.  HopefdLi  the  hearts  of  us 
all— 'Peace  m  good.  These,  my  Indians,  love  it  well.  They  smile  under  its  shade. 
The  white  men  and  red  men  must  be  always  friends.  Tlie  Great  Spirit  is  our 
father. — /  speak  what  Ifeel,^ 

"Susup  was  sentenced  to  another  year's  imprisonment,  and  required  to  find 
sureties  for  keeping  the  peace  two  years,  in  the  penal  sum  of  500  dollars  ; 
when  John  Neptune,  Squire  Jo  Merry  JVeptune,  of  his  own  tribe,  Ca[rt.  Solmxtnd, 
from  Passamaqtioddy,  and  Capt  Jo  Tomer,  from  the  River  St.  Johns,  became 
his  sureties  in  the  cognizance."  t 

Ca{)tain  Francis,  the  first  captain  of  the  tribe,  has  been  mentioned,  and 
who,  according  to  the  historian  of  Maine,  is  a  man  of  good  understanding.  If 
the  iidbrmation  he  has  given  concerning  the  eastern  Indians  be  correct, — and 
we  see  no  cause  to  doub*  it, — it  is  of  much  value,  and  no  less  interest.  He 
ossured  Mr.  Williamson,  *^  that  all  the  tribes  between  the  Saco  and  the  St. 
Johns,  both  inclusive,  are  brothers;  that  the  oldest  lived  on  the  Saco;  that 
each  tribe  is  younger  as  we  pass  eastward,  like  the  sons  of  the  same  father, 
though  the  one  at  Passamaquoddy  |  is  the  youngest  of  all,  proceeding  from 
those  upon  the  River  St.  Johns  and  Penobscot§  '  Always^  he  afiirnis, '  /  could 
understand  all  these  brothers  very  well  when  they  speak  ;  but  when  the  Mickmaks  or 
the  Algonquins,  or  Canada  Indians  talk,  I  cannot  tell  all  what  they  say.'' " 

fielore  dismissing  the  interesting  Tarratines,  it  may  be  proper  to  present  a 
specimen  of  their  language. 

Metunk^senah,  ouwaSie,  spum^keag-aio,  kee^uck  Ue-we-seh,  keah'^-dabeV-dock, 
mw-do^-seh,  keah^-olct-hautta-mon-a,  numah-zee,  m'se-tah^-mah,  Vhah-lah-wee^- 
keunah,  spum^-keag-aio,  me-lea^h,  neoSwh,  ne-quem-pe-bemrgeesWcoque,  maje^- 
me,  gees^-cool,  ar^mn,  muS'See-aHos^see,  neo WA,  commonl^en-esk-sock,  t-hah-lah- 
tvee-keunah,  num-e-se-comele^ent,  tah-hah-la-we-u-keah-ma-che-ke^-cheek,  a-que-he\ 
a-que-ah-lah-ke-me-sah^iMque,    n^gahiie,    numarzee\    nea-nah,    neo'je,    saw^-got. 

*  "  He  alluded  to  one  Livermore,  who  had  received  sentence  ol  death  for  killing  an  In- 
dian, which  was  commuted  to  hard  labor  for  life  in  the  state's  prison."     Williamson. 

An  Indian  named  Crevat,  a  Penobscot  of  the  tribe  of  St.  Francis,  to  avoid  being  dis- 
tressed by  ihe  war  on  the  frontiers  of  Canada,  wiih  his  wife  wandered  down  into  Massachu- 
setts, and  erected  a  wigwam  on  the  shore  of  Spot  Pond,  in  the  town  of  Stoneham,  where  they 
lived.  At  length  some  abominable  while  rultians,  on  the  night  of  the  23  November,  1813, 
shot  him  while  he  was  asleep,  and  badly  wounded  his  squaw.  Not  being  killed  outright,  this 
Indian  crawled  from  his  wigwam,  and  was  found  the  next  day  almost  lifeless  and  in  great 
agony,  and  he  expired  in  a  lew  days  after.  The  names  of  the  murderers  I  will  not  give,  for 
I  abhor  to  sully  my  page  with  them.  Four  were  guilty.  One  fled  from  justice,  two  were 
tried  and  condemned  to  be  hanged,  December  25th,  following.     Report  of  the  Trial. 

t  Ibid. 

X  The  Indians  %iaA.PascodmnfOqwn-keag.  Pascodura  mawaXpoUotk;  oquon,  catch 'tm 
great  many ;  eag,  lana  or  place. 

i  Penops,  rocks  ;  keag,  a  place  of, 
18* 


-■  /^ 


■4..;  ^'■.  .?fi^r 


•  ♦.■'•». 


ii'-ff-i""H;'.r -■.,'■  •■  ...•"■/ 


■■■^  -.i..-. 


iJ:U* 


'    1  /        ■     ■  '.■«'    ¥*     ,-^  ,;    -  '  ■ 


'  1,  .  ^v 


•     .j/i:^'   V-^V.**/    [JIM 


138 


ROWLS.-BLIND-WILL. 


[Book  III. 


UH)o-saw^me,  kedh^dabdd^-ock,  ego-mah,  kedoah\  noa^chee,  done-ahHe,  aazoog, 
neak^lds,  qvuts^-qut.* 

In  sjieaking  of  the  New  Hampshire  sachem?,  it  was  not  intended  that  so 
«-on8|)icuous  a  chief  ns  Rowls  should  have  been  silently  passed  over,  and 
thereiore  we  will  give  him  a  i)lacehere.  This  chief  has  of  late  years  becoinp 
noted,  fn)ni  the  circumstjince  of  his  name's  being  found  to  the  celebrated 
Wheehmisrht  deed  of  1(5^!).  That  deed,  it  maybe  proper  to  remark,  pnri)orted 
to  have  been  given  hy  Passaconawajj,  RunaawiU,  fVdmnoumoioit,  und  Howls. 
The  tnict  nf  country  conveyed  was  included  between  the  i'aiifataqua  and 
Merriiimck  Rivers,  j.nd  bounded  inland  by  aline  from  "Pawtucket"  Fail,-* 
in  the  latter,  atui  Newichawannok  in  the  ibrmer.  It  is  pretty  certain,,  now, 
tlint  tlicise  siicheiris  gave  no  such  deed  at  the  time  specified. 

Rowj.s  was  saeliiiii  of  the  Newichawannoks,  and  his  dwelling-place  was 
Upon  the  north  side  of  the  Pascataqua,  not  ftir  from  Quampeagan  Falls,  in 
lierwick,  then  Kiuery.  "In  1(543,  he  conveyed  the  lands  of  his  vicinity  to 
Humplimf  Ch(idl)oxirn ;  and  others  afterwards,  to  Spencer ;  the  former  beiuc 
the  earlief^t  Iiidiaji  deed  Ibund  u[)on  our  records.  It  is  certain  that  all  the 
Indians  U])oii  the  river  to  its  mouth,  were  his  subjects,  though  he  was  under 
Pas8aconawuy."t  Mr.  Hubbard  J  says,  "There  was  within  the  compass  of  the 
8ev«;n  years  now  current,  [about  l(i70,]  a  sagamore  about  Kittary,  called 
Roiils  or  Rolles:  who  laying  very  sick,  and  bedrid,  (being  an  old  man,)  he  ex- 
pected some  of  the  English,  that  seized  upon  his  land,  should  have  shown 
him  that  civility,  as  to  have  given  him  a  visit  in  his  aged  infirmities  and  sick- 
ness. It  matters  not  much  whether  it  was  totally  neglected  or  not ;  to  be 
sure  at  the  last,  he  sent  for  the  chiefs  of  the  town  and  desired  a  favor  of  them, 
viz.  that  though  he  might,  as  he  said,  challenge  [claim]  all  the  plantation  ibr 
his  own,  where  they  dwelt,  that  yet  they  would  please  to  sell  or  give  liim  a 
small  tract  of  land,  possil)ly  an  hundred  or  two  of  acres,  and  withall  desired 
it  mi^ht  be  recorded  in  the  town  book,  as  a  public  act,  that  so  his  children, 
which  he  left  behind,  might  not  be  turned  out,  like  vagabonds,  as  destitute  of 
an  habitation  amongst,  or  near  the  English,  adding  this  as  a  reason  :  Thut  he 
knew  there  would  shortly  fall  out  a  war  between  the  Indians  and  the  English, 
all  over  the  country,  and  that  the  Indians  at  the  first  should  prevail,  and  do 
much  mischief  to  the  English,  and  kill  many  of  them :  But  after  the  third 
year,  or  after  three  years,  all  the  Lidians  which  so  did,  should  be  rooted  out, 
and  utterly  destroyed."  This  account,  the  same  author  says,  "  is  reported  by 
Maj.  tValdron,  Mr.  Joshua  Moody,  Capt.  /Vosf,  that  live  upon,  or  near  the 
place." 

A  chief  named  Blind-toiU  was  successor  to  Rolls,  and  in  Philip's  war  served 
the  English.  Why  the  word  blind  was  prefixed  to  his  name  is  no;  mentioned, 
but  probably  he  had  lost  an  eye. 

In  l(i77,  the  wretched  expedient  was  resorted  to  by  the  whites,  of  employing 
the  Mohawks  against  the  Tarratines,  and  two  messengers,  Majors  Pinckon 
and  Richards,  were  despatched  to  their  country.  They  were  kindly  received 
by  them,  and  promised  their  assistance.  "Accordingly  some  parties  of 
them  came  down  the  country,  about  the  middle  of  March,  and  the  first 
alarm  was  given  at  Amuskeeg  Falls ;  where  the  son  of  fVonolanset  being 
hunting,  discovered  15  Indians  on  the  other  side,  who  called  to  him  in  a  lan- 
guage which  he  did  not  understand ;  upon  which  he  fled,  and  they  fired 
near  30  guns  at  him  without  effect.  Presently  after  this  they  were  discovered 
in  the  woods  near  Cochecho.  Major  Waldron  sent  out  eight  of  his  Indians, 
whereof  Blind-vMl  was  one,  to  make  further  discovery.  They  were  all 
surprised  together  by  a  company  of  the  Mohawks ;  two  or  three  escaped, 
the  others  were  either  killed  or  taken.  Will  was  dragged  away  by  his  hair ; 
and  being  wounded,  perished  in  the  woods,  on  a  neck  of  land,  formed  by  the 
confluence  of  Cochecho  and  Ising- glass  Rivers,  which  still  bears  the  name 
of  Blind-uriWs  Neck."§    Such  were  the  exploits  of  the  allies  of  the  English 


•   Williamson's  Maine,  i.  513. 
(  Belknap,  Hist.  N.  U.  i.  125, 


t  Williamson,  i.  46a  t  Indian  Wars,  ii.  81. 


ix-f 


><• 


Chap.  X.] 


ASSACAMBUIT. 


\lVJ 


at  this  time ;  nor  do  we  find  tliat  any  othera  were  performed  of  a  different 
character.  Notwithstanding,  the  same  miserable  poliey  was  talked  of  again 
tiboiit  nine  years  afler ;  but  we  do  not  learn  that  it  was  carried  into  practice. 

It  was,  perhaps,  at  the  time  of  which  we  have  been  speaking,  that  the  Nar- 
ragunsct  chief  Pessactix  was  murdered,  as  hixs  been  mentioned.* 

We  had  not  thus  long  delayed  our  notice  of  one  of  the  most  renowned 
cliiefs,  but  from  the  untoward  circumstance  of  having  mislaid  a  valuable 
coinniunication  concerning  him.t  The  sachem  of  whom  we  are  now  to 
speak  was  known  among  the  French  by  the  name  of  J^escambioiiit,  but 
among  the  English  he  was  called 

AssACAMBuiT,!  and  .^ssacornbuii.l  This  chief  was  as  faithful  to  the 
French  as  one  of  their  own  nation  ;  and  oiu*  account  of  him  begins  in  HJiXi, 
when,  with  Iberville  and  the  fairious  Montigny,  he  rendered  im[)orta!it  service 
in  tlie  reduction  of  the  English  Fort  St.  Joluis,  30  November,  of  that  year. 
Being  ai)[)rized  of  the  approach  of  the  French  and  Indians,  the  English  sent 
out  H8  men  to  oppose  them,  who,  on  the  28,  were  met  and  attacked  by  a  part 
of  Iberville's  army,  under  Monligny  atul  JVescambioiiit,  and  defeated  with  the 
loss  of  55  men.  On  the  night  before  St.  Johns  capitidated,  Iberville,  with 
JVescambioiiit  as  his  second,  at  the  head  of  80  men,  made  a  sally  to  burn  on(! 
])art  of  the  town,  while  D\Muys  and  Montigny,  with  (JO  others,  were  ordered 
to  fire  it  at  another  point.    Both  parties  succeeded.  § 

In  1(599,  he  is  noticed  for  some  cruelty,  which,  it  was  said,  he  inflicted  upon 
a  child,  named  Thomasin  Rouse.  He  having  ordered  it  to  cany  something  to 
the  water  side,  it  cried ;  he  took  a  stick  and  struck  her  down,  and  she  lay 
for  dead.  He  then  threw  her  into  the  water,  but  she  was  saved  by  another 
Indian.  She  was  an  EnD;lish  captive,  and  was  soon  after  restored.  This 
account  was  handed  Dr.  Mather,  by  one  who  had  just  returned  from  Casco 
Bay,  where  he  had  been  to  hold  a  treaty  with  the  Indians.  The  accoiuit 
closes  in  these  words :  "This  Assacomluit  hath  killed  and  taken  this  war, 
(they  tell  tne,)  150  men,  women  and  children.     A  bloody  Devil."  || 

It  is  said  that  Mauxis,  JVanungonet,  and  Jlssacoinlmitf  were  "three  of  the 
most  valiant  and  i)uissant  sachems"  of  the  east.H  Their  attack  upon  the  fort 
at  Casco,  in  August,  1703,  has  been  mentioned.**  In  1704,  sorne  of  the  Abe* 
iinquis,  having  established  themselves  in  Newfoundland,  were  attacked  by  the 
Knglish,  and  some  of  them  killed.  Whereupon  they  applied  to  Governor 
Vaudreuil  \m  assistance  to  repel  them,  and  he  s(;nt  Montigny  with  a  few 
Canadians,  who  joined  themsrhes  with  about  50  Abenaquis  under  JVescnmbi' 
oi'iit,  and  attackedf  the  English  with  great  success.  They  pillaged  and  burnt 
one  fort,  and  took  many  i)risoners.  ft 

lu  1705,  M,  Sttbercase,  having  succeeded  M.  Brouillon  in  the  government 
of  Newfoundland,  endeavorod  to  make  thorough  work  with  the  remainitig 
English  there.  Their  success  was  nearly  c()mi)lete,  and  here  again  JS/escarri' 
hiouit  is  noticed  as  acting  a  conspicm  us  part.  Subercase^s  army  consisted  of 
400  nien,tt  in  all,  and  they  set  out  Tom  Placentia  15  January,  upon  snow- 
shoes,  with  20  days'  provisions.  Tl.ey  suffered  much  from  the  rigor  of  the 
weather,  and  did  not  fall  upon  the  English  until  the  2G,  which  was  at  a  place 
Culled  Rebou.  They  next  took  Petit  llavre.  At  St.  Johns  they  found  some 
resistance,  where  the  English  now  had  two  forts,  which  were  supplied  with 
cannon  and  mortars,  and,  after  losing  five  men  in  killed  and  wounded,  were 
obliged  to  raise  the  siege,  in  consequence  of  want  of  powder ;  having  dam- 
aged much  of  what  they  brought  with  them  in  wading  rivers.  They  next 
attacked  Forrillon  and  took  it.  >§§    Tliis  was  5  March.    Here  was  also  a  fort, 


*  See  n.  IT.  p.  68.  note  § .  f  From  Rev.  Mr.  Felt,  of  Hamilton.        t  Penhallow. 

4  Chark\)oix,  ii.  193.  ||  Magnalia,  vii.  95,  IT  Peithntlmo  6. 

**  Page  Vn,  lib.  iii.  It  Charlevoix,  ii.  29't. 

it  This  is  according  to  Cliarlevoix,  hul  Penhallow  says  500,  and  Anspach,  (ll\%\..  Newfound 
land,  1-23.)  oAott/  600.     Charlevoix  is,  doubtless,  nearest  the  truth. 

JiJ  L«  Bmirg/tU  brUli^i  apr^s  qnoi  MoNTiGNY,  qui  avoit  amenS  ^  cette  expedition  sonJieUU 
NescambiouiTj/m^  detach!  a^'ec  les  saunages,  et  une  partie  des  Canadiens,  peur  alter  du  c6ti 
de  Carbormiere,  et  de  Bnnnexnste,  avec  order  de  br&ter  et  de  ditruire  toute  le  cute,  ce  qu'il 
'xicuta  sans  perdre  un  seul  liomme,  tant  la  terreur  itmt  grande  parmi  le*  Angloit,  N. 
Fraiice,  ii.  300. 


''V.*- 


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140 


ASSACAMBUIT. 


[Book  III. 


life' A;.-: 


into  wliicli  the  Inhabitants  at  first  retired,  and  endeavored  to  defend  themselves 
but  soon  surrendered  priHonera  of  war.* 

Not  long  after  these  services  JVescambioilU  sailed  for  France,  and  in  1706 
visited  liis  majesty.  King  Louis  XiV,  at  Versailles.  Here,  among  other  emi- 
nent personages,  he  became  known  to  the  historian  Charlevoix,  f  The 
king  having  presented  him  an  elegant  sword,  he  is  reported  to  have  said, 
holding  up  his  hand,  "This  hand  has  slain  one  hundred  and  forty  of  your  majea- 
Ufa  enemies  in  JVew  England ; "  |  and  that  who.reupon,  the  king  forthwitii 
knighted  him,  and  ordered  that  henceforth  a  pension  of  eight  livrea  a  day  be 
allowed  him  for  life. 

J^escamMoilit  returned  to  America  in  1707,  and  the  next  year  accompanied 
Rouville  to  attack  Haverhill  in  Massachusetts.  The  French  had  intended  a 
much  more  tbrmidable  conquest,  and  liud  engaged  bands  of  Indians  from 
four  nations  to  cooperate  with  them,  and  all  were  to  rendezvous  at  Laite 
Nikisipique,  as  they  called  Winnipesauke  or  Winnipisiogeo.  But  all  except 
tlie  Algonquins  and  Abenaquis  under  JVescambiouit,  having  failed  and  deserted 
them,  they  were  on  the  point  of  abandoning  their  enterprise  altogether. 
Having  made  known  their  situation  to  Governor  Vaudreuil,  and  requested 
his  orders,  he  directed,  that  though  all  the  Indians  deserted  them,  they  should 
not  give  over  the  expedition.  Des  Chaillons  having  communicated  this  intel- 
ligence to  the  Indians,  they  entreated  him  to  lead  them  forward,  and  said  they 
would  follow  him  wherever  he  chose  to  go. 

From  Nikisipique  they  marched,  at  last,  with  200  men,  fell  upon  Haver- 
hill,§  and  sacked  it.  The  attack  was  made,  sun  about  an  hour  high,  2d 
August,  1708.  The  contest  was  short  as  the  opposition  was  feeble.  The 
English  lost  about  100  persons  by  this  irruption,  40  or  50  of  whom  were 
killed  at  Haverhill.  Nescambioiiit,  in  this  affair,  fought  by  the  side  of  the 
commander-in-chief,  and  performed  prodigies  of  vulor  witli  the  sword  which 
he  brought  from  France. 

Having  burned  the  fort  and  many  of  the  buildings  in  the  village,||  they 
l)egan  to  retrace  their  steps,  with  precipitation.  The  English,  having  rallied, 
Ibrujed  an  ambush  in  the  edge  of  the  woods,  about  a  mde  and  a  half  from 
the  town,  attacked  them  vigorously,  killing  and  woimding  many  of  thetn.  In 
the  ambush  were  60  or  70  English,  who,  after  lianging  upon  tlieir  flanks  for 
near  an  hour,  retreated.  In  this  last  affair  the  French  suffered  most.  In 
both  encounters,  18  men  were  wounded,  three  Indians  and  five  Frenchmen 
killed.  lu  the  ambush  fell  Hertel  of  Chambly,  and  Vercheres,  both  officers  of 
experience ;  and  the  renowned  Jissacamhuit,  as  though,  elsewhere,  like  A<Ml- 
les,  invulnerable,  was  wounded  by  a  shot  in  the  foot.  This  last  attack  had 
the  happy  riectof  immediately  restoring  many  of  the  prisoners. 

From  1708  to  1727,  we  hear  nothing  oi' Jlssacambuit.  In  June  of  the  latter 
year,  his  death  is  recorded,  accompanied  with  a  short  account  of  him,  in  a 
newspaper  of  that  time.  Mention  is  made,  among  other  things,  tliat,  like 
Hercules,  he  had  a  "famous  club"  which  he  always  carried  with  him,  on 
which  were  98  notches,  denoting  the  number  of  "  English  "  he  had  killed ; 
that  he  was  knighted  while  in  France,  the  insignia  of  which,  on  his  return 
home,  he  wore  upon  his  breast  in  large  letters.  In  this  newspaper  commu- 
nication he  is  styled  "  Old  £»com6iti/,"  "  formerly  the  principal  sagamore  of 
(the  now  dispersed)  tribe  of  the  Saco  or  Pigwacket  Indians."  He  probably 
went  to  reside  among  the  St  Francis  tribe  about  1700.  Fa  was  restless  when 
there  was  no  war,  and  our  account  soys,  "  when  there  ;vas  something  of  a 
prospect  of  settled  peace,  about  30  years  ogo,  [1700,]  he  marched  off  the 

»  Anspach,  124.  t  Hist.  Gen,  de  la  Nouv.  France,  ii.  326. 

X  Femallow,  40.  This  must  be,  we  think,  a  great  misrepresentation  of  his  real  speech, 
as  subsequent  details  will  lead  one  to  suppose.    Perhaps  he  might  have  said  forty. 

^  "  Its  prirerU  aiors  le  parti  de  marJier  contre  un  village  appelU  Hawreuil,  cotnpose  de 
vintcinq  d  trente  maisons  men  b&tis,  avec  un  fort,  oit  logeoit  le  gouvemeur.  Ce  Jort  avoit  unr. 
garrison  de  trente  soldats.et  il  y  en  avoit  au  mains  dix  dans  chiaque  maison." 

II  Cliarlevoix  says,  "  Toutes  les  TnaisoTis  se  d{fendirent  aiissi  tris-bien,  et  eureut  le  mimt 
tort.  Il'y  eut  environ  cent  Anglois  de  tuis  dans  ces  diffirentes  attaques ;  plusieurs  auires,  fd 
tUtendirent  trop  tard  ii  sortir  du  fort  et  des  maisons,  y  Rnent  brAl^s."  None  of  the  Enghsfc 
accounts  mention  this,  and  it  was  doubtless  supposition,  without  foundation  in  fact. 


upon  us ;  oi 


Chap.  XI] 


DESTRUCTION   OF  DEERFIELD. 


141 


ground  oh  a  disbunded  officer,  left  liis  brethren  and  travelled  towards  the  IVIis- 
sk'^ippi,  where  he  was  constantly  engaged  in  wars,  and  never  heard  of  till 
the  lUSt  lull  he  returned  to  tiiose  [eastern]  parts."  This  was  probably  the 
report  among  the  English  of  New  England ;  but  in  truth  he  was  with  the 
French  in  Canada,  as  we  have  seen.  Had  I'k.nuallow  published  his  L-vdian 
Wars  one  year  later,  he  would  not,  probably,  have  closed  his  account  as  he 
(lid  concerning  him.  He  r&ya  that,  at  his  return  from  France,  he  was  so 
•'xalted  that  he  treated  his  countrymen  in  the  most  haughty  and  arrogant 
manner,  "  murdering  one  and  stabbing  another,  which  so  exasperated  those 
of  tlicir  relations,  tliat  they  sought  revenge,  and  would  have  instantly  exe- 
cuted it,  but  that  he  fled  liis  country,  and  never  returned  alien" 

CHAPTER  XL 

Destruction  of  Deerfield,  and  captivity  of  Reverend  John  Williams  and  family, 

in  1704. 

Sometimes  in  a  volume,  and  sometimes  in  a  pamphlet,  the  narrative  of 
tliis  affiiir  had  often  been  given  to  the  world  previous  to  1774,  by  one  of  the 
principal  actors  in  it,  whose  name  -s  at  the  beginning  of  this  chapter,  and 
which  is  doubtless  familiar  to  every  reader  of  New  England  legends.  The 
edition  of  Mr.  Williams's  work,  out  of  which  1  take  this,  was  prepared  by  the 
renowned  New  England  annalist,  the  Reverend  Thomas  Priiice,  and  was  the 
.ith,  printed  at  Boston  "  by  John  BouU,  next  door  to  the  Three  Doves  in  Marl- 
borough Street,  1774."    It  was  a  closely  printed  8vo.  pamphlet  of  70  pages. 

It  will  be  necessai'v  to  relate  some  important  facts  of  historical  v^ue 
l)efore  proceeding  with  the  narrative.  As  at  several  other  times,  the  plan 
was  laid  early  in  1703,  in  Canada,  for  laying  waste  the  whole  English  fron- 
tier, but  like  former  and  later  plans,  laid  in  that  region,  this  hut  partially 
succeeded.  Though  the  eastern  settlements  from  Casco  to  Wells  were 
destroyed,  and  130  people  killed  and  captivated,  the  summer  belore,  yet  the 
towns  on  the  Connecticut  had  neglected  their  precautionaiy  duty,  ^nd 
although  Governor  Dudley  of  Massachusetts  had  but  little  while  before  been 
notified  of  the  design  of  the  French,  yet  it  was  impossible  to  guard  the 
eastern  coast  against  the  attack.  Deerfield  had  been  palisaded  and  20 
soldiers  placed  in  it,  but  had  been  quartered  about  in  different  houses,  and, 
entirely  forgetting  their  duty  as  soldiers,  were  surprised  with  the  rest  of  the 
town.  The  snow  was  deep,  which  gave  the  enemy  an  easy  entrance  over 
the  pickets.  The  French  were  commanded  by  Hertel  de  RouvUU,  but  the 
commanders  of  the  Indians  remain  unknown. 

Mr.  Williams  thus  begins  his  narrative :  "  On  Tuesday  the  29th  of  Feb- 
ruaiy,  1703-4,  not  long  before  break  of  day,  the  enemy  came  in  like  a  flood 
upon  us ;  our  watch  being  unfaithful :  an  evil,  whose  awful  effects,  in  a  sur- 
prizal  of  our  fort,  should  bespeak  all  watchmen  to  avoid,  as  they  would  not 
bring  the  charge  of  blood  upon  themselves.  They  came  to  my  house  in  the 
beginning  of  the  onset,  and  by  their  violent  endeavors  to  break  open  doors 
and  windows,  with  axes  and  hatchets,  awakened  me  out  of  sleep ;  on  which 
I  leaped  out  of  bed,  and  nuining  towards  the  door,  perceived  the  enemy 
making  their  entrance  into  the  house.  I  called  to  awaken  two  soldiers  in 
the  chamber ;  and  returning  toward  my  bedside  for  my  arms,  the  enemy 
immediately  brake  into  my  room,  I  judge  to  the  number  of  20,  with  painted 
faces,  and  hideous  acclamations.  I  reached  up  my  hands  to  the  bed-tester, 
for  my  pistol,  uttering  a  short  petition  to  God,  expecting  a  present  passage 
through  the  valley  of  the  shadow  of  death."  "  Taking  down  my  pistol,  I 
cocked  it,  and  put  it  to  the  breast  of  the  first  Indian  who  came  up ;  but  my 
pistol  missing  fire,  I  was  seized  by  3  Indians  who  disarmed  me,  ir.(i  i;'>und 
me  naked,  as  I  was,  in  my  shirt,  and  so  I  stood  for  near  the  space  of  an 
hour."  Meanwhile  the  work  of  destruction  and  pillage  was  carried  on  with 
great  fury.    One  of  the  three  who  captured  Mr.  Williams  was  a  captain, 


.Si 

.^.■,v..f:-- 

'  Vf 

«i' .  ■  ■  •• 

■  -'  ^^ 

■  *  .    ' 

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t^is/U-V- 

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:a/Ar'^^': 

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143 


DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIELD. 


[Book  III. 


Hguai!- 1  wFiom,  hnys  our  captive, "  the  judgment  of  God  did  not  long  sliimlmr ; 
for  by  sun-rising  he  received  a  mortal  siiot  from  my  next  neighbor's  house." 
This,  tliough  not  a  garrison,  and  containing  but  seven  men,  witiistood  tlin 
efforts  of  the  300  French  and  Indians  whicli  now  beset  them.  That  house 
remains  to  this  day,  bearing  upon  its  I'ront  door  the  marks  of  tiie  hatchet.* 

Alter  about  two  hours  the  enemy  took  up  their  march  froiri  tiie  town, 
having  phindered  and  burnt  :t,  and  put  47  persons  to  death,  including  thos«; 
killed  in  making  defence.  Mrs.  fVilHams  having  lately  lain  in,  was  fccblp, 
which,  without  the  scene  now  acting  before  her,  rendered  her  case  hopeless ; 
but  to  this  was  added  the  most  shocking  murders  in  her  presence — two 
of  her  children  were  taken  to  the  door  iiid  killed,  also  a  black  woman  be- 
longing to  the  family. 

"About  sun  an  hour  high,"  continues  the  redeemed  captive,  "we  were  all 
carried  out  of  the  house  for  a  march,  and  saw  many  of  the  houses  of  my 
neighbors  in  flames,  perceiving  the  whole  fort,  one  house  excepted,  to  hi- 
taken !"  "  We  were  carried  over  the  river,  to  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  about 
a  mile  from  my  house,  where  we  found  a  great  number  of  our  cliristiun 
neighbors,  men,  women,  and  children,  to  the  number  of  100;  nineteen  of 
whom  were  afterward  murdered  by  the  Avay,  and  two  starved  to  deutli  near 
Coo3,  in  a  time  of  great  scarcity,  or  famine,  the  savages  underwent  there. 
When  we  came  to  the  foot  of  our  mountain,  they  took  away  our  shoes,  and 
gave  us  Indian  sh  )es,  to  prepare  us  for  our  journey."  The  army  had  lett 
their  packs  at  this  place,  and  wliile  they  were  getting  ready  to  decamp,  the 
few  English  that  had  escaped  at  the  town,  and  a  few  from  Hatfield,  who  had 
been  notified  of  the  fate  of  Deerfield  by  one  or  two^  who  had  escaped  there, 
pursued,  and  in  a  meadow  between  the  town  and  the  main  body,  met  a  party 
of  the  enemy,  and  a  sharp  fight  ensued.  The  small  band  of  Englishmen 
did  not  retreat  until  the  main  body  under  Rouvilk  were  about  to  encircle 
them,  and  then  they  left  nine  of  their  number  slain.  Such  was  the  success 
of  the  English  in  the  beginning  of  the  fight,  that,  fearing  a  defeat,  RouvUle 
had  ordered  the  captives  to  be  jiut  to  death ;  bi<t,  fortunately,  the  bearer  of 
the  fatal  message  was  killed  by  the  way. 

Three  hundred  miles  of  a  trackless  wilderness  was  now  to  be  traversed, 
And  that  too  at  a  season  of  all  others  the  most  to  be  dreaded ;  boughs  of 
trees  formed  the  beds  of  enceinte  women  and  little  children  for  40  days, 
which  was  the  time  taken  for  the  journey.  The  first  day's  journey  was  but 
about  four  miles,  and  although  one  child  Avas  killed,  in  general  the  children 
were  treated  well ;  probably,  the  historians  say,  that  by  delivering  them  at 
Canada,  the  Indians  would  receive  a  valuable  ransom  for  them.    Mr.  Williams 

Proceeds :  "  God  made  the  heathen  so  to  pity  our  children,  that  though  they 
ad  several  wounded  persons  of  their  own  to  carry  upon  their  shoulders, 
for  30  miles  before  they  came  to  the  river,  [the  Connecticut  30  miles  above 
Deerfield,]  yet  they  carried  our  children,  uncapable  of  traveling,  in  their 
arms,  and  upon  their  shouldiers." 

At  the  first  encampment  some  of  the  Indians  got  drunk  with  liquor  they 
found  at  Deerfield,  and  in  their  rage  killed  Mr.  Williamsfs  ne^ro  man,  and 
caused  the  escape  of  a  Mr.  Alexander.  In  the  morning  Mr.  niUiams  was 
ordered  before  the  commander-in-chief,  (he  considering  him  the  principal  of 
the  captives,)  and  ordered  to  inform  the  other  captives,  that  if  any  more  at- 
tempted to  escape,  the  rest  should  be  put  to  death.  In  the  second  day's  march 
occurred  the  death  of  Mrs.  fVUliams,  the  affecting  account  of  which  we  will  give 
nearly  in  the  language  of  her  husband.  At  the  upper  part  of  Deerneld 
meadow  it  became  necessary  to  cross  Green  River.  The  Indian  that  cap- 
tured Mr.  Williams  was  unwilling  that  he  should  speak  to  the  other  cnptives ; 
but  on  the  morning  of  the  second  day,  that  Indian  captain  being  appointed 
to  command  in  the  rear,  he  had  another  master  put  over  him,  who  not  only 
allowed  him  to  speak  to  others,  but  to  walk  with  his  wife,  ar  I  assist  her  along. 
This  was  their  last  meeting,  and  she  very  calmly  told  him  that  her  strength 
was  failing  fast,  and  that  he  would  soon  lose  her.    She  spoke  no  discoura- 


•  See  Col.  Hoyt's  Ant.  K«gear.  which,  we  are  glad  to  observe,  y. 
Englaod  Indian  wars  that  has  yet  appeai-ed. 


the  best  volume  of  New 


II  • 


Chap.  XI] 


DESTRUCTION  OF  DEERFIELD. 


143 


jring  words,  or  coinplninod  of  tho  hardnoss  of  her  fortune.  The  company 
soon  came  to  a  halt,  and  Mr.  WUlxama's  old  mafiter  resumed  his  former 
station,  and  ordered  him  into  the  van,  and  his  wife  was  obliged  to  travel 
imaided.  They  had  now  arrived  at  Green  River,  as  we  have  related.  This 
tliry  passed  by  wading,  although  the  current  was  very  rapid,  (which  was  the 
cause,  no  doubt,  of  its  not  being  frozen  over,)  and  about  two  feet  in  depth. 
After  passing  this  river,  they  had  to  ascend  a  steep  mountain.  "No sooner,'' 
says  Mr.  fVUliams,  "  had  I  overcome  the  difficulty  of  that  ascent,  but  I  was 
permitted  to  sit  down,  and  be  uidiurthened  of  my  pack.  I  aat  pitying  those 
who  were  behind,  and  intreated  my  master  to  let  me  go  down  and  help  my 
wiff;  but  he  refiised.  I  asked  each  of  the  prisoners,  as  they  passed  by  me, 
after  her,  and  heard,  that  passing  through  the  above  said  river,  she  fell  down 
and  was  plunged  all  over  in  the  water ;  alter  which  she  travelled  not  far, 
lor  at  the  foot  of  that  mountain,  the  cruel  and  bloodthirsty  savage  who  took 
her  slew  her  with  his  hatchet  at  one  stroke."  The  historians  have  lefl  us  no 
record  of  the  character  of  this  lady,  but  from  the  account  left  us  by  her 
husband,  she  was  a  most  amiable  companion.  She  was  the  only  daughter  of 
Reverend  Eleazer  Mather,  minister  of  Northampton,  by  his  wife  Esther, 
daugiiter  of  Reverend  John  fVarham,  who  came  from  England  in  1(530. 

The  second  night  was  spent  at  an  encampment  in  the  northerly  part  of 
what  is  now  Bernardstown,  and  in  the  course  of  the  preceding  day  a  young 
woman  and  child  were  killed  and  scalped.  At  this  camp  a  council  was  held 
upon  the  propriety  of  putting  Mr.  Williams  to  death,  but  his  master  prevailed 
on  the  rest  to  save  his  life  ;  lor  the  reason,  no  doubt,  that  he  should  receive 
a  high  price  for  his  ransom.  The  fourth  day  brought  them  to  Connecticut 
River,  about  30  miles  above  Deerlield.  Here  the  wounded,  children  and  bag- 
gage were  put  into  a  kind  of  sleigh,  and  passed  with  facility  upon  the  river. 
Every  day  ended  the  suffering  and  captivity  of  one  or  more  of  the  prisoners. 
The  case  of  e  young  woman  named  Mary  Brooks,  was  one  to  excite  excess- 
ive pity,  and  it  is  believed,  that  had  the  Indians  been  the  sole  directors  of  the 
captives,  such  cases  could  hardly  have  occurred.  This  young  woman,  being 
enceinte,  and  walking  upon  the  ice  in  the  river,  often  fell  down  upon  it, 
probably  with  a  burthen  upon  her ;  which  caused  prematur«  labor  the  fol- 
lowing night  Being  now  unfitted  for  the  journey,  her  master  deliberately 
told  her  she  must  be  put  to  death.  With  great  composure  she  got  liberty  of 
him  to  go  ard  lake  leave  of  her  minister.  She  told  him  she  was  not  afraid  of 
death,  and  aAer  some  consoling  conversation,  she  returned  and  was  executed ! 
This  was  March  8. 

At  the  mouth  of  a  river  since  known  as  Wtlliams^s  River,  upon  a  Sunday,  the 
captives  were  permitted  to  assemble  around  their  minister,  and  he  preached  a 
sermon  to  them  from  Lam.  i.l8.  At  the  mouth  ofWhite  River  jRourt//c  divided 
his  force  into  several  parties,  and  they  took  different  routes  to  the  St  Lawrence. 

In  a  few  instances  the  captives  were  purchased  of  the  Indians,  by  the 
French,  and  the  others  were  at  the  different  lodges  of  the  Indians. 

During  his  captivity,  Mr.  Williams  visited  various  places  on  the  St  Law- 
rence. At  Montreal  he  was  humanely  treated  by  Governor  Vaudreuil.  In 
his  interviews  with  the  French  Jesuits  he  uniformly  found  them  using  every 
endeavor  to  convert  him  and  others  to  their  religion.  However,  most  of  the 
captives  remained  steady  in  the  Protestant  faith.  And  in  1706,  fifty-seven 
of  them  were  by  a  flag-ship  conveyed  to  Boston.  A  considerable  number 
remained  in  Canada,  and  never  returned,  among  whom  was  Eunice  Williams, 
daughter  of  the  minister.  She  became  a  firm  catholic,  married  an  Indian, 
by  whom  she  had  several  children,  and  spent  her  days  in  a  wigwam.  She 
visited  Deerfield  with  her  Indian  husband,  dressed  in  Indian  style,  and  was 
kindly  received  by  her  friends.  All  attempts  to  regain  her  were  ineffectual. 
Reverend  Ekazer  Williams,  late  a  missionary  to  the  Greenbay  Indians,  is  a 
descendant.    He  was  educated  by  the  friends  of  missions  in  New  England. 

Li  the  History  of  Canada  by  Charlevoix,  the  incursions  undertaken  by  the 
French  and  Indians  are  generally  minutely  recorded ;  but  this  against  Deer- 
field  he  has  unaccountably  summed  up  in  a  dozen  lines  of  his  work.  The 
following  is  the  whole  passage : 

In  the  end  of  autumn,  17(^  the  English,  despairing  of  securing  the  In- 


■  'ft 


',;■    •'•4,7•,^■•:<^. 

.apm 


s     ,"•' 


■!•■■■• 


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v;  v., 


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^^^B'-. 

-PL 

I^^^Kui 

ff' 

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Mt 

B|< 

■  h',  '^ 

r:;|j 

144 


MONEY  OF  THK  INDfANif. 


[Book  m. 


dians,  made  several  cxcursiona  into  tliuir  country,  and  masHacred  uli  hucIi  as 
they  could  purprise.  Upon  tliia,  the  chiefs  deinunded  aid  ol'M,  de  VaudreuU, 
and  he  sent  tiieni  during  the  winter  '^50  men  under  liic  conwiiund  of  Uie 
Sieur  Hertel  dc  Kouville,  a  reformed  lieutenant,  wlio  took  the  place  of  iii» 
already  renowned  father,  whose  age  and  infirmities  prevented  his  undci- 
takin^  such  great  ex|>udition9.  Four  others  of  his  children  ucconipaiiied 
RouvUle,  who  in  their  tour  surprised  the  English,  killed  many  of  them,  and 
made  140  of  them  prisoners.  The  French  lost  but  three  soldiers,  and  bome 
savages,  hut  RouvUle  was  himself  wounded.* 


'^ii$es^ 


CHAPTER  Xa 


Variova  incidents  in  the  history  of  the  JVeio  England  Indians,  embracing  settrai 
important  events,  with  a  sequel  to  some  previous  memoirs, 

H«  felt  hiii  lifn'i  lilonil  frcpziiig  fast ; 

Ifo  gmspeil  III!)  I)uw,  liin  Imicc,  uml  stee)  ; 
Ho  was  or  Wampiino:iK'ii  Inst. 

To  dio  were  eaay  —  not  to  yield. 
Ilia  oycB  wniu  fixed  upon  the  iiky  ; 

He  easpod  rb  on  tlit:  ground  lio  full ; 
None  Lot  hia  (oe»  lo  seu  him  die  — 

None  but  bin  foes  liia  deutli  to  toll. 

The  performances  of  one  Cornelius,  "  the  Dutchman,"  in  Philip's  war,  are 
Very  obscurely  noticed  in  the  histories  of  the  times,  none  of  them  giving  ii» 
even  his  surname ;  and  we  have,  in  a  former  chapter,  given  tlie  amount  of 
what  has  before  been  published.  I  am  now  able  to  add  concerning  him,  that 
his  nan«  was  Cornelius  Concert;  that  the  last  time  he  went  out  against  the 
Indians,  he  served  about  six  weeks;  was  captain  of  the  forlorn  hope  in  the 
Quabaog  expedition,  in  the  autumn  of  the  first  year  of  Philip's  war ;  marched 
also  to  Groton  and  Chelmsford,  and  was  discharged  from  service,  "being 
ready  to  depart  the  country,"  October  13,  1G75.  It  was  probably  in  his^ 
Quabaog  expedition  that  he  committed  the  barbarous  exploit  upon  "  an  old 
Indian,"  the  account  of  which  has  been  given ;  it  was  doubtless  during  the 
same  expedition,  which  appears  to  have  terminated  in  September,  that  "he 
brought  round  five  Indians  to  Boston,"  who,  being  cast  into  prison,  were 
afterwards  "  delivered  to  Mr.  Samuel  Shrimpton,  to  be  under  his  employ  on 
Noddle's  Island,"  subject  "to  the  order  of  tlie  council."  I  shall  here  pass  to 
8ome  further  account  of  the  money  of  the  Indians. 

We  have  quoted  the  comical  account  of  the  money  of  the  Indians  of  New 
England,  by  John  Josselyn,  and  will  now  quote  the  graphic  and  sensible  one 
given  by  the  unfortunate  John  Lawson,  in  his  account  of  Carolina,  of  the 
money  in  use  among  the  southern  Indians.  "  Their  money,"  he  says,  "  is  of 
different  sorts,  but  all  made  of  shells,  which  are  found  on  the  coast  of  Caro- 
lina, being  very  large  and  hard,  and  difficult  to  cut,  Some  English  smiths 
have  tried  to  drill  this  sort  of  shell  money,  and  thereby  thought  to  get  an 
advantage,  but  it  proved  so  hard  that  notViing  could  be  gained ;  and  Morton, 
in  his  New  English  Canaan,  says  that,  although  some  of  the  English  in  New 
England  have  tried  "by  example  to  make  the  like,  yet  none  hath  ever  attained 
to  any  perfection  in  the  composure  of  them,  so  but  that  the  salvages  have 
found  a  great  difference  to  be  in  tlte  one  and  the  other ;  and  have  known  the 
counterfeit  beads  from  those  of  their  own  making ;  and  have,  and  doe  slight 
them."  Hence  the  conclusion  of  Josselyn,  before  extracted,  namely,  that 
"  neither  Jew  nor  devil  could  counterfeit  the  money  of  the  Indians."  Mr. 
Lawson  continues:  "The  tidians  often  make,  of  the  same  kind  of  shells  as 
those  of  which  their  money  is  made,  a  sort  of  gorget,  which  they  wear  about 

*  Histoire  Gencraii!  de  la  Nouv.  France,  ii.  290. 


^", 


\N 


■I  il. 


■y^f^i 


mf 


w. 


W^ 


/■*•'. 


iM'. 


fjt"^ 


'H-' 


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P3fv 


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CHAP.   Xll] 

their  neck) 
engraven  n 
Tliere  arc 
for  three  o 
them  go  re 
Indinns  in 
Mexico,  is 
Tliia  is  th 
current  nic 
of  this  pui 
skin.    To 
they  could 
no  value  u 
others  wil 
the  piei'-cs 
pipe,  or  In 
one  is  to  I 
bends  nre. 
will  reach 
to  (juestioii 
wanipum-[ 
twice  the 
inanufoctu 
upon  their 
hit  of  she! 
which  will 
Indians,  w 
money  is 
their  capti 
cliastity. 
is  ill,  this 
and  virtuoi 
Of  the  N 
noticed  be 
"  cheiffe  c( 
in  the  moi 
been  sent 
Ninigrct; 
how  impli( 
luce  ugains 
among  the 
28th  of  S( 
of  the  8tr« 
named  ffi 
from  those 
in  such  a 
the  gronni 
tlie  govcri 
tliein  the 
tlio  cvidei 
court,  in  1 
such  nbus 
sum  of  fc 
Cormnn  f( 
cult  to  un 
they  serio 
hurt  four 
forty  shill 
As  new 
put  in  a  s 
daily  reflf 
Unoo  at  t 


M[ 


Chap.  Xll] 


GORMAN.— NANUNTENOO. 


their  necks  in  a  string;  so  it  hnntrs  on  their  collar,  whereon  somptimcB  is 
enijravcn  a  cross,  or  some  odd  8ort  of  figure  whicli  comes  next  in  their  fancy. 
Tlicrc  are  otiier  sortn  vahied  at  n  doeskin,  yet  the  gorgets  will  someiinies  sell 
for  three  or  four  hiickskins  rcnily  dresHed.  There  be  othet-8,  that  eight  of 
them  go  readily  for  a  doeskin  ;  but  the  general  and  current  specien  of  all  the 
Indians  in  Carolina,  and  I  iK^licve,  all  ov(;r  the  continent,  as  tiir  an  *he  hay  of 
Mexico,  is  that  which  we  call  Peak,  an<l  Rononk,  hut  Peak  more  e8|tecially. 
This  is  that  which  at  New  York  they  call  kynmpum,  and  liavo  used  it  as 
current  money  amongst  the  iidiabitants  for  a  great  many  years.  F'ive  cuhits 
of  this  purchase  a  dressed  docHkin,  and  seven  or  eight  buy  a  dressed  buck- 
f)kin.  To  make  this  Peak  it  coHt  the  English  five  or  ten  times  as  much  as 
they  could  get  for  it,  wherens  it  cost  the  Indians  nothing,  l)ecause  they  set 
no  value  upon  their  time,  and  therefore  have  no  competition  to  fear,  or  that 
others  will  take  its  manufacture  out  of  their  hands.  It  is  made  by  grinding 
the  piet«s  of  slxill  upon  stone,  an«l  is  smaller  than  the  small  end  of  a  tobacco- 
pipe,  or  large  wheat-straw.  Four  or  five  of  these  make  an  inch,  and  every 
one  is  to  be  drilled  through  and  maoe  as  smooth  as  glass,  and  so  strung,  as 
bends  are.  A  cubit,  of  the  Indian  measure,  contains  as  much  in  lengtli  as 
will  reach  from  the  ell)ow  to  the  end  of  the  little  Anger.  They  never  stand 
to  question,  whether  it  be  a  tall  man  or  a  short  one  that  measures  it.  If  this 
wunipum-i>eak  be  black  or  pur|»lt\  as  so.iic  part  of  that  shell  is,  then  it  is 
twice  the  value.  The  drilling  is  the  most  difficult  and  tedious  part  of  the 
manufacture.  It  is  done  by  sticking  a  nail  in  a  cane  or  reed,  which  they  roll 
upon  their  thighs  with  their  right  hand,  while  with  their  lefl  they  apply  the 
bit  of  shell  to  the  iron  point  But  es|>ecially  in  making  their  ronoak,  four  of 
which  will  scarce  make  one  length  of  watni>um.  Such  \s  the  money  of  the 
Iiuliuns,  with  which  you  may  buy  all  they  have.  It  is  their  mammon,  (lu^  our 
money  is  to  us,)  that  entices  and  persuades  them  to  do  any  thing,  part  with 
their  captives  or  slaves,  and,  sometimes,  even  their  wives'  and  daughters' 
clia.stity.  With  it  they  buy  off  mtirderers ;  and  whatever  a  man  can  do  that 
is  ill,  this  wampum  will  quit  him  of,  and  make  him,  in  their  opinion,  good 
and  virtuous,  though  never  so  black  before."    To  return  to  the  chiefs. 

Of  the  Narraganset  Indian  Carman  very  little  had  been  found  when  he  was 
tioticed  before,  and  it  is  but  little  that  we  can  now  a^ld  concr.  ning  the 
"cheiffe  counceller"  of  the  "old  crafty  sachem"  of  Niantik.  It  appears  that 
in  the  month  of  September,  1675,  Corman  was  in  Boston,  whither  he  had 
been  sent  as  an  ambassador  by  the  Narraganset  sachems,  and  especially  by 
Ninigret;  and  although  Ninigret  was  a  peace-maker,  and  had  not  been  any 
how  implicated  in  tlie  war  then  going  on,  yet,  such  was  the  rage  of  the  popu- 
lace iigainst  all  Indians,  that  it  was  not  deemed  safe  for  even  a  friend  from 
among  them  to  walk  alone  in  the  streets  of  the  town.  On  the  evening  of  the 
28th  of  September,  as  Corman,  now  an  old  maa  was  walking  through  one 
of  the  streets,  guarded  by  persons  on  each  side  of  hitn,  a  certain  miscreant, 
named  William  Smith,  ran  furiously  against  him,  and  thus  separating  him 
from  those  about  him,  did,  by  anotlier  motion,  strike  his  feet  from  under  him 
in  such  a  manner  that  his  bead  and  shoulders  came  in  violent  contact  with 
tlie  ground,  very  seriously  injuring  him.  Complaint  having  been  made  to 
the  governor  and  council,  they  had  both  Sn  'ih  and  Corman  brought  before 
tliem  the  next  dav,  and  the  charge  against  the  former  being  established  by 
the  evidence  of  Mrs.  Sarah  Pickering;,  who  saw  the  fact  committed,  "the 
court,  in  hearing  of  the  case,  judged  it  meet  to  bear  due  testimony  against 
such  abuse,  and  sentence  the  said  Smith  to  pay,  as  a  fine  to  the  country,  the 
sum  of  forty  shillings,  or  be  whipt  with  ten  stripes;  also  to  pay  the  said 
Corman  for  his  damage  the  sum  ot  ten  shillings  in  montj."  It  is  very  diffi- 
cult to  understand  the  grounds  of  the  decision  of  the  honorable  court,  unless 
they  .seriously  thought  that  the  ground  on  which  poor  old  Carman  fell  was 
hurt  four  times  as  much  as  he  was !  If  this  was  not  its  reason,  why  should 
forty  shillings  be  paid  to  the  country  and  only  ten  to  Corman  ? 

As  new  local  and  other  histories  appear,  and  the  decaying  manuscripts  are 

put  in  a  situation  and  condition  to  be  conveniently  consulted,  new  lights  are 

daily  reflected  on  the  dark  passages  of  our  history.    The  presence  ot'JVanun' 

tenoo  at  the  battle  of  Pawtucket,  or,  as  it  is  more  commonly  called,  Peirst^i 

13 


'^■: 


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S^'«i#*'  ■•'';- 


146 


COLONEL  CHURCH— INDIAN   LnTTERS. 


[HooE  III 


fi^ht,  has  hern  qiK'HtiniuMl  by  ii  vtuy  rxrttllont  local  historian,  Mr.  Bliss,  in 
liiH  hintory  of  Ueli<)lM>tli,  but,  uh  I  apprelK-iiil,  from  a  riiiHconstructiun  of  hdihc 
)>»KMiK*!H  in  lliibbartl'H  Narrative,  «'M|H:t-iallv  from  that  |)aMtiaK<!  where  it  is 
uuid  that  Nununtenoo,  when  HnrpriMMl  by  Denition'tt  men,  "waH  divertiiiiii^ 
liinmelf  with  the  recital  of  Captain  I'lirses  t>lau){liter,  surpriKed  by  hin  men  u 
few  (laVN  lieforo."  It  in  true  that  tliis  isentenee  will  admit  of  two  ronxirue- 
tionH,  either  that  the  chief  was  (li\ertiri<;  hiniHelf  by  recounting  tu  IiIm  men 
Imh  parlicuhir  actH  in  that  tragedy,  or  by  a  general  aeeount  of  its  pro^fresx,  or 
that  they  were  diverting  him;  the  former  would  Ih;  by  no  meant>  nnprobulilr, 
especially  if  uome  of  those  aliout  liim  had  not  l)een  in  the  action,  wliirh 
would  not  be  ut  all  strange,  as  nundiers  of  them  were,  doubtless,  ^trollin); 
upon  hunting  and  other  expeditions  when  the  battle  was  Ibnglit.  Thnt 
Mununtenoo  did  not  leave  the  Connecticut  River  until  the  "lirst  week  in 
April"  cannot  be  true,  nor  by  that  loosely  stated  date  does  llubbanl  retir  to 
his  leaving  the  Connecticut,  but  to  "about  the  time"  of  his  capture.  If  he 
refers  to  the  time  of  his  leaving  the  river,  he  refers  to  his  men  also,  who,  he 
says,  did  not  leave  until  alter  he  did  ;  but  it  was  his  men  that  deieated  IVirse. 
These  are  all  the  lights  we  are  able  to  throw  on  that  great  event,  and  tumt 
here  hiave  it  in  the  same  doubt  we  found  it,  and  which  is  ever,  most  lil;*;|y. 
to  shroud  it. 

It  would  bo  highly  gratifying  to  Ih;  able  to  give  sketrhes  of  some  oi  the 
prominent   English  captains,  or  others,  who  were  conspicuous  in    Indian 
history,  but  our  design  and  limits  both  preclude  such  digressions,  anti  we 
cannot  indulge  in  but  a  few.    In  a  recent  ramble  in  the  Hill  burying-ground. 
in  Middleborough,  I  <liscovered  the  grave  of  a  Lieutenant  Nathaniel  ^'ou[il- 
wortli,  upon  the  head-stone  of  which  it  is  inscribed  that  he  died  Jnnnary 
14,  1710,  in  his  G2d  year;  he  was  thercibre  about  '^6  in  the  time  of  l'liili|i's 
war,  and  is,  very  probably,  the  sumo  who  distinguished  himself  on  many 
occasions  under  Captain  Church.     He  lies  among  a  group  of  graves  of  lii.H 
family  connections.     We  did  not  intentionally  omit  to  notice  the  death  of  his 
commander  in  another  chapter.    Colontd  Church  died  on  the  17  of  Jniiuary, 
1718,  in  the  78th  year  of  his  age,  and  lies  buried  at  Compton  in  Mitssii- 
chusetts.     He  was  born  at  Plymouth  in  l(>i9,  and  not  long  aller  removed  to 
Duxbury  with  his  father.*     lie  was  a  housewright  by  trade,  as  were  his  (iitlicr 
and  one  or  two  of  his  brothers.    How  many  he  had  I  am  not  sure,  but  Ciiiel* 
and  Joseph  are  mentioned,  and  a  sister  who  married  an  Irish,  and  lived  in 
Compton.    In   1674  he  bought  land  of  the  government  and  removed  to 
Sogkonate,  the  then  Indian  name  of  the  tract  of  country  since  Compton. 
Here  he  was  prosperously  making  a  farm  when  Philip's  war  broke  out,  and 
was  obliged  to  quit  his  improvements.    Possessing  a  remarkably  active  mind. 
vigorous  body,  and  glowing  patriotism,  he  was  not  long  an  idle  spectator  of 
the  war,  engaging  in  it  without  reward  as  a  volunteer;  and  our  jjrevious 
pages  have  shown  that  he  raised  himself  to  the  chief  military  place  in  tlip 
country,  and  several  civil  offices  of  honor.    After  Philip's  war  Colonel  Church 
resided  ut  Bristol,  then  at  Fall  River,  and,  lastly,  again  at  Hogkonate ;  in  earh 
of  which  places  he  left  a  good  estate.     In  his  latter  years  he  had  beconic 
very  corpulent,  and  burdensome  to  himself.    The  morning  before  his  death 
he  visited  his  sister,  Mrs.  Irish,  about  two  miles  from  his  residence,  on  horst- 
back ;  returning  home,  his  horse  stumbled,  and  threw  him  with  such  lorce 
upon  the  ground  that  a  blood-vessel  was  broken,  and  he  died  in  about  Vi 
hours  after.    He  married  Mrs.  Alice  Southworth,  by  whom  he  had  five  sons 
and  one  daughter.     One  of  his  sons,  Thomas,  published  "The  Euteitainin;; 
History  of  Philip's  War,"  which  has  been  published  in  4to.,  8vo.,  12nio.,  and 
is  authority  in  all  matters  where  Church  was  himself  concerned. 

We  have  next  to  recur  to  the  subject  of  the  Indian  letters,  pending  the 
redemption  of  Mrs.  Rowlandson.  Those  given  in  the  third  chopter  of  tiiis 
book  were  copied  from  a  transcript  made  at  the  time  they  were  received  from 
the  Indians,  but  a  recurrence  to  the  originals  has  supplied  the  following 
additions.  JVepanet,  when  sent  out  on  the  3  April,  1676,  as  noted  on  page 
90,  had  with  him  the  following  letter  from  Governor  Leverett: 

*  His  biographers  have  said  that  he  was  bom  at  Duxbury  ;  but  Judge  Davis  informed  me 
that  he  was  buru  at  Plymouth,  and  that  some  records  he  had  seen  there  were  bis  autliority. 


Ch4p.  XII.] 


INDIAN    LETTERS  —  MAIJOKAWANDO. 


147 


••  fbr  the  Indian  Sof^amora  and  people  that  are  in  wnrrt  against  wi.  —  Int«>lli- 
genct!  IH  conio  to  im  that  you  tiuvi^  hohio  Kii^liwh,  *-«pt;i-ially  woiiii-ii  and 
chiltirMh,  in  captivity  among  you.  Wo  have  tlionrtortt  wnt  tins  MM-s.-ciijfi'r 
oiTi'ring  to  rudn«-in  them,  eitlicr  tor  |myin«!itt  in  ^ooiIm  or  watnporn,  or  t»y 
exchange  of  priHotxtrH.  VVo  «h;Hiro  your  aimwor  l»y  thiH  our  incMrtcnucr,  what 
price  you  dumand  lor  every  man,  woman,  and  cliiUI,  or  if  you  will  rxchange 
lor  IndiauH.  If  you  hav"  -ny  among  you  that  can  write  your  answer  to  this 
our  nicHsage,  we  dewire  it  in  writing;  anti  to  that  end  have  Kent  paper,  pen, 
and  incke  hy  the  muHHenger.  If  you  lett  our  me«Henger  have  fr»"e  ucceKno  to 
you,  freedomo  of  a  safe  returne,  wee  are  willing  to  doe  the  like  hy  any  mon- 
rien^'er  of  yours,  provided  he  come  unarmed,  and  carry  a  white  tlag  U|)on  a 
Htutfe,  viHible  to  he  Heene,  which  we  take  ufl  n  iiagge  of  truce,  and  is  UNed  by 
civilized  nations  in  time  of  warre,  when  any  mcNsengerH  are  Motit  in  a  way 
of  treaty,  which  we  have  done  by  our  mesHenger.  In  testimony  whereof  1 
have  80t  to  my  hand  and  seal. 

Joiiif  Leverett,   (lOVV, 

Boston,  31  March,  l()7t>.     Passed  by  the  council. 

Edward  Rawson,  Sea-elan/.'''' 

The  answer  returned  to  this  letter  is  that  printed  on  page  90,  which  docs 
not  diflfer  essentially  from  the  original;  uid  the  English  at  Koston  imme- 
diately complied  with  the  request  of  the  Indians,  by  sending  two  tnessengerw 
to  renew  the  negotiation.  By  these  messengers  an  answer  was  returned, 
written  by  James  the  Printer,  as  follows: 

"  For  the  Governor  ami  Council  at  Boston:  —  Tlje  Indians,  Tom  JVepenomp 
and  Peter  Tatatiqunca,  hath  hrxight  us  letter  from  you  about  the  English 
captives,  especially  for  Mrs.  Imlanson.  The  answer  is,  1  am  sorrow  that  I 
have  don  much  wrong  to  vou:  and  yet,  I  say,  the  fault  is  lay  upon  you  ;  for 
when  we  begun  to  qiiarrefl  at  first  with  I'limouth  men,  I  did  not  tliink  that 
you  should  have  so  much  trouble  as  now  is:  therefore  I  am  willing  to  heare 
yoiu"  desire  about  the  ca|)tives.  Therefore  we  desire  you  to  sent  Mr.  Kolon- 
son  and  goodman  Kettle  (for  their  wives)  and  these  Indians,  Tom  and  Peter, 
to  redeeme  their  wives:  They  shall  come  and  go  very  safely :  Whereupon, 
wee  ask  Mrs.  Rolonson,  how  much  your  husband  willing  to  give  for  you  ? 
Shee  give  on  answer,  20  pound  in  goods:  but  John  Kettel's  wife  could  not 
tel.     And  the  rest,  captives,  may  he  spoken  of  hcreuiler." 

When  this  letter  was  taken  to  Boston,  the  governor  immediately  despatched 
another.  "  To  the  Mian  Sachems  about  IVachuset.  —  We  received  your  letter 
by  Tom  and  Peter,  which  doth  not  answer  ours  to  you ;  neither  is  it  sid)- 
scribed  by  the  sachems;  nor  hath  it  any  date,  which  we  know  your  scribe, 
James  Printer,  doth  well  understand  should  be.  We  have  sent  the  said  Tom 
and  Peter  againe  to  you,  expecting  you  will,  speedily,  by  them,  give  us  a  pluine 
and  direct  answer  to  our  last  letter,  and  if  you  have  any  thing  more  to  pro- 
pound to  us,  wee  desire  to  have  it  from  you  under  your  hands,  by  these  our 
messengers,  and  you  shall  have  a  speedy  answer.  Datt;d  at  Boston,  iJ8  April, 
]()7rt."  Such  are  all  the  additions  we  are  able  to  make  to  that  memorable 
negotiation,  which  was  one  of  the  immediate  causes  of  Philip's  reverses  and 
final  overthrow. 

Of  a  chief  so  prominent  as  Madokawando,  we  are  glad  to  be  able  at  any 
time  to  extend  our  memoir,  for,  in  our  opinion,  few  leaders  of  any  country 
appear  to  better  advantage.  Taking  nothing  but  what  his  enemic'S  have  said 
of  him,  we  have  much  to  admire.  No  warrior  was  ever  more  huniane  to 
prisoners  than  Madokawando,  where  he  commanded  in  person.  lie  entered 
into  the  war  against  the  English  with  the  greatest  reluctance,  but  when  he 
had  once  "stepped  in,"  they  found  him  no  common  foe.  Repeutecl  de[)reda- 
tions  from  the  whites  ot  length  brought  him  into  the  field ;  the  desolation  of 
York  followed ;  its  inhabitants  were  nearly  all  killed  or  led  into  captivity,  the 
particulars  of  which  we  have  already  related.  Before  Wells  he  was  not  so 
successful,  but  for  that  failure  he  is  not  accountable,  as  the  expedition  against 
it  was  under  the  direction  of  two  prominent  French  officers.  His  preserva- 
tion and  liberation  of  Thomas  Gobbet  were  acts  of  pure  humanity. 


;,.*"  , 


fei[|| 


■Mm 


I- 


148 


MOXUS  TAKES   PEMSIAQUID. 


[Book  III. 


K.V/ 


Wlietlior  the  expedition  against  Groton  was  under  the  immediate  direction 
of  Mudoiiawando,  or  not,  we  are  not  informed,  but  it  was,  without  doubt, 
executed  under  tlie  command  of  one  of  his  chief  captains,  the  noted  Moxus, 
or,  as  lie  was  sometimes  called,  Toxvts.  Tliat  place  was  laid  waste  on  the 
27th  of  July,  1G94;  22  people  were  killed,  and  13  led  into  captivity.  Tl>e 
scalps  of  the  unfortunate  slain  were  said  to  have  been  presented  to  Governor 
Frontenac  by  Madokawando  himself 

At  the  destruction  of  York  was  taken  the  family  of  the  Rev.  Mr,  Dummer, 
and  our  author' i  made  us  say  that  Mrs.  Dummer  died  in  captivity,  but  we 
are  now  assured,  by  other  testimony,*  that  she  lived  to  return  out  of  captivity, 
having  betiu  redeemed.  For  such  termination  of  a  wretched  fate  she  was, 
no  doubt,  indebted  to  Madokawando. 

This  chief  seems  to  have  iiad  unlimited  control  over  the  country  upon  the 
Penolwcot  River,  as  has  been  seen  from  what  we  have  already  before  stati-d ; 
judging  from  the  amount  of  property  jiaid  him,  from  time  to  time,  for  sumlrj- 
tracts  of  iiis  country.  Yet,  though  we  are  satisfied  that  the  amounts  he 
received  were  large,  still  they  are  expressed  in  such  vague  terms  that  it  is 
impossible  to  arrive  at  any  thing  like  u  tolerable  notion  of  their  extent.  One 
testifies  that,  for  a  certain  tract  of  land,  Madokawando  "received  a  liirge 
amount  of  ni'j!ey ;"  another,  that  he  received  a  hatful;  and  a  third  states  it 
to  have  been    '  a  hatful  of  pieces  ofeis^hi."\ 

We  have  said  that  the  great  sat  hem  was  succeeded  at  his  death  by  fVena- 
movfJ,  a;  -l  ut  the  same  time  ^  Moxus  seemed  his  successor."  We  find  nothing 
yet  to  vary  this  statement,  but  in  explanation  we  would  note  that  Wenamovd 
appears  not  to  have  been  a  war  cliiefj  or  in  any  other  way  very  conspicuous^ 
except  as  a  counsellor;  and  though  in  name  the  successor  of  Madokawando^ 
yet  was  willing  to  let  "fierce  Moxus"  bear  his  well-earned  title  of  chief  iu 
all  matters  of  waj'. 

One  of  the  most  signal  exploits  ofMoxvs  was  the  capture  of  Peanmaquid, 
on  the  2d  of  August,  1681).  From  this  place  his  men  led  16  of  the  P^nglish 
into  a  most  miserable  captivity,  whence  but  very  few  ever  returned.  A  con- 
sideralile  number  w  re  killed  before  the  fort  was  taken,  among  whom  was 
the  worthy  Capta;:i  Gi/les ;  three  other  captains  were  also  slain,  and  *)>f'  fort 
capitulated  the  second  day,  and  all  within  it  were  sutFered  to  leave  it  and 
return  to  the  English  settlements  in  safety.  1 

We  have  seen  (i)!t  the  cb'ir.f  Bomazeen  was  intrapped  and  thrown  into 
prison  in  Boston,  in  1694.  Ho  was  also  a  prisoner  there  four  years  after, 
having  probably  been  retained  all  this  time  to  restrain  acts  of  barbarity  on 
white  captives ;  and  it  was  rumored  that  he  had  been  the  leader  at  Groton, 
which  probably  had  some  influence  in  lengthening  his  captivity,  but  it  is  not 
now  a  question  who  the  leader  was  in  that  s*  guinary  exploit.  Mr.  John 
Gyles  returned  out  of  a  tei*  years'  captivity  in  1698,  and  on  the  14th  of  Octo- 
ber of  that  year,  he  says  he  was  sent  for  by  Lieutenant-Governor  SfoughtoTu, 
to  interpret  a  conference  with  Bomazecn  an^  other  Indians  then  in  jail.  This 
same  Mr.  Gyles,  afterwards  cajjlain  of  Fort  George,  went  as  interpreter  with 
Captain  Sonthack  in  the  j:vovince  galley  to  the  eastern  shores,  for  the  ransom 
and  exchange  of  ca|)lives.  Our  chief  was  at  this  time  exchanged,  and  the 
galley  retiu'ned  to  Boston  in  December,  1698. 

Whether,  upon  mere  suspicion,  injury  was  added  to  crime  in  the  case  of 
Bomnzeen,  we  cannot,  upon  our  slender  evidence,  aver ;  but  if  it  were  a  parallel 
case  to  that  of  the  seizure  an.',  death  of  Ee;tremet  and  Honquid,  or,  as  others 
write  his  name,  .'Ihanquid,  Ahenquid,  Sec,  it  could  scarcely  be  surpassed  in 
atroeity.  There  are  no  facts  to  show  that  Ahenquid  had  been  an  enemy  to 
the  English,  or,  if  an  enemj',  that  he  bad  been  engaged  in  any  depredutions. 

Notwithstanding  it  is  a  custom  among  some  tribes  of  Indians  to  obliterate 
all  remembrance  of  the  dead,'  their  near  coimections,  it  was  by  no  means 
common  among  all  tribes,  for  we  have  had  occasion  to  mention  many 
instances  where  the  name  of  a  noted  chief  has  been  perpetuated,  both 

*  frrepiileaf's  Ecclesiastical  Sketches  of  Maine,  p.  10. 

i  The  priiiied  treaty  of  1742,  nnd  aulhorilics  ut  supra. 

\  Narrative  ot  John  Gyles,  as  published  ia  our  "  ludiaa  Captivities." 


[Book  HI. 


Chap.  Xil.] 


ABENQUID.— INDIAN  TREATY  OF  1725. 


149 


both 


among  the  western  ns  well  as  among  the  eastern  Indians.  Jibtnqtnd  was 
killed  by  Captain  Chubb  in  1696,  and  in  1725  there  was  another  chief  of  the 
same  name,  of  equal  distinction.  And  he  deserves  some  notice  in  this  place, 
as  do  many  others.  While  Captain  Loveivell  was  on  his  march  against  the 
Pequawkets,  measures  wern  being  devised  in  Boston  for  a  peace  with  the 
eastern  Indians.  There  wf  j,  at  the  same  time,  several  Indians  there,  some 
as  prisoners  and  others  as  hostages,  and  the  English  concluded  to  send  some 
of  them  out  to  invite  their  countrymen  to  come  to  Boston  to  settle  diffii.-ulties ; 
accordingly  Saqttarexia  and  JVebine,  one  a  hostage  and  the  other  a  captive, 
were  despatclied  upon  that  business.  They,  "after  some  time,"  returned  and 
reported,  "that  the  Indians  were  generally  di8|)osed  to  a  peace,  for  tliat  the 
losses  tliey  met  with,  and  the  daily  terror  they  were  under,  made  their  lives 
miserable.  After  this  they  went  out  ^gain,"  and  meeting  with  several  others 
of  their  countrymen,  received  further  assurances  of  a  general  desire  for 
peace.  Whereupon  commissioners  were  sent  with  those  two  Indians  to 
Fort  St.  George,  to  procure  a  meeting  of  chwi's  and  to  make  a  treaty.  They 
arrived  there  on  the  2d  July,  and  on  the  14th  thirteen  chiefs  had  assembled, 
not  at  tlie  fort,  but  at  a  safe  distance  thereli'om,  fearing  treachery  from  tiieir 
white  brethren  on  a  more  extended  scale  than  they  had  experienced  not 
many  days  before.*  However,  afler  considerable  parleying,  in  which  the 
Indians  made  the  English  swi-ar  by  their  God,  in  the  most  solemn  manner, 
that  their  intentions  were  of  a  tenor  with  their  pretensions,  the  parties  came 
together. 

Tlie  battle  of  Pequawket  was  recent,  and  it  was  evident  that  the  Indians 
had  become  conscious  of  their  weakness,  and  did  not  urge  their  wrongs  at 
this  meeting,  although,  as  it  were,  in  their  own  country,  but  seemed  deter- 
mined to  have  peace  on  any  terms.  They  did  indeed,  to  the  demand  of  the 
English,  "  Why  they  had  mrde  war  upon  them  ?"  reply,  that  it  was  because 
they  had  taken  up  th(  ir  land,  even  to  Cape  Newagen ;  and  not  only  seized 
upon  their  lands  to  that  place  westward,  but  that  they  had  there  beaten  two 
of  their  men  to  death.  To  this  the  English  commissioners  answered :  "  Tiie 
lands  are  ours,  and  we  can  show  you  they  were  fairly  bought  of  your  fathers ; 
and  if  your  men  were  beaten  to  death  by  the  English,  it  was  your  business 
to  complain  to  our  government,  and  not  to  make  war."  This  seems  to  have 
silenced  the  poor  Indians,  and  we  hear  nothing  further  from  them  at  tliis 
time  but  an  earnest  desire  that  peace  might  be  concluded,  or  that  a  cessation 
of  arms  might  take  place.  The  commissioners  informed  them  that  they  had 
not  power  to  grant  a  cessation  of  artns,  but  said  that,  probably,  if  a  deputation 
of  their  chiefs  would  go  to  Boston,  it  might  be  granted  by  their  government. 
It  was  finally  agreed  that  the  two  chiefs,  Loron,  or,  as  he  was  sometim<  s 
called,  SafTuaaram,  now  an  old  and  venerable  chief,  and  Manquid,  should 
return  with  the  English  to  Boston,  and  see  what  could  be  done  towards  a 
general  peace. 

LoRON  and  Ahanquid  having  come  to  Boston,  it  was  soon  afler  settled 
that  these  two  chiefs  should  go  into  their  country,  and  return  in  40  days  with 
a  sufficient  number  of  chiefs,  with  whom  a  proper  treaty  might  be  maae. 
Meanwhile  s'lverai  depredations  having  been  committed  on  both  sides,  the 
time  of  the  retiirn  of  the  Indians  was  considerably  protracted  iti  consecjuence  i 
and,  as  we  have  in  a  previous  chapter  mentioned,  the  forty  days  had  nearly 
twice  expired  before  their  reappearance;  but,  in  the  beginning  of  November, 
the  faithful  Loron  and  Jihanquid  returned  to  Boston,  bringing  with  them 
Jlrexm,  Francis  Xavier,  and  Mes^anumba,  representatives  from  the  eastern 
Indians,  clothed  with  full  power  to  negotiate  of  peace.  More  than  a  month 
was  passed  by  these  chiefs  in  Boston  before  a  treaty  was  signed.  This  was 
done  on  the  15  December,  1725,  and  peace  was  thereby  restored  to  the 
eastern  frontiers. 


•  "  And  indeed  tliey  had  cause  of  being  so,  for  that  about  10  days  before,  [20  June,  says 
Williamson,  ii.  114,]  under  a  flajf  of  truce,  some  of  the  Knj^lisli  treacherously  attempted  to 
lay  violent  hands  upon  them,  hut  lost  one  in  the  skirmish  and  had  another  wounded,  which 
was  the  occasion  of  the  like  unhappy  disaster  that  af\erwards  happened  unto  Captain  Saunders 
n  Penobscot  Bay."    Fenliailow,  120. 


■'■  t>.;'.'i.'i"  ■■  ■ 


'■■M 


^i' 


''•t<     1,,  tvJV^t  5.V-  ' 


!.■•■>■ 


'■■A-'- 


■  >':-.i 


n 


■■■r-/.,  ..ry-.-.  .■■■_ 
!  .i' ;..<■,.',,■",•  .'^  ',  ■ 

mm-- 


«:•>; 


L 


•^."'■■K-:.- 


•  ■  f-  • 


■  ''<•    ill 


150 


CAPTAIN  TOM.  — WAHWA. 


[Book  ni. 


m 


"ii. 


Il  iPa       i'-    li'.   »'•■■'."'■■,'. 


^;i:>o-v-    ■■■, 


In  oitr  notice  of  Captain  Tom  in  a  previous  chapter,  and  his  depredation  at 
Hampton,  it  should  have  been  stated  that  he  had  abundant  excuse  for  retalia- 
tions of  the  nature  there  described.  Length  of  time,  to  whatever  number 
of  years  extended,  is  no  guaranty  that  an  injury  will  not  be  repaid  by  an 
Indian,  with  Indian  interest;  and  Hannibal  did  not  more  strictly  observe  liis 
vow  to  war  against  the  Romans,  than  the  savage  of  America  adhered  to  his 
resohition  of  revenging  an  insult,  even  though  its  origin  were  removed 
several  generations  from  him.  In  the  chapter  already  referred  to,  we  have 
detailed  the  expedition  of  Colonel  Church  upon  the  Androscoggin,  and  bis 
capture  and  destruction  of  a  fort  some  30  or  40  miles  up  that  river.*  This 
fort  was  the  residence  of  Agamcus,  more  generally  known  umong  the  English 
as  Great  Tom.  This  chief,  according  to  my  authority,  was  taken  cajitive  at 
the  time  of  the  assault  by  Church,  "but  he  slipt  away  from  the  hands  of  his 
too  careless  keepers,  which  was  a  disaster  they  much  complained  of.  But 
if  this  piece  of  carelessness  did  any  harm,  there  was  another  which  did  some 
good;  for  Great  Tom  having  terribly  scared  a  part  of  his  men  with  the 
tidings  of  what  had  hapf)cned,  and  an  English  lad  in  their  hands  also  telling 
them  some  truth,  they  betook  themselves  to  such  a  Jlight  in  their  fright,  as 
gave  Mr.  Anthony  Bracket,  then  a  prisoner  with  them,  an  opportunity  to  fly 
four  score  miles  another  >vay,"  But  we  have  recorded  the  escape  of  poor 
Anthony  Bracket _  who,  says  Dr.  Mather,  "if  he  had  not  found  one  of  ChurcliV 
vessels  iit^'nund  at  Maqiiait,  would  have  been  miserably  aground  himself," 
after  all  his  severe  travel  and  sufferings  to  effect  an  escape.f  And  now  we 
have  arrived  at  the  extent  of  onr  information  concerning  Agamcus. 

Waiiwa  shall  here  receive  additional  notice.  He  may  be  the  same  spoken 
of  before,}:  though  there  the  name,  if  it  be  the  same,  has  another  syllable  in 
it.  Ho  was  the  renowned  Hopehood,  doubly  celebrated  by  the  stroke  of 
oblivion  aimed  at  his  head  by  the  classic  Magnalian.  But  fVahwa  could 
hardly  have  been  Hoprhond  of  1675,  §  as  he  would  have  been  very  old  at 
LoveweWs  fight,  in  ITd.'i;  yet  it  is  not  impossible,  notwithstanding  he  is  made 
to  die,||  by  the  hand  of  t!ie  Mohawks,  not  long  after  the  capture  of  Salmon 
Falls,  in  1600,  "while  on  his  way  westward  to  bewitch  another  crew  at 
Aquadocta."  His  name  of  Hopehood  had,  very  probably,  been  manuliictured 
out  of  an  Indian  name  approaching  it  in  sound,  as  are  many  others  we 
possess. 

He  did  not  leave  the  scenes  of  his  exploits  until  the  summer  of  ICOO,  as 
we  have  seen :  f  lie  was  the  leader  at  Fox  Point,  in  Newington,  in  May  of 
that  year;  and  he  very  probably  hod  the  direction  of  the  part^-,  if  he  did  not 
lead  it,  who,  on  the  4th  of  July,  killed  eight  people  os  they  were  mowing  in 
a  field  near  Lamprey  River,  and  took  a  boy  captive.  On  the  5th  they 
attacked  Captain  Hilton's  garrison  at  Exeter,  but  Lieutenant  Bancroft,  arrivinjf 
to  its  relief,  beat  off  the  Indians  "with  the  loss  of  a  lew  of  his  men."  One 
man  they  were  forced  to  leave  without  scalping,  and  though  shot  in  ' 
places,  was  still  alive.  To  these  desperate  woiuids  they  had  added  two 
blows  with  the  tomahawk  at  his  neck,  endeavoring  to  sever  his  head  from 
his  body;  "  which  blows,  you  may  be  sure,"  says  Mather,  "ai'ded  more  enor- 
mous wounds  unto  the  p-^rt-holes  of  death  already  opened,  and  from  which 
his  life  was  rimning  out  as  fast  as  it  could."  When  discovered  by  his  friends 
he  was  looked  upon  as  dead,  but  on  being  stirred  was  observed  to  gasp; 
••whereupon  an  Irish  fellow  then  present,  advised  them  to  give  him  another 
dab  with  a  hatchet,  and  so  bury  him  with  the  rest"  Yet  this  man  recovered, 
and  was  afterwards  well.  His  name  was  Simon  Stone.  Tfiere  are  daily 
occnrrences,  which  in  those  days  would  have  been  viewed  as  miracles,  or  as 
retaliotions  of  the  Creator  upon  miserable  wretches  for  thoughtless  acts  or 
expressions.  Upon  all  such  as  came  to  the  knowledge  of  Cotton  Mniher  he 
laid  his  potent  hand  with  manifest  satisfiiction.  Doid)tless  the  poor  Irishman 
thought  it  woidd  have  been  a  favor  to  thf  wounded  man,  who  could  not  live, 
to  put  him  out  of  hig  misery ;  but  this  weighed  nothing  in  the  mind  of  the 

*  Fort  "  Amonoscoggin,"  aororHing  to  tlie  Magnalia,  about  40  miles  up  tlio  river. 

^  Miiznalia,  ih.       |  Pago  105,  114,  124,  ante.        *  Page  116.        11  By  AfaJ/i«r,  Magnalia 

M  Pago  118. 


Chap.  XII] 


HOPEHOOD.-  3EVERE  BATTLE. 


151 


historian.  "Teague,"  he  says,  "as  he  was  foolishly  pulling  a  canoe  ashore, 
about  this  time,  with  the  cock  of  his  gun,  it  went  off,  breaking  his  arm  with 
a  fearful  wound,  by  which  he  was  made  a  cripple  ever  after." 

By  a  council  ot'  war  held  at  Portsmouth,  occnsiar.ed  by  these  depredations  of 
» that  memorable  tiger  Hopehood,"  it  was  decided  ihat  Captain  fViawall  should 
go  out  in  search  of  him  with  a  large  scouting  pai^y.  Several  other  prom- 
inent men,  being  emulous  of  the  service,  offVring  to  join  him  in  command 
with  another  party,  it  by  lot  fell  on  Captain  Floyd.  Having  rendezvoused  at 
Dover  to  the  immber  of  about  one  hundred  nen,  they  marched  into  the  woods 
on  the  since  memorable  day,  July  4th,  KiOO.  On  the  6th,  huving  sent  out 
their  scouts  "  before  breakfast "  in  the  morning,  they  "  immediately  returned 
with  tidings  of  breakfast  enough  for  those  who  had  their  stomachs  sharp  set 
for  fighting."  The  parties  immediately  met  at  a  place  called  Wheelwright's 
Pond,  in  Lee,  and  an  obstinate  battle  ensued,  Avhich  lasted  from  two  to  three 
hours.  Owing,  however,  to  the  Indian  mode  of  fighting,  adopted  by  the 
Eu^lish,  comparatively  but  few  were  killed.  Neither  party  could  boast  of  a 
victory,  for,  as  at  Pequawket,  each  was  glad  to  retreat  from  the  other.  Of 
the  whites  above  30  were  killed  and  wounded,  of  which  15  were  of  the  former 
number.  Among  these  were  included  Cai)tain  JVinoall,  his  lieutenant,  Flae^, 
and  Sergeant  Walker.  Captain  Floyd  maintained  the  fight  until  most  of  his 
men  had  retreated,  which  obliged  lum  to  retreat  also,  "  For  this  some  blamed 
hirn,  who,  probably,  would  not  have  continued  it  as  long  as  he  did."  Captain 
Converse  visited  the  battle  ground  the  next  morning,  and  brought  off  seven 
wounded  still  alive,  but  the  Indians  had  removed  all  of  theirs,  and  it  could 
never  be  known  how  many  of  them  were  killed.  There  was  no  doubt  about 
the  precipitancy  of  their  retreat,  as  they  left  much  of  their  plunder  upon 
the  field. 

The  same  week  "  these  rovers  made  their  descent  as  far  as  Amesbury, 
wiiere  Captain  Foot  being  ensnared  by  them,  they  tortured  him  to  death. 
This  so  alarmed  the  other  inhabitants,  that  they  flew  from  their  beds  to  their 
garrisons,  otherwise  before  the  next  morning  they  had  found  their  beds  their 
graves.  However,  they  killed  three  persons,  burnt  three  houses,  and  many 
cattle.  In  fine,  from  the  first  mischief  done  at  Lamprey-eel  River,  (on  July 
4th,)  to  this  last  at  Amesburv,  all  belonging  to  one  Indian  expedition,  forty 
English  people  were  cut  off. 

Thus  Hopehood  is  considered  the  leader  in  all  these  transactions,  although 
our  ciironiclers  of  that  day  do  not  mention  him,  excepting  where  we  have 
done  so,  nor  do  they  mention  the  names  of  any  other  Indians,  lie  was  the 
commander  of  his  countrymen  at  the  taking  of  Casco,  on  which  event  the 
garri.sons  of  Purpooduck,  Spurwink,  Black  Point,  and  Blue  Point,  drew  off' 
to  Saco,  and  in  a  few  days  from  Saco  they  retreated  to  Wells,  "  twenty  miles 
within  the  said  Saco,  and  about  half  Wells  drew  off  as  far  as  Lieutenant 
Storer''s.  But  the  arrival  of  orders  and  soldiers  from  government  stopped 
them  from  retiring  any  farther;  and  Hopehood,  with  a  party  that  staid  for 
farther  mischief,  meeting  with  some  resistance  here,  turned  about,  and  having 
first  had  a  skirmish  with  Captain  Sherburn,  they  appeared  the  next  Lord's- 
(lay  at  Newichawannok  or  Berwick,  where  they  burnt  some  houses  and  slew 
a  man."  This  last  event  was  three  days  jjrevious  to  the  massacre  at  Fox 
Point,  before  related. 

We  now  are  to  speak  again  of  fVahiva,  and  as  we  have  before  considered 
him  a  different  chief  from  Hopehood  Wahowah,  we  shall  still  do  so.  yet  the 
character  of  his  exploits  agrees  well  with  those  of  that  chief;  but  that  argues 
nothing  as  to  his  identity,  for  numerous  other  chiefs  correspond  equally 
as  well. 

On  the  27th  of  October,  1726,  a  band  of  seven  Indians  surprised  the  family 
of  Philip  Durell  at  Kennebunk,  capturing  ten  persons,  eight  women  and  two 
children,  and  carried  them  off.  The  attack  was  made  late  in  the  afternoon, 
while  Mr.  Durell  was  absent.  On  his  return  he  found  his  house  in  flames, 
chairs  piled  on  the  fire,  trunks  split  to  pieces,  but  no  traces  of  his  wife  and 
children.  The  Indians  had  been  watching  for  an  opportunity  to  attack  when 
Mr.  Durell  should  be  absent,  fearing,  it  was  thought,  his  powerful  arm,  if  made 
when  he  was  at  home.    Twenty-three  years  tefore  Mrs.  Durill  had  been  a 


.•';..:H<:W--'r->.    ,■-■.-,<!' 

',•,'  ■■;•  >V  ^i-'  -  -.i;  .     •.  Mi.".] 


..  -  V;^>i.  ■■■-■  -''^s''  ■ 


f.  ,• 


'    :''■    :•■'..-.'•  ii'.- 


■  ■■  ■    ■■■  ,<■■ 


.•/ 


■  ■>.   i 


152 


ACTEON.  — WAHWA. 


[Book  IIL 


1,   .'-Wi^l;*':^:: 


Wmm} 


I  ••Til  •■.••%■<*  A  ■•>' 


&;<■■■ 


p^''" 
%^^-- 


captive,*  but  unlike  most  of  her  sex  in  like  circumstances,  she  foreboded  no 
evil  of  a  like  kind  from  the  Indians,  but  looked  upon  her  former  capture  by 
them  as  wo  do  upon  a  malady  that  never  attacks  a  second  time ;  but  in  thiu 
case  it  was  otherwise. 

The  ]jeq)etrators  were  pursued  with  vigor  the  next  morning,  which  caused 
the  Indians  to  put  most  of  their  captives  to  death,  by  which  means  they  were 
able  to  make  good  their  flight 

It  was  tor  some  time  doubtful  what  Indians,  or  how  many,  had  committed 
t'  "^  iiorrid  act,  but  it  was  finally  ascertained  that  the  bloody  "  Wahtvn,  Pau- 
caunaumpoijte,  formerly  a  Mohegan,  Jldeon,  afterwards  known  as  Captain 
Mosts,  an  Arisaguntacook,  Omboroivees,  Manneenkoivhau,  Pier,  Surtfrebaugundo, 
probal)ly  of  the  same  tribe,  though  one  or  more  was  of  Wowenok,  but  then 
residing  among  the  St.  Francis  Indians.  Yet  five-and'  enty  years  or  more 
afterwards,  Colonel  Job,  a  noted  orator  and  chief  speaker  at  Governor  Shirley's 
treaty  in  1754,  denied  that  Jldecn  was  an  Arisaguntacook,  and  said  he  was  un 
Albany  Indian ;  but  as  Job  was  accused  of  telling  lies  in  his  talk  at  the  treaty 
by  one  of  his  own  party,  not  much  dependence  can  be  given  to  what  he  did 
say.f  But  it  ai)pears  that  he  was  a  Norridgewok,  but  having  taken  an  Aris- 
aguntacook woman  for  a  Avife,  became  one  of  them.  He  was  the  same  chief 
who,  on  the  28  April,  1752,  with  a  party  of  10  or  12  of  that  tribe,  fell  upon 
four  men  on  a  branch  of  Contoocook  River,  shot  one  of  them  dead,  one 
escaped,  and  the  other  two  were  taken  and  carried  to  Canada ;  but  this  affair 
we  shall  notice  more  at  large  presently. 

We  hear  cf  but  one  that  ever  returned  of  those  taken  at  Kennebunk.  His 
name  was  Jchn  Durell,  son  of  Philip,  whose  family  were  destroyed;  and  he, 
though  he  wi's  redeemed  in  about  two  years,  was,  according  to  the  historian 
of  Kemiebunk,  "  ever  after  more  of  an  Indian  than  a  white  man."  He  was 
.^live  when  Governor  SiUlivan  wrote  his  history,  and  resided  there.  It  was 
not  long  after  fVahwa^s  depredation,  that  two  friendly  Indians,  Q;ninoise,  of 
Wowenok,  and  Ogicsand,  were  sent  by  the  governor  of  Massachusetts  to 
learn  the  fate  of  the  captives,  as  well  as  what  Indians  had  done  the  mischief; 
these  ambassadors,  fi'om  causes  not  explained,  though  doubtless  no  unoommoii 
ones  on  such  undertakings,  were  not  heard  of  for  nearly  a  year  after,  and  then 
could  give  no  satisfactory  account  in  the  business  they  undertook.  At  the 
treaty  of  Casco,  in  1727,  Auyaummowett,  chief  speaker  of  the  Arisaguntacooks, 
said  he  had  learned  that  a  boy  taken  at  that  time  was  among  the  French. 
This  was  probably  John  Durell. 

After  peace  was  made,  and  intercourse  commenced  again  between  the 
Indians  and  the  settlers,  it  seems  Wahwa  used  frequently  to  visit  Kennebunk, 
and  often  talked  familiarly  with  the  friends  of  those  he  had  massacred.  Like 
most  other  Lidians,  he  would  get  drunk  when  he  could  get  liquor.  On  one 
occasion,  as  he  lay  drunk  at  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Baxter,  whose  wife  was  among 
the  miirdered  in  the  exploit  above  related,  some  of  Baxter's  acquaintances 
advised  him  to  tumble  him  into  the  well,|  but  he  had  too  much  humanity  to 
wish  to  immortalize  his  name  by  an  act  so  dastardly.  And  Wahwa  remained 
a  monument  of  his  own  crueltj^,  but  not  a  more  despised  one  than  the 
advisers  of  his  death;  while  the  mjured  man,  deprived  of  his  nearest  friends, 
remained  a  monument  of  humanity. 

We  now  return  to  Adeon,  and  his  expedition  to  Contoocook.  A  small 
company  of  young  men,  four  in  number  only,  went  out  early  in  the  spring 
of  the  year  1752,  to  hunt  in  the  north-western  part  of  New  Hampshire.  Their 
names  were,  Amos  Eastman,  of  Concord,  John  and  William  Stark,  of  Dinihar- 
ton,  and  David  Stijison,  of  Londonderry.  What  we  are  about  to  relate  will  be 
of  more  interest  to  the  reader,  doubtless,  if  he  is  told  that  John  Stark,  of  this 

i)arty  of  hunters,  was  the  same  who  afterwards  defeated  Colonel  Bnum,  at 
iennington,  in  the  early  part  of  the  revolutionary  war.    These  young  men, 
wandering  for  beyond  the  confines  of  civilization,  were,  on  the  28th  of  April, 

*  Bradbury's  History  of  Kennebunk  I'of,  120,  f21. 

t  He  WHS  a  fearless,  bold  fellow  ;  accused  Governor  Shirley  of  "  letting  his  young  men  act 
the  Demi's  part  by  doing  mischief  to  the  Indians,"  notwithstanding  his  protestations  of  juslic« 
to  them. 

t  History  of  Kennebunk  Port.  121. 


Chap.  Xll.l 


STARK'S  CAPTIVITV. 


153 


pursuing  their  ardiioiig  employment  on  a  branch  of  the  PemigeWaset,  called 
Milker's  River,  in  what  is  since  Ruinney,  when  suddenly  they  were  surprised 
by  ten  Indiana  imder  the  famous  Acleon,  who  at  this  time  was  known  by  the 
name  of  Captain  Moses,  The  whites  had,  but  little  while  before,  jlifcovered 
traces  of  Indians,  and  had  become  alarmed,  and  were  determined  to  leave 
their  position.  Accordingly,  John  Stark  went  out  very  early  in  the  morning 
to  collect  their  traps,  and  while  thus  separated  from  his  coinpanions,  was 
made  |>risoner.  As  soon  as  he  was  secured,  he  was  ordered  to  direct  them 
to  his  friends,  This  he  undertook  to  do,  but  purposely  led  them  two  miles 
ikrthcr  irom  them,  hoping  that,  by  some  means,  they  might  take  the  alarm 
and  escape ;  but  it  was  not  to  be  ended  so.  They  seem  not  to  have  im- 
agined that  John  was  taken  by  Indians,  and  soon  liegan  to  shoot  otl"  their 
funs  to  direct  him  where  they  were.  This  also  directed  the  Indians,  and 
they  immediately  proceeded  down  the  river,  beyond  the  whites,  and  taking  a 
station,  waylaid  them  as  they  came  down.  All  that  had  now  passed  liad  not 
taken  up  much  time,  for  abotit  sunrise  the  party  appeared,  two  in  a  boat,  Wil- 
liam Stark  and  Stinson,  and  Eastman  on  the  shore,  who  next  fell  into  the  In- 
dians' hands.  They  now  ordered  John  to  hail  his  friends  in  the  boat,  to  decoy 
them  to  the  shore ;  but,  with  a  boldness  characteristic  of  great  minds,  he 
called  to  them,  b  instead  of  requesting  them  to  land,  told  them  he  was 
taken,  and  ordereu  them  to  save  themselves  by  ptdling  to  the  opposite  shore. 
They  pulled  accordingly,  and  were  quickly  fired  ui)on  l)y  four  of  the  Indians, 
whose  guns  were  loaded.  Like  a  truly  heroic  spirit,  without  regarding  the 
risk  he  ran,  at  the  moment  of  the  shot  John  knocked  up  two  of  the  Indians' 
guns,  and  repeated  the  mancBuvre  when  the  rest  of  the  party  fired  a  second 
volley.  He  then  hallooed  to  his  brother  in  the  boat  to  fly  with  alliiis  might, 
for  all  the  guns  were  discharged.  He  did  so  successfully ;  regained  the  shore 
and  escaped.  Poor  Stinson  was  killed,  and  the  boat  and  oars  were  i)ierced 
with  bullets.  John  was  sorely  beaten  and  ill  used  at  first,  for  the  liberties  he 
had  taken  in  giving  their  shots'  a  false  direction ;  but  they  aftei-wards  used 
him  kindly. 

The  whites  had  collected  a  considerable  quantity  of  furs,  of  which  the  In- 
dians possessed  themselves,  and  coumienced  their  retreat.  They  miide  a 
stop  at  Lower  Coos,  about  the  present  vicinity  of  Haverhill,  N.  H.,  where  they 
had  left  two  of  their  party  to  prepare  provisions  against  their  return.  After 
one  night's  stay  here  they  proceeded  to  Upper  Coos.  From  this  place  Cap- 
tain Moses  despatched  three  of  his  men  with  Eastman  to  St.  Francis,  while 
the  rest  of  the  company  hun,'3d  on  a  small  stream  in  that  neighborhood. 
Stark  was  meantime  closely  w  itched,  and  every  night  confined.  They  al- 
lowed him  to  hunt,  and  he,  ha\  ',ng  shot  one  beaver  and  caught  another  in  a 
trap,  was  approbated  by  a  preseit  of  their  skins. 

At  length,  on  the  9  of  July,  Captain  Moses  returned  with  his  prisoner  to  St. 
Francis.  Here  the  two  captives  were  compelled  to  run  tlie  gantlet  East- 
man fared  hard  in  that  business ;  but  Stark,  understanding  bidian  play  better, 
seized  a  club  from  an  Indian  at  the  head  of  one  of  the  ranks  through  which 
he  was  to  run,  and  laid  it  about  him  with  such  force,  that  running  the  gant- 
let was  wholly  on  the  part  of  the  Lidians ;  for  they  were  glad  to  escape  and 
leave  the  ground  to  him,  much  to  the  delight  of  the  old  Indians,  who  were 
seated  at  a  distance  to  witness  the  sport 

Fortunately,  Stark  and  Eastman^s  captivity  was  not  a  long  one.  In  about 
six  weeks  from  Stark^s  arrival  at  St  Francis,  there  an-ived  Captain  Stevens,  of 
No.  Four,  and  Mr.  Wheelwright,  of  Boston,  in  search  of  some  captives,  who 
had  been  taken  from  Massachusetts,  and  not  finding  any,  redeemed  Stark  and 
Eastman,  who  arrived  home,  by  way  of  Albany,  in  AtJgust  following.  The 
same  Indians  accompanied  them  to  Albany,  where  they  sold  the  furs  they 
had  taken  from  them,  to  the  amount  of  £560,  old  tenor.  Stark  paid  lor  his 
ransom  103  dollars,  and  Eastman  60  dollars.  The  names  of  two  others  of  the 
Indians  who  did  this  mischief,  were  Francis  Titigaw,  and  Peer,  a  young  chief, 
each  of  whom  has  been  mentioned  as  chief  in  the  capture ;  but  it  is  not 
material. 

At  the  treaty  of  1727,  which  the  preceding  relation  required  us  to  notice, 
mention  was  made  by  the  chieft,  at  that  treaty,  of  a  great  many  Indians,  and 


..    ••'r.HV.r';'. 

•;  '■    ',       >■  ,•'4.5  VT.' 


-  r     ■  -'■'•'■" 

<.,<•;•,v^-.';  v:. 

>       .«>  .  I-    »S        i»    . 

V  ■'.'>':%*;:    ,f  .:.='       .  ■: . 

■  ^'  •*'.,.'-V-  ■.■■•-.    ■  ■  *-»■«•  ■-.  - 


-•;■•?;•;     .   ■• 

!'■  ■ 

\'.V  :-■<-'■  r- 

fc         ■           '  •     ■_            .       A    ■ 

.'5 

■  _    7"'   '■  *    •' 

■■1 

^: 


fetf':. 


^:  , 


■i-^'.- 


I6^i^ 


,;c 


'|.S..  J'^V'Jj^'-i  Jig/'  :*■'•  ■  • 


184 


SIEGE  OF  WALPOLE,  N.  H. 


[Book  111 


among  othere,  of  one  of  conaiderable  note,  of  whom  we  have  before*  said 
something,  ifj  indeed,  he  lie  the  same,  namely,  Sabatis.  This  Indian  had  pre- 
viously, though  perhaps  not  long  beibre  that  treaty,  with  others,  taken  many 
eaptives  in  their  de[)redalion8  on  the  English  frontiers.  At  this  time  he  was 
livuig  ut  St  Francis  in  Canada,  and  had  two  captives  with  him ;  but  their 
names  wc  cannot  learn.  He  was  of  a  bloody  disfwsition,  and  the  act  which 
terminated  his  career  was  by  a  hand  not  less  bloody,  though,  perhaps,  more 
neccss(u-ily  so.  We  have,  on  another  occasion,  and  in  another  work,f  related 
the  circumstances  of  it,  and  shall  therefore  pass  it  over  here.  He  was  killed 
in  IT.W,  and  we  have  before  expressed  the  opinion  that  he  was  the  fiither  of 
liim  brought  away  a  captive  from  St.  Francis  by  Captain  Rogers  in  175'J,  and 
who  in  1775  followed  the  fortunes  of  Arnold's  expedition  against  Quebec. 

As  noted  an  exploit  as  we  have  passed  over  in  our  history  is  that  which 
was  enacted  at  Walpole,  IS.  H.,  in  the  year  1755.  If  Philip,  the  leader  of  the 
Indians  on  that  oc(rasioii,  he  the  same  that  we  have  beibre  given  some  account 
ui]  his  patriotism  as  well  as  liis  courage  must  have  undergone  an  important 
change ;  but  as  we  caimot  settle  that  iiiatter  to  the  satisfaction  of  the  critical 
anticpiary  without  spending  more  time  than  we  shall  get  credit  for,  we  will 
relate  the  afiair  at  Walpole  as  we  have  heard  it. 

One  Jokii  Kilbum  had  settled  at  that  place  in  1749,  and  though  far  beyond 
any  other  settlement,  and  frequently  watched,  and  sometimes  annoyed  by  the 
Indians,  yet  no  hostile  act  was  attempted  upon  him  until  1755.  When  it  be- 
came certain  that  war  would  soon  begin  between  England  and  France,  meas- 
ures were  taken  by  General  Shirley  to  wai'n  the  settlers  along  the  extensive 
frontier  of  New  England  of  the  approaching  calamity.  But  the  Indians  seem 
to  have  known  or  ex{)ected  it  sooner  than  the  English,  for  before  the  latter 
had  received  word  from  General  Shirley,  the  cunning  Philip,  in  the  capacity 
of  a  spy,  had  visited  every  principal  settlement,  under  the  pretence  of  trading 
for  flints  and  other  hunting  munitions,  all  along  the  Connecticut  River ;  and 
it  Avas  not  until  two  Indians,  employed  by  General  Shirley,  had  informed  the 
settlers  that  400  or  500  Lidians  were  preparing  in  Canada  to  make  a  descent 
upon  them,  tliat  Philip's  expedition  for  trade  was  understood  in  its  real  char- 
acter. 

Kilbum  lived  in  a  good  garrison-house,  and  on  the  day  Philip  appeared 
cigainst  it  with  some  300  Indians,  he,  with  three  other  men,  were  at  work 
some  distance  from  it ;  but  keeping  a  good  watch,  the  Indians  were  discov- 
ered in  time  to  afford  them  sufficient  opportunity  to  regain  the  garrison  with- 
out molestation.  The  timely  discovery  was  made  about  mid-day,  August  17, 
and  in  less  than  half  an  hour  afler,  they  were  surromided  by  197  fierce  war- 
riors, flushed  with  confideuce  of  an  easy  and  speedy  victory ;  the  remainder 
of  the  Lidians  forming  an  ambush  of  reserve  at  the  mouth  of  Cold  River, 
about  half  a  mile  from  the  garrison. 

Meanwhile  Philip  had  endeavored  to  cut  off  Colonel  Bellows,  who,  with 
30  men,  was  milling  about  a  mile  east  of  KiUmnCs ;  but  in  this  he  was  foiled 
by  a  masterly  manoeuvre  of  the  colonel.  Hie  men  were  returning  from  the 
mill,  each  with  a  bag  of  meal  upon  his  back,  when  his  dogs  by  their  growling 
gav(!  timely  notice  of  the  neighborhood  of  an  enemy,  and  the  thoughts  of  an 
ambush  at  the  same  moment  passed  through  his  mind:  he  as  soon  knew 
what  to  do.  He  ordered  his  men  to  tlirow  off  their  bags,  advance  to  a  cer- 
tain eminence  over  which  their  path  lay,  and  about  which  he  doubted  not  the 
Lidians  were  prepared  for  him.  The  ground  contiguous  was  covered  with 
high  sweet  fern.  Up  to  these  Bellows  and  his  men  crawled,  into  the  very 
presence  of  the  enemy.  They  now,  agreeably  to  the  plan  proposed  at  the 
discovery,  spnmg  upon  their  feet,  and  giving  a  tremendous  whoop,  after  the 
manner  of  their  adversary,  dropped  down  again  the  same  instant  The  In- 
dians at  the  very  moment  rose  up,  forming  a  thick  front  across  the  path  in  a 
semicircle.  Each  of  Bellows's  men  had  now  an  Indian  in  his  power ;  and 
such  was  the  effect  of  the  fii-st  fire  of  these  30  men,  that  Philip  and  his  whole 
pai-ty  precipitately  retreated,  and  the  victors,  without  waiting  for  a  further 

*  Ante,  page  135,  136  of  this  Book. 

t  Id  the  Appendix  to  my  edition  of  Church's  Philip'*  War,  tie.,  pag<e  S37. 


Chap.  XII.] 


SIEGE  OP  WALPOLE,  N.  FI. 


155 


said 


display  of  tactics,  regained  their  garrison,  not  having  one  of  thoir  number 
killed  or  wounded.     Of  the  loss  of  the  Indians  no  iticiition  is  made. 

Finding  so  warm  a  reception  from  Colonel  Bellows,  Philip,  it  would  seem, 
as  W(;ll  as  the  colonel,  had  no  notion  uf  taking  a  second  hand  at  the  same 
guine,  and,  as  we  have  said,  innnediutely  nppeiu'ed  l)efore  KUburn's  garrison, 
wlioro  he  hoped  for  better  success.  Philip  was  an  old  acquaintimce  here, 
and  Ji|)proac,liing  the  house  as  near  as  he  could  find  u  tree  ibr  shelter,  called 
out  to  Kilburn,  "  Old  John,  young  John,  come,  out  fierc,  ffe  give  you  good  qiuir- 
/«•.'  Philip  is  representeu  as  of  great  stature,  and  proportionate  strengtli ; 
anil  Kilhurn  was  not  his  inferior.  He  answered  the  warrior  "with  a  voice  of 
tliuihler,"  that  flowed  over  the  adjacent  hills,  "Cimyter!  you  black  rascals! 
l).;!,'«)Me,  or  we'll  quarter  you." 

Tims  stood  the  affair  which  was  shortly  to  decide  the  fate  of  Walpole, 
bet\v(;ua  six  English,  four  men  and  two  women,  and  about  400  Indians,  at  the 
conimcncement  of  the  siege.  Philip  returned  to  his  men,  and,  alter  a  short 
l)aiis(i,  the  silence  was  broken  by  yells  and  whoops  of  the  whole  bo<' ,  of  In- 
dians, which  appeared,  as  we  have  Iieai-d  the  old  people  express  it,  'Vw  though 
all  the  devils  iii  hell  had  broke  loose."  A  furious  onset  was  now  begun,  and  m 
a  few  minutes  the  roof  of  the  house  was  perforated  like  a  sieve.  As  usual  in 
their  attacks  on  garrisons,  they  employed  stratagems,  but  when  the  whole 
iit'teriioon  was  spent,  they  found  they  had  made  no  impression,  but  were 
greatly  weakened  themselves,  and  at  night  drew  off,  thus  ending  their  inglo- 
rious expedition. 

Such  deeds  could  a  few  men,  well  provided,  perform,  well  knowing  it  was 
not  niunbers  that  could  save  them  in  times  of  peril,  while  many  others,  rely- 
ing i]i)on  their  numbers,  neglecting  their  duties,  have  fallen  an  easy  prey  to 
an  enemy  not  half  equal  to  themselves.  Kilbum  had  extra  guns  in  his  house, 
and  his  wife  and  daughter  cast  bullets,  and  performed  every  other  service  in 
their  power.  When  one  of  the  men's  guns  became  too  much  heated  to  be 
used  with  safety,  a  woman  exchanged  it  lor  another,  so  that  every  man  was 
every  moment  at  his  pl.ice.  When  their  lead  began  to  grow  short,  blankets 
were  suspended  in  the  roof,  to  catch  the  balls  of  the  enemy,  with  good  suc- 
cess; and  thus  many  of  the  Indians  fell  by  their  own  bullets!  To  use  their 
l)o\vder  without  loss  of  time,  they  jjoured  it  into  hats,  which  were  placed  close 
at  hand ;  by  such  means  an  incessant  fire  was  kept  up,  which  probably  de- 
ceived the  Indians  in  regard  to  their  numbers.  They  found  time,  before 
drawing  off,  to  kill  all  the  cattle,  bm-n  and  destroy  all  the  hay  and  grain  be- 
longing to  the  settlement ;  but  this  was  looked  upon  as  nothing,  scarcely  to 
be  considered  towards  the  price  of  their  deliverance.  We  do  not  learn  as  it 
was  ever  known  to  the  English  what  the  loss  of  the  Indians  was;*  but  the 
stai-rison  lost  Mr.  Peak,  who,  exposing  himself  too  much  before  a  port-hole, 
was  shot  in  the  hii).  The  wound  would  ])rol)ably  have  been  cured  if  good 
surgical  aid  could  have  been  had  :  but  it  proved  mortal  in  five  days  alter  the 
battle.  Each  of  these  men,  Kiibum  and  PeaJc,  had  a  son  with  them  in  the 
ffarrison;  and  such  was  the  Ibrce  opposed  to  that  army  of  Indians !  John 
KiLBURN  lived  to  be  85  years  of  age,  and  died  on  the  8  April,  178!),  and  lies 
buried  in  the  Walpole  burying-ground.  The  son  [John]  attained  the  same 
age,  and  died  at  his  residence,  in  Shrewsbury,  Vt.,  in  1822.t 

Only  two  days  afler  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill,  there  arrived  at  Cambridge, 
the  head  quarters  of  the  Americans,  a  deputation  from  the  Penobscot  Indians, 
of  whom  the  celebrated  Orono  was  chief.  An  order  was  passed  for  their 
entertainment  wliile  (here,  and  "  for  their  return  home."  They  came  to  ten- 
der their  services  to  the  Americans  in  the  war  now  begun,  which  was  done 
by  Orono,  in  a  speech  to  a  committee  of  the  provincial  congi*ess,  on  the  21 
June,  1775.  "  In  behalf  of  the  whole  Penobscot  tribe,"  the  chief  said,  if  the 
grievances  under  which  his  peo{)le  labored  were  removed,  they  would  aid 
with  their  whole  force  to  defend  the  country.  Those  grievances  were  briefly 
stated,  and  consisted  chiefly  of  trespasses  by  the  whites  upon  their  timber 

*  Kilbum,  during  the  engaecment,  had  a  deliberate  shot  at  a  large  ladiao,  whom  he  saw 
fall,  and  he  believed  it  viaa  Philip  himself, 
f  Chiefly  from  the  CoU.  N.  Hut.  Soc.  ii.  52—58, 


>',«■., 


(./v-r;-.rt'-%>!:-,:,:-j;_^ 

■   -        w  ■  ■  -   r»         ■...*,< 


■»if: « ; "' 


<■■■?'■  ft  ^-? 


:-/^^>^;^^ 


.<"' 


l:)"  K'A  ?1? '     -V  .  .'  ,> 


..»:■.■?::  ^ 


;'•■••,.*'■.■-•';;<'.■-    •>  -V  'v. 

■  I  .-;■■'. '.I  ■,■•"♦"».  ;< .' 


,.    »«..       ■■_'!     .  ••    '  .4'.       /. 

-"•'■.■.■  fe'd 

1  ••  .>\  .*..v|'.  ■■"■-.      •      / 


i'  ■ '.  V.-' 


^^mm 


156 


NATANiS.—S  ABATIS. 


[Book  III. 


^■'•^.n: 

'^i- 

r     1  !  ■' 

•  ^1  .-Jsw 

fl   l\<' 

yKf' 

llll 

K  V 

■■■,-*■»•  P.K 

>■»', 

Wr  MH  '  ■  ' 

i-  \'  w.\ 

y» 

wA^ 

i  *i,'  K  .H 

V  ' 

B?    rJ*  J 

!,?f^''''C 

G^- 

:«! 

mK 

»I 

'1^-9^ 


lands,  ctieating  them  in  trade,  &c.  The  committee  returned  an  affectionate 
address ;  and  altiiough  the  groans  of  the  dying,  from  the  late  terrible  field  of 
battle,  were  sounding  in  their  ears,  they  say  nothing  about  engaging  the  Indians 
in  the  war,  but  assured  them  that  "  as  soon  as  they  could  tiuie  breath  from 
their  present  fight,"  their  complaints  should  receive  attention.  Some  of  the 
Penobscots  did  eventually  engage  in  the  war,  but  we  have  no  particulars  of 
them. 

We  have  said  before,*  upon  authority  which  will  generally  be  received, 
that  JVatanis  and  Sabalia  were  the  first  Indians  employed  by  the  Anjericans 
in  the  revolution,  and  we  see  no  reason  yet  to  form  a  different  opinion,  al- 
though our  attention  has  been  called  again  to  the  Bubject,f  and  some  facts 
stated  for  our  consideration,  which  have  elicited  fiirther  investigations  and 
comparisons,  of  which  the  following  is  the  resultl  Of  a  chief  named  Swau- 
sen,  or  Swaahan,  well  known  on  the  borders  of  New  Hampshire  in  the  latter 
French  wars,  we  have  before  given  some  notice  ;§  at  that  time,  or  about  the 
close  of  those  wars,  he  retired  to  St.  Francis.  When  tiie  revolution  began,  he 
seems  to  have  decided  on  taking  the  part  of  the  Americans ;  and  with  a  few 
followers  marched  to  Kennebeck,  and  with  some  of  the  Norridgewoks  ren- 
dezvoused at  Cobbossee,  now  Gardiner,  at  the  mouth  of  the  Cobbosseecontn 
River.  Over  the  Norridgewoks,  or  Pequawkets,  or  some  of  both,  was  a  chief, 
named  Paxil  Hig^ns,  who,  though  a  white  man,  had  lived  so  lone  among  In- 
dians, that  to  alfmtenta  he  was  one  of  them.  He  was  bom  tx  Berwick,  but 
had  been  token  captive  when  quite  young,  and  spent  most  of  his  days  with 
them.  This  company  set  out  for  (Cambridge,  the  head  quarters  of  General 
Washington,  about  the  beginning  of  August,  1775,  under  the  direction  of  one 
Revhen  Cobum.  There  were  20  or  30  of  them,  "  and  they  were  rowed  down 
in  canoes  to  Merrymeeting  Bay  by  their  squaws ; "  here  they  lefl  them,  and 
proceeded  to  Cambridge  on  foot,  where  they  arrived  about  the  13  Augu8t|| 
They  tendered  their  services  to  the  general,  who  gave  them  all  the  encour- 
agement he  could,  consistently,  but  evidently  advised  them  to  remain  neu- 
tral.lf  Swashan  said  half  of  his  tribe  was  ready  to  join  the  Americans,  and 
that  four  or  five  other  tribes  stood  ready,  if  wanted,  and  that  the  Canadians 
were  in  favor  of  the  Americans  also ;  and  this  was  the  general  opinion,  and 
corresponds  with  accoimts  given  by  intelligent  settlers  on  the  frontiers. 
They  say,  "  We  have  had  positive  accounts  from  many  of  the  Indian  tribes, 
who  have  been  applied  to  by  Governor  Carleton  to  distress  the  settlements ; 
but  they  say  they  have  no  oftence  from  tlie  people,  and  will  not  make  war  on 
them.  The  French,  too,  say  it  is  a  war  of  our  own  raising,  and  they  will 
have  no  part  in  it."**     We  hear  no  more  of  Stvashan. 

Of  AssACAMBuiT,  an  extended  account  has  been  given,tt  and  we  should 
not  again  recur  to  him,  but  to  correct  the  statement,  that  "  nothing  was  heard 
of  him  from  1708  to  the  time  of  his  death."  We  have  since  found  that  in 
1714,  he  was  at  Portsmouth,  upon  a  friendly  visit  with  several  other  Indians. 
On  the  10  May  of  that  year,  as  the  Indians  were  about  to  leave  the  place, 
"  the  council  of  N.  H.  ordered  their  treasurer  to  furnish  him  and  his  compan- 
ions with  necessary  provisions  and  liquors  to  carry  them  to  their  several 
habitations." 

*  Page  136,  ante,  of  this  Book. 

t  In  a  polite  and  obliging  manner,  by  Wm.  S.  Bartlett,  Esq.,  of  Little  Falls,  N.  Y. 

I  As  early  as  May  19th,  1775,  the  provincial  congress  of  MassachuseUs  "  Voted,  That 
Captain  John  Lane  nave  enlisting  pap«r8  delivered  to  him,  for  raising  a  company  of  In- 
dians at  the  eastward." 

6  Cols.  N.  H.  See.  iii.  76,  7. 

II  MS.  communication  of  W.  S.  Bartlett,  Esq. 
II  Botta,  i.  228. 

**  Almon's  Remembrancer,  i.  147—149. 
ft  Book  III.  p.  139"]41. 


.1  *"  .  v' 


'if-*.;-,. 


•x: 


t^4. 


;'i  ;»■?'■>, 


^u-. 


•"-I 


.2.> 


..»•,.!*>  y 


'  ft  -iiv 


i'^'^r, 


■;K 


\n  .      Vi-^ii 


ririn- 


.-— ' '       -■}  .  ■"  '        f  /  ^    ' 


INDL 


,'V/,.<,  '  'i-y  .Viff^a 


BIOGRAPHY   AND   HISTORY 


OP  THE 


•tf . 


'.,'.'"9 


.■■i 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA. 


■y-\-k. 


BOOK  TV. 


...;^. 


0 


BOOK   IV. 


BIOGRAPHY  AND  >iISTORY  OF    THE  SOUTHERN 

INDIANS. 


'  I  will  go  to  mjr  tent,  and  lie  down  in  despair ; 
I  will  pnint  tne  with  black,  anil  will  tevcr  my  hair  ; 
I  will  Hit  on  the  ahore  whnre  the  hurricane  blowi, 
And  reveal  to  the  God  of  this  tompcat  my  wooi ; 
I  will  weep  tor  a  leaaon,  on  hitternoaa  feil. 
For  my  kindred  are  i^onu  to  the  mounda  of  the  dead  ; 
But  they  died  not  by  hunger,  or  waiting  decay ; 
The  iteel  of  the  white  man  hath  awept  them  away." 


Anoitmoua. 


CHAPTER  L 


-4  y  •^ 

■•■Mi  ■ 


PrdimiTUiry  observations  respecting  the  country  of  the  southern  Indians — Winoin4, 
the  first  Virginia  thief  known  to  the  English — Destroys  the  first  colony  settled 
there — Mfnatonon — Skiko — Ensenore — Second  rolony  abandons  the  country — 
Tobacco  first  carried  to  England  by  thevi — Curious  account  of  pryudices  against  it 
— Gkanganeheo — His  kindnesses — His  family — His  death — Po  viiatan — Doun- 
darifs  of  his  country — Surprisiis  the  Payankatanks — Captain  Smith  fights  his  people 
— Oprkankanough  takes  Smith  irrisoner — T'le  particulars  of  that  affair — He  marcnes 
liiiu  about  the  country — Takes  him,  at  length,  to  Powlmtan,  who  condemns  him  to  be 
jmt  to  death — Smith  s  life  saved  at  the  intererssioii  of  Pocahontas — Insolerce  of 
I'mrhatan  increased  by  J^ewport's  folly — Smith  brings  him  to  terms — A  crorcn  sent 
urer  to  him  from  England — Is  croioned  emperor — Speech — Uses  every  siiatagem  to 
kill  Smith — Is  baffled  in  every  attempt — Smith  visits  him — Speeches — Pocahontas 
again  sates  Smith  and    his  comrades  from  being  murdered    iiy  her  father — 

ToMOCOMO. 

The  difficulty  of  rightly  partitioning  between  the  s-^uthern  nations  and  the 
Iroquois,  or  Five  Nations,  can  easily  bo  seen  by  all  such  as  have  but  very 
I»artiiilly  taken  a  survey  of  them,  and  considered  their  wanderinj;  habits. 
Therefore,  should  we,  in  this  book,  not  always  assign  a  sachem  to  his  original 
family  or  nation,  we  can  only  plead  in  excuse,  that  we  have  gone  according 
to  our  best  information.  But  we  have  endeavored  to  draw  a  kind  of  natural 
boundary  between  the  above-mentioned  nations,  distinguishing  those  people 
beyond  the  Chesapeake  and  some  of  its  tributaries,  as  the  southern  Indians, 
and  those  between  that  boundary  and  the  Hudson,  by  the  name  Iroquois. 
To  their  respective  territories  inland,  we  shall  not,  nor  is  it  necessary  to,  fix 
bounds,  in  our  present  business.  We  are  aware  that  some  writers  suppose 
that  all  the  Indians,  from  the  Mississippi  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Hudson,  and 
even  to  the  Connecticut,  were  originally  of  the  same  stock.  If  this  were  the 
fase,  the  period  is  so  remote  when  they  spread  themselves  over  ihe  countrpr, 
iliat  these  great  natural  divisions  had  long  since  caused  quite  a  difference  m 
the  inhabitants  which  they  separated ;  and  hence  the  propriety  of  noticing 
tliem  according  to  our  plan. 


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WINGINA— SETTLEMENT  OF  VIRGINIA. 


FRooK  IV. 


It  is  said  that  the  territory  from  the  sea-coast  to  the  River  Alleghany,  and 
from  the  most  eoutliern  waters  of  Jumes  River  up  to  Patuxent,  in  tlie  state 
of  Maryland,  was  inhabited  by  three  different  nations,  and  that  the  language 
of  each  differed  essentially  from  the  others.  The  English  called  these 
nations  by  t'  ■  names  Poivhatans,  Manahoacs,  and  Monucans ;  these  were  tlio 
Ttisoaroras.  The  Powhatans  were  the  most  powerful,  and  consisted  of 
several  tribes,  or  communities,  who  pohHCHScd  the  country  from  the  sea-coast 
to  the  fulls  of  the  rivers.* 


To 


a  tolerable  catrJogue  of  the  names  of  the  various  nations  of 


Virginia,  the  Carolinas,  and  thence  to  the  Mississippi,  would  far  exceed  our 
plan.  We  shall,  therefore,  puss  to  notice  the  chiefs  of  such  of  those  nations 
as  are  distinguished  in  history,  pointing  out,  by  the  way,  their  localities,  iind 
whatever  shall  appear  necessary  in  way  of  elucidation,  as  we  pass,  and  as  we 
have  done  in  the  preceding  books. 

WiNGiNA  was  first  known  to  tho  English  voyagers  Jlmidas  and  Barlow, 
who  landed  in  Virginia  in  the  summer  of  1584,  upoi)  an  island  called,  by  tiie 
Indians,  Wokokon.  They  saw  none  of  the  natives  until  the  third  day,  \\  Ik  n 
tln'cc!  were  observed  in  a  canoe.  One  of  them  got  on  sliore,  and  the  Eng'i;-;li 
went  to  him.  He  sJiowed  no  signs  of  fear,  "but  sj)oke  much  to  them,"  tiiiii 
went  boldly  on  board  the  vessels.  Afler  they  had  given  him  a  shirt,  imt, 
wine,  and  some  meat,  "he  went  away,  and  in  half  an  hour  he  had  loaded  liis 
canoe  with  fish,"  which  he  immediately  brought,  and  gave  to  th*'  Englii?h. 

Wingina,  at  this  time,  was  confined  to  his  cabin  from  wounds  he  'md  lately 
received  iji  Ijottle,  jjrobably  in  his  war  with  Piomacum,  a  desper  ite  and  bloody 
chief 

Upon  the  death  of  Granganemeo,  in  1585,  Wingina  chan^  •  .  his  name  to 
Pemissapan.  He  never  had  much  faith  in  the  good  intentions  of  the  English, 
and  to  him  was  mainly  attributed  the  breakin"  up  of  the  first  colony  which 
settled  in  Virginia. 

It  was  upon  the  return  to  England  of  the  Captains  Jlmidas  and  Barlow, 
from  the  country  of  fVingina,  that  Queen  Elizabeth,  from  the  wonderful 
accoiitits  of  that  fruitful  and  delightful  place,  named  it,  out  of  respect  to 
herself,  Virginia;  she  being  called  the  virgin  queen,  from  her  living  unmar- 
ried. Tint,  with  more  honor  to  her,  some  have  said,  "Because  it  still  seemed 
to  ret'iin  the  virgin  purity  and  plenty  of  the  first  creation,  and  the  people 
their  primitive  innocency  of  life  and  manners."  f  Waller  referred  to  this 
country  when  he  wrote  this : — 

"  So  sweet  the  air,  so  moderate  the  clime, 
None  sickly  lives,  or  <"ies  before  his  time. 
Heav'ii  sure  has  kept  tuis  spot  of  earlii  unrurst, 
To  show  how  all  things  were  created  first." 

Sir  Richard  Greenvil,  stimulated  by  the  love  of  gain,  next  intruded  himself 
upon  the  shores  of  Wingina.  It  was  he  who  committed  the  first  outrage 
upon  the  natives,  which  occasioned  the  breaking  up  of  the  colony  which  he 
left  behind  him.  He  made  but  one  short  excursion  into  the  country,  during 
which,  by  foolishly  exposing  his  comtnodities,  some  native  took  from  him  a 
silver  ctip,  to  revenge  the  loss  of  which,  a  town  was  burned.  lie  left  108 
men,  Avho  seated  themselves  tipon  the  island  of  Roanoke.  Ralph  Lane,  a 
military  character  of  note,  was  governor,  and  Capiain  Philip  Amidas,  lieutenant- 
governor  of  thih  colony.  They  made  various  exr-tirsions  about  the  conntrj', 
in  hopes  of  discovering  mines  of  precious  metals;  in  which  they  were  a  long 
time  duped  by  the  Indians,  for  their  ill  conduct  towards  them,  in  cotiipclling 
them  to  pilot  'l.-m  about.  Wingina  bore,  as  well  as  he  could,  the  provoca- 
tions Uy  liie  intruders,  until  tin*  death  of  the  old  chief  Ensenore,  his  futlier. 
Under  i)retence  of  honoring  his  fimeral,  he  assembled  1800  of  his  i)eoplc, 
with  the  intention,  as  the  F^.nglish  say,  of  destroying  them.  They,  therefore, 
upon  the  information  of  Skiho,  son  of  the  chief  Menatonon,  J  fell  upon  them, 
and,  after  killing  five  or  six,  the  rest  made  their  escape  into  tlie  woods.    This 

*  From  a  rommiinicntion  of  Secretary  Thompson  to  Mr.  Jefferson,  and  appended  to  the 
Notes  on  Virginia,  ed.  of  1801. 
t  Stith,  11.  t  Smith  calls  him  the  "  lame  king  of  Moratoc." 


Chap.  I  ] 


WINGINA— DEATH  OP  ENSENOllE. 


5 


was  (lone  upon  tlie  island  where  Winginn  lived,  nnd  the  Enplisli  first  s(;izfd 
upon  tlic  lioafs  of  liis  visitnnta,  to  prevent  their  escape  from  tlie  island,  wiih 
tiie  intention,  no  douljt,  of  murdering  tliem  all.  Not  long  after,  "  Wingina 
vii\*  cntrapiied  !iy  the  Englisii,  and  slain,  with  eight  of  his  chief  men." 

Mk.nat()><).v  was  king  of  the  Cliawonocks,  and  Okisko  of  the  Weopo- 
ineokcs,  "a  j)OW(!rl'nl  nation,  possessing  all  that  country  from  Alheniiile 
Sowiul  and  Chowan  River,  ipiite  to  the  Chesnpeakes  and  our  hay."*  At  this 
time,  Menatunon  was  lame,  and  is  mentioned  as  the  most  Fcrsible  and  undi-r- 
standing  Indian  with  wiioiii  the  English  were  at  first  acquainted.  It  was  ho 
that  made  Lane  and  his  lullowers  helieve  in  the  existence  of  the  mine  already 
lueiitioned.  "  So  eager  were  they,"  says  Mr,  Stith,  "and  resolutely  bent  n|)ou 
this  golden  discovery,  that  they  could  not  he  pereuaded  tti  retiun,  as  long  as 
they  liad  one  pint  of  corn  a  man  left,  and  two  mastiff  dogs,  which,  being 
boiled  with  sassafras  leaves,  might  atlbrd  them  some  sustenance  in  their  way 
back."    After  great  sufferings,  they  arrived  upon  the  coast  again. 

Tiie  reason  why  Mcnatonon  deeeiv(!d  the  English,  was  because  t!i(>y  made 
him  a  prisoner  lor  tlie  purpose  of  assisting  tliem  in  making  discoverit^s. 
After  hi!  was  set  at  liberty,  he  was  very  kind  to  them.  Two  years  after, 
when  Governor  Jfhite  was  in  the  country,  they  mention  his  wife  and  child  rs 
belonging  to  Croatan,  but  nothing  of  him. 

h'hite  and  his  company  landed  at  Roanoke,  22  July,  1587,  and  sent  20  men 
to  Croatan,  on  Point  Lookout,  witli  a  friendly  native  called  Maxteo,  to  see 
ifany  iiitelligenec  could  be  had  of  a  former  colony  of  50  men  left  there  by 
vSir  Ri:hnr(l  Greenvil.  Tiiey  learned,  from  some  natives  whom  they  met,  that 
the  people  of  Dassa>!ionpeak,  on  what  is  now  Alligator  River,  had  attacked 
tlieni,  killed  one,  and  driven  the  otiiers  away,  but  whither  they  had  gone 
iioni'  conid  tell.  One  of  their  present  company,  a  principal  man  of  their 
govenuneiit,  had  also  been  killed  by  the  same  Indians.  This  tribe  and 
several  others  had  agreed  to  come  to  Roanoke,  and  submit  themselves  to  the 
English ;  but  not  coming  according  to  ap|jointment,  gave  the  English  an 
opportunity  to  take  revenge  for  former  injuries.  Therefore,  Captain  Stafford 
and  24  men,  with  Manteo  as  a  guide,  set  out  upon  that  business.  On  coming 
to  their  village,  "  where  seeing  them  sit  by  the  fire,  we  assaulted  them.  The 
miserable  eoules  amazed,  fled  into  the  reeds,  where  one  was  shot  through, 
and  we  thought  to  have  been  fully  revenged,  but  we  were  deceived,  for  they 
were  our  friends  come  from  Croatan  to  gather  their  corn ! "  "  Being  thus 
disappointed  of  our  pur|)0Me,  we  gathered  the  fruit  we  found  ripe,  left  the 
rest  unspoiled,  and  took  Menatonon,  his  wife  with  her  child,  and  the  rest  w  ith 
US  to  Roanoak."  f     Bot  io  return  to  fVingina. 

While  the  English  were  upon  the  errand  we  have  been  speaking  of,  Win- 
ghia  {)retended  to  bi;  dieir  friend,  but  deceived  them  on  every  opportunity, 
by  giving  notice  to  his  countrymen  of  their  course  and  purpose,  and  urging 
them  to  cut  them  off.  He  thought,  at  one  time,  that  the  English  were 
destroyed,  and  thereupon  scoffed  and  mocked  at  such  a  God  as  theirs,  who 
would  sulier  it.  This  caused  bis  father,  £/isenr>?e,  to  join  their  enemies,  but  on 
their  return  he  was  their  friend  again.  He,  and  many  of  his  people,  now 
Ijilieved,  say  the  voyagers,  tliat  "  we  could  do  them  more  hurt  l)eing  dead, 
than  lining,  and  that,  being  an  hundred  myles  from  them,  shot,  and  struck 
them  sick  to  death,  and  that  when  we  die  it  is  but  for  a  titne,  then  we  return 
again."  Many  of  the  chiefs  now  came  and  submitted  themselves  to  the  Eng- 
lish, and,  among  others,  Ensenore  was  persuaded  again  to  become  their  friend, 
who,  when  they  were  in  great  straits  for  provisions,  came  and  planted  their 
fields,  and  made  wears  in  the  streams  to  catch  fish,  which  were  of  infinite 
benefit  to  them.  This  was  in  the  spring  of  1586,  and,  says  Lane,  "  we  not 
Iiaving  one  corn  till  the  next  harvest  to  sustain  us."  What  added  greatly  to 
their  distresses,  was  the  death  of  their  excellent  friend  Enaenore,  who  died 
20th  of  April  following.  The  Indians  began  anew  their  conspiracies,  and  the 
colony  availed  themselves  of  the  first  opportunity  of  returning  to  England, 

*  StWi's  Viffpnia,  14.    By  "our  bay"  is  meaM  Jamet  River  Btty, 
\  Smith's  Hint.  Virginia. 
i* 


..       -  ^.^  j-»  ^.f  ■ 


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6 


GRANGANEMEO.—HIS  KINDNESS  TO  THE  ENGLISH.    [Book  IV 


■which  was  in  the  fleet  of  Sir  Francis  Drake,  which  touched  there  in  its  way 
from  an  expedition  against  the  Spaniards  in  the  West  Indies.* 

Tiie  conduct  of  Lane  and  his  company  in  this  fruitless  attempt  to  estabhsh 
themselves  in  Virginia,  was,  in  the  higliest  degree,  reprehensible.  Tliey  put 
to  death  some  of  the  natives  on  the  most  frivolous  charges,  and  no  wonder 
they  were  driven  out  of  the  country,  as  they  ought  to  have  been.f  While 
they  were  there,  they  became  acquainted  with  the  use  of  tobacco,  and.  takinj; 
it  to  England,  its  introduction  into  general  use  soon  rendered  it  a  great  article; 
of  commerce.    And  here  it  will  not  be  improper  to  notice  how  many  ditlererit 


father  it  u[-on  whom  he  pleases,  as  it  is  evident  Sir  Francis  Drake  took  Ralph 
Lane  and  tohucco  both  together  into  England  ;  and  no  one  will  dispute  the 
agency  of  the  gallant  knight.  Sir  Walter  Ralegh,  for  he  sent  out  La7ie  in  hi? 
employ.  ]\Ir.  John  Jos.ielyn,  in  Jfis  "  Two  Voyages  to  N.  England,"  has  this 
passjige:  "  Others  will  liave  tobacco  to  be  first  brought  into  England  from 
reru,  by  Sir  Francis  Drake's  mariners." 

There  were  many  wlio  affected  i.  violent  disgust  towards  the  use  of  tobac- 
co ;  the  most  conspicuous  was  King  James,  whose  mind  seems  to  have  been 
just  weak  enough  to  fight  windmills.  He  even  wrote  a  book  denouncing  its 
use  in  the  severest  terms  he  couid  command.  It  grew  spontaneously  in  Wiii- 
gandacoa,  (V'irginia,)  and  the  natives  called  it  Uppowoc.  It  is  generally  sup- 
posed to  be  called  ijbacco  from  the  island  Tobago,  but  this  derivation  is  much 
questioned,  | 

Granganemeo  was  a  chief  very  favorably  spoken  of  As  soon  as  the  arrival 
of  the  English  was  made  knoAvn  to  him,  he  visited  them  with  about  40  of  his 
men,  who  were  very  civil,  and  of  a  remarkably  robust  and  fine  appearance. 
When  they  had  left  their  boat,  and  came  upon  the  shore  near  the  ship, 
Granscanemeo  spread  a  mat  and  sat  down  upon  it.  The  English  went  to  him 
armed,  but  he  discovered  no  fear,  and  invited  them  to  sit  down  ;  after  which 
he  performed  some  tokens  of  friendship ;  then  making  a  speech  to  them,  they 
presented  him  with  some  toys.  None  but  four  of  his  people  spoke  a  word, 
or  sat  down,  but  maintained  the  most  perfect  silence.  On  being  shown  a 
pewter  dish,  he  was  much  pleased  with  it,  and  purchased  it  with  20  deer- 
skins, which  were  worth,  in  England,  one  hundred  shillings  sterling! !  The 
dish  he  used  as  an  ornament,  making  a  hole  through  it,  and  wearing  it  about 
his  neck.  While  here,  the  English  entertained  him,  with  his  wife  and 
children,  on  board  their  ship.  His  wife  had  in  her  ears  bracelets  of  pearl, 
which  reached  to  her  middle.  Shortly  after,  many  of  the  people  came  out  of 
the  country  to  trade,  "  but  when  Granganemeo  was  present,  none  durst  trade 
but  himself,  and  them  that  wore  red  copper  on  their  heads  as  he  did."  He 
was  remarkably  exact  in  keeping  his  promise,  "  for  oft  we  trusted  him,  and 
he  would  come  witliin  his  day  to  keep  his  word."  And  these  voyagers  ftu-ther 
report,  that  "  "ommonly  he  sent  them  every  day  a  brace  of  bucks,  conies, 
hares,  and  fish,  and  sometimes  me'ons,  walnuts,  cucumbers,  pease,  and  divers 
roots." 

In  their  wanderings,  Captain  Jim  das  and  seven  others  visited  the  island  of 
Roanoake,  where  thoy  found  the  faitiily  of  Granganemeo  living  in  great  com- 
fort and  plenty,  in  a  little  town  of  nine  houses.  The  chief  was  not  at  home, 
"  but  his  wife  entertauied  them  with  wonderful  courtesy  and  kindness.  She 
made  some  of  her  people  draw  their  l)oat  up,  to  prevent  its  being  injured  by 
the  beating  ,."  the  surge  ;  some  she  ordered  to  bring  them  ashore  on  their 
backs,  and  others  to  carry  their  oars  to  the  house,  for  fear  of  being  stole. 
When  they  came  into  the  house,  she  took  off'  their  cloathes  and  stockings, 
and  washed  tliem,  as  likewise  their  feet  in  warm  water.  When  their  dinner 
■*A  as  ready,  they  were  conducted  into  an  inner  room,  (for  there  were  five  in 

*  Relation  of  Lane,  printed  in  Smith's  Virginia. 

t  Herriot's  Observations,  (one  o(  Lane's  company,)  printed  '"n  StnUh, 

I  Siith's  Hist.  Virginia,  19. — See  Book  ii.  Chap.  ii. 


^il,^^:.;vV^;- 


Chap.  1] 


DEATH  OP  MANTEO— POWHATAN. 


the  house,  divided  by  mats,)  Avhere  they  foiind  hominy,*  boiled  venison,  and 
roasted  fish;  and,  as  a  desert,  melons,  boiled  roots,  and  frtiits  of  various  sorts. 
While  they  were  at  meat,  two  or  three  of  her  men  came  in  with  their  bows 
and  arrows,  which  made  the  English  take  to  their  arms.  But  she,  perceiving 
their  distrust,  ordered  their  l)ows  and  arrows  to  be  broken,  and  themselves  to 
be  beaten  out  of  the  gate.  In  tiie  evening,  the  English  returned  to  their  boat ; 
and,  putting  a  little  off  from  shore,  lay  at  anchor ;  at  which  she  was  much 
concerned,  and  brought  their  supper,  half  boiled,  pots  and  all  to  the  shore : 
and,  seeing  their  jealousy,  si)e  ordered  several  men,  and  30  Women,  to  sit  all 
night  upon  the  shore,  as  a  guard  :  and  sent  five  mats  to  cover  tliem  from  tlie 
weather." t  Well  hath  the  poet  demanded,  "Call  ye  them  savage?"  If  tlie 
wife  of  Grangancmeo  wa.s  savage,  in  the  conunon  acceptation  of  the  term, 
where  shall  w<>  look  for  civilization  ? 

Siri?.  Greenvil,  ha\in.<;  arrived  on  the  coast  in  1585,  anchored  off  the  island 
Wokokon,  2(i  May,  and,  by  means  of  Manteo,  had  some  intercourse  with  the 
inhabitants.  At  Hatteras,  where  they  staid  u  short  time,  soon  after.  Gran- 
ganemeo,  with  Manteo,  went  on  board  their  shijis.  This  was  the  last  visit  he 
incde  to  the  English,  for  he  died  veiy  soon  alter. 

This  must  close  our  account  of  the  excelhsnt  fiimily  of  Granganemeo,  and 
would  that  tlie  account  of  the  English  would  balance  as  well, — but  they  exhibit 
their  own, — and  one  item  more  from  it,  and  we  close  the  comparison.  For  a 
small  kettle  they  took  50  skins,  worth  in  England  £12  10s.  sterling,  t 
We  have  now  arrived  at  tlie  most  interesting  article  in  Virginia  history. 
Powhatan  was,  of  all  the  chiefs  of  his  age,  the  most  famous  in  the  regions 
of  Virginia.  The  English  supposed,  at  first,  that  his  was  the  name  of  the 
country;  a  common  error,  as  we  have  seen  in  several  cases  in  the  previous 
books  of  our  biog-aphy,  but,  in  this  case,  unlike  the  others,  the  error  jire* 
vailed,  and  a  part  of  his  people,  ever  after  the  settlement  of  the  English,  w^n. 
called  the  Powhatnns.  A  great  river,  since  called  the  James,  and  a  bay  re- 
I'eived  his  name  also.  §  He  had  three  brothers,  Opitchepan,  Opekankanougk, 
and  Catatanugh,  and  two  sisters.  His  principal  residence  was  at  a  place 
called  fVeroivocomoco,  when  the  English  came  into  the  countiy ;  which  was 
upon  the  north  side  of  what  is  now  York  River,  in  the  county  of  Gloucester, 
nearly  ojipo-site  the  mouth  of  Queen's  Creek,  and  about  25  miles  l)elow  the 
fork  of  the  river.  |!  He  lived  hero  until  the  English  began  to  intrude  them.' 
siilves  into  his  vicinity,  when  lie  took  up  his  resiclencc  at  Orakakes. 

Powhatan  was  not  iiis  Indian  name,  or  ratiier  original  name ;  that  was 
Wahunsonacock.  He  is  descrilied  ms  tall  and  well-projiortioned — bearing  an 
ispoct  of  sadness— exceedingly  vigorou.-',  and  pu.sses.-=ing  a  body  capable  of 
sustaining  great  hardships.  He  was,  in  l(i()7,  !il)oiit  (50  years  of  age,  and  his 
hair  was  considerably  gray,  wliieJi  gave  hiiii  a  majestic  appearance.  At  his 
residence,  he  had  a  kind  of  wooden  form  to  sit  upon,  and  his  ornamental 
robe  was  of  raccoon  skins,  and  his  head-dress  was  composed  or  many  feath- 
ers wrought  into  a  kind  of  crown.  He  swayed  many  nations  upon  the  great 
rivers  and  bays,  the  chief  of  whom  he  had  conquered.  He  originally  claimed 
only  the  places  called  Powhatan,  (since  named  Haddihaddocks,)  Arrohattock, 
iiiow  Appomattox,)  Youghtanund,  Pamunky,  Mattapony,  Werowocomoco, 
and  Kiskiak;  at  which  time,  his  chief  seat  was  at  Powhatan,  near  the  falls  of 
James  River.  But  when  he  had  extended  his  conquests  a  great  way  north, 
he  removed  to  Werowocomoco,  as  a  more  commodious  situation. 

At  the  termination  of  his  warlike  career,  the  country  upon  James  River, 
iioni  its  mouth  to  the  falls,  and  all  its  branches,  was  the  boundary  of  his 
country,  southerly — and  so  across  the  country,  "  nearly  as  high  as  the  falls  of 
•ill  the  great  rivers,  over  Potowmack,  even  to  Patuxent,  in  Maryland,"  and 


■:;. V ■-.••  7 '-^ /'■£■}.•:»?■    ;  '.i 

.•'■■  .■  <n--  ...■■  \  ■  ■  • 

.    -  •  '.v-T'.''. 

■'.    ■«*!!:.  hf ■'.■'■■,  .  , 

•■'■''^"''-'  "  ■■  -•*•'<'• 

>%4,Vr^     ■   "  •  .-^ 


y-m^ 


'•  : :  »'•••'.*■.■  ^   • 

4y,.  •■,)■.- »■  ;'.;__:.    , 


*  "  A  food  made  of  Indian  corn,  or  maize,  beaten  and  carefully  husked,  something  like 
furmely  in  England ;  and  is  an  excellent  dish  various  ways." 

tS<iWs  Hist.  Virginia,  10,  11.  t  Smt7/i'»  Hist.  Virginia. 

j  These,  according  to  Heckewelder,  Philos.  Trans.  31,  should  have  been  called  Powliatltan, 
■'which  would  signify  the  river  of  progeny,  fruilfulness,  the  fruitful  river." 

II  About  two  miles  below  where  Richmond  now  stands.  The  farm  of  a  gentleman  of  the 
"••ne  ofMayo  included  the  site  of  a  part  of  his  iown,  in  i,dl3.— Campbell's  Virginia. 


irtt«i^.v  .  ,,"■ 
.*i^••'r.;'^' 


1 


m^ 


8 


POWHATAN.-SURPRISES  PAYANKATANK. 


[Book  1\  . 


Chap.  1.] 


''V-  .  'Ji>'ti.-:  "r"  •'  ^  -^ 
•.vi>i>*itr.-».A  .: 


rC".i  <■'■..'•.  "^■ 
Lui?,- ;■;;■; '-V' 

P:  *"^'  '...■:■■     .V  , 

r'i,?*^.-"  -■'■■ 


some  of  the  nations  on  the  north  shore  of  the  Chesapeake.  His  dominions, 
according  to  his  law  of  succession,  did  not  fall  to  his  children,  but  to  ItiH 
brothers,  and  then  to  his  sisters,  (the  oldest  first,)  thence  to  the  heirs  of  the 
oldest ;  but  never  to  the  heirs  of  the  males. 

He  usnully  kept  a  guard  of  40  or  50  of  the  most  resolute  and  well-formed 
men  about  him,  especially  when  he  slept;  but,  after  the  English  came  into  his 
country,  he  increased  them  to  about  200.  He  had  as  many,  and  such  women 
us  he  pleased  ;  and,  when  he  slept,  one  sat  at  his  head  and  another  at  his  feet. 
When  he  was  tired  of  any  of  his  wives,  he  bestowed  them  upon  such  of  liin 
men  as  most  pleased  him.  Like  the  New  England  chiefs,  lie  had  many  places 
wliere  he  passed  certain  seasons  of  the  year ;  at  some  of  which  he  had  verv 
spacious  wigwams,  30  or  40  yards  in  extent,  where  he  had  victuals  provideil 
against  his  coming. 

In  1608,  he  surprised  the  people  of  PayankatJink,  who  were  his  neisrhboi-M 
and  subjects.  Captain  Smith,  in  the  account,  "  writ  with  his  own  hand^^  says, 
"  the  occasion  was  to  vs  vnknowne,  but  the  manner  was  thus."  He  sent  sev- 
eral of  his  men  to  lodge  with  them  the  uijtht  on  which  he  meant  to  full  upon 
tliem ;  then,  secretly  surrounding  them  in  their  wigwams^  conunenced  u  iioi  rid 
slaughter.  They  killed  24  men,  took  off  their  sculps,  and,  with  the  women 
and  children  prisoners,  returned  to  the  sachem's  village.  The  8cal[)s  tliev 
exhibited  upon  a  line  between  two  trees,  as  a  trophy,  and  the  weroioance  (iheiV 
name  of  a  chief)  and  his  wife  Powhatan  made  his  servants. 

Up  to  the  year  1607,  every  attempt  to  settle  a  colony  in  V^irginia  had  failed; 
and,  at  this  tmie,  would  have  failed  also,  but  for  the  unexampled  pei-severancc 
of  one  man.  I  need  but  pronounce  the  name  of  Captain  John  Smith.  Tim 
colony  with  which  he  came  did  not  arrive  until  the  planting  season  was  over ; 
and,  in  a  short  time,  they  found  themselves  in  a  suffering  condition,  from  want 
of  suitable  provisions.  Smith,  therefore,  undertook  to  gam  a  supply  by  traffick- 
ing with  the  Indians  back  in  the  countrj',  who,  bemg  acquainted  with  his 
tjKimtion,  insulted  him  and  his  men  wherever  they  came  ;  offering  him  but  u 
handful  of  corn,  or  a  piece  of  bread,  for  a  gun  or  a  sword.  "But  seeing  by 
trade  and  courtesie  there  was  nothing  to  be  had,  he  made  bold  to  try  siicii 
conclusions  as  necessitie  inforced,  though  contrary  to  his  commission."  So 
he  fired  upon  them,  and  drove  them  into  the  woods.  He  then  marched 
to  their  village.  There  they  found  corn  in  abunuance,  which,  af>er  some 
manoeuvring,  he  succeeded  in  trading  for,  and  returned  with  a  supply  to 
Jamestown. 

Smith,  soon  after,  proceeded  to  discover  the  source  of  the  Chikahamania. 
When  he  had  passed  up  as  far  as  it  was  navigable  for  his  barge,  he  left  it  in  a 
wide  place,  at  a  safe  distance  from  the  shore,  and  ordered  his  men  not  to  go 
on  shore  on  any  condition.  Taking  two  of  his  own  men  and  two  Indians,  he 
proceeded  to  complete  his  discovery.  As  soon  as  he  was  gone,  his  men  went 
on  shore ;  one  was  killed,  and  the  rest  hardly  escaped.  Smith  was  now  20 
miles  into  the  wilderness.  Opekankanovgh,  with  ;?00  warriors,  having  learned, 
from  the  men  they  had  just  taken,  which  way  he  was  gone,  followed  after  him, 
and  came  upon  the  two  Englishmen  belonging  to  his  company,  and  killed 
them  both  while  asleep,  he  bemg  absent  to  shoot  some  fowls  for  provisions ; 
they  then  continued  their  pursuit  after  him.  He  was  not  far  from  his  canoe, 
and  endeavored  to  retreat  to  it,  but,  being  hard  pressed,  made  a  shield  of  one 
of  his  Indians,  and,  in  this  manner,  fought  upon  the  retreat,  until  he  had  killed 
three,  and  wounded  divers  others.  Being  obliged  to  give  all  his  attention  to 
his  pursuers,  he  accioontally  fell  'nto  a  creek,  where  the  mud  was  so  deep  that 
he  could  not  extricate  himijelf  Even  now,  none  dared  to  lay  hands  upon  him ; 
and  those  whom  their  owi'  r.umbers  forced  nearest  to  him,  were  observed  to 
tremble  with  fear.  The  Indian  he  had  bound  to  his  arm  with  his  garters, 
doubtless  saved  him  from  being  killed  by  their  arrows,  from  which,  owing  lo 
his  Indian  shield,  he  received  but  very  little  hurt,  except  a  wound  in  hia 
thigh,  though  his  clothes  were  shot  full  of  them. 

When  he  could  stand  no  longer  in  the  mire,  without  perishing  with  cold, 
he  threw  away  his  arms,  and  suffered  them  to  come  and  take  nim.  After 
pulling  him  out  of  the  mire,  they  took  him  to  the  place  where  his  men  had 
just  b«en  killed,  where  there  was  a  fire.    They  now  showed  him  kindnest, 


Chap.  1.] 


POWHATAN.— SMITH'S  CAPTIVITY. 


rubbing  bis  benumbed  limbs,  and  warming  him  by  tbe  fire,  lie  asked  fi'.r 
their  chief,  and  Opekanknnon<rh  appeared,  to  whom  he  gave  a  small  compass. 
This  amused  them  nxcccdiiigly.  "Much  they  marvelled  at  the  playing  M'  the 
fly  and  needle,  which  they  could  see  so  plaiidy,  and  yet  not  touchit,  because 
of  the  glass  that  covered  tfiom.  But  when  he  demonsti-ated,  by  that  globe-like 
icwell,  tlie  i-ounducsse  of  the  earth,  and  skies,  the  spheare  of  the  sumie,  and 
moont",  and  stan-es,  and  how  the  siinne  did  chase  the  night  round  about  the 
world,  continually — the  greatnesse  of  the  land  and  sen,  the  diversity  of  the 
nations,  varietie  of  complexions,  and  how  we  were  to  them  antipodes,  and 
many  other  such  like  matters,  they  all  stood  as  amazed  with  admiration!" 
Yet,  notwithstanding  ho  had  such  success  in  explaining  to  tliem  his  knowledge 
of  geography  and  astronomy,  (how  much  of  it  they  understood  we  will  not 
undertake  to  say,)  within  an  hour  after,  they  tied  him  to  a  tree,  and  a  nmltitude 
of  them  seemed  prepared  to  shoot  him.  But  when  their  bows  were  bent, 
Opekankanoitgh  held  up  his  compass,  and  they  all  laid  down  their  weapons. 
Tliey  now  led  him  to  Orapakas,  or  Orakakes,  a  temporary  seat  of  Powhatan, 
on  the  north  side  of  Chikahominy  swamp,  in  what  is  now  Gloucester  county 
on  York  river.*    Here  they  feasted  him,  and  treated  him  well. 

When  diey  marched  him,  they  drew  themselves  up  in  a  row,  with  their 
chief  in  the  midst,  before  whom  the  guns  an''  words  they  had  taken  from  the 
English  were  borne.  Smith  came  next,  led  by  three  great  men  hold  of  each 
arm,  and  on  each  side  six  inore,  with  their  arrows  notched,  and  ready,  if  he 
should  attempt  to  escape.  At  the  town,  they  danced  and  sung  about  him,  and 
then  put  him  into  a  large  house,  or  wigwam.  Here  they  kept  him  so  well, 
that  he  thought  they  were  fatting  him  to  kill  and  eat.  They  took  him  to  a 
sick  man  to  cure  him  ;  but  he  told  them  he  could  not,  unless  they  would  let 
him  go  to  Jamestown,  and  get  something  with  which  he  could  do  it.  This 
they  would  not  consent  to. 

The  taking  of  Jc^mestown  was  now  resolved  upon,  and  they  made  great 
preparations  for  it.  To  this  end,  they  endeavored  to  g(!t  Smithes  assistance, 
by  making  large  promises  *"  land  and  women  ;  but  he  told  them  it  could  not 
be  done,  and  described  to  them  the  great  diffictdty  of  the  undertaking  in  such 
a  manner  that  they  were  greatly  terrified.  With  the  idea  of  procuring  some- 
thing curious.  Smith  prevailed  u[)on  some  of  them  to  go  to  Jamestown ;  which 
journey  they  performed  in  the  most  severe  frosty  and  snowy  weather.  By 
this  means,  he  gave  the  people  there  to  understand  what  bis  situation  was,  and 
what  was  intended  against  them,  by  sending  a  leaf  from  his  pocket-book,  with 
a  few  words  written  upon  it.  He  wrote,  also,  for  a  few  articles  to  be  sent, 
which  were  duly  brought  by  the  messengers.  Nothing  had  caused  such 
astonishment  as  their  bringing  the  very  articles  Smith  had  promised  them. 
That  he  coidd  talk  to  his  friends,  at  so  great  a  distance,  was  utterly  incompre- 
hensible to  them. 

Beint  obliged  to  give  up  the  idea  of  destroying  Jamestown,  they  amused 
themselves  by  taking  their  captive  from  place  to  place,  in  great  pomp  and 
triumpii,  and  showing  him  to  die  different  nations  of  the  dominions  of  Pow- 
hatan. They  took  him  to  Youghlannund,  since  called  Pamunkey  River,  the 
country  over  which  Opefeankanough  was  chief,  whose  principal  residence 
was  where  the  town  oi  Pamunkey  since  was  ;  thence  to  the  Mattaponies, 
Piaiikatanks,  the  Nautaugbtacuuds,  oti  Rappahanock,  the  Nominies,  on  the 
Patowmack  River  ;  thence,  in  a  circuitous  course,  through  several  other 
nations,  back  again  to  the  residence  of  Opekankanough,  Here  they  practised 
conjurations  upon  him  for  three  successive  days ;  to  ascertain,  as  they  said, 
whether  he  intended  them  good  or  evil.  This  proves  they  viewed  him  as  a 
kin-'  of  god.  A  bag  of  gunpowder  having  fallen  into  their  hands,  they  pre- 
served it  with  great  care,  thinking  it  to  be  a  grain,  intending,  in  the  spri.ng,  to 
plant  it,  as  they  did  corn.  He  was  here  again  feasted,  and  none  could  eat 
until  he  had  done. 

Being  r.r-w  satisfied,  having  gone  through  all  the  manoeuvres  and  pranka 
with  him  they  could  think  of,  they  proceeded  to  Powhatan.  "  Here  more  than 
200  of  those  grim  courtiers  stood  wondering  at  him,  as  he  had  been  a  monster, 

*  Bancro/Vs  Hist.  U.  States,  i.  146. 


'■Hm 

'•                  -* 

'          •■•,'■  '  •-•'■^  '■" 

i'MMy^M 

'^!f£^R 

■■■■  ■■■:  .."■■•  .-■•.>• 

jM-tfiH 

■'  •"•■•'^i.''. '  ■' 

'-vm 

'.  r^i.'' ('.<••■'■ 

■  'y.-r'-y^  .«  - 

'  t   »■*'. " ' 

rWB; 

-.  •■.  .  .; 

^':r^mA. 

■; 

*     .'• 

■ .,:?  v:<jV'vr  .■■  *: 

^:'-'lL 

••  .*    '  *  '■ 

-      H  . .  4i'-i    '\.  *  t 

■  *    •'■ 

■'.■  e-  ■  '          •    . 

-   V  '*'  ■ 

■.<>  -■•.■    •■■ 

'>'''* 

■^•'.''.  '^v^-i-v.  '<■-.' 

i-.r 


\    ■''•.■•VV.'-  I.  :■■  ' 


•■•■>.  .'..yV-   ■'■■■■    ■.   :''■'.:       ^ 


■•   ^  'i  I'      ' 

■•■'?.■  .'•■-,  ••>• 

■..  •.)■.:  ^'  •  ■ 


to 


POCAHONTAS  SAVES  THE  LIPK  OF  SMITH. 


[Book  IV. 


Chap.  I] 


"^v 


Bw'  '.1  ■T V.'     - 


•^■iC*-!-'--''---  ■  '    ' 

Kf^:■^,^.••^i;^••■, 


till  Poivhatan  and  his  trayne  had  put  themselves  in  their  greatest  braveries." 
He  was  .seated  boforo  a  fire,  upon  a  seat  like  a  bedstead,  having  on  a  robe  of 
raccoon  .skins,  "and  all  the  taylea  hanging  by."  On  each  side  of  him  sat  a 
young  woman  ;  and  upon  each  side  of  the  house  two  rows  of  men,  and  with 
as  many  vvomc^n  behind  them.  These  last  had  their  heads  and  shouldere 
painted  red — some  of  whose  heads  were  adoniotl  with  white  down  ;  and  about 
their  n(!cks  white  b«!ads.  On  Smith's  being  brouglit  into  the  presence  of 
Powhatan,  all  present  joined  in  a  great  shout.  "The  queen  of  Apamatuck  was 
appointed  to  bring  hini  water  to  wash  his  hands,  and  another  brought  him  a 
bunch  of  feathers,  instead  of  u  towel,  to  dry  them."  Then,  having  feasted  him 
again,  "  afler  their  best  barbarous  manner  they  could,  a  long  consultation  was 
lield,  but  the  conclusion  was,  two  great  stones  were  brought  before  Poivhatan 
— then  as  many  as  could  lay  hands  on  him,  dragged  him  to  them  and  tliereon 
laid  his  head,  and  being  ready,  with  their  clubs,  to  beat  out  his  brains,  Poca- 
hontas, the  king's  dearest  daughter,  when  no  entreaty  could  prevail,  got  his 
head  in  her  amies,  and  laid  her  own  upon  his,  to  save  him  from  death." 

Poivhatan  was  unable  to  resist  the  extraordinary  solicitations  and  sympathetic 
entreaties  of  iiis  kind-hearted  little  daughter,  and  thus  was  saved  tiie  life  of 
Captain  Smilh ;  a  character,  who,  without  this  astonishing  deliverance,  was 
sutficiently  n^nowned  for  escapes  and  adventures. 

The  old  sachem,  having  set  the  sentence  of  death  aside,  made  up  his  mind 
to  employ  Smith  as  an  artisan  ;  to  make,  for  himself,  robes,  shoes,  bows,  arrows, 
and  pots ;  and,  for  Pocahontas,  bells,  beads,  and  copper  trinkets.  Powhatan's 
son,  named  JS''antaquau8,  was  very  friendly  to  Smith,  and  rendered  him  many 
important  services,  as  well  after  as  during  his  captivity. 

"  Two  days  after,  Powhatan,  having  disguised  himself  in  tht  most  fearfullest 
manner  he  could,  caused  Captain  Smith  to  be  brought  forth  to  a  great  house  in 
the  woods,  and  there,  upon  a  mat  by  the  fire,  to  be  left  alone.  Net  long  after, 
from  behiude  a  mat  that  divided  the  house,  was  made  the  tnost  dolefullest 
uoyse  he  ever  heard ;  then  Powhatan,  more  like  a  Devill  than  a  man,  witli 
some  200  more,  as  black  as  himselfe,  came  unto  liim,  and  told  him,  now  they 
were  friends ;  and  presently  he  should  go  to  Jamestowne,  to  send  him  two 
great  gunnes,  and  a  gryndestone,  lor  which  he  would  give  him  the  country  of 
Capahowosick  [Capahowsick],  and  forever  esteem  him  his  sonne,  JVantuquond. 
So  to  Jamestowne,  with  12  guides,  Powhatan  sent  him.  That  night  they 
quartered  in  the  woods,  he  still  exjiecting,  (as  he  had  done  all  this  long  time  of 
his  imprisonment,)  every  hour  to  be  put  to  one  death  or  another."  Early  the 
next  morning,  they  came  to  the  fort  at  Jamestown.  Here  Ik;  treated  his 
guides  with  the  greatest  attention  and  kindness,  and  ofl'ered  Rawhunt,  in  a 
jestmg  manner,  and  for  the  sake  .)f  a  little  sport,  a  huge  mill-stone,  and  two 
demi-culverins,  or  nine  pound  cannons,  to  take  to  Powhatan,  his  master  ;  thus 
fulfilling  his  engagement  to  send  him  a  grindstone  and  two  guns.  This 
Rawhunt  was  a  sadiem  under  Poivhatan,  and  one  of  his  most  faithful  captains, 
and  who,  it  seems,  accompanied  Smith  in  his  return  out  of  captivity. 

"They  found  them  somevvl  at  too  heavie,  but  when  they  did  see  him  dis- 
charge them,  being  loaded  with  stones,  among  the  boughs  of  a  great  tree 
loaded  with  isicklcs,  the  yce  and  branches  came  so  tumbling  down,  that  the 
poore  salvages  ran  away  half  dead  with  fear.  But,  at  last,  we  regained  some 
conference  with  them,  and  gave  them  such  toyes,  and  sent  to  Powhatan,  his 
women,  and  children,  such  presents,  and  gave  them  in  generall  full  content."  * 
Powhatan  was  now  completely  in  the  English  interest,  and  almost  every 
other  day  sent  his  daugliter,  Pocahontas,  with  victuals,  to  Jamestown,  of  which 
they  were  greatly  in  need.  Smith  had  told  Poivhatan  itiat  a  great  chief,  which 
was  Caj)tain  J'^ewport,  would  arrive  from  England  about  that  time,  which 
coming  to  pass  as  he  had  said,  greatly  increased  his  admiration  ot  the  wisdom 
of  the  English,  and  he  was  ready  to  do  as  they  desired  in  every  thing,  and, 
but  for  the  vanity  and  ostentation  of  J^ewport,  matters  would  have  gone  on 
..  jll,  and  trade  flourished  greatly  to  their  advantage.  But  he  lavished  so  many 
presents  upon  Powhatan,  that  he  was  in  no  way  inclined  to  trade,  and  soon 

*  This  is  Captain  Smith's  own  account,  wiiicb  I  shall  follow  minutely ;  adding  occasionally 
from  Stith,  to  illustrate  the  geography  of  the  country. 


granted. 


Chap.  I.] 


POWHAl AN.— NEWPORT'S  FOLLY. 


u 


was 


,  arrow.*. 


;  tliu.s 
This 


begnn  to  show  his  haughtiness,  by  demanding  five  times  the  vahie  of  un  article, 
or  Ills  contempt  for  what  was  offered. 

By  JVetvpoii's  imprudence  and  lolly,  what  had  cost  Smith  so  much  toil  and 
pains  to  achieve,  was  lilown  away  by  a  single  breath  of  vanity.  Nevertiielesn, 
his  great  mind,  continually  exercised  in  difficult  matters,  brought  the  subtle 
chief  again  to  his  own  terms.  Himself,  with  JSTexoport,  and  ai)()ut  ^0  others, 
went  to  Powhatnv^s  residence  to  trade  with  him.  "  Wherein  Powhatan  carried 
himself  so  pmudly,  yet  discreetly,  (in  his  salvage  manner,)  as  made  us  all  to 
admire  his  natural  gifls."  He  pretended  that  it  was  far  l)encath  his  dignity  to 
trade  as  his  mi-n  did.  Thus  his  cnill  to  obtain  from  N'ewport  his  goods  for 
whatever  he  pleased  to  give  iis  return.  Smith  saw  through  Powh/Umi's  craft, 
and  told  JVeivport  how  it  would  turn  out,  but  l>eing  determined  to  show  him- 
self as  dignified  as  the  Indian  chief,  repented  of  his  folly,  like  too  many  otlier.><, 
when  it  was  too  late.  SmiVi  was  the  interpreter  in  the  business,  and  .Vewport 
the  chief.  Poiohatan  made  a  speecli  to  hitn,  when  they  were  about  to  enter 
upon  trading.  He  said,  "Captain  JSfnoport,  it  is  not  figreeable  to  my  greatness, 
in  this  peddling  manner,  to  trade  for  trilks;  and  I  esteem  you  also  a  great 
werowance.  Thenifore,  lay  me  down  all  your  coimnodities  together ;  wlint  J 
like  I  will  take,  and  in  recompense  give  you  what  I  think  fitting  their  v.ulue." 
Accordingly,  J^eicport  gave  him  all  his  goods,  and  received  in  return  only 
about  three  bushels  of  corn  ;  whereas  they  expected  to  have  obtained  twenty 
hogsheads.  This  transaction  created  some  hard  thoughts  between  Smith  and 
Xtivport. 

If  it  add  to  raise  Powhatan  in  our  admiration,  it  can  detract  nothing  flx)m 
the  chara'-ter  of  Smith,  to  say,  that  he  was  as  wily  as  the  great  Indian  chief 
For,  with  i  few  blue  bead.*!,  which  he  prtJtended  that  he  had  shown  liim  only  by 
accident,  mJ  which  ht  would  hardly  part  with,  as  he  pretended,  because  they 
were  of  great  price,  and  worn  only  by  great  kings,  he  completely  got  his  end, 
at  this  time,  answered.  Tantalization  had  tlie  desired  eftect,  and  Powhatan  was 
so  infatuated  with  the  lure,  that  he  was  almost  beside  himself,  and  was  ready 
to  give  all  he  had  to  possess  them.  "  So  that,  ere  we  departed,"  says  my 
relation,  "  for  a  pound  or  two  of  blew  beades,  he  brought  over  my  king  for  2 
or  300  bushells  of  corne." 

An  English  boy  was  left  with  Powhatan,  by  Captain  JVewport,  to  learn  the 
language,  manners,  customs  and  geography  of  his  country  ;  and,  in  return, 
Powhatan  gave  him  J^amontack,  one  of  his  ser\'ants,  of  a  shrewd  and  subtle 
ca|)acity,  whom  he  afterwards  carried  to  England.  Powhatan  became  offended 
with  Captain  Smith,  when  JVewport  left  the  country,  in  1608 ;  at  whose  depart- 
ure he  sent  him  20  turkeys,  and  demanded,  in  return,  20  swords,  which  were 
granted.  Shortly  after,  he  sent  tb.e  same  number  to  Smith,  expecting  the  like 
return ;  but,  being  disappointed,  ordered  his  men  to  seize  the  English  wher- 
ever they  could  find  them.  This  caused  difliculty — many  of  the  English 
being  robbed  of  their  swords,  in  the  vicinity  of  their  forts.  They  contitnied 
their  depredations  until  Smith  surprised  a  number  of  them,  from  whom  he 
learned  that  Powhatan  was  endeavoring  to  get  all  the  arms  in  his  power,  to  be 
able  to  massacre  the  English.  When  he  found  that  liis  plot  was  discovered, 
he  sent  Pocahontas,  with  presents,  to  excuse  himself,  and  pretended  that  the 
mischief  was  done  by  some  of  his  ungovernable  chiefs.  He  directed  her  to 
eud(!uvor  to  effect  the  release  of  his  men  that  were  prisoners,  which  Smith 
consented  to,  wholly,  as  he  ])retended,  on  her  account ;  and  thus  peace  was 
restored,  which  had  been  continually  interrupted  for  a  considerable  time  before, 

Ou  the  10th  of  September,  1008,  Smith  was  elected  governor  of  Virginia. 
Ktxopori,  going  often  to  England,  had  a  large  share  in  directing  the  affaii-s  of 
tiio  colony,  from  his  interest  with  the  proprietors.  He  arrived  about  this  time, 
and,  among  other  baubles,  brought  ovtir  a  crown  for  Powhatan,  with  directions 
for  his  coronation  ;  which  had  the  ill  effect  to  make  him  value  hims<!lf  more 
than  ever.  JVetvport  was  instructed  to  discover  the  coimtry  of  the  Monacans, 
a  nation  with  whom  Powhatan  was  at  war,  and  whom  they  would  assist  him 
against,  if  he  would  aid  in  the  business.  Captain  Smith  was  sent  to  him  to 
invite  him  to  Jamestown  to  receive  presents,  and  to  trade  for  corn.  On  arriv- 
ing at  Werowocomoco,  and  delivering  his  message  to  the  old  chief,  he  replied, 
"  If  your  king  have  sent  me  presents,  I  also  am  a  king,  aad  this  is  my  land. 


-'•'  "  'VI 


•'     ■    ':'C-'.  >"'  ''■'   '  ■  '  ■■. 


,-•■'"■>•'/■*'■•■•'  .1.  '     .  :^  ii'  'I 


',  »  ■:■; '  Yiy: 
■    "'■.■i,v"tt- 


\^- 


.^. ;."..; 


;lll'i ;  .K: 


M 


»•';■■•;'".'■.  ■  ' 


■  ■:!  pi 


■a^^i.l 


12 


POWHATAN.— ORDERS  THE  DEATH  OF  SMITH. 


[Book  IV. 


I 


•■■!;!*'^y".'':°'-\}>.,-- 

■.i:!'-';vV^i::.;^|-,::r:-. 


w^- ... .  ■ 

g.  ■•/   , .    J*    - 1 


Eiglit  diys  I  will  stay  to  receive  them.  Your  father  [meaning  JVeivport]  is  to 
come  fj  me,  not  I  to  him,  nor  yet  to  your  fort — neither  wil!  I  bite  at  siicli  a 
bate.  As  for  the  Monacans,  I  can  revenge  my  own  injuries;  and  as  for  ^<- 
quanachuck,  wliere  you  say  your  brother  was  slain,  it  is  a  contrary  way  from 
those  imrts  you  suppose  it ;  but,  for  any  salt  water  l>eyond  the  mountains,  the 
relations  you  have  had  from  my  people  are  fidse."  Home  of  tlie  Indians  hud 
made  the  Eoplii^h  believe  that  fhi;  South  Hen,  now  called  the  Pacific  Ocean, 
was  hut  a  short  distance  back.  To  kIiow  ,*-!mith  the  absurdity  of  the  storv,  he 
drew  a  map  ol'  the  country,  upon  the  ground.  Smith  returned  as  wise  as  lie 
went. 

A  house  was  built  for  Powhatan,  about  this  time,  by  some  Germans,  who  came 
over  with  JVewport.  These  inyn,  tiiinkiM;f  that  the  English  could  not  snhsist 
in  the  country,  wi;  o'lly  betrayed  alltlie  tiecrets  of  their  condition  to  Powhatan, 
which  was  '  ""ain  the  iource  of  much  trouble.  They  even  urged  him  lo  put 
all  the  En '4  1  o  d^.^fh,  agreeing  to  live  with  hhn,  '^nd  assist  him  in  the  exe- 
cution of  tli  *'>ml  c  project.  Powhatun  was  pleased  at  the  proposition,  and 
thought,  by  »  >  Husit.»u"c,  to  effect  what  he  had  formerly  hoped  to  do  by 
engaging  Smith  in  such  '  i  'iiterpi-ise.  Their  first  object  was  to  kill  Captaiii 
Smith  ;  by  which  act,  the  chief  obstacle  to  su  jcess  would  be  removed ;  and, 
accordingly,  they  took  every  means  in  their  pr  wer  to  effect  it 

In  the  first  place,  he  invited  him  to  come  and  trade  for  com,  hoping  an 
opportunity,  in  that  business,  would  ofliir.  That  his  design  might  not  be  mis- 
trusted, Powhatan  promised  to  load  liiy  ship  with  corn,  if  he  would  bring  him 
a  grindstone,  50  swords,  some  muskets,  a  cock  and  a  hen,  and  a  quantity  of 
copper  and  beads.  Smith  went  accordingly,  but  guarded,  as  though  sure  of 
meeting  an  enemy. 

In  their  way,  the  English  stopped  at  Warraaqueake,  and  were  informed, 
by  the  sachem  of  that  place,  of  Poivhatan^s  intentions.  That  sachem  kindly 
entertained  them,  and,  when  they  dej)arted,  furnished  them  with  guides.  On 
account  of  extreme  bad  weather,  they  W(!re  obliged  to  spend  near  a  week  at 
Kicquotan.  This  obliged  them  to  keep  their  Christmas  among  the  Indians, 
and,  according  to  our  authorities,  a  merry  Christmas  it  was ;  having  been 
"  never  more  merry  in  their  lives,  lodged  by  better  fires,  or  fed  with  greater 
plenty  of  good  bread,  oysters,  fish,  flesh,  and  wild  fowl." 

Having  arrived  at  Werowocomoco,  after  much  hardship,  they  sent  to  Pow 
hatan  for  provisions,  being  in  great  want,  not  having  taken  but  three  or  four 
days'  supply  along  with  them.  The  old  chief  sent  them  immediately  a  supply 
of  bread,  turkeys,  and  venison,  and  soon  after  made  a  feast  for  them,  accord- 
ing to  custom. 

Meanwhile,  Poichatan  pretended  he  had  not  sent  for  the  English ;  telling 
them  he  had  no  corn,  "and  his  people  umch  less,"  *  and,  therefore,  intimated 
tiiat  he  wished  they  would  go  off  again.  But  Smith  produced  the  messenger 
that  he  had  sent,  and  so  confronted  him  ;  Powhatan  then  laughed  heartily, 
and  thus  it  passed  for  a  joke.  He  then  asked  for  their  commodities,  "  but  he 
liked  nothing,  except  guns  and  swords,  and  valued  a  basket  of  corn  higher 
than  a  basket  of  copper  ;  saying,  he  could  rate  his  corn,  but  not  the  copper." 
Captain  Smith  then  made  a  speech  to  him,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  work 
upon  his  feelings  and  sense  of  honor ;  said  he  had  sent  his  men  to  build  him 
a  house  while  his  own  was  neglected  ;  that,  because  of  his  promising  to  sup- 
ply him  with  corn,  he  had  neglected  to  suj)]dy  himself  with  provisions  when 
he  might  have  done  it.  Finally,  Smith  reproached  him  of  divers  negligences, 
deceptions,  and  prevarications ;  but  the  main  cause  of  Powhatan's  refusing 
to  trade  seems  to  have  been  because  the  English  did  not  bring  the  articles 
he  most  wanted. 

When  Smith  had  done,  Pmvhatan  answered  him  as  follows: — "We  have 
but  little  com,  but  what  we  can  spare  shall  be  brought  two  days  hence.  As 
to  your  coming  here,  I  have  some  doubt  about  the  reason  of  it.  I  am  told,  by 
my  men,  that  you  came,  not  to  trade,  but  to  invade  my  people,  and  to  possess 
my  country.    This  makes  me  less  ready  to  relieve  you,  and  frightens  ray 

*  The  reader  may  wonder  bow  this  could  be,  but  it  is  so  in  the  old  history,  by  Stith,  86. 


love  J 


Chap.  11 


POWHATAN— HIS  SPEECHES. 


13 


accord- 


.mrhy* 
.  rit  •    a 


people  from  bringing  in  their  com.  And,  therefore,  to  relieve  tlicm  of  that 
fear,  leave  your  ariiis  aboard  your  boats,  Ninco  they  ore  needless  here,  where 
we  are  all  friends,  and  forever  Powhatans." 

In  these,  and  other  speeches  of  like  amount,  they  spent  the  first  day.  "  But, 
whilst  they  expected  the  coming  in  of  the  country,  they  wrangled  Powhatan 
out  of  80  bushels  of  corn,  for  a  copper  kettle ;  which  the  president  s«'oiiig 
him  much  affect,  [value,]  he  told  him  it  was  of  much  greater  vaUie  ;  yet,  in 
regard  of  his  scarcity,  he  would  acc('|)t  that  quantity  at  present ;  provided  he 
should  have  as  much  more  the  next  year,  or  the  Manakin  country,"  were  that 
condition  not  complied  with. 

This  transaction  will  enual  any  thing  of  the  kind  in  the  history  of  New 
England,  but  we  will  l^ave  thc!  reader  to  makis  his  own  comment. 

At  the  same  time,  Powhatan  made  another  speech,  in  which  were  some 
very  singular  passages,  as  reported  by  Smith,  One  was,  that  he  had  seen  the 
deatli  of  all  his  people*  three  times  ;  and  that  none  of  those  three  generations 
was  then  living,  exropt  himself.  This  was  evidently  only  to  make  the  Eng- 
lish think  him  something  more  tiian  human.  The  old  chief  then  went  on 
and  said, 

"lam  now  grown  old,  and  nnist  soon  die;  and  the  succession  I'-'st  de- 
scend, in  order,  to  my  brothers,  Opitcliapan,  Opekankarwu^h,  and  C'c/ 
and  then  to  my  two  sisters,  and  their  two  duugliters.  I  wish  their  exp 
was  equal  to  mine;  and  that  your  love  to  us  might  not  be  less  th  'i  oui.-.  i 
you.  Why  should  you  take  by  force  that  from  us  which  you  ca.j  have  by 
love  ?  Vf'hy  shoida  you  destroy  us,  who  have  provided  you  with  food  ? 
What  can  you  get  by  war?  We  can  hide  our  provisions,  and  fly  into  the 
woods;  and  then  you  must  consequently  famish  by  wronging  your  /riends. 
What  is  the  cause  of  your  jealousy?  You  see  us  unarmed,  Rid  willing  to 
8U[)pIy  your  wants,  if  you  will  come  in  a  friendly  manner,  d  not  with 
Hwonis  and  guns,  as  to  invade  an  enemy.  I  am  not  so  simple,  ab  not  to  know 
it  is  l)etter  to  eat  good  moat,  lie  well,  and  sleep  quietly  with  my  women  and 
children ;  to  laugh  and  be  nieriy  with  the  English  ;  and,  being  their  friend, 
to  have  copper,  hatchets,  and  whatever  else  I  want,  than  to  fly  from  all,  to  lie 
cold  in  the  woods,  feed  upon  acorns,  roots,  and  such  trash,  and  to  be  so 
hunted,  that  I  cannot  rest,  eat,  or  sleep.  In  such  circumstances,  my  men 
must  watch,  and  if  a  twig  should  but  break,  all  would  cry  out,  *  Here  comes 
Capt.  Smith ; '  and  so,  in  this  miserable  manner,  to  end  my  miserable  life ; 
and,  Capt.  Smith,  this  might  be  soon  your  fate  too,  through  your  rashness  and 
unadvisedness.  I,  therefore,  exhort  you  to  peaceable  councils  ;  and,  above  all, 
I  insist  that  the  guns  and  swords,  the  cause  of  all  our  jealousy  and  uneasiness, 
be  removed  and  sent  away." 

Smith  interpreted  this  speech  to  mean  directly  contrary  to  what  it  expressed, 
and  it  rather  confirmed,  than  lessoned,  his  former  suspicions.  He,  however, 
made  a  speech  to  Powhatan,  in  bis  turn,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  convince 
him  that  the  English  intended  him  no  hurt;  urging,  that,  if  they  bad,  how 
easily  they  Jiiight  have  effected  it  long  before;  and  that,  as  to  their  perishing 
witii  want,  be  would  have  him  to  imdei-stand  that  the  English  had  ways  to 
supply  themselves  unknown  to  the  Indians;  that  as  to  his  sending  away  the 
arms,  there  was  no  reason  in  that,  since  the  Indians  were  always  allowed  to 
bring  thciis  to  Jamestown,  and  to  keep  them  in  their  hands.  Seeing  SmitWs 
inflexibility,  and  des|)airing  of  accomplishing  his  intended  massacre,  be  sj)oke 
again  to  Smith  as  follows : — 

"Cajjt.  Smith,  I  never  use  any  werowance  so  kindly  as  yourself;  yet  from 
you  I  receive  the  least  kindness  of  any.  CapL  JS/etoport  gave  me  swords,  cop- 
per, clothes,  or  whatever  else  I  desired,  ever  accepting  what  I  offered  him ; 
and  would  send  away  his  guns  when  requested.  No  one  refuses  to  lie  at  my 
feet,  or  do  what  I  demand!,  but  you  only.  Of  you  I  can  have  nothing,  but 
what  you  value  not ;  and  yet,  you  will  have  whatsoever  you  please.  Capt. 
JVewport  you  call  father,  and  so  you  call  me ;  but  I  see,  in  spite  of  us  both, 
you  will  do  what  you  will,  and  we  must  both  study  to  humor  and  content  you. 
But  if  you  intend  so  friendly,  as  you  say,  send  away  youi  arms ;  for  you  see 


a 


Catanaugh,  Slith. 


t  '.'I 


'it . 


:M 


■,--rf::.-.,-      •    . 


;k''- 


.■■■■V  :.■ 


'~z-i\ 


>;  .-    '.'-.■ft'' 

';  .*■••<->'  •  •  •' 

•'  " ',  »■.■••  ,•  ■.      .    • 
.'■  ■.:^'•^t.  ■>!'• 


■.•;n ' 


■  ■■■I. .   -■» 


/■.'it 
.'  -'M-ir 


:;  v:r^';|tar.-i-. 

'u.  .'."I'vY  .■■»•■   ■ 

i'.-'~  .■^Mf^^J^t^''y 


■ii::':\^t>-''r  ■■■' 
l.>r•Wv.•i?■'^■''• 

b'.45J  .■:^>^:•.• 
^*>.fc>ii^•^"'^■•■■' 


■*■«. .  \-'  '■■■  •  ■ 

-I ■'^■;'rv ■■■■■■.  • 


m 


14 


POWHATAN— HIS  INSTRUCTIONS  TO  TOMOCOMO.        [Book  IV, 


my  undesigning  siinplicity  and  friendship  cause  me  thus  nakedly  to  forgot 
myHclf." 

Smith  now  whh  out  of  all  patience,  seeing  Poivluitan  only  trifled  awuy  the 
time,  that  ho  might,  by  some  iiioanR,  accuinpllHh  Ihh  deuign.  The  IwatH  of 
the  English  were  kept  at  a  distance  from  the  shore,  by  reason  of  ice.  Smith, 
therefore,  resorted  to  deceotioii ;  he  got  the  Indians  to  break  the  ice,  that  his 
men  might  come  in  and  take  on  board  the  corn  they  had  bought,  and,  at  tiie 
same  time,  gave  orders  to  tJKjni  to  sei/e  Powhittmi  ;  Smith,  in  the  mean  time, 
was  to  amuse  him  with  false  promiHes.  Jhii  SrnUh''a  talk  was  too  full  of 
flattery  not  to  be  seen  through  by  the  sagacious  sachem ;  and,  l)ef<)rt'  it  wjim 
too  late,  he  conveyed  himself,  his  women,  children,  and  effects,  into  the 
woods;  having  succeeded  in  his  decc^ption  better  than  Smith;  for  two  or 
three  squaws  amused  him  while  Powhatan  and  the  rest  escaped.  l'nwillin<r, 
however,  to  renounce  his  purpose,  Powhatan  sent  Smith,  soon  after,  a  viihiabic 
bracelet,  as  a  i)resent,  by  an  old  orator  of  his,  who  tried  to  excuse  the  eoridiict 
of  his  sachem ;  he  said  Powhatan  ran  off  Ik  cause  he  was  afraid  of  the  Iln;:- 
lish  arms,  and  said,  if  they  could  be  laid  aside,  he  would  come  with  his  jho- 
ple,  and  bring  corn  in  abundance.  At  leii^'th,  finding  all  arlitices  vain,  Pow- 
hatan resolved  to  fall  upon  the  English,  in  their  cabins,  on  the  following  niglit. 
But  here,  again,  Pocahontas  sav<:d  the  lifis  of  Smith  and  his  atten«lunts.  Sjie 
came  alone,  in  a  dismal  night,  through  the  woods,  and  informed  Smith  of  her 
ftither's  design.  F'or  this  most  signal  favor,  he  offered  her  sucli  articles  us  he 
thought  would  please  her;  but  she  would  accept  of  nothing,  and,  with  tears 
standing  in  her  eyes,  said  if  her  father  should  Sfse  her  with  any  thinj:,  he 
would  mistrust  wliat  she  had  done,  and  instant  death  would  be  her  reward  ; 
and  she  retired  by  herself  into  the  woods,  as  she  came. 

Potohatan  was  so  exasperated  at  the  failure  of  his  [dots,  that  he  threatened 
death  to  his  men  if  they  did  not  kill  Smith  by  some  means  or  other.  Not 
long  after,  a  circumst  ince  occurred,  which  gave  him  security  tlie  rest  of  his 
administration.  One  of  Powhatan^a  men,  having,  by  some  means,  got  a 
quantity  of  powder,  pretended  that  ho  could  manage  it  like  the  English. 
Several  came  about  him,  to  witness  his  exploit  ^  with  the  strange  comniudity, 
when,  by  some  means,  it  took  fire,  "  and  blew  him,  with  one  or  two  more,  to 
death."  This  struck  such  a  dread  into  the  Indians,  and  so  ama/.ed  and 
frightened  Po»>W«;i,  that  his  people  caino  from  all  directions,  and  desired 
peace;*  many  of  whom  returned  stolen  articles  that  the  English  had  never 
before  missed.  Pouhatan  would  now  send  to  Jamestown  such  of  his  men 
as  had  injured  the  English,  that  they  might  be  dealt  with  as  they  deservtul 
The  same  year,  1609,  he  sent  them  nern-ly  half  his  crop  of  corn,  knowing 
them  to  he  in  great  want. 

Captaki  Smith,  having,  by  accident,  l)een  shockingly  burned  by  his  powdcr- 
Iwigs  taking  fire,  for  want  of  sui-gical  aid,  was  obliged  to  leave  the  country 
and  go  to  England,  from  whence  he  never  returned.  He  published  the 
account  of  the  first  voyages  to  Virginia,  and  his  own  adventures,  w  hieh  is 
almost  the  only  authority  for  the  early  history  of  that  country.  He  tlied  in 
London,  in  1631,  f  in  the  52d  year  ol  his  age. 

The  Dutchmen  of  whom  we  have  spoken,  and  who  had  been  so  assiduous 
to  bring  ruin  upon  the  colony,  came  to  a  miserable  end.  One  of  them  died 
in  wretchedness,  and  two  others  had  their  brains  beat  out  by  order  of  Powha- 
tan, for  their  deception. 

After  Smith  had  lefl  Virginia,  the  Indians  were  made  to  believe  liiat  he  was 
dead.  Powhatan  doubted  the  report,  and,  some  time  after,  ordered  one  of  his 
counsellors,  named  Uttamatomakin,^  or  Tomocomo,  §  Avhom  he  sent  to  Enghuul, 
to  find  out,  if  possible,  where  he  was.  He  instructed  him,  also,  to  note  the 
nund)er  of  the  people,  to  learn  the  state  of  the  country,  and,  if  he  found  Smilh, 
to  make  him  show  him  tlie  God  of  the  English,  and  the  king  and  queen. 
When  he  arrived  at  Plimouth,  he  took  a  long  stick,  and  began  to  perform  a 
part  of  his  mission  by  ctitting  a  notch  for  every  person  he  should  see.    But 


*  Did  not  Ihc  En^lsh  of  New  England  owe  thnir  safety  to  Massasoil  and  Miantunnomoh/s 
fear  of  the  same  article  ? 


t  Josselyn,  N.  Eng.  Rarities,  lOG. 


t  Or  Uttainaccomack,  Smith. 


^  Purchas. 


■!;• 


Chap.  II.] 


DEATH  OF  POWHATAN.— HIS  SUCCESSORS. 


15 


he  soon  gave  up  that  business.  And,  when  he  returned  to  hu  own  re  uiitry, 
hiri  cliicf  UHked  him,  among  other  things,  to  give  him  an  account  of  the  num- 
ber of  the  inhabitants  in  England.  IIIh  anHwer  to  that  inquiry,  vvtt  hazard  not 
much  in  saying,  is  nearly  as  extensiv^^ly  known  as  the  golden  rule  of  Confu- 
cius, It  was  as  follows:  "  Count  the,  xlitra  in  the  nktf,  tlie  leaves  on  fin-  trees,  and 
the  snrui  upon  the  sea-shore,— for  such  U  llie  numbir  of  the  people  of  Ihii^lnml."' 

ToMocoMO  hat!  married  a  sister  of  Pocahontas,  and,  |)rol)al>ly,  iiicoinpiuiied 
her  to  Englantl.*  While  there,  the  famous  anti()uary,  Samuel  Punhasi;  had 
an  interview  with  hiriMuid  from  whom  he  collected  many  fact.s  relating  to 
the  rniinners  and  customs  of  his  countrymen  ;  the  result  of  which  Ik-  utb-r- 
wards  judilished  in  liis  Pilgrims,  f 

The  diiliculties  were  almost  perpetual  between  Powhatan  and  the  English ; 
very  little  tiuK!  passed,  while  he  lived,  but  what  was  full  of  broils  and  dissiitis- 
fuction,  on  the  one  part  or  the  other.  Few  Indian  chiefs  have  liillen  imder 
our  notices,  possessing  such  extraordinary  characteristics  as  Powluttan.  He 
died  at  |)eace  with  the  English,  hi  April,  1018,  and  was  sncceeded  by  Opitcha- 
pan,  his  second  brother,  who  was  known  afterwards  by  the  name  Itopalin. 

Our  readers  will  Ikj  compelltul  to  a<"knowledg«  that  Captain  Smith  was 
barbarous  enough  towards  the  ludiiins,  but  we  have  not  met  with  any  thing 
quite  so  borribli',  in  the  course  of  nis  proceedings,  as  was  exiiibiti'd  by  his 
successor,  Lord  I)e  La  /Far.  Tiiis  frtntleman,  itisteud  of  taking  a  nictin 
course  between  the  practices  of  Smith  and  JVewpoii,  went  into  th(!  worst 
extreme.  Finding  Powhatan  insolent,  on  his  arrival  in  tht;  country,  bt; 
determined,  by  severity,  to  bring  biin  to  unconditional  submission.  Having, 
therefore,  got  into  bis  bands  an  Indian  prisoner,  his  lordship  cau.sed  bis  right 
hand  to  be  cut  of!'.  In  this  maitned  and  horrid  condition,  be  sent  bini  to 
Potohatan ;  at  the;  same  time  giving  the  sachem  to  understand,  that  all  his 
subjects  would  be  served  in  this  manner,  if  he  refused  obedience  any  longer; 
telling  him,  also,  that  all  the  corn  in  tlie  country  should  be  immediately 
destroyed,  which  was  just  then  ripe.  J  This  wretched  act  increased,  as 
reasonal)ly  it  should,  the  indiguatiun  o£  Powhatan,  and  his  acts  were  governed 
accordingly. 


♦t?.. 


••,  .v".]t:' 


■'■•.'•1 


;:^ 


H§0t 


CHAPTER  n. 


Reflection  upon  the  character  of  Powhatan — Pocahontas — She  singulurhj  entertains 
Captain  Smith — Disaster  of  a  boat's  crerr — Smitfi's  attempt  to  surprise  Powhatan 
friistrated  in  conseijuenre — Pocahontas  saves  the  life  of  Wijffin — Brtraijr.d  into  the 
hands  of  the  English — Japazaws — Mr.  Rolfe  marries  Pocahontas — Oi-achisco — 
Pocahontas  visits  England — Her  interview  with  Smith — Dies  at  Gnivescnd — Her 
son — Gpekankanoit.h — Made  prisoner  by  Smith — Is  set  at  liberty — Nkmattanow 
— Murders  an  Englishman — Is  murdered  in  his  turn — His  singular  conduct  at  his 
death — Conducts  the  massacre  of  1(122 — Plots  the  extirpation  of  the  English — Co7i- 
ducts  the  horrid  massacre  of  1644 — Is  taken  prisoner — His  conduct  upon  the 
occasion — Barbarously  wounded  by  the  guard — Lost  spierh,  and  magnaninuty  in 
death — Reflections — Nickotawanck — Totopotomoi — Joins  the  Englith  against 
the  Rechahccrians — Is  defeated  ami  slain. 


It  is  impossible  to  say  what  would  have  been  the  conduct  of  the  great 
Powhatan  towards  the  English,  bad  he  been  treated  by  them  as  he  ought  to 
have;  been.  The  uncommonly  nMiial)le,  virtuous,  and  feeling  disposition  of 
his  daughter,  will  always  be  brought  to  mind  in  reading  his  liistory  ;  and,  jiot- 
wiibstanding  he  is  described  by  the  historians  as  pos.sessing  a  sour,  morose, 
and  savage  disposition,  full  of  treachery,  deceit  and  cunning — and  whose 
word  was  never  to  be  depended  upon — yet,  on  the  very  page  that  be  is  thus 

*  Mr.  OWmijron  (Brit.  I'.mpire,  i.  2S.5.)  says,  "  That  when  the  princess  Pocahnritris  came 
for  EiiKJaud,  a  coucarousa,  or  lord  of  her  own  nation,  attended  her ;  his  name  was  Vttamacco- 
mack. 


t  Vol.  V.  b.  viii,  chap.  vi.  page  955, 


t  Harris,  Voyages,  11.  226. 


'■f,! 


■  'V 


11 

■I  ^^^ 


Hi 


0-- 

alt  ' 


■  I     '    ?    -       i  If      '■^     * 


A:'^..-^> 


I,  >.■ 


•r:-«. 


.  :V 


."A;-;'';  '.iv..• 


'Vi   >v 


■ ..  ".I.  a«'j      ■ 

■  ;--;*rvi  v;.^^,;., 

•  •.  ■■  ■.•.•A'"'.. 

' .'  %'!>-'i'k't: ■  ■■■ 
•:-,,'*'V.'>...^,/  .;;;■... 


A., 


•  ^■•''v  !■■■■^/^■■'■''•■• 
;:■    i  .. .',  ■■  **■     .   :  -• 
'■1  »'  ■'»■  ■.!  ^    ."■ 

$J^r  '■.•.;■'> 
t,n;>'>V'     ,■■■■•      c. 
"'  ';'■'."•  ■■^'■^■.',.'  • 

;••.••>,  :■/'■;(     .- 

SB^HH"-^*'  '■■■■■ 


16 


POCAHONTAS— SAVKS  TflK  IJFR  OF  A  CAPTIVE.       [Hooit  IV. 


rpprrst'iitnd,  wo  hIihII  find  the  uainn  fmiltB  H<-t  him  oh  i!.xntii|>li>H  by  tlin  Kii^IIhIi 
lliotiiwIvfH. 

Till!  fiFHt  nrul  most  memonihln  evoiitH  in  the  Ufe  of  Pocahontas  have  iktch. 
Mirily  ho'ii  di^tiiihul  in  the  iiocount  of  h*>i'  tiithcr;  thcrcfoni  wo  hIiiiII,  under  \wx 
own  niiiric,  >{ivc  ihow;  wliirh  nns  moro  (h.-roinifctt'd  with  \m. 

I'OCAIIONTAS  wiiH  horn  uht)nt  thf  yciir  1594  or  5,  nnd  honce  wax  no  more 
llian  l*.i  or  IM  ycnrs  old  when  nho  wivod  the  hfo  of  Captain  Smith,  in  ](!07. 
IOv(  ly  parliL'ular  of  thai  inont  extraordinary  8r«!nt!  has  ht-on  exhibited.  The 
imtiir  Pocohi'niti.s  or  Pomolu'tntts,  Hays  lle('keweider,«M,'anH  a  run  Ijetween  two 
liill.x.  It  has  biM?n  mentioned,  that,  at  thi?  snpjre.stion  or  Captain  JVetcport,  Smith 
went  Willi  a  few  men  to  Werowoeonioeo,  to  invite  Powiuttan  to  JameNtown 
to  receive  proKiuitN,  hoping  thereby  to  intiiienro  him  to  open  a  trade  in  corn 
wii.i  them. 

When  he  arrived  at  that  jilace,  Powhatan  wa.s  not  at  home,  hut  wa.s  at  the 
distance  of.'JO  miles  off.  Pocahontas  and  her  women  recc^ived  him,  and  while 
he  waited  for  her  liither,  they  thus  entertained  him: — "  In  a  fayre  plaine  lield,  (says 
Siiiilh,)  they  made  a  tire,  befori!  whieh,  he  sitting  upon  a  mat,  suddainly  anion^THt 
the  woods  was  heard  Niieji  a  hydeoiis  noisi;  and  slireckinp,  that  the  En^lisli 
ItctooUc  themselves  to  their  arms,  and  seized  on  two  or  three  old  men  by 
t!irm,  siipposiiif,'  Powhatan,  with  all  his  power,  wa.s  eonie  to  surprise 
iheiii.  Ihit  presently  Pocahontas  came,  williiif<  him  to  kill  hiir  if  any  hurt 
were  intended  ;  and  tlie  beiioldeis,  which  were  men,  women  and  childnjii, 
satisfied  the  captain  then;  was  no  such  matter.  Then  presently  they  were 
pre.sentiul  with  this  anticke  ;  'iO  youiif,'  womiiii  came  naked  out  of  the  woods, 
onely  covered  iK^iiiiid  and  before  with  a  few  preene  leaues,  their  iKxIies  all 
)ainted,  some  of  one  color,  sonn!  of  another,  but  all  diUeriiif^.  Their  leader 
lad  a  fayie  payie  of  buck's  lionies  on  her  head,  and  an  otter-skinne  at  her 
girdle,  and  another  at  her  nrme,  a  quiver  of  arrowes  at  her  backe,  a  how  and 
arrows  in  her  hand.  Tli<;  next  had  in  her  hand  a  sword,  and  another  a  cliih, 
another  a  pot-sticke,  all  horned  alike  ;  the  rest  every  one  with  their  seuerail 
devises.  These  tiends,  with  most  li(!liisli  shouts  and  cryes,  rushing  from 
among  the  trees,  east  themselves  in  a  ring  about  the  tire,  singing  and  dancing 
with  most  excellent  ill  varietie,  oft  falling  into  their  infernall  piussions,  aiul 
solemnly  again  to  sing  and  daunce.  Having  spent  neare  an  Jioure  in  this 
mascarado,  as  they  iMitred,  in  like  manner  tJiey  departed."  After  a  short  time, 
they  came  and  took  the  English  to  their  wigwams.  Here  they  were  more 
tormented  than  before,  "with  crowding,  pressing,  hanging  about  them,  most 
tediously  crying,  'Love  you  not  nie  ?  love  you  not  me  .'' "  When  they  had 
finished  their  caresses,  they  set  before  them  the  best  victuals  their  country 
afforded,  and  then  showed  them  to  their  lodgings. 

While  Captain  Smith  was  upon  an  expedition  into  the  country,  with  an 
intention  of  surprising  Powhatan,  there  happened  a  melaticholy  accident  at 
home,  to  a  boat's  crew,  which  had  been  sent  out  in  very  severe  weather,  by 
one  who  was  impatient  to  have  the  direction  of  mutters.  In  the  bout  were 
Captain  fValdo,  ftlaster  Scrivener,  the  projector  of  the  expedition,  Mr.  Anthony 
Gosnold,  brother  of  the  well-known  Bartholomew  Gosnold,*  and  eight  others. 
IJy  the  sinking  of  the  boat,  these  all  perished,  and  none  knew  what  had  become 
of  them,  until  their  bodies  were  found  by  the  Indians.  The  very  men  on 
whom  Smith  depended  to  remain  at  the  fort  for  his  succor,  in  case  he  sent  for 
them,  were  among  the  number.  Therefore,  to  prevent  the  failure  of  this 
expedition,  somebody  must  be  sent  to  apprize  Smith  of  the  catastrophe.  None 
volunteered  for  the  hazardous  service,  but  Mr.  Richard  Wifffin,  who  was 
obliged  to  undertake  it  alone.  This  was  a  time  when  Powliatan  was  very 
insolent,  and  urged  daily  the  killing  of  Smith  upon  his  men.  Nevertheless, 
after  many  difiiciilties,  he  arrived  at  Wcrowocomoco.  Here  he  found  himself 
amidst  prejiarations  for  war,  and  in  still  greaKT  danger  than  he  had  yet  been. 
But  Pocahhntas  apjieared  as  his  savior.  Knowing  the  intention  of  the  war- 
riors to  kill  him,  she  first  secreted  him  in  the  woods,  and  then  directed  those 
who  sought  him  in  an  op[)osite  direction  from  that  he  had  gone ;  so,  by  this 

*  Who  li;ul  inisoriil)ly  ncrislied  by  disease  and  famine  at  Jamestown,  22  Aug.,  1607.    See 
Bancroft,  U.  Slates,  i.  14 1. 


!</ 


r         I 


latr>/7,:s    (lis 
JmvJiii/tiii 


■)   ^ 


Jinv/iii/iiii     I'jiiifirrrur   af    ^  l//iirii<iif/'i r^iiin/rl:   /i/\ 


vfr/fi/     ,11  III       I'li/it I  ~i'f/     111     f/ii'    (  // r/.s  f  1 1/  •!  ///// 
~-\\i/r     /i>       f/i 


VI  ff/ 1  n  If/ 
/  ' ,  11)11/ 


~\\>iii' 


\r"'  /.ji  J/ (.'///: 


Chat.  II.] 


Ca.u'.  11]  rOCAllONTAS— BETRAYED  TO  Ti'E  ENGLISH. 


17 


nieaiis,  he  psraped,  and  got  safe  to  Smith  at  PamunKoy.  This  was  in  the 
winter  of  160!). 

We  next  hear  of  her  saving  the  life  of  Henry  Spilman,  wlio  was  one  of  SI 
thiit  went  to  trade,  npon  the  confidence  of  Powhatan,  but  wlio  were  all,  except 
Spilman,  killed  by  his  peo[)le. 

Such  was  the  wretched  stati  to  which  the  colony  of  \'ir<;inia  was  now 
reduced,  that  scarce  a  parallel  in  the  annals  of  the  world  e;in  be  found.  No 
sooner  had  S^nith  lert  the  country,  but  all  was  in  ('(jutiision.  (Jflicers  jpint 
their  time  in  riotings,  while  the  nmn  seem  to  have  taken  no  means  fur  defence 
or  preservation  ;  so  that  the  Indians  made  constant  spoil  upon  their  domestic 
animals,  and  whate\<'r  else  had  been  provided  for  tlieir  support.  Insonuich, 
that  when  Captain  Smith  had  been  gone  six  montlis,  the  colony  was  reduci-cl 
from  above  o(X)  to  about  GO  persons.  Herbs  and  roots  were  eaten  to  sustain 
life,  in  the  early  part  of  their  di.strcsses  ;  but  as  the  funinc  increased,  tlit;  skins 
of  liorses  were  eagerly  devourtHl,  and  an  Indian,  wln)  bad  been  some  time 
dead,  was  disinterred  and  eaten  by  these  miserable  creatures.  In  one  instance, 
a  wretched  man  killed  his  own  wife,  and  preserved  the  body  by  salt,  which 
enormity  was  not  discovered  until  it  liiid  bin'U  cliiefly  devoured.* 

It  was  during  this  season  of  horror  that  Ca|)taiii  Ralcliff  went  out  with  30 
men,  who  were  trepanned  as  we  have  related.  This  was  in  the  beginning  of 
tile  year  IGIO.  Spilman  lived  m:  ny  yeai-s  aAerwards  among  the  Patowamack 
Iiulians,  by  the  care  ot"  Porahontas.\ 

Vnnu  KiO*.),  tli'"  'ime  Smith  left  the  country,  until  1011,  Pocahontas  vv.'is  not 
seen  at  .ramestow;  In  the  latter  year,  she  was  treacherously  taken  prisoner 
by  Cajttaiii  ^'Ir^ral,  i  kept  by  the  Eng!ish~to  prevent  Powhatan  from  doing 
tliein  injury,  and  to  ^  .tort  a  great  ransom  from  him,  and  such  terms  of  peace 
a.s  they  should  dictate.  At  tht;  time  she  was  betrayed  into  the  hands  of  ('ap- 
taiii  .,2;;£r"/,  she  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  chief  of  Potomack,  whose  name 
was  J<tpazaws,  a  particular  friend  of  the  English,  and  an  old  acquaintance  of 
Ca(itaiii  Smith.  Wheth«!r  she  had  taken  up  her  residence  here,  or  whether  she 
was  here  only  upon  a  visit,  we  are  t;ot  informed.  But  some  hav<!  conjectured, 
that  she  retired  here  soon  after  Smithes  departure,  that  she  might  not  witness 
the  trecpient  murders  of  the  ill-governed  English,  at  Jame.'<town.  Captain 
.lru;nl  was  in  the  Potomack  River,  for  the  purpose  of  trade,  with  his  ship, 
wli(;n  he  learned  that  Pocahontas  was  in  the  neighborhood.  Whether  Japu- 
zaws  had  accpiired  his  treachery  from  bis  intercourse  with  tin?  English,  or 
wiietiier  it  were  natural  to  his  disposition,  we  will  not  undertake  to  decide 
here ;  but  certain  ic  is,  that  he  was  ready  to  practise  it,  at  the  instigation  of 
.Irsal.  And  for  a  cojiper  kettle  for  himself,  and  a  few  toys  for  his  squaw,  he 
enticed  the  innocent  girl  on  board  ArgaVs  ship,  and  betrayed  her  into  his 
hands.  It  was  effected,  however,  without  compulsion,  by  the  aid  of  his  s(|uaw. 
The  captain  had  previously  |)romised  that  no  hurt  should  befall  her,  anil  that 
she  should  be  treated  with  all  tenderness.  This  circumstance  should  go  as  (iir  as 
it  may  to  .xcuso  Japazaws.  The  jjlot  to  get  her  on  board  was  well  contrived. 
Knowing  that  she  had  no  curiosity  to  see  a  shi[),  having  belbre  seen  many, 
Japazaws^  wife  pretended  a  great  anxi'^ty  to  see  one,  but  would  not  go  on 
board  unless  Pocahontas  would  accompany  lier.  To  this  she  consented,  but 
with  some  hesitation.  The  attentiini  with  which  they  were  rcceived  on  board 
soon  dissipated  all  feai*s,  and  Pocahontas  soon  strayed  from  her  betrayers  into 
the  gun-room.  The  captain,  watciiing  his  op|)ortunity,  told  her  she  was  u 
prisoner.  When  her  confinement  was  known  to  Japazaws  and  his  witi',  they 
feigned  more  lamentation  than  she  did,  to  keep  her  in  ignorance  of  the  plot ; 
luid,  alh-r  receiving  the  price  of  their  |>erfidy,  were  sent  asliore,  and  Argal, 
with  his  pearl  of  great  price,  sailed  lor  Jamestown.  On  being  informcHl  of  the 
reason  why  she  was  thus  captivated,  her  grief,  by  degrees,  subsided. 

The  first  step  of  the  English  was  to  inform  Powhatan  of  the  captivity  of  his 
daughter,  and  to  dema?id  of  him  their  men,  guns  and  tools,  which  he  and  his 
people  had,  from  lime  to  time,  taken  and  stolen  from  them.  This  unexpected 
news  threw  tlie  old,  stern,  calculating  chief  into  a  great  dilemma,  and  what 
course  to  take  he  knew  not ;  and  it  was  three  months  before  he  returned  any 


^VjSk 

■  :.-:o^  •-«>; 

,•*  -■■■'•% 

'    v'^v.^    . 

V.'  IBM 

.>*,:/■'..?■ 

-  t'-vS 

•  'if'*;  ".: 

,-.l^:^i-   ~'r   '■■    .. 

••■^.■t/.r--'-. 

'  ■  .  ■"■^■T 

..,''.%r'-'. 

>"'  ^ 

■*.••■«.      • 

'  'M 

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■.■^.■»!H 

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■  -M"  ■  ■ 


^^r'^- 


■:••!■■ 

■I  I       .■*'■■ 


.■.•  ■   n 


Keith's  Hist.  Virginia,  121. 
2» 


f  Stilh,  Hist.  Virginia,  116. 


18 


POCAHONTAS— MA" RIF.S   AN  ENGLISHMAN. 


[Book  IV 


I.      '.''  •'•*■•■)*  ■*,•■*■•'■ 
i'!  ' -^  •.■^■;^;''';*' 
,,  •'...,  ,<.,?-::v ■..•,.•■  • 

■■■••^■■  'iiV-,'---    , 

.,•  'via  ■•■''"'''- ■■■.•■•■ 

. "' .'  ■}/'.  '•■.  ■'., 
V  '.■''■  *  .''''■'■  ' ' '  - 


■■■'•  ■.'■ . ". 


:^*i'^' 


t>p, 


answer.  At  tlic  end  of  this  time,  by  the  advice  of  his  council,  he  sent  baci< 
Hcvon  Knglishrrioii,  with  oacli  a  gun  whicli  had  been  spoiled,  and  this  aiinwor: 
that  whon  they  should  return  his  daughter,  he  would  make  full  satisfaction, 
and  give  them  300  bushels  of  corn,  and  b(!  their  friend  forever ;  that  he  Imd 
no  more  guns  to  return,  the  rest  being  lost.  They  sent  liim  word,  tiiat  the\ 
would  not  restore  her,  until  he  had  complied  with  their  demand;  and  tJiat,  sl-s 
for  the  gims,  ihey  <li<l  not  believe  tliey  were  lost.  Seehig  the  detorminatioti  of 
the  Kiiglisli,  or  his  inability  to  satisfy  them,  was,  we  a|)prehend,  why  th(!v 
"  beard  no  more  from  him  f<)r  a  long  titne  after." 

In  the  .-spring  of  the  y(>.ir  l(il:},  Sir  Thomas  Dale  took  Pocahontr.3,  and  vvoiir, 
with  a  ship,  up  Powhatan's  River  to  VVtirowocomoco,  the  residenc*;  of  inr 
liitber,  in  lio|)(s  to  eifeet  an  exchange,  and  bring  about  a  peace.  Powhatan 
was  not  at  home,  and  they  met  with  notlung  but  bravadoes,  and  a  disjtosition 
to  liglit  from  all  tiie  Indians  they  saw.  After  burning  many  of  their  lialiita- 
tioos,  and  giving  out  tlireats,  some  of  tlu;  Indians  came  and  made  peace,  as  they 
e.al'ed  it,  which  o|)ened  the  Way  for  two  of  Pocahontas's  brotliers  to  conn;  ori 
boai'd  the  shi|).     Their  joy  at  secMiig  tin'ir  sister  may  be  imagined. 

A  particular  frienilshi[)  had  some  time  existed  between  Pocahontas  and  u 
worthy  young  Englishman,  by  the  name  of  John  Rolfe  ;  which,  at  Iciigtii, 
growing  into  a  sincere  attachment,  and  being  mutual  bcstween  them,  lie  iiiadi- 
known  his  desire  to  take  her  for  his  com-panion.  This  being  highly  approved 
of  by  Sir  Thomas  Dale,  and  other  gentlemeji  of  high  standing  and  authority,  a 
consutrnnafion  Wiis  soon  agreed  upon.  Acquainting  her  brother  with  lier 
determination,  it  soon  came  to  the  knowledge  of  h<!r  father  also ;  who,  as 
highly  ai)proviiig  of  it  as  the  English,  iuunediately  sent  Opachisco,  her  uncle, 
and  two  of  his  sons,  to  witness  the  performance,  and  to  act  as  her  servants 
upon  the  occasion  ;  and,  in  the  beginning  of  April,  1613,  the  marriage;  Wiw 
solenuiized  according  to  appointment.  Poiohatan  was  now  their  friijnd  in 
reality  ;  and  a  friendly  intercourse  commenced,  which  was,  without  niuch 
interruption,  continued  until  his  death. 

Pocahontas  lived  happily  with  lier  husband,  and  became  a  believer  in  tin- 
English  religion,  and  expressed  no  desire  to  live  again  among  those  of  licr 
own  tuition.  When  Sir  Thomas  Dale  returned  to  England,  in  KJKJ,  Pocahon- 
tas uccom|)anied  him,  with  her  husband,  and  several  other  young  nativi;s. 
They  arrived  at  Plimonth  on  th(!  12tb  of  June  of  that  year.  She  met  with 
nnich  attention  in  that  country,  Ixiing  taken  to  court  by  the  Lord  and  Lady 
Delaware,  and  others  of  distinction.  She  was,  at  this  titne,  called  the  Kaiiy 
Rebecca.  Mw  meeting  with  Cai)t!iin  Smith  was  affecting ;  more  es])ecially  uh 
sh<!  thought  herself,  and  very  justly,  no  doubt,  too  slightly  noticed  by  liitii, 
which  caused  her  much  grief.  Owing  to  the  barbarous  nonsense  of  the  times, 
Smith  did  not  wish  her  to  call  him  father,  being  afraid  of  giving  otlliice  to 
royalty,  by  assuming  to  be  the  fath(!r  of  a  king's  daughter.  Yet  he  did  not 
intend  any  cause  of  oflence,  and  did  all  in  his  jjower  to  make  her  hap|)y.  At 
their  first  interview,  aft(!r  remaining  silent  some  time,  she  said  to  him,  "  You 
promised  my  father,  that  whnl  was  yours  should  be  his ;  and  that  you  and  he  woidd 
be  all  one.  lieinji;  n  stranger  in  our  country,  you  called  Powliatan^/Aer ;  and  I, 
for  the  same  reason,  will  7ioio  call  you  so.  Vou  were  not  afraid  to  come  into  my 
fatherly  countnf,  and  strike  fear  into  every  body  but  myself;  and  are  you  here  afraid 
to  lit  me  call  you  father  ?  /  tell  you,  then,  I  tvill  call  you  father,  and  you  shall  call 
me  child ;  and  so  I  will  forever  be  of  your  kindred  and  country.  They  ahvays  told 
v-s  thai  yon  were  dead,  and  I  knew  not  otherunse,  till  I  came  to  Plimouth.  Hut 
Powhatan  commanded  Tomocomo  to  seek  you  out,  and  know  the  truth,  because 
your  countrymen  are  much  given  to  lying." 

The  useful  and  worthy  yoimg  Pocahontas,  being  about  to  embark  for  her 
native  couiUry,  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1017,  fell  sick  at  Gravesend,  and 
died  ;  having  attained  only  the  age  of  22  yeai-s.  She  left  one  son,  whose  name 
was  Thomas  Rolfe,  very  young  ;  and  whom  Sir  Lewis  Steukly,*  of  Plimouth, 

*  "  As  to  llifi  infamous  Sir  licwis  fftiirlpij,  who  had  hetrayfid  Ralegh,  he  was  taken  soon 
alter  [Ralegh  was  belieadod]  in  Wliilcliall,  cliftpin;^  the  very  gold  which  was  iho  produce  of 
his  infamy,  and  tried  and  condomncei  for  it ;  and  having  stripped  himself  to  his  sliirl  to  raise 
money  to  purchase  iiis  pardon,  ho  lianished  himself  to  the  Island  of  Sundy,  where  he  died, 
both  mad  and  a  lieggar,  iii  less  than  two  years  after  Sir  Walter  Raleigh,"— Prince's  Worlhiei 
of  Devon,  677.— Harding's  Naval  Biography,  i.  330. 


lit' 


M'-J:^^' 


Chap. II ]      OPEKANKAXOUGH— SEIZED  BY  CAPTAIN  SMITH. 


19 


desired  to  be  left  with  him,  that  he  might  direct  his  education.  But,  from  the 
iiiimaiily  part  tliis  gentleman  took  against  the  imfortunato  Ralegh,  he  vi^aH 
brouiilit  into  siicli  nierictxi  disn'|uito,  that  he  finnid  himsel-f  ol)hge(l  to  ttn-n  all 
his  attention  to  his  own  prestrviiiiT).  ;  and  the  son  of  Pocahontm  was  taken  to 
London,  and  there  educated  hy  his  nnele,  Mr.  Henry  KolJ'e.  He  afhruards 
ranie  to  America,  to  tlie  native  country  of  his  mother,  where  he  hecanie  a 
gontlcnian  of  great  distinction,  and  pof^Hessed  an  ample  fortune.  He  left  an  only 
rituigliter,  who  married  C'oloiicl  Robert  Boiling,  and  died,  leaving  an  only  son. 
Major  John  Boiling,  who  was  the  father  of  (colonel  John  Boiling,  and  several 
(laughters;  one  of  whom  married  Colonel  Richard  Randolph,  from  whom  are 
(IcscrTided  the  distinguished  John  11ani>oi.pii,  and  those  bearing  that  name  in 
Virginia,  at  this  day.* 
BarloiD  thus  notices  Pocahontas  :— 


'  ■..'',v:.v-   ,  ^. 


»    U' 


"  Rlost  Pocahmitas  !  fenr  no  lurking  guile  ; 
Thy  liero's  love  shall  well  rp\vnr<riliy  smile. 
All.  soollio  tlif  wniuli'rer  in  his  despcrale  |)light, 
lliilo  him  by  (lay,  ami  cahn  his  cares  by  night; 
Tho'  savaa;c  nations,  wilh  thy  vcngoful  sire, 
Pursue  th(>ir  virlim  uiih  iniceasiiig  \xl — 
And  tho'  liieir  llm-als  lliy  .'.turtled  ear  assail, 
Let  virtue's  vo.ee  o'er  lilial  (ears  prevail."— Coi.umbiad. 


OPEK.\NKANOlJG]f  has  already  received  onr  notice.  He  was  a  very 
ronsi)icuous  character  in  his  time,  a.id  was  .styled,  by  the  Virginians,  King  of 
the  Pamunkies.  The  dreadful  n  assacre,  of  which  he  was  author,  brings  to 
mind  his  name  oftener  than  almrst  any  other  chief  of  his  times. 

There  seems  to  be  some  coiinidiction,  or  difference  of  opinion,  with  regard 
to  the  origin  of  this  chief.  Some  of  the  Indians  reported  that  he  enme  from 
the  west,  and  was  not  a  brother  of  Poivfiatan ;  but  that  story,  we  judge,  is 
merely  a  fable,  invented  and  told  by  his  enemies,  to  influence  the  English 
against  him,  that  they  might  destroy  him. 

Opekankanough  seems  to  have  borne  the  name  of  Mangopeomen  in  1621,  f  a 
rircuinstance  unnoticed  by  most  historians,  and,  therefore,  we  conclude  that  it 
prevailed  only  among  his  own  tribe,  and,  perhaps,  even  among  them  fell  int<» 
disuse  soon  after. 

Opitchapan,  called  also  Oetan,  and  lastly  Sasaiiopcomen,l  was  the  successor 
of  Powhatan,  but  he  seems  never  to  have  been  otherwise  noted.  "The  defects 
nf  the  new  emperor."  says  Mr.  Burk,  "  wtre  aggi'avated  hi  the  minds  of  th(! 
Iiidiiuis,  by  a  comparison  with  the  accomplished  Opekanlcanovgh,  who,  in  the 
council  and  the  field,  was  the  most  conspicuous  warrior  amongst  the  I'owlia- 
tiuis  ;  atid  who,  during  he  lifetime  of  the  late  eni])eror,  had  procured  from  the 
lice  tribe  of  the  Chickahominies,  the  title  of  their  king."  The  same  author 
i-alis  Opitchapan  a  "feble  and  decrepid"  chief,  who  "was  little  calculated  to 
.secure  respect,  or  enforce  obedience." § 

In  1(!08,  the  Indians  had  become  imivenuilly  at  variance  with  tho  English, 
luul  iusidted  them  whenever  they  ap|)eared  abroad  ;  knowing  their  miserable, 
liaif-starved  condition.  Insult  followed  ijistilt,  tijion  both  sides,  and,  but  for 
the  iiever-tiring  perseverance  of  Smith,  this  colony,  like  the  first,  would  have 
lii'i'ii  soon  destroyed.  The  Indians  would  promise  to  trade  with  them,  but 
wlii'ii  rliey  went  to  them  for  that  purpo.se,  they  only  "laughed  at  their  calam- 
ities;" sometimes  putting  jokes  upon  them,  and  at  others,  running  away  into 
till'  woods. 

hi  tliisextremity  of  their  circumstances,  though  in  the  dej)th  of  winter,  iSmi7/j 
resolved  to  make  Inmself  master  of  some  of  the  Indians'  store  of  provisions,  by 
sniM(>  means  or  other.     He,  therefore,  proceeded  to  I'amunkey,  the  residence 

*  .Ions  Randolph,  of  Roanoke,  died  in  Philadelphia,  24  May,  1834.  He  had  come  there 
in  ver  ,■  low  health,  intending  to  emlnirk  for  lM\rope  in  a  few  days.  Having  met  with  .^onio 
[H'r|iloxily  in  procuring  lodgi.igs  on  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia,  beuig  taken  from  the  steam-boat 
In  on;'  hotel  after  another,  ni  a  bad  hack,  in  bad  weather,  he  was  much  irritated,  and,  from  his 
f'rc(iuenl  allusions  to  it  in  his  sickness,  il  was  supposed  to  have  hastened  his  end.  He  was 
ahoiu  (10  years  of  age  at  his  death. 

t  Burk's  Va.  i.  228.  X  Ibid.  J  Hist,  Virginia,  i,  233. 


Mil 


■■  "<t'.«'    -  •■'^'i!     ■ 


,t, 


y, ■  v'f,.* ".  , 


.;  *•;  vi  ^>%r>- 

li.  ■•  •.••.;"-'i*v!lT;^.-.' 
«     IV- ,5.  •/•■,'■■.•, 


i;  I  ■  ■'  ■'-'> ,.' 


1  ■.'  A', 


,.*-  • 


30 


OPEKANKANOirGH— NEMATTANOWS  DEATIT.         [[:m% 


(»r  Opekankanou^h,  with  15  men,  where  he  tried  to  trade  wit)(  him  (or  rorr; 
hut,  not  Hucceediiif^,  lie,  iu  a  <lt'sjM'rato  mailing,  sii/.ml  njmii  (he  cMtf  hv  ;,|g 
Imir,  ill  the  midist  of  his  irien,  "with  liis  ))istoii  icadie  l)eut  against  his  hrt-ast. 
Thus  he  led  the  troinbhng  king,  iicaie  dead  witli  fear,  amongst  all  liig  peo- 
ple." *  iSmj/Zi  told  him  that  h(^  had  att«;m))t('d  to  murder  him,  which  was  the 
cause  of  his  treating  him  thus.  No  one  can  doubt,  on  reading  tiie  history  of 
those  afiiiirs,  that  the  Indians  all  wished  Sniitli  (lead,  but  whether  they  aP 
wanted  to  kill  him,  is  not  (]uile  so  |)l.iiii. 

( )ni'  great  end  of  Small's  design  was  now  answered  ;  for  Opekankanou^Ks 
people  eame  in  loaded  with  prestsnts  to  ransom  their  chief,  until  his  huats 
were  completely  filled.  News  being  brought  of  a  disaster  at  Jamestown  he 
was  set  at  liberty. 

Nkmattanow,  a  renowned  warrior,  we  have  to  introduce  here,  as  well  on 
account  of  his  sup|Mised  agency  in  bringing  about  the  gnuit  massacre  of  1()22, 
as  for  the  oliject  of  exhibiting  a  trait  vi  character  eciually  to  be  admired  and 
lamentod.  We  are  not  certain  that  Ik;  btdonged  to  the  jieople  of  Opekanku- 
nous:li,  but  it  is  stori((l  that  a  jealousy  existed  between  them,  and  that  the  cliiet' 
}ia(l  informed  Sir  Gtorf^e  Yvardley  tlitit  he  wished  JVemattanmv^s  throat  wtire 
cut,  some  time  before  the  inassacn!  took  place,  to  which  we  have  alluded. 
However,  Opekavkar)oup;h  denied  it  afte.-wards,  and  afii'cted  great  indignation 
at  his  murder,  and  the  Indians  said  t!i(^  massa<•^^  was  begun  by  him,  to  revenge 
yfmatlanmd's  death.  IJiit  our  present  object  is  to  yiortray  the  character  of 
JVemaltanoiv,  who  was  both  eccentric  and  vain,  and  "  who  was  wont,  out  of 
bravery  and  pjirade,  to  dress  iiimseif  up,  in  a  strange,  antic,  and  barbaric 
fashion,  with  feathers,  which,  therefore,  obtained  him  the  name  o^  Jc.di-of-lhi- 
fenthcr.'"  He  waa  even  more  popular  among  his  countrymen  than  I'ifiekanka- 
Tiowg^/i,  which,  doubtless,  was  the  giDimd  of  that  chief's  jealousy ;  i  specially 
as  iie  was  one  of  the  gieatest  war-cajitains  of  his  times.  He  had  been  in 
many  lights  and  encounters  with  the  English,  always  exposin;'  himself  to  the 
greatest  danger,  and  yet  was  never  wounded  in  any  of  them.  This  circum- 
stance caused  the  Indians  to  believe  in  his  invulnerability,  and  hence  he  was 
by  them  considered  superhi.man.  Only  jibout  14  days  before  I'le  massacre, 
Jack.-of-the-feathe.r  went  to  t  le  house  of  one  Mortem,  where  he  sfiv  many  such 
articles  exhibited  as  were  calculated  to  excite  admiration  in  lUcfi  people. 
Jack,  perhaps,  had  not  the  ncans  to  })iircliase,  but,  it  8<'ems,  he  'vas  resolved, 
some  how  or  other,  to  posi/'ss  them.  lie,  therefore,  told  Morgan,  that  if  lie 
would  take  his  commodities  to  Pan-'okey,  the  Indians  would  give  him  a  giear 
price  for  them.  Not  in  tI)olea.r.  lei-  rusting  the  design  of  jVemaManoir,  the 
simple  Englishman  set  out  for  Ta  liinkcy,  in  company  with  this  Indian. 
This  was  the  last  the  English  heani  of  Morgan,  llowevei',  strange  as  it  may 
S(!cm,  Jack^a  ill-directing  late  sent  him  to  the  same  jdace  again,  and,  what  was 
still  more  strange,  he  had  the  ca|)  of  the  murd«!red  Morgan  upon  his  head. 
Morgan's  servants  asked  him  where  their  master  was,  who  very  deliberately 
ansv.ered,  that  he  was  dead.  This  satisfied  them  that  he  had  murdered  iiiiii. 
Tliey,  therefore,  seized  him,  in  order  to  take  him  before  a  magistrate  at 
Herkclcy ;  but  he  made  a  good  deal  of  resistance,  which  caused  one  of  liis 
caj)tors  to  shoot  him  down.  The  singular  part  of  the  tragedy  is  yet  to  be 
related.  Though  mortally  wounded,  S'tmattarioiv  was  not  killed  outright,  and 
his  eaptoi*s,  which  were  two  stout  young  men,  got  him  into  a  boat  to  proceed 
to  INlr.  l^hotp^s,  the  magistrate.  As  they  were  going,  the  warrior  became  satis- 
fied that  he  must  die,  and,  with  the  nnst  extraordinary  earnestness,  besought 
tliat  two  things  might  be  granted  him.  One  was,  that  it  should  never  be  told 
to  his  coimtri'men  that  he  was  killed  by  a  bullet ;  and  the  other,  that  he  should 
be  buried  among  the  English,  so  that  it  should  never  be  discovered  that  lie 
had  died,  or  was  subject  to  death  like  othta'  men.  Such  was  the  pride  and 
vanity  exhibited  by  an  Indian  at  his  death.  The  following  inference,  there- 
fore, is  naturally  to  be  drawn  ;  that  a  desire  to  be  renowned,  and  held  in 
veneration  by  posterity,  is  not  confined  to  the  civilized  and  leanied  of  any  age 
or  nation. 


*   I'crliaps  the  New  Englandc:s 
ant'-T,  Ninigret,  and  others. 


'lowed  Smitk's  example,  afterwards,  iu  the  case  of  Ales- 


-%     '. 


ei:m 


Chap.  II]         OPEKAMKANOUfiF -SECOND  GREAT  I.IASgACklE. 


21 


{or  roTV, , 
fl'  !>'•  Ins 
lis  i)i\'a8l. 

llis  1)(!0- 

wjis  the 


Meanwiiilo,  OpekanJiaiwVi^h,  tlio  better  U>  increase  the  rage  of  his  warriors, 
affcetcd  great  grief  at  .Yernntlanote's  death,  wliieh  liad  tiie  ;'lH'ct  he  intended  ; 
owing,  especially,  to  the  favor  in  which  that  warrior  had  stood  aniniig  the 
Indians.  But  the  English  were  satisfied  that  this  was  only  |)retence,  as  we 
have  jjefon;  observed  ;  because  they  were  informed  of  his  tidying  to  eng;  gi- 
some  of  his  neighbors  against  them,  and  otherwise  acted  suspiciously,  sonx; 
time  bi^fore  JVemaltanoio's  death  ;  of  the  jiistic*?  of  which,  however,  the  Eng- 
li.sii  tried  arguments  at  first,  and  threats  afterwards,  to  convince  them.  Hy 
llis  dissimulation,  OpcAajiAa/ioiig/i  coiipletelv  deceived  them,  and,  just  hrCori- 
the  massacre,  treated  a  messenger  that  .vas  sent  to  him,  with  much  kindness 
and  civility;  and  assured  him  that  the  i)eace,  which  had  been  some  ti/ne 
hcfore  concluded,  was  held  so  firm  by  hitn,  that  the  sky  shoidd  fall  sooner 
tiian  it  shoidd  be  violated  on  his  part.  .And  such  was  the  eoueert  and  secrecy 
.iiuoiig  all  i\w  Indian.s,  that,  only  two  days  before  the  fatal  '2:2  March,  some 
kindly  conducted  the  English  thrf)ugh  the  woods,  and  sent  one  of  their  youth 
ro  live  with  the  English,  and  learn  their  languagt;.  Moreover,  on  the  morn- 
ing of  that  very  day,  they  came  unarmed  among  them,  and  tradiid  a.s  usual, 
.ind  even  sal  down  to  bntakfast  with  their  victims,  in  several  instanccM.  Never, 
perhaps,  was  a  massacre  so  well  contrived  and  (conducted,  to  eu.sure  success, 
lis  was  this  of  Opcknnkn7iou<^L  The  English  wtTe  lulhul  into  a  tiital  security, 
.ind  even  unknowingly  assisted  the  Indians  in  their  design;  leading  them 
;heir  hoats  to  communicati;  with  distant  tribes,  and  fiiriushing  them  with 
various  utensils,  wliieli  were  couvertcnl  at  once  into  weapons  of  death. 

Th<!  22  March,  U)2!2,  having  come,  and  the  appointed  hour  of  that  mem- 
orable day  arrived,  with  a  simultaneousness  unparalleled  on  any  former  occa- 
.^ioii,  the  Indians  rose  from  their  ambushes,  and,  with  the  swiflness  ol"  the 
tigi'r,  aj)peared,  in  a  moment,  amidst  the  English  settlements.  Age,  se\,  nor 
(•ondition,  shielded  no  O'le ;  tluiir  greatest  btiiieflictors  were  among  their  first 
victims.  Thus,  in  the  space  of  about  one  hour,  fell  three  hundred  and  forty- 
sKven  men,  women,  and  children.  IJy  this  horrid  calatnity,  out  of  80  planla- 
lions,  six  only  were  left  uninjured.  And  these  were  saved  by  the  timely 
information  of  a  Christian  Indian  called  Cluinco. 

The  ensuing  suintner  was  spent,  by  the;  surviving  English,  in  strengthening 
themselves  against  further  attacks,  and  preparations  for  taking  vengeance  on 
the  Indians;  wholly  neglecting  all  improviMnents,  works  of  utility,  and  even 
thi'ii  planting.  Every  thing  wa.s  k)st  sight  of  in  their  beloved  project  <d" 
revenge  ;  and  the  Englisli,  in  their  turn,  showed  themselves  more  treacherous, 
it'  nor  more  barbarous,  than  their  enemy.  For,  under  pretence  of  making 
jieace  again  with  them,  they  f!  II  upon  them  at  unawares,  and  murdered  many 
without  mercy.  This  crime  was  vastly  aggravated,  in  that,  to  induce  the 
IntJiaus  to  eojne  forward  and  make  peace,  the  English  had  not  oidy  soienud} 
iissiu'cd  thcui  forgiveness,  but  likewise  security  anil  safety  in  their  pt'ivous. 

It  was,  for  some  time,  supposed  that  Opcknnkanough  was  among  the  slain, 
hut,  if  l\lr.  ^<'i"eri_)/ was  not  misinformed,  the  sjune  sachem,  2^  yeais  after- 
ward.-i,  executed  a  still  greater  massacre  upon  the  English,  as,  in  the  ne.xt 
[•lace,  we  shall  relat(^ 

lluw  long  Opekankanough  had  been  secretly  plotting  to  cut  off  the  intruders 
'•r  his  soil  caimot  be  known;  but,  in  Ki-l-l,  all  tlu;  Indians,  over  a  space  of 
<'oi!)irry  ot'fiOO  nules  in  extent,  were  leagued  in  the  enterprise.  The  idd  cliiej' 
■It  this  linii',  was  supposed  to  be  near  1()0  years  of  age,  and,  though  unabh;  to 
\uilk,  would  be  present  in  the  i.'xecmion  of  his  beloveil  project.  It  was  u|)oii 
the  J8  April,  when  Opekankanough^  borii(>  in  ii  litter,  led  his  warriors  llir- 
~.\ar(l,  and  commenced  the  bloody  worL  They  began  at  the  fi-ontiers  with  a 
di;ti  j-iiiination  to  slay  all  before  them,  to  the  sea.  Aft(,'r  continuing  the  iiia.'- 
Micret\\o  da_\s,  in  which  time  about  500"' j)ersons'.  nMuurden'tl,  f'ir  iiiHiam 
lirrkik;),  at  the  hejid  of  an  m*med  iorc(>,  checkiid  thi  progress.  The  destriic- 
iion  of  the  iidnibitants  was  the  greate.^'t  U|>on  Yoii  imd  Patnimkey  Rivers, 
where  '^jnh  —nkanough  commai^led  in  person.  The  Indians  now,  in  their 
tu'M,  w  ,0  driveii  to  great  extremity,  and  their  old  chief  was  takei!  prisoner. 


■•''    ''i.' 


,  ■> 


1  his  is  •••.e  li  initior  ffencrally  set  ilovMi  in  llic  liisiories,  hul  tlm  prol)ablv  jmhI  scfUliay  of 
Mr,  "c'ic  vyi,  Jjisi.  U.  «.  i.  tiX,  caused  Ijiai  to  iii  uj.ou  the  uuiubcr  aOO. 


J* 


99 


DEATH  OF  OPEKANKANOUGH.— TOTOPOTOMOI.        [Book  IV. 


m- 


»:<.'; 


■.■•■'.  •.i;','''C •,.>•'■.;■' 

»■      ''  ■■■.V|"     '.     f     '.  .    W  ■■■■    •- 

.■•:.y.  -t'f'lt.  '■>i..,r 

111    ,< A- "'•■'■•(':■  V 


I: 


■V,  V'-  '■■■•■ 
••^  .^^r  ;■■:'; 

■    r 

■:^'-''<f-r,-    .:■ 

untl  carried  in  triumph  to  JaiiHistowii.  How  long  alter  tlie  tnassacro  this 
happened,  we  are  not  informed ;  but  it  is  said  that  tlio  fatigues  h(!  iuu!  pre- 
viously undergone  had  wasted  away  his  flesli,  and  destroyed  th(!  elasticity  of 
his  muscles  to  that  degree,  that  he  was  no  longer  able  lo  raise  the  eyelids 
from  his  eyes ;  and  it  was  in  this  fi)r!oru  condition,  that  he  fi;ll  into  tlie  hafids 
of  his  enemies.  A  soldier,  who  had  been  appointed  to  guard  him,  barlKirou.Jv 
fired  upon  him,  and  inflicted  a  mortal  wounil.  He  was  sup|M)se(l  to  lia\<; 
been  prompted  to  the  bloody  deed,  from  a  recollection  of  the  old  rhief's 
agency  in  the  massacre.  Just  before  he  expired,  hearing  a  gnsat  biistjc  ainl 
croAvd  about  hhn,  he  ordered  an  attendant  to  lifl  up  his  eyelids;  when  in- 
discovered  a  multitude  pressing  around,  to  gratily  the  untimely  curiosity  of 
beholding  a  dying  sachijm.  Undaunted  in  dratli,  and  roused,  as  it  were,  (Von. 
sleep,  at  the  conduct  of  the  confused  multitude,  he  deigned  not  to  observe 
them;  but,  raising  himself  from  the  ground,  with  the  expiiing  bnatli  ot' 
authority,  commanded  that  the  governor  shoidd  be  called  to  him.  Wlien  the 
governor  came,  Opekankanough  said,  with  indignation,  "Had  it  hctii  m\i  for- 
tune to  have  taken  Sir  Wm.  Uerkklkv  prisoner,  I  would  not  meanlif  have 
exposed  him  as  a  show  to  my  people  ; "  *  and  soon  afler  expired. 

It  is  .said,  and  we  have  no  reason  to  doubt  the  fact,  that  it  was  owing  to  tlie 
encroachments  upon  his  lantls,  that  caused  Opckankancugh  to  dttermiue  upon 
a  massacre  of  the  whites.  These  intrusions  were,  nevertheless,  conliirniabie 
to  the  grants  of  the  proprietors.  He  could  hardly  have  expected  entin;  eon- 
quest,  as  his  [)eopIe  had  already  begun  to  waste  away,  and  English  villages 
were  springing  up  over  an  extent  of  country  of  more  than  500  miles,  with  a 
I)opu].;usness  beyond  any  preceding  example;  slill,  be  was  deten.iined  u[ioit 
the  vast  undertaking,  and  sacrificed  himself  with  as  much  honor,  it  will,  per- 
lia)>s,  be  acknowledged,  as  did  Leoiiidas  at  Thermopyla,-. 

Sir  fViltinm  Berkeley  intended  to  have  si;nt  him,  ius  a  present,  to  the  king 
ot'  England;  but  assas.sination  deprived  him  of  the  WTCtched  saiistaetiou,  and 
saved  the  chief  from  the  mortification,  f 

None  of  the  Virginia  historians  Lin  to  have  been  informed  of  the  true 
date  of  this  last  war  of  Opekankanou<<;h ;  the  ancient  records  of  Virginia,  says 
Mr.  Hurk,  are  silent  even  upon  the  events  of  it,  (an  extraordinary  omission.) 
Mr.  Beverly  tbi'^lcs  it  began  in  1(539,  and,  alttiougli  Mr.  Burk  is  satisfied  that  it 
took  jilace  after  1641,  yet  he  relates  it  under  the  date  lt!-10.  And  we  ai-e  not 
certain  that  the  re.-d  date  would  t^ver  have  been  fixed,  but  for  the  inestimable 
treasury  of  New  England  history,  Winlhrojfs  Journal,  i 

That  it  took  place  subsequent  to  1(141,  Mr.  Burk  a.ssm'es  us,  upon  the  evi- 
dence o!  tie  MS.  records;  for  they  relate  that,  in  l(j40,  oik;  John  Burton  had 
been  (convicted  of  the  nuirder  ol'  on  Indian,  and  that  his  puiushment  was 
remitted,  "at  the  inljrcession  of  Omkankanough,  and  his  great  men."  And 
that,  in  the  cud  of  the  year  1041,  Thomas  Rotjc,  the  son  of  PocaJiontas,  peti- 
tioned the  governor  for  [)ermission  to  visit  his  kinsman,  Opekunkanovgh,  and 
Chopalre,  the  sister  (;f  his  motbej".  That,  therefore,  these  events  hapi)ene(l 
previous  to  the  war,  and  death  of  Opekankanough.^ 

Ni-'KOTAWANCE  succceded  Opekankanoiigh,  as  a  tribtitarv'  to  the  English. 
In  1G48,  lie  came  to  Jamestown,  with  live  other  chiefs,  and  brought  20  beaver 
skins  lo  be  sent  to  Kmg  Charles.  He  made  a  long  oration,  which  he  con- 
cliiir,  d  wit;  the  protestation,  "that  the  sun  and  moon  should  first  loost;  their 
glorious  lig'.w,  and  shining,  before  he,  or  his  pe()[)le,  should  ever  more  here- 
after vwong  '.be  English." 

Tivroj;iTtiv;oi  probably  succeeded  JVickotawancty  a.s-  he  wjis  king  of  Pa- 
iuunkey  in  lt>56.  In  that  year,  a  large  body  of  strange  Indians,  called 
Rechiihccrians,  came  down  fi-om  the  inland  mountainous  country,  and  forcibly 


■►  licr,  ihi^  Hist.  Virg.  51.  t  Sp''  Rrilisli  Empire  in  America,  i.  210,  1. 

X  Whether  it  be  preserved  iu  Hcning's  Slatulos,  I  liavo  iiol  leiinieil,  liut  prcsunu;il  it,  from 
ti;o  iiili-reiice  of  Hiini:rn/t. 

^  Like  most  of  ihc  early  writers,  tlie  autlior  of  A  New  Description  of  Virginia,  (2  Coll 
.Mass.  llisl.  Soc.  ix.  111.)  speaks  of  liie  buliaiis  in  terms  dictated  t>y  ituliflrnatioi).     "  Thcii 


ffreal  kinjr."  he  says,  "  Opechattkinmc ,  that  bloody  monster  upon  a  luindred  years  oUl 
taken  liy  Sir  IViUiam  Berkely."      This  tract  was  published  ui  lGa9,  but        date  is  gi\ 


heir 

was 

veil  to 


the  massacre. 


I- 
I 


Chap.  Ill]       THE  CREEK  NATION.— ORIGIN  OF  THE  NAME. 


23 


possessed  tliemselves  of  the  country  about  the  fulls  of  James  River,  Tho 
legisluturc  of  Virginia  was  in  session,  wlieii  tlie  news  of  tiieir  coming  vvu^ 
received.  VViiat  cuirse  the  English  nad  to  .send  out  an  army  against  them, 
our  scanty  records  do  not  satisliictorily  sliow ; '  hut,  at  all  events,  they 
determined  at  once  to  dispossess  them.  To  that  en<l,  an  army  of  aliout  lOO 
men  was  raised,  and  put  under  the  direction  of  Coloufd  Edward  Jlill,  who 
was  joined  hy  Tolopolomoi,  with  100  of  his  wanioi-s.  Tliey  did  not  find  the 
Rechahecrians  unprepared,  hut  of  the  particulars  of  the  meeting  of  the  ad- 
verse parties  we  are  not  informed.  The  event,  however,  was,  to  tiie  allies, 
most  disastrous.  Totopolomiti,  w\l\\  tlie  most  of  his  men,  was  slain,  and  the 
English  suffered  a  total  deli-at,  owing,  it  is  .said,  to  the  criminal  management 
of  Colonel  Hill.  This  olfieer  lost  his  commission,  and  his  projierty  was 
taken  to  defray  the  losses  sustained  hy  the  (country.  A  peace  seems  to  have 
been  concluded  with  the  Indians  soon  after. 


.•*■■■'- ..iV- 

**         % 

•^•t*;*. 

\,-^ 

•l', ■.•■{»•.* 

#*- 

.■■   ■«♦;..- 

••'  !'.-•    ■ 

'■''^■^•■. 

i^ 

;  f'^r 

■■■'1  :'■  '."t 

»,, 

'M?<?  = 

■■e- 

■  •.••i.''  ■ 

V' 

V-'.'J':'. 

Ij,'-' 


9ei§i 


CH. AFTER  III. 

Of  the  Creik  Indians  —Muskogeea — Prohiliit  the  use  of  ardent  spirits — Their  rise  and 
importanre — Their  urifrin — Cntawhas — Chikasaus — Cherolcecs — J)  mode  o/Jlattenino 
their  hc.iids — Cinnplexiiiii  li<rhlrr  than  other  Indians — Semlti(des — Ruins  at  Oak- 
mulgee  Fields — Expedition  of  Soto — Kills  liOOO  Indians — iMudonniirc — (lourires' 
crpcdilion — Grijairn — Moytov  viudc  emperor  of  the  Chcrokees — Sir  Jilciaiider 
Cumining — His  travels  amoni;  the  C'hcrokeis — Seven  chiefs  accinnpiiny  him  to  Eng- 
lind — Attakullahulla — Skuaoustah — His  speech  to  the  king — llis  death. 

I.v  the  preceding  chaptei-s  of  this  hook,  much  has  been  narrated  of  the 
wiuthern  nations  in  general ;  and,  in  jtarticular,  of  many  prominent  indi- 
viduals iuid  (jvents.  It  is  designed,  in  the  |)resent  chapter,  to  speak  more 
particularly  upon  the  events  of  the  great  nation  of  Creek  Indians. 

It  will  he  i)roi)er,  in  the  first  ])lace,  to  give  some  general  a(!count  of  tlie 
nation,  whose  uw.n  of  eminence  have  been,  and  are  to  be,  noticed  ;  for  there 
ai'e  some  facts  that  will  not  necessarily  fall  in  otherwise ;  hut,  in  such  di- 
gression, if  so  it  should  be  termed,  our  chief  axiom  is  not  overturned,  whicii 
is,  that  to  write  the  history  of  the  men  of  a  country,  is  to  writ(!  the  history 
of  such  country.  The  reader,  however,  should  be  reminded,  that  a  general 
history  of  a  pi-ople  at  one  period,  will  not  exactly  apply  to  them  at  another. 
This  observation  is  not  oidy  true  with  regard  to  tht'ir  j)oliiictiI  and  civil  his- 
tory, i»ut  also  in  regard  to  the  manners  and  customs  of  the  same  nations: 
these  facts  are  true,  both  as  they  regard  people  called  civilized,  as  weli  as 
those  called  savage.  Hence,  descriptions  of  tribes  or  nations  by  oik;  observer, 
at  one  titne,  difli-r  fioni  those  of  another  at  a  different  period  ;  and  yet  both 
may  be  true  in  the  main  pnrticidars.  StudentS;  therefore,  not  aware  of  this 
fiict,  may  be  disposed  to  discnMlit  writers  for  such  disagreements,  which,  in 
fact,  are  altogether  imaginary.  IJut  it  is  time  to  conunence  upon  the  imme- 
diate business  of  the  present  chapter. 

The  Creek  Indians  take  their  name  from  that  of  the  country  in  w  hich  tliey 
live ;  that  is,  the  English  gave  them  the  name  of  Creeks,  becau-^e  their 
country  is  full  of  creeks. 

*  \^y  llie  lolldwiiiif  prcaiiiWo  and  rosolvo  of  the  Ipffi.sliiliirc,  all  we  possess,  lonrliing  this 
inattcT,  is  to  be  gallicred  : — '  U'lioroas  iiit'oiiiialioii  lialli  licoii  ri'ccivod,  that  maiiv  western  or 
iiiluiid  biiliaiis  arc  drawn  from  llio  niountaiiis,  and  lately  set  down  near  the  liilU  ol  James 
River,  to  the  nuinlipr  of  fi  or  700,  w hereby,  upon  many  several  roiisideratioiis  being  hail,  it  is 
conreived  great  dansjer  inifjht  cnsne  to  this  colony.  This  assembly,  therefore,  do  think  tit 
and  resolve,  that  llieso  new  come  In<lians  be  in  no  sort  siid'ored  to  seal  themselves  there,  or 
any  plaoe  near  us,  it  having  eost  so  miirh  blood  to  e.vpel  and  extirpate  those  perlidion.s  and 
trearherons  Indians,  which  were  there  formerly.  It  beiiifr  so  apt  a  place  to  invade  lis,  and 
within  the  limits,  which,  in  a  just  war.  wi're  formerly  ronqnered  by  its,  and  bv  n.s  re.':er"t(l,  at 
!he  conclusion  of  peace,  with  the  Indians."     Hurk,  Hist.  Virginia,  ii.  105. 


ill 


r 


...•."■•>>.^.fe:y 


i-v-.*;*'--!, 


.    •:••■<'■■/,  •.,•»■;•'.■•, 

,'■<■>■)■-■  J-''-' 


I'. ' 


J  •.•■;i'.'''*"!.v  ;':;'. 


•i':i-:. 


24 


CREEK  LANGUAGE— CIIEUOKF.E  INVENTION.         [Book  IV. 


Tlio  nution  of  most  irii|K)rtaiii'o  i'tiioiif;  llie  Creeks  was,  in  1775,  the 
MiiHknp((t's.  TImt  cointmiiiity,  or  imiioii,  lik«;  tlie  Iro(|iioin,  vvu.s  more  jmliiic 
than  tlicir  imigliliors,  and  vastly  iMcrctuscil  their  strnngth  and  iinponniice  l)\ 
encouraging  small  ilecliiiing  tribes  to  incorporate  themselves  \vith  them.  At 
oni-  time,  another  most  wise  resolntion  wits  a<loi)ted  among  them,  wiiich,  nhnvi- 
all  olhers,  sh<Md<l !»;  mentioned  ;  that  was  a  prohibition  of  the-  importation  of  all 
kinds  of  ardent  spirits  into  their  eonntry.  How  long  this  resolntion  was  main- 
tained,  or  at  what  period,  cannot,  at  this  time,  he  stated.  It  was  very  i)roh,iliiy 
at  the  jjcriod  of  their  greatest  prosjierity.  which  was  jnst  bt^fore  the  breaking 
out  of  tiif!  rtivoltitioiiary  war.  The  lMiiskog(>es  had  another  excellent  regiiliitiua, 
namely,  liie  men  assisted  tlu^ir  women  in  their  j)Ianting  beti)re  setting  out  mi 
their  warlikt;  and  other  e.xpeditioiis.  This  was  called  the  Creek  natidii, 
wiiicli,  in  what  was  called  its  best  da.s.  about  1780,  contained  17,000  souls;* 
bnt  they  were  reckoned,  in  lti2i»,  at  '^0,000. 

Sonx!  have,  latterly,  given  the  nanu'  of  Cre«!ks  oidy  to  a  part  of  the  nations 
of  which  w(;  have  bi-gmi  to  treat;  hut  it  is  here  intended  to  include  imder  iliat 
head,  all  tin;  tribes  between  thi!  Savannah  on  the  east,  the  Mi!*si,ssip|>i  on  ihe 
wt  ,st,  and  the  country  bordering  on  the  Ojiift  on  the  north. 

Th<!  following  is  a  specimen  of  their  language,  which  will  answer  tolerably 
well  as  a  s|)ecimen  of  all  the  southern  languages,  from  Carolina  to  tin! 
i\ii.ssissippi : — 

Isti  tsukhvlhpi  lak.sakat  Tshihofv  inliomitsitoinis;  momnis  fvtsv  opmiulio- 
yan  im  Jifvlski  tomis,  f  In  English,  Lying  lips  are  an  abomination  to  the  Lnr.l ; 
hut  '/uij  Hull  deal  Inili/  are  his  ddighl. 

'he  f()llowing  is  Clioktau  reckfining:  Aclivfu,  1,  Tiiklo,  2,  Tnchina,  ."i, 
I'sMta,  4,  Tahlapi,  .1,  llanali,  (5,  Untnklo,  7,  Untnchina,  8,  Chakali, !»,  IV.iioli,  10. 
I5y  })refi.\ing  nuk  to  the  names  of  the  digits,  tlu-y  arrive  at  20 ;  then,  by  ]ue- 
fi.ving  Piikoli  (10)  to  the  stn-ies  of  digits,  they  arriv(!  at  .10,  and  so  on.J 

Th(!  (/herokees  have  now  a  written  language,  and,  before  tlu^  late  tronhlcj; 
with  (reorgia,  were  making  good  advancement  in  all  the  usi'ful  arts.  One 
f;f  th(!  most  remarkable  discoveries  of  modern  times  has  been  made  by  a 
Cherokee  Indian,  named  Geouge  Gui^.hs.  His  invention  was  that  of  a  syllabic 
ai[)liabet  f)f  the  language  of  his  nation,  which  he  applied  to  writing  with 
unparalhdcd  success.  Young  Cherokt!es  learned  by  it  to  write  letters  to  their 
friends  in  three  days'  time;  and  although  the  inventor  used  a  part  of  the 
i'lnglish  al|)lialK't  in  making  uj)  his  own,  yet  he  wius  acquaintc'd  with  no  other 
'  iiguage  but  th(!  Cherokee.  This  iuve'iition  was  brought  to  maturity  in  18*j(). 
Two  years  after,  a  newspaper,  called  the  Cherokee  Phemx,  was  established 
in  the.  Cherokee  nation,  printed  chielly  in  Cherokt^e,  with  an  English  transla- 
tion. §  Being  considered  an  inde|)end(.'nt  nation,  they  instituted  a  form  of 
govennticnt  similar  to  that  of  the  United  States. 

It  was  some  time  after  the  Natchez  massacred  the  French,  that  the  ju-iiicipui 
nation  of  Creeks,  tin;  iMuskogees,  iM'gan  to  rise  into  importance.  For  a  time 
.;iier  that  memorable  event,  the  country  of  the  Natchez  was  desolate;  hut 
when  some  years  had  ela))sed,  a  tribe  seated  themselves  there,  anil  it  bei'ann; 
the  seat  of  a  powerful  nation  ;  and  this  was  tlu;  JMuskogee.s.  That  nation, 
like  tlie  ancient  Uomans,  had,  in  about  30  years,  e.vttaided  their  dominions 
over  a  fertile  coimtry  near  200  miles  sipiare  ;  had  S.IOO  bow-men,  and  .50  eon- 
siileralil(>  towns.  They  bad  dominion  al.so  over  oni!  town  of  thi!  Shawanese. 
Their  chief  places  were  upon  the  bninchi'S  of  the  Alabama  and  the  Apalaclii- 
cola  rivers:  the  people  upon  the  latter  b(>ing  called  the /oM'cr  C^reeks.  Tiiis, 
i\:^  Wi'll  as  the  other  nations  whoiri  we  call  Oeeks,  are  generally  su|)pose(l  to 
have  originally  coinc  from  the  south  or  south-west;  but  the  Indians  tliem- 
•sflves  Ix'lieve,  or  pretend  to  believe,  that  they  came  from  the  east,  or  i)lace  of 
the  smi's  rising;  concerning  which  opinion  we  may  observe  once  for  all,  that 
it  most  |)robably  had  the  same  origin  among  all  ignonint  people,  which  arose 
from  no  other  than  a  desire  that  otlicn's  should  think  them  descended  from  the 

*  It  is  poinmoii  to  reckon  a  third  warrior.s. 

t  'I'liis  speriiTipi)  I  tiike   from   a  lilllc  vnlnmo.  railed  tlio  "  Miisko^ne   (Creek)  Assistant," 
publislicd  ill  Posloii,  VMo,  >v  the  Am.  Hoan)  of  Coin,  for  Foreiga  Missions. 
t  ("lioklau  .Arithmetic,  pr;  :;o<i  as  al)ove. 
^  Hist,  Missivns,  ii,  'db-^.~-Missioiuxnj  Herald. 


Chap.  III.] 


COUNTRY  OF  THE  SOUTHERN  INDIANS, 


25 


8un  ;  that  being  the  moat  gloriotis  ninl  noble  origin  of  wliieli  they  eoiild  con- 
ceive. Iiitleed,  Hiich  is  not  ahogether  ininatiirni ;  for  that  huninary  (|iiickeii8 
and  enlivens  every  thing  that  ha.s  life,  whether  animal  or  vegetable. 

Bi'sidi'  the  MuHkogees,  the  Kataiii)ahs,  or  (Jatawbas,  Cherokeea,  Choktniis, 
and  Cliikasaiis,  were  other  luirnt^roud  tribes  spread  over  the  great  country 
of  which  we  have  si)oken. 

The  Kataul)ahH  and  the  Chikasans  were  very  warlike;  hut  their  vicinity  to 
Europeans  wa.s  as  detrimental  to  tliern,  and  even  more  so,  than  their  own 
exterminating  wai-s ;  for,  as  in  other  cases,  as  soon  as  an  intercourse  com- 
menced, degradation  and  ruin  tbllowed. 

Tiie  Cherokees  have  withstood  the  deletery  ettects  of  civilization  much 
beyond  what  can  be  said  of  any  other  tribe  of  Indians.  Their  country  is 
cliielly  in  Alabama,  Mississippi,  and  Tennessie ;  but  they  occupy  also  the 
westi.'rn  part  of  the  state  of  (ieorgia.  Jielbre  the  war  of  lril'2,  their  country 
covered  ■24,000  square  miles.*  Numbers  of  this  tribe  have  emigrated  to 
Arkansavv. 

Til!'  ( "hoktaus  |)ossessed  a  country  not  so  filled  with  creeks  and  rivere  as 
the  .Mnskoge(!S.  This  <'ircumstance,  it  is  said,  was  a  great  hinderance  to  their 
prosperity;  for  in  their  wars  with  their  neighbors,  they  suffered  greatly  from 
tiicir  i<:Morance  of  swimming.  There;  were  lj|)per  and  I,<>\ver  Choktau  towns; 
die  tiirmer  were  situated  aboiu  1(10  miles  from  the  Chikasans,  and  the  latter 
about  200  above  New  Orleans.  The  people  of  this  nation  flattened  their  hfjads 
by  wearing  bags  of  sand  on  them,f  and,  according  to  Father  Henn('mn,\  the 
heads  of  all  tlie  Indians  ujion  the  Mississippi  an;  flatter  than  those  of  Canada. 
It  is  said  also  that  they  are  of  a  lighter  complexion  ;  but  this  has  rterence 
only  to  the  Muskogees,  according  to  some  writers.  The  C'lioktaiis  jirinci- 
pally  inhabit  Mississippi.  They  were,  in  1820,  set  down  at  2."),000  souls,  and 
are  rather  increasing. 

The  Cliikasfuis  are  supposed  to  have  come  from  the  westof  th«;  MissiHsi[)pi, 
and  as  it  v/as  a  custom  among  the  Creeks  for  their  unoccupied  lands  to  b« 
taken  by  any  that  came  among  them,  as  emigrants,  the  Chikasans  found  no 
iibstacles  in  the  way  of  estal)lishing  themselves  on  this  side  the  Mississi|»pi. 
Wliere  they  first  established  themselves  is  unknown,  but  in  1770  they  were  a 
powerful  and  warl'.Ice  nation,  and  were  seated  u])on  the  western  branches  of 
the  Mobile,  The  tribe  of  Yazoos  belonged  to  this  nation.  The  (Jhikasaus 
reside  in  Mississippi,  Kentucky,  and  Tennessee.  They  do  not  exceed  4900 
in  nnnd)(!r. 

Tile  Seminoles  were  a  nation  made  up  similar  to  many  others,  and  chiefly 
of  Mui^kogees.  The  Creeks  called  them  Beminoles,  which  signified  wild, 
iiecausi;  they  had  estranged  themselves  from  their  former  country.  This 
nation  was  jirincipally  seated,  40  yeai*s  ago,  upon  th«;  rivers  A])alai'hicola  and 
Flint,  and  had  a  large  town  on  Calos  Bay,  on  the  west  side  of  Kast  Florida, 
They  now  reside  in  Florida,  a  scattered  remnant  of  about  1200, 

The  names  alone  of  the  different  clans  or  tribes  of  these  nations  would  fill 
several  pages,  and  it  is  not  necessary  here  to  enumerate  them  ,  »ve  siiall  th(!re- 
fbre,  afler  some  general  observations,  pass  to  the  consideration  of  those  chiefs 
who  have  been  conspicuous. 

There  are  upon  the  east  bank  of  the  Oakmiilge,  near  its  confluence  with 
the  Ocoiie,  beautil'ul  fields,  extensively  known  ;is  the  Oakmulge  fields  ;  they 
are  upon  the  rich  low  lands  of  tlie  river,  and  U|)on  the  elevated  jtart  of  them 
are  yet  visible  reTuains  of  n  town.  These  fields  extend  20  miles  along  the  river. 
The  Creek  Indians  give  this  accoimt  of  them,  naiiirly,  that  here  was  the  |)lace 
where  they  first  set  down  afliT  crossing  thi;  !Mississi|)|)i ;  that  their  journey 
from  the  west  had  been  attend'd  with  incredible  sufleriiig,  and  that  they  were 
opposed  at  every  step  by  various  hostile  bauds  of  Indians,  and  that  on  reach - 


,-»•».. 


*  Dr.  Morse's  Report. 

t  Adair. — "  As  soon  as  the  cliiKl  is  born,  tfio  nurse  provides  a  cradle  or  wooden  case,  hol- 
lowed and  fashioned,  to  receive  the  infant,  lying  prostrate  on  its  back,  thai  part  of  the  case 
where  the  head  reposes,  beiii^  fashioned  hke  a  l)ri(k-in<Hild.  In  ihis  portable  muchine  the 
liule  boy  is  Hxcd,  a  bae;  of  sand  being;  laid  ou  his  forehead.'' — Buitram,  015. 

I  New  Discovery,  17G. 

3 


36 


SOTO'S  EXPEDITION. 


[Book  IV 


. ,) 


lll-f:.-rr 


?^^:^^:^?^- 


f 


:•*?•;■■■•*■ 


r  :.:•>■  ■••'-.. ■'•:■ 


.  ■■-■■  •-■  i-'-i'i^-ti  •  ■ 
I'l  .V  'Ha-.:  ■'  • 


■.I'..  ...,'■>■ 


injr  this  place  tliey  fortified  tliemsdves,  and  could  proceed  no  further,  and  at 
I(;ii^'tli  •riiiii'  (1  ground  and  hecaiiio  coiiqucrorH  in  their  turn. 

'i'licn!  an;  few  jjreaUr  enriositi^m  in  tiie  soutli,  than  tiic  ^Teat  highwajsoi 
n)a<lM,  which,  TA)  years  ago,  struck  the  traveller  with  surprise.  In  W»'st  Florida 
tliey  are  :<titl  easily  traced  (iir  near  50  miles  in  a  straitfht  line  upon  the  Oklo- 
koney  Hivcr.  All  history  is  silent  about  them  ;  and  it  is  a  singular  liut  limi 
tli'<  Indians  will  make  no  use  of  them,  but  studiously  make  their  paths  in  any 
other  direction.  * 

The  country  of  tht;  southern  Indians  has  sufTiired  in  some  respects  as  niwcli 
ns  some  parts  of  South  Amt  rica;  it  having  been  traversed  and  f>verrun  (iotn 
time  to  time  by  bands  of  mercenary  whites.  In  the  year  1538,  Ftrdinand  tk 
Solo,  witli  a  commission  frotn  the  Emperor  Charles  V.,  sailed  with  a  con.^id- 
erable  lleet  for  America,  lb-  was  u  Portuguese  gentiiinan,  and  had  been 
with  Pizttrro  in  the  coiupiest  (as  it  is  calleil)  of  Peru.  His  commission  coti- 
htitiiti'd  hitn  governor  of  (-'ulm  and  general  of  Florida,  f  Although  he  siiilod 
from  St.  liUcar  in  ].');{H,  he  did  not  land  in  Florida |  until  May,  15;V.).  With 
about  1000  uKMi,  '2\li  of  whom  were  provided  with  horses,  be  undertook  the 
coiKpiest  of  Florida  and  <!ountries  adjacent.  After  cutting  their  way  in  viiri- 
ous  directions  tiirouirli  numerous  tribes  of  Indians,  travei"sing  neinly  1000 
miles  of  country,  losing  a  great  j)art  of  their  army,  their  general  died  upon 
the  banks  of  the  Mississijipi,  an([  the  survivors  wen;  obliged  to  build  vessels 
in  which  to  descend  the  river ;  which,  when  they  had  (bme,  they  sailed  lor 
Mexico.  This  expedition  was  five  years  in  coming  to  nothing,  and  bringing 
ruin  upon  its  ])erformers.  A  jiopulons  Indian  town  at  this  time  stood  at  or 
near  the  mouth  of  the  IMobile,  of  which  Soto\9  army  had  possessed  themselves. 
Their  intercour.se  with  tlu  Indians  wa.s  at  iirst  friendly,  but  at  length  a  chief 
was  insult(Hl,  which  brought  on  hostilities.  A  battle  was  fought,  in  which,  it 
is  .said,  "iOOO  Indians  were  kill<;d,  and  83  Spaniards. 

We  shall  not  attempt  here  to  go  more  into  detail  concerning  the  !  ind  of 
niaranding  Spaniards  under  Soto,  as  it  will  answer  the  present  jturpo.se  to 
olxerM!,  that  what  has  just  been  related,  is  but  one  of  the  many  butcheries 
committed  by  that  band;  and,  moreover,  our  accounts  are  rather  indistinct 
ni'on  the  wliole  affair,  and  savor  much  of  exaggeration. 

The  French,  undt;r  Jiene  dc  Laudonnierc,  settled  in  Florida  in  1564,  near 
wlitire  Pensacola  was  since  built.  The  Spaniards  claimed  tiie  country,  and 
hence  tlir'  bloody  wars  which  followed.  This  first  settlement  of  the  French, 
projected  by  Admiral  Coligni,  was  soon  broken  up  by  the  Spaniards :  they, 
in  the  basest  and  most  savage  manner,  murdiMi'd  the  whole  colony.  A 
religious  war  at  this  })eriod  distracted  the  French  nation,  and  this  outrnge 
would  have  remained  unrevenged,  but  lor  the  indignation  of  an  individual. 
In  15G7,  Dominique  de  Goiirgrs  sailed  to  Florida,  took  three  forts  Irom  the 
S|)aniards,  |)Ut  the  men  to  the  sword,  and  hanged  all  the  other  settlei*s  he 
cuidd  find.  §  A  French  gaiTison  was  again  established,  but,  being  lell  without 
protection,  was  so(jm  retaken  by  the  Spaniards,  who  remained  masters  of  the 
comiiry  for  more  than  a  hundred  years.  || 

From  these  transactions  of  antiquity,  we  mn.st  descend  to  times  nearer  our 
own.  In  the  year  1730,  Sir  ./'2/exa?irfer  Cumminir  tiavelled  among  the  southern 
Indians,  and  from  whose  account  we  are  able  to  give  several  interesting  par- 
ticuhirs.  At  this  period,  he  relates  that  the  Cherokee  nation  was  governed 
by  seven  Mother  Towns,  each  of  which  chose  a  king  to  preside  over  them 
and  their  dependants.     He  was  elected  out  of  certain  families,  and  the  descent 


*  nWiiiiis's  W.  Florida,  32. 

t  Chnudtm  de  Delandiiie,  Noiivcau  Diet,  llistoriquc,  nrt.  Soto. 

J  "  So  calleil,  because  it  was  first  discovered  by  tlio  Spaniards  on  Pnline-Siuiday,  or,  as 
the  most  intvrpret,  Easter-day,  wliicli  they  call  Pasqua  Florida,  and  noi.  as  yVi^uc^  wrilcth, 
(iir  the  nourishing  verdure  thereof."  Purchas,  769.  Modern  writers  of  discoveries  would  do 
betUT  were  they  to  look  more  to  the  sources  of  information. 

§  See  an  animated  account  of  these  bloody  affairs  in  Johnson's  Life  of  General  Greene, 
i.  4ii0,  &c. 

I]  Dupratz,  i,  1 — 3.  Juan  de  Grijalva  discovered  the  country  upon  the  Gulf  of  Mexico  in 
1518,  {lferrera,u.  199,)  and  some  report  that  lie  carried  off  Indians  as  slaves.  (See  iVd- 
/j'aHii'i- Florida,  90.)  IJut  we  are  not  aware  that  the  fuct  is  elsewhere  recorded,  Herrera. 
though  very  miuute,  does  not  name  it.    Purclias  (812)  ay^rees  with  him. 


Chap.  Ill] 


MOVTOV  MADF   KING  OF  THE  CREEKS. 


37 


was  n'i(ardo(l  only  on  llio  inotlier'H  wido.  Those  mother  towns  w<t«,  accnnling 
to  Sir  Jlkxumkr,  TuiiiiuHsio,  Kettoouli,  llHtt'iiary,  'J'<ll'u|U(>,  lOstdotowif,  Kcyo- 
wee,  uiitl  Nocycoee.  Four  of  tliew!  towiiH  vvi-rc  without  kiii^n  at  lliitt  litne, 
they  liaviii<;  (lied.  Souiu  town.s  had  princt.H,  uh  our  author  lailfd  iImmu  ; 
iiunu!l>, 'I'oiuawso,  otH!;  Sutteclio,  oiii; ;  Tassf tliduo,  one ;  Iwawset',  out' ;  Tel- 
li(luo,  two;  Tainiassie,  two ;  CuiuioHtee,  out; ;  Cowco,  one. 

Tilt'  fhit;t"  .Moj/toi/  was  calhjtl  euiptMor,  and  prt-sithtl  ovt-r  thti  Ht'vtiu  ttiwtis, 
ill  17.'{().  lli.s  rf!sitltnit!e  wils  at  Tfliitiuo.  On  tiit-  ',i  April,  lliin  ytar,  tifpiitifjt 
I'roiii  ail  parts  of  tiit;  nation  int>t  at  Nei|U)is.>^i(',  and  in  pri'siiict'  tif  ^'ir 
.Ih.ntniler  Cumiiihi^  aiitl  J!i  othiT  Eni,dishinfn,  tU'ciarcd  Moi/tuij  t'iii|)frt)r;  iif 
iiu\ iiiir  htM'ii  noininatfd  hy  Sir  ^hcxandtr*  Tiii^  nation  fonHfiitttl  to  riM-iivf 
M(>;ili>;i  as  tiit-ir  kin^',  nrovidt'tl  he  wa,s  held  actrountahit;  to  Sir  .ilijuniltr.  At 
till!  ffit'iiioiiy  of  deflarin^'  Moijluif  kiiij;  t)r  einptiior,  hy  who.st-  ortlcr  Sir 
iUeiitiulir  wuf,  plact'd  in  a  eliuir,  hiiii.seli'  ami  the  fonjurcrs  Htaiidiiiff  aiiotit 
iiiiii,  anil  a  thitiiif,' of  warrioirt  "strokfd  him  with  l;{  t!af,'l.-,s' tails,  and  tlitir 
siiifriis  ^mif^  from  morniiif,'  till  !ii;;ht."  AIUt  this  was  tloiii'  with,  lit-  made  a 
sprtt'll  to  till!  great  concoiirsi!  of  Indians  ;  in  whifli,  among  a  good  ileal  hisiiles, 
lit' ilisplavi'd  the  power  and  goodness  of  the  king  heyond  tlit!  gnat  water ; 
and  "ie()uired  jMo_i/<o7/ and  all  the  head  warriors  to  aeknowlcilgi!  liiemselves 
(iiilifiil  suliji'cts  and  .sons  to  King  George  "  "all  whieh  they  did  on  tht^ir  kiii'fs, 
calling  upon  every  thing  that  was  terrihle  to  them  to  tiestroy  them,  and  that 
tilt  y  might  hi'conie  no  people,  if  they  violatetl  their  promise  aiul  olHtlieiiee." 

Tiie  ne.xt  day,  4  \|)ril,  "the  crown  was  hroiight  liom  great  Taiinassie, 
whieh,  with  live  eagles'  tails  and  four  sealps  of  their  em  ini(  s,  Aloijloi/  prc- 
.si'iited  to  Sir  Altmiider,  impowering  him  to  lay  the  same  at  his  majtisty's  tiet." 
riie  conjurers  were  well  pleased  with  tht;  English  haron,  and  told  him  they 
would  follow  all  his  directions.  "That  when  he  led  them  they  would  still 
consider  him  as  present  in  the  person  of  Moyloxj  of  Tellitiuo,  who  wt)uld 
punctually  do  what  he  had  hid."  Sir  Alexander  was  now  at  TannjLs,sie,  400 
niilt!s  li-om  Charleston,  aceortling  to  his  reckoning,  and  had  hut  IT)  days  to 
iiirive  there  in,  to  go  for  England  in  the  Eo.\  inan-ol'war,  which  was  then  to 
sail.  He  therefore  asketl  Moiftoy  if  tht!  Indians  could  travel  thert!  in  so  short 
a  time  on  fliot.  The  chief  saiti  it  might  he  done,  and  that  he  would  have 
accompauit.'tl  him,  hut  for  tht;  dangerous  illness  of  his  wife,  and  retiutiste'd  him 
to  choose  such  as  he  ilesired  from  among  his  people,  t(»  go  with  him.f 

A<;conlingly,  Sir  Alexander  chose,  as  evidences  of  what  had  happened, 
S!iij(iu:usla,\  the  head  warrior  of  Tassetdiie,  "a  man  of  great  jiower  and 
interest,  who  had  a  right  to  he  a  king,"  Attakidlakulla,  and  (Hasnite,  or  Outa- 
fi7r,  a  third  warrior,  Collannah,  a  fourth;  "and  fr'iUi  Taiinassie,  the  remotest 
town  of  the  country,  he  took  Clogoittali  and  Oiikanaekah,^  warrit)rs."  Ahout 
'2;j  miles  from  Charleston  tht;y  met  with  the  warrior  Ouniikunnoirine,  a 
iriend  of  those  chiefs,  "who  had  just  come  from  the  Kattarhe  nation,  and 
desired  to  go  along  with  his  counti7irien,  to  which  Sir  Alexander  con.sented." 

They  went  on  hoard  the  Fox,  a  man-of-war,  and  sailed  from  Churleston 
Bay  4  May,  and  arrived  at  Dover  5  June;  thus  jierforming  a  pas.«age  across 
the  Atlantic  hi  a  month  and  a  day,  in  1730,  not  much  inftjrior  to  what  is  done 
iiow-a-duys.     At  Dover  Sir  Alexander  "  took  i)ost  to  London,  with  the  crown 


,»< 


*  This  part  of  the  sentence  is  upon  the  authority  oi'  i  good  writer,  (Ihwatt,  Hist.  Carolina, 
ii.  5.)  Iiiit  Sir  Alexander  tloes  not  say  quite  as  much  in  his  account. 

t  i)/oi/'o(/ was  a  bitter  enemy  aClerwards.  In  1758  he  went  witli  his  warriors  In  a  place 
railed  Sjlalitjuo,  and  killed  several  whites,  witliout,  as  was  said,  any  provocation.  Jlewatt, 
ii.  220. 

{  Or  Kita^iista.  This  chief  was  one  of  the  seven,  as  will  appear  immedialely  onward, 
allliougii  Sir  Alexander,  in  his  cominunicalion,  docs  not  name  him.  Neither  does  he  name 
AWikidliikutla,  or  Outassite ;  yet  it  is  certain  they  were  both  in  England,  and  we  believe  at 
this  time  :  they  make  up  the  number  seven,  with  those  named  in  his  own  narrative.  'I'lial 
AltakuUiikutlii  was,  see  Hewatt,  ii.  221,  and  Wynne,  ii.  280,  71.  We  can  oiilv  account  for  iho 
blanks,  in  the  narrative,  by  supposing  that  Sir  Alexander's  amanuensis  did  not  understand 
him,  (for  he  did  not  write  himself,)  and  the  enumeration  of  the  chiefs  which  he  look  with  him, 

is  very  blundering.    Thus,  after  naming  one  only,  it  is  set  down,  "  and 

a  third  warrior,"  &c. 

§  I'erhaps  Ockonostola,  who  was  called  the  great  warrior  of  the  Cherokee  iiatiou.  Ilewatl, 
ii.  217. 


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33  WEST  MAIN  STREIT 

WEBSTER,  N.Y.  MSSO 

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CREEK   CHIEFS   VISIT  ENGLAND. 


[Book  IV. 


of  (he  Chnrok«e  nation,  leaving  the  Indians  l)chind  to  corne  up  with  the  man- 
of-war.  He  let  the  secretary  of  state  iinmediatelv  i<nnw  that  lie  had  full  power 
from  that  nation  to  lay  their  crown  at  his  majesty's  feet,  and  that  he  had  hroujrht 
over  seven  Indian  chiefs,  as  an  evidence  of  the  truth.  His  majesty  wits  gra- 
ciously pleased  to  order  Sir  ./i/ex«rK/er  to  bring  in  his  people  to  the  ii'stullation, 
the  IHtii  of  June,  where  they  were  extremely  surjjrised  at  the  magnificence  of 
every  tiling  ahout  them :  they  compared  the  king  and  queen  to  the  sun,  the 
princes  to  the  stars,  and  themselves  to  nothing.  On  the  S2d  of  Jinic,  Sir 
Mexander  was  introduced  to  his  maj'-sty,  and  upon  his  knee,  in  presence  of 
the  court,  declared  the  full  powe-  he  had  received,  the  Indian  chiel's  all 
kneeling  at  the  same  time,  as  a  testimony  of  their  submission  and  approhiition. 
Sir  Mexandfr  laid  the  crown  of  the  Cherokee  nation  at  his  majesty's  li'cl,  with 
the  five  eagles' tails,  as  an  emblem  of  his  majesty's  sovereignty,  and  fiiiir  s(al[ts 
of  Indian  enemies;  all  which  his  majesty  was  graciously  pleased  to  accept  of." 

While  in  Kngland,  they  made  a  treaty  with  the  king,  every  article  of  wliicli 
was  accompanied,  on  his  part,  with  presents  of  some  sort  or  other :  such  us 
cloth,  guns,  vermilion,  hatchets,  knives,  &c.  This  treaty  was  dated  at  White- 
hall, 7  September,  1730,  and  from  it  we  get  the  names  of  the  seven  chiefs.  It 
begins,  "  VVhereas  you,  Scayagusta  Oukaii,  chief  of  the  town  of  Tas.seta ; 
you,  ScALiLosKE.v  Ketaousta  ;  you,  Tetiitowe  ;  you,  Clogoittah  ;  you, 
CoLA.\NAH  ;  you,  Un.naco>oy  ;  you,  Oucounacou,  have  l)een  deputed  by  the 
whole  nation  of  the  Cherokee  Indians,  to  com«)  to  Great  Britain,"*  &c.  Afler 
the  treaty  was  finished,  a  certificid  copy  was  pn^sented  to  the  chiefs  by  .Sir 
Mexandtr  Cumminff ;  upon  which  Skijagustah,  in  the  name  of  the  whole, 
made  the  following  8|)eech  : — 

"  We  are  come  hither  from  a  mountainous  place,  wln're  nothing  but  dark- 
ness is  to  be  fbiuid  ;  but  we  are  now  in  a  place  where  there  is  light.  There 
was  a  ])erson  in  our  country,  he  gave  us  a  yellow  token  of  warlike  honor, 
which  is  left  with  Moyloy  of  Tellicpio,  and  as  warriors  we  received  it.  He 
came  to  us  like  a  warrior  i'rom  you.  A  man  he  is ;  his  talk  is  upright,  and  the 
token  he  left  pw^serves  his  niemorj'  among  us.  We  look  upon  you  as  if  the 
great  king  were  pnisent ;  we  love  you  as  representing  the  great  king.  We 
shall  die  in  the  same  way  of  thinking.  The  crown  of  our  nation  is  (liffenMit 
from  that  which  the  great  King  George  wears,  and  from  that  we  saw  in  the 
tower.  Hut  to  us  it  is  all  one.  The  chain  of  friendship  shall  be  carried  to 
our  people.  We  look  ujmn  the  great  King  Georgt  as  the  sun,  and  as  our 
father,  and  upon  ourselves  as  bis  children.  For  though  we  are  red,  and  you 
are  white,  yet  our  bands  and  hearts  are  joined  together.  When  we  shall  have 
acquainted  our  people  with  what  we  have  s«!ei.  our  children  from  generation 
to  generation  will  always  remember  it.  In  war  we  shall  always  be  one  with 
you  The  enemies  of  the  great  king  shall  be  our  enemies.  His  people  and 
ouit  <  .i\\\  be  one,  and  shall  die  together.  We  came  hither  naked  and  poor  as 
the  wonrs  of  the  earth,  but  you  have  every  thing,  and  we  that  have  nothing 
must  love  you,  and  will  never  break  tho!  chain  of  friendship  whi<;h  is  between 
US.  Here  stands  the  governor  of  Carolina,  whom  we  know.f  This  siiiall 
ro|>e  \  we  show  you  is  all  that  we  have  to  bind  our  slaves  with,  and  it  may  be 
broken.  But  have  iron  chains  for  yours.  However  if  we  catch  your  slaves, 
we  will  bind  them  as  well  as  we  can,  and  deliver  them  to  our  friends,  and  take 
no  pay  for  it.  We  have  looked  round  for  the  person  that  was  in  our  country 
— he  is  not  here  :  However,  we  must  say  he  talked  uprightly  to  us,  and  we 
shall  never  forget  him.  Your  white  peo[)le  may  very  safely  build  houses  m^ar 
us,  W^«^  shall  hurt  nothing  that  belongs  to  them,  for  we  are  children  of  one 
father,  the  great  king,  and  shall  live  and  di«!  together." 

When  Skijafruatnh  had  proceeded  thus  far,  he  laid  his  feathers  upon  a  tai)le, 
and  closed  as  follows : — 

*  Report  of  the  Comniissioncrs  (17.T(i)  on  (lie  Aflairs  of  Georgia,  p.  bA.—M  Attahilhknila 
were  nmoiig  lliese  cliicis,  ho  wont  under  nnotlier  nninc,  as  did  also  Outacite.  See  a  few  pages 
forward. 

t  Tlipre  was  al  lliis  time  no  governor,  tlioup^li  Robert  Johnson  wa.s  nominally  such.  In  1729 
the  frovi'rnnii'iit  of  C;iroliiia  was  delivered  to  the  crown  of  England,  for  about  -^17,000.  yc/iif 
tcni  was  reapjioinled  in  1731. 

I  Siring  or  wampum,  probably. 


■'l';.' 


CHir.  IV] 


TOMociiirm. 


39 


"TMis  ia  our  way  of  talking,  whicli  i«  tin-  muv  tiling'  to  uf  ns  your  lotton*  in 
tlie  book  an;  to  you,  mid  to  yon,  beloved  men,  we  ileliver  thew;  leatbers  in 
confirmation  of  all  we  liave  said." 

In  October,  tlie  In<lian8  embark(>d  at  I'ortsmontli  with  Mr.  Johnsoru,  the 
;:overnor  of  Carolina,  for  their  own  country,  and  in  the  same  islii|>  in  wliicli 
the"  went  over. 

Srdjnsu^tah,  or,  aa  ho  was  sometimes  called,  KUta^usta,  "was  brother  of 
Oiiccimuostola,  or  the  great  warrior,  and  also  chief  of  Chote.  He  lived  to  Ihj 
\ery  old,  and  died  in  May  17(id. 


fii^es" 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Sii/thvicnt  of  Carolina  and  Georgia — Tomociiichi  rercircs  the  English — 6'o<.v  t'l  Kn^ 
land  with  General  Oglethorpe — Makes  a  speech  to  the  Kini^ — Uis  death — l\ar  with 
the  Spaniards — Outacitik — Mai.achtv — ATTAKi.i.i.AKti.i.A — Indians  murdered 
— ArTAKULLAKULi.A  prevents  retaliation  upon  whitis  in  his  power — Chirnhir  War 
liririns — Governor  Littleton's  expedition — Impiisons  their  ^hnbassudors — Thnj  are 
massacred — Colonel  Montgomery  sent  against  thrni — hattle  mar  Kroirte — ( lirro- 
l;ci\<i  talic  fort  London — Silouck — Saves  ttic  life  of  Colonel  Byrd — Colonel  Grant 
sulidues  the  Cherokees,  and  they  make  peace  with  the  whites — Cjii.ucco. 

The  |)re8tiniption  is  pretty  strongly  supported,  that  Sir  Walter  Rnlqth  visited 
tlie  southern  shores  of  North  America.  When  General  Oglethorpe  landed  in 
Ctcorgia,  in  17Ji2,*  O.  S.,  and  comnjunicated  to  th<^  Indians  the  contents  of  a 
jonrnul  of  Sir  Walter's,  they  seemed  to  have  a  trudit  i^n  o*'  him,  whicli  they  had 
loudly  clierished  ;  although,  if  the  person  they  met  were  Jhdegh,  a  Inuidred 
yeai-s  had  elajwed  since  he  was  there.  They  pointed  out  to  Mr.  Oglethorpe  a 
plaet!  near  Yamacraw  bluff,  since  Charleston,  on  which  was  a  large  nidund, 
ill  which  was  buried,  they  said,  a  chief  who  had  talked  with  Sir  Walter  Ralegh, 
upon  that  spot  The  chief  had  requested  liis  people  to  bui-y  him  theiv,  that 
the  place  might  be  kept  in  veneration. 

TOMOCIIICHI  was  the  principal  chief,  or  Mico,  as  chiefs  were  called,  of  a 
!iiiiull  band  of  Creeks  and  \ama8ee8,  who,  having  in  some  way  offended  their 
eountrymen,  fled  their  country, and  "wandered  about  in  the  woods  some  time, 
(iiitil  about  1732,  when  they  l)cgged  leave  of  this  government  to  sit  d«)wn  on 
llie  high  land  of  Yamacraw,  on  the  south  side  of  Savannah  river,  at  or  near 
the  place  wliere  the  new  town  of  Savannah,  in  Georgia,  is  now  situated."  \ 
Thny  consisted  of  but  17  or  18  families,  and  their  first  chief  appears  to  have 
been  called  Bocachee.  Several  chief  men,  of  various  trilies,  came  to  welcome 
liie  Knglish,  immediately  after  their  arrival.  "They  were  as  follows:  From 
the  trilHj  of  Coweeta,  Yahan-lakte,  their  king,  or  mico  ;  Essaboo,  their  warrior, 
tlie  son  of  Old-brim,  lately  dead,  whom  the  Spaniards  called  emperor  of  the 
Creeks,  with  eight  men  and  two  women  attendants.  Front  the  trilie  of  Cnsse- 
tns,  Cuastla,  their  mico ;  Tatchiqualchi,  their  head  warrior,  with  four  attendants. 
From  the  tribe  of  Owaeecheys,  Ogeese,  the  mico,  or  war  king ;  JVeathlouth- 
ko  and  Ougachi,  two  chief  men,  with  three  attendants.  F>om  the  tribe  of 
Clieeciiaws,  Outhleteboa,  their  mico,  ThlaiUho-thlukee,  Figeer,  Sootamilln,  war 
captains,  with  three  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Echetas,  Chutabeeche  and 
Robin,  two  war  captains,  (the  latter  was  bred  among  the  English,)  with  four 
attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Polachucolas,  Gillattee,  their  head  warrior,  and 
five  attendants.  From  the  tribe  of  Oconas,  Oueekachumpn,  called  by  the  Eng- 
lish Long-king,  Kooiooo,  a  warrior.  From  the  tril)e  of  Eufaule,  Tomaumi,  head 
warrior,  and  tnree  attendants. 

*  Many  gciiilemcn  in  Enslaud  conlributcd,  in  various  ways,  (his  year,  for  the  ntlviiiircincut 
of  tiie  colony  ;  some  in  caltTe,  some  in  labor,  some  in  provisions,  ana  olhers  as  soldiers.  The 
coiitrilmlion  of  one  gentleman,  for  its  singularity,  shall  lie  muiitioncd.  "  Mr.  Hmne  gave  u 
silver  boat  and  spoon  for  the  first  child  bom  in  Georgia,  which  being  bom  of  Mrs.  Close,  wcro 
given  accordingly." — Commisiionera'  Report  on  Georgia  Affairs,  p.  119, 

*  Report  of  the  Commigsionen,  ut  lupra,  11,  IIG,  117, 


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TOMOCHICni  AND  OTHERS  VISIT  ENGLAND.         [Rook  IV. 


**  TliP  IrulifitiH  Ix-iiig  nil  sentod,  Ourfkarhumpn,  a  very  toll  old  rnnn,  Ptood, 
•nd  rimdi!  n  Hpt'ccli,  wliicli  wjih  iiitfrpriUctt  hy  Mr.  H'ipgan  uiid  Mr.  Musfrroyf^*^ 
iu  which  he  suid  nil  th(;  IuikIh  to  the  southward  of  8uvaiinali  River  iM^Toiiged 
to  th<!  ("i-cekB.  He  snid,  the  Indinns  were  |KM>r,  but  the  same  Power  that  giivp 
the  KiiffliHli  hrenth,  pave  then,  breath  also.  That  that  Power  iiad  piven  the 
Kiiffiifh  the  most  wimiotii.  That,  as  they  had  come  to  instruet  them,  they  should 
liuve  all  the  lands  which  they  did  not  us«)  themselvcR.  That  tliis  wtts  not  onh 
bis  mind,  but  the  minds  of  the  eight  towns  of  Creeks,  who  bad,  aOer  consult- 
inj;  toircther,  sent  some  of  their  chief  men  with  skins,  which  was  t!ieir  wealth. 
At  this  p(?ri«)d  of  Ouecknchumpft's  spijecb,  some  of  the  chiefs  of  the  cijilit 
towns  broii^dit  caeh  a  bundh^  of  buck's  skins,  and  laid  them  down  lieliirc  Mr. 
Ofrldlinr/ir.  Then  the  chief  said,  "  These  are  the  hist  thhip;s  we  possess,  hut  irr 
f^ir  tlirm  ii'itli  ii  ifixtd  henrf.  I  thank  you  for  your  kindness  to  'I'oniochiclii,  and 
his  prnple.  lie  is  mi/  kivsnwn,  and,  t)iough  he  tvas  banished  from  his  unlion,  hr 
is  a  }>-(i(nl  man  and  a  gnid  warrior.  It  was  on  account  of  his  wisdom  anilju.stin, 
that  the  banished  men  chose  him  their  kini^.  1  hear  that  the  Cherokces  have 
killed  some  Knplishmen.  Ifijou  [addressing  Mr.  Oglethorpe]  will  command  tis, 
we  nv'tl  fro  against  them  teith  all  our  force,  kill  their  people,  and  destroy  their 
livintr." 

VVhen  Oueekachumpa  liad  done  sjieakirig,  Tomochichi  drew  near  witli  iils 
men,  and,  after  making  a  low  bow,  said, — "/  was  a  banished  man,  and  I  came 
here  poor  and  helpless  to  look  for  good  land  near  the  tombs  of  my  ancestors,  itwl 
when  }jnu  came  to  this  plact.  I  feared  i/ou  would  drive  t«  aioay ;  for  lee  were  weak 
and  wanted  rora.  But  J/oii  confirmed  our  land  to  us,  and  gave  us  food,"  The 
other  chiclk  spoke  in  the  sai.ie  manner  as  Oueekachumpa  had,  and  then  agreed 
upon  and  exeeutetl  an  amicable  treaty. 

IJy  the  assistance  of  bis  interj^reter,  Maru  Musgrove,  General  Oglethorpe  had 
b(;en  able  to  draw  together,  at  oi  c  time,  50  chiels  from  the  upper  and  lower 
Creek  towns,  and,  by  bis  conciliatory  conduct,  bad  secured  their  friendshi}). 
He  next  resolved  to  take  a  deputation  of  them  to  England,  hoping  what  tiiey 
might  witness  and  experience  there,  woidd  result  in  lasting  benefits  to  both 
their  nations  and  the  English.  Accordingly,  measures  having  been  taken  for 
the  fimheraiico  of  this  project,  the  general  and  the  Indian  chiefs  endmrked 
for  Kngiaiid,  in  the  Aldborougb  man-of-war,  and  arrived  nt  St.  Hellens,  in 
the  Isle  of  Wight,  Hi  Jime,  1734.  The  names  of  the  Indians  were  Tomo- 
ciiicni,  Senawki,  his  consort,  and  Toonakowi,  the  prince,  his  nephew; 
also  HiLLispiLLi,  a  war  captain,  and  Apakowtski,  Stimalechi,  Sintouchi, 
HiNuuiTHi,  and  Umphychi,  five  other  chiefs,  with  their  interpreter. 

Inniiediately  after  their  arrival,  orders  were  given  for  preparing  pro|)er 
habits  lor  them,  in  order  to  their  I)eing  introduced  at  court.  Tliis  having 
been  done,  Sir  Clement  Cotterel,  knight,  master  of  the  ceremonies,  was  sent, 
Augu.st  1,  witli  three  of  the  king's  coaches,  drawn  by  six  horses  each,  to  the 
Cicorgia  office,  where  the  chiefs,  all  except  one,  were  taken  in  and  carried  to 
Kensington,  where  their  introduction  to  his  majesty.  King  George  II.,  took 
phu'c.  The  on(;  left  at  the  Georgia  o.Tce  was  sick  with  the  small-pox,  of 
wliich  lu;  died  the  next  day.  Tomochicui,  after  presenting  the  king  with  sev- 
eral eagle's  feathers,  which  were  considered,  by  his  nation,  the  most  respectful 
j>resent  they  could  send,  delivered  the  following  speech  to  his  majesty : — 

"  This  day  I  see  iImj  majesty  of  you  face,  the  greatness  of  your  house,  and 
the  niunber  of  your  peo[)le.  I  am  come  for  the  good  of  the  whole  nation  of 
the  Creeks,  to  renew  the  peace  they  bud  long  ago  made  with  the  English.  1 
am  come  over  in  my  old  days;  and,  though  I  cannot  live  to  see  any  advantage 
to  myself,  I  am  come  for  tlie  good  of  the  children  of  all  the  nations  of  the 
Upper  and  Lower  Creeks,  that  they  may  be  instructed  in  the  knowledge  of 
the  English.  These  are  the  feathers  of  the  eagle,  which  is  the  SAiftest  of 
birds,  and  who  flicth  all  round  our  nations.  'TheBe  feathers  are  a  sign  of 
peace  in  our  land,  and  we  have  brought  them  over  to  leave  them  with  you, 
great  king,  as  a  sign  of  everlasting  peace.     O  !  great  king,  whatsoever  words 

*  Ills  wife  was  Ihe  interpreter,  acroriliiiff  to  AfCa//,  i.  35,  who  was  a  half  breed  named 
Martj.  Oglfthorpe  first  purchased  her  friendship  with  presents,  and  aAerwards  allowed  her  a 
hundred  pounds  a  year  for  her  services. — Commissioners'  Report  on  Georgia  Affairs, 


Chap. '.v.]        TOMOCIIICHI  AND  OTllKRS  V  IsJlT  F.NC.I.AND. 


ni 


yon  slinll  hiiv  unto  me,  I  will  tell  tliern  faithfully  to  nil  \\u\  kin>rH  of  tlie  Crook 
iiMiions."  'I'lic  kind's  nnswi-r,  though  short,  was,  in  tho  iiighcut  dt'grce,  con- 
cilialory,  uiui  what  was  teruied  gracious.* 

Wluii  the  cliiefs  wore  introduced  at  court,  his  umjesty  received  them  upon 
Ills  thioiic,  in  the  jm-sence  chauilK-r,  attended  hy  the  oHiccrs  of  state,  and  a 
iiiiMK  rons  court.  They  were  introduced  hy  the  Duke  of  Grafton,  chanil>erlain 
iif  liis  niajrsty's  household  ;  and,  utler  the  ceremonies,  they  returned  to  tluir 
jijKirliiients,  at  the  Georgia  office. 

Tluir  first  «'are,  after  returning  from  court,  was  to  inter  their  deceased 
(•i)iii|i('nioii,  whii'h  was  accordingly  done  with  great  (rereinony,  in  the  hurial- 
)irtiiii;d  of  rit.  John  the  Kvangclist,  Westminster,  according  to  the  custom  of 
ill!'  "('lu-rok.  ■  €n>eks,"  which  wils  in  the  following  niaiuier: — "The  deceased 
li  iiig  sewed  up  in  two  hlunkcts,  with  one  deal  hoard  under  and  uiiotlier  over 
lii!!!,  and  tied  down  wilh  a  (*or<i,  was  placed  upon  a  hier,  and  caniedtothe 
place  of  interment.  There  wen'  only  jtresent  at  the  time  of  his  hciiig  put  into 
tin-  ^Tavc,  King  Tomo,  and  some  of  the  chicft,  the  up|M'r  church  warden  of 
till'  parish,  and  the  grave  digger.  Wiien  the  corpse  was  laid  in  the  earth,  the 
(loi  lies  of  the  deceased  were  thrown  into  the  grave;  after  this  a  quantity  of 
glass  heads  were  cast  in,  and  then  some  pieces  of  silver;  tho  custom  of  those 
hniiaiis  lieing  to  hury  all  the  deceased's  efl'ects  with  him." 

Although  we  have  the  names  ui'  all  the  cliiefs  given  us  thot  went  over  with 
Mr.  Offldliorpe.  we  have  not  the  means  of  knowing  which  it  wos  that  died. 
Indians  otlen  died  on  their  visits  to  Europe.  One  of  the  five  Iro(}uois  chiefs 
died  in  England,!  iu  1710,  and  of  his  name  too  we  bre  ignorant. 

^\\•.  Oglethorpe's  chi('fs,  afler  having  been  showed  the  chief  curiosities  in 
1111(1  ahont  London,  were  taken  to  Snithead,  where  the  English  fleia  lay,  that 
tlicy  might  go  on  board  and  view  the  trorncndous  ship  Britannia,  and  some 
otlii  rs  of  great  magnitude.  On  the  30  October,  1734,  a  little  past  noon,  they 
i.inharked  at  Gravesend,  on  board  the  Prince  of  Wales,  for  Georgia. 

Of  Tomochichi,  who  was  the  most  prominent  character  among  them,  we 
!)av(!  yet  a  little  to  add.  He  lived  until  he  had  attained  his  97th  year,  imd  «lied 
15  October,  1735),  five  years,  wanting  15  days,  afler  he  sailed  from  England. 
He  rtisided,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  about  four  miles  from  Savannah.  He 
was  highly  beloved  by  tlie  English,  having  always  been  their  particular  friend, 
fought  for  them  in  wu-  ami  tided  them  by  his  counsel  in  peace.  He  was 
aware  of  the  approach  >..  cath,  and  expressed  but  little  desire  to  live  longer, 
as  he  should  be  unable  to  aid  his  allies  any  more  against  the  Spaniards. 
For  General  Oglethorpe  he  expressed  the  greatest  tenderness,  and  entreated 
the  Indians  to  l»ear  in  retnembrance  the  kindnesses  with  which  the  king  of 
Etigland  had  treated  him,  and  hoped  they  would  alwiiys  remain  his  subjects. 
Ihiving  exprrsped  a  wish  that  his  body  might  be  buried  among  the  English  in 
Savannah,  accordingly,  his  corpse  was  there  interred  in  Percival  S(]U!ue,  with 
military  parade,  an»l  Genenil  Oglethorpe  ordered  a  pyratnid  to  be  erected  over 
it,  with  an  appropriate  inscription.  | 

Thus  are  traced  the  first  steps  in  the  history  of  Georgia,  and  thus  did  every 
thing  promise  a  contii.junce  of  that  friendship  so  well  begim  by  General 
Oglethorpe.  Nothing  was  lefl  undone,  while  the  Creek  chiefs  were  in  Eng- 
land, to  impress  upon  their  minds  exalted  ideas  of  the  power  and  greatness  of 
the  English  nation.  The  nobility  were  not  only  curious  to  see  them,  but 
entertained  them  at  their  tables  in  the  most  magnificent  style.  Multitudes 
flocked  around  them,  conferring  gifls  and  marks  of  respect  upon  them.  The 
king  allowed  them  £20  sterling  a  week,  during  their  stay,  and  it  was  computed 
that,  at  their  return  to  America,  they  brought  presents  to  the  atnount  of  £400 
sterling.  After  remaining  in  England  four  monilia,  they  embarked  at  ftrave- 
send  for  Georgia.  They  were  conveyed  to  the  place  of  embarkation  in  hia 
majesty's  carriages.  § 

In  the  invasion  of  Georgia  by  the  Spaniards,  in  174.%  many  Indians  were 
drawn  into  the  controversy,  on  Iwth  sides.  Toeaiweoxd,  ||  or  Tooanohowi,  a 
nepl-.ew  of  Tomochichi,  was  shot  through  the  right  arm,  in  an  encounter  with 


T-'K^r 

'  ■ 

»     » 

..■  ^t 

■   .    .        *■    . 

«  -     • 

^  J  • 

^■''  :,U 

' 

••»••.>'*' 

■■■^f  «. 

■.^'.T-- 

' 

.< 

•    • 

m 

•>'.: 

;  r-^- 

'^y?^' 

i: 

•  -viji-. 

>•*." 


'^^^^ 


:■.v^:^/;.^■. 


'i^^. 


K..^ 


'  V'JH 


'■'      t 


*  Harris,  Voyaffes. 

t  M'CaU,  Hist.  Georgia,  i.  19C,  197. 


t  Kalm's  Travels  in  America,  i.  210. 

$  lb.  i.  45.  U  Harru. 


tn 


OUTA("ITF..-I\Ti;ilVIF,\V  WITH  (iOV.  NICHOLSON.      [n„oK  IV 


•/!-, 


tlip  P|)»tni;inls,  liy  n  S|mtiisli  niptiiin.  Toonnohowi  dn'W  \i\s  pistol  witli  li'm  left 
hand,  and  slmf  the  caittain  tlirniij.'li  the  ln-ad. 

Tliiis,  with  tlic  S|  aiiiards  ii|iiiii  oik;  hand,  and  llio  ['Jiplisli  ii|K)n  thr  othrr 
«nd  fJn"  I'n  iicli  in  the  midst  (if  thi-ni,  tin;  Cn'fi<s  and  ChcniitiT.s  iM-ciitnc  fiuh- 
jrrt  to  rvcry  posnihle  ovil  to  whi>-h  tlic  rapricc  of  thow>  scv«'ral  nntinnH  jfavc 
rinc.  Ill  I7*.':{,  a  cliicf,  whose  name  we  find  in  writers  of  tliat  day,  fl'oulng.tilnn'. 
ff'oosataanfi;  IVonUuinitau,  H'ronetfuatow,*  &(*.  is  styled  "(Joveriiorof  the  Lower 
mid  Middle  SettlenientB  of  the  Cjiiirikees."  He  is  presiiiiied  to  he  ilir  siine 
with  Olan't'^  or  Ofit.isilr^  one  of  the  prisoners  aliove  eniinierated,  and  from 
what  we  ;\rf  iihont  to  relate  of  liini,  his  eminenee  will  ho  apparent.  In  IT'^j, 
/VrtJim  A'irlitilsoii  went  o\er  as  governor  of  S.  Carolina,  who  was  said  to  liave 
been  very  siiceessnil  in  iiianairinjf  afliiirs  with  the  Indians,  Hoon  after  iiis 
arrival,  tlie  Cherokees  dispatched  niessenf,'erN  to  Charleston  to  adjust  some 
diflicnliies  which  had  for  some  lime  existed  ;  and,  not  loiijr  after,  another  inorf 
liill  and  complete  depiiiiitiun  arrived.  (Joveriair  JVirholsun  opened  the  council 
hy  a  Iftiip  speech  to  " //'of^^.f.yiVr,  Kill}.',  and  to  tht;  heads  of  the  Lower  and 
Middle  Settlements  of  the  ( 'harokee  Nations." 

In  the  course  of  Ms  speech,  lie  ohserves,  that,  when  they  delivered  their 
acknowledgments  and  paid  their  suhmissioii  to  tin;  governi  lent,  "tfie  other 
day,"  they  had  made  mention  of  '.]7  towns  that  had  s«nt  down  tlicir  chi(  r>  liir 
that  jinrpose,  and  wished  to  he  satisfied  that  thew  towns  were  reprcsinted. 
that  his  words  might  lie  carried  to  all  their  inhahitants.  Alter  laying  nmrh 
stress  on  llieir  submission  and  respect  to  the  king  of  F.nglaiid,  he  speaks  thus 
st'nsihiy  upon  their  tniding  with  the  whites,  which  at  the  same  time  discovers 
to  IIS  the  origin  of  former  troubles. 

After  ordering  that  if  either  party  injured  the  other,  restitiitinn  should  l»r 
made  by  the  nggres8f)r,  lie  says,  "  Frequent  complaints  have  been  made  tiiat 
your  people  have  often  broke  open  the  stores  lielonging  to  our  traders,  and 
carry  d  away  their  goods  ;  and  also  pillaged  several  of  their  packs,  wiien 
cniploy'd  and  entrusted  to  carry  them  up ;  and  restitution  has  never  liecn 
made,  which  ai*e  great  faults :  Wc  therefore  recommend  to  you,  to  take  all 
possible  precautions  to  prevent  such  ill  practices  for  the  future,"  &c.  *•  And  to 
j)rev«;nt  any  injury  or  misunderstanding,  we  have  pass'd  a  law,  whicji  appoints 
commissioners  that  are  to  go  twice  a  year  to  the  Congaree,  or  Savaiia  garrison, 
to  hear  and  redress  ail  grievances." 

"  IVoosatitsnte  being  a  man  in  great  esteem  amongst  you,  having  given  fre- 
quent testimonies  of  his  affection  and  firm  adherence  to  this  goveriimeiit,  and 
b<Mng  appointed  king  over  you  by  the  former  goveniorf  of  this  province;  so 
J,  who  am  sent  inunediately  from  his  majesty,  having  the  same  regard  to  so 
deserving  a  man,  and  in  compliance  with  your  own  request,  that  I  would 
constitute  j)roper  commanders  over  you,  do  now  declare  the  said  ff'oo/tntasntr, 
your  leader  and  commander  in  chief  over  all  the  lower  settlements  of  tlic 
Cherrokees,  and  give  him  a  commission  for  that  office,  under  the  broad  s'ld 
of  this  his  Majesty's  province,"  &c.  "  I  expect  that  you,  iVoosalaaate,  do,  within 
a  inonth  after  your  return,  call  together  all  the  chief  men  in  your  district,  and 
that  you  make  them  thoroughlv  acquainted  with  what  I  now  say  to  you.  and 
require  of  you,  and  shall  give  directions,  that  all  the  Englishmen  amongst  you 
shall  be  at  that  meeting.  That  your  ancient  government  may  be  restored,  I 
recommend  to  you  to  keep  your  young  men  in  that  due  decorum  they  iis'd  to 
Iw,"  &c.  This  treaty  was  held  3  February,  1721,  O.  S.,  or  this  is  the  date  to 
Governor  Nicholsons  s|>eech  ;  but  it  apjwars  by  our  account  that  it  was  the 
middle  of  March  before  the  Indian  deputies  left  Charleston. 

Although  there  were  events,  in  every  year,  of  importance,  yet,  in  tbis  place, 
we  sbtill  take  up  the  period  rendered  more  memorable  by  the  distinguished 
chiefii 


•  //eioa«,  I.  298. 

t  James  Moore,  who,  according  to  Itewatt  (I.  27r>),  was  put  into  ofKcc  in  opposition  lo  the 
regtiliir  rmirsc,  by  a  kind  of  revolutionary  spirit.  See  Oldmixon,  who  is  far  niDrc  particular, 
1.  ;J-W. — Mooin  was  electee!  in  1701.     'I'he  aiitlior  of  "  The  Brilisii  Dominions," 


the  Indians  were  cruelly  treated  during  his  administration, 
ors  before  Nicholton,  beside  Moore. 


(115,)  says 
There  were  several  other  govern- 


m.^. 


[Hook  IV 

ill)  liiH  IcO 

the  mlirr 
niriH-  fsiih- 

tioilH    jraV)' 

iiodixsilitiB, 
tli<'  Lower 

llu'    S'ltllC 

.■ii;(l  Iroin 
In  1721, 
ii<l  III  liiivc 
Jitii-r  IiIm 
1.1  list  fiotric 
ithcr  iiKirf 
111'  coiiiicil 
.owcr  iiiul 

k'tnd  Ihcir 

"tFic  Otlu'l 

I  lit 'Is  ihr 

|>ri'sciifc(!. 

nii<r  iiiiirh 

|M'llks    tllll!- 

('  discovery 

slmiild  l»r 

made  that 

riiders,  and 

leks,  wlien 

lever  lieeri 

to  fake  all 

'•  And  t(i 

Hi  npiKiint^ 

iia  giirrisod, 

;  jriveii  fre- 
iiiiieiit,  and 
rovince;  so 
•efrard  to  ho 
lit  I  Wdiild 
f'oosntfisate, 
■iits  of  the 

broiid  seal 
',  do,  within 
listriet,  and 
to  yon,  and 
iionj^st  yon 
I  re.>>itored,  I 
lu'j  iis'd  to 

the  (late  to 
;  it  was  the 

I  this  pinre, 
stiiiguiiihed 


v.>.l 


>osition  10  the 
re  |i<irlli'ular, 
'  (It;,)  says 
other  govern- 


Ol'TAC  ri'E, 
Ciiicl  o(  (he  Chrkokker 


■hi 


m 


riiAP. 


!»*• 


r-  •», 


i^V 


M 


m 


W 


^> 


iy> 


r,iAP.  iv.j 


ATTAKII.I.VKII.I.A. 


:):) 


ArTAKIJLIw\Ki;LLA  nml  orKifNOSTOTA/  Tho  fnmo  cf  Caioliim 
had,  ill  ITTiii,  druwii  n  iiniliituii*!  of  l^iin>|Mtiiis  to  her  NluircH.  'i'lir  Hmiit;  jfar, 
oil  the  2t!  May,  Mala*  iiTV,  Hlt(;ii>i)-il  li\  the  lf'ol/-kiu<j^  mid  tin-  OttiuuMM-liictl 
with  alMiut  20  utlierti,  ami  alxivu  a  liiindrcd  ot'tlnir  |h;u|iI(%  faiiio  to  (MiarlcNtoii. 
Thi'V  were  met,  on  tln"ir  way,  h  a  tnH»|»  ofhon't'invii,  who  C(>:idiictc(i  thiMii  to 
till'  (own,  by  tlio  g«i\cnicir'rt  onler,  in  jfr-at  Matf.  Tltin  w««»  to  iiidiirc  tli>!iii 
to  iiiaktr  |Mmnu  anil  rtMiinin  their  aliic!',  and,  to  thi^  iiid,  thi;  pivcrnor,  (//•«(/<, 
iiiHih^  a  very  iiacitii-  ^iH-n-h,  in  llic  Indian  nianncr.  Mitlnrhly,  who,  at  thiy 
time,  HC'CiiiH  to  liavt;  lirvn  ilic  h<-ad  t'hivt'  ainon^  (li<'  ('neks,  prL'.sentfd  the 
i,'o\rriior  with  a  quantity  of  fkiiif,  and  n-adily  i-oiiM-ntcd  to  a  jMacc  with  the 
Kiigiish;  but,  in  rrgard  t<>  a  peace  with  llie  t'hin>k''<  h,  he  sjiid,  that  wms  a 
rtiiitter  of  great  .iionieiit,  and  he  must  dehlieraii-  witli  liiH  people,  bel'oie  !ie 
could  >,'ive  an  answer.  The  f'lieiokee.x  w.re  alpady  under  the  protection  of 
'.lit  I'.ii^li.sh,  and  m>iiie  ot'ili*'iii  liad,  not  loii<;  hetore,  iKM>n  killed  liy  tli<-  Creeks, 
ill  the  very  iieighliorhood  of  Charleston.  The  party  wlii*  h  eoinniitted  this 
iiiitruge  waw  led  by  .Malnrht^f.  .\ot^vith>taiidiii}r,  ?"  eessalion  if  iiotitilities  sertns 
'o  luive  taken  place,  for  numbers  ot'eai-h  nation  joined  tlie  I'liigliah  iinmedi;;tely 
iillcr  ihe  capture  of  Oswejro,  by  the  Fri'nch,  in  I7.H>.  Tbf  Cherokees  an; 
|iarti(-ularly  named,  as  liaviiif^  reiideri-il  esoential  service  in  tiie  ex|M;dition 
:.i!aiiist  Fcrt  Duqnesne  :  but  a  eireumstiuice  happened,  while  tluxte  warriors 
were  retiiriiing  iionie  from  that  e  ^|M-ilition,  which  involved  ilieni  it*,  an  iiiiint- 
Hiile  war  with  the  I'.n-^Iish,  in  whose  service  they  had  been  enga^rcd.  Having 
jii-it  tlieir  horses,  and  bein^  worn  out  with  toil  anil  fatigut;,  on  coming  tu  the 
tnnitiers  of  Vrr^inia,  they  picked  ii|)  several  of  tbo8«r  aiiimals,  which  iMdongjnl 
to  the  in'iiabttants  of  the  places  tiiruugii  which  they  travelled.  This,  Dr.  Ram- 
.?(^f  siiys,  was  the  •■aus<'  of  the  massacre  which  they  siifTered  at  that  time. 
lint  Mr.  Mair,\  who  liv(Hl  then  among  the  Indians  iu  those  jtarts,  says, 
— "  Several  companies  of  tlic  Cheerake,  who  joined  our  forces  under  Gen. 
Staiucix,  at  the  unfortunate  Ohio,  atlinned  that  their  alienation  from  U8  watt 
htraiise  they  were  confine*!  to  our  martial  arrangenieiit,  by  unjust  suspicion  of 
ilu'iii — weriB  very  much  contenmc<i, — and  halt  eUirved  ai  the  main  camp  : 
tiu-ir  lieartM  told  them,  therefore,  to  nrtuni  home,  as  freemen  and  injure<l  allies, 
ilioiigh  without  a  supply  of  provisions.  This  they  did,  ami  pinching  hunger 
I'oiced  them  to  take  a<<  much  as  Irarely  supported  nature,  when  returning  to 
tiieir  own  country.  In  their  journey,  the  German  inhabituots,  without  any 
[ii'ovncation,  killed,  in  cool  bl(KMl,  al>out  40  of  their  warriors,  iu  dili'erciit  places 
—though  each  party  was  under  the  coininaiid  of  a  British  subject."  It  must 
he  ri'iiiembered  that,  upon  Braddock^a  defeat,  Virginia  tiad  offered  a  reward 
for  the  scal[>s  o**  hostile  Indians.  Here,  then,  was  an  inducement  for  remorse- 
i<'S!^  villains  to  murder,  and  ir.  was  impossible,  in  many  cases,  to  know  whether 
u  ^caip  were  taken  from  a  friend  or  an  enemy.  Out  of  this,  then,  we  have  no 
iivsitation  iu  saying,  grew  the  excessive  calamities,  which  soon  after  distressed 
tlie  southern  provinces.  Forty  iimocent  men,  and  friends,  too,  murdered  in 
cold  blood  by  the  backwoodsuieu  of  Virginia,  brought  on  a  war,  which  caused 
as  much  distress  and  misery  among  the  parties  engaged,  as  any  since  that 
region  of  country  was  planted  by  the  whites. 

At  one  place,  a  monster  entertained  a  party  of  Indians,  and  treated  thern 
kindly,  while,  at  the  some  time,  he  caused  a  gang  of  his  kindred  ruilians  to  lie 
in  iiiiibush  where  they  were  to  pass,  and,  when  tliey  arrived,  barbarously  shot 
them  down  to  a  mat; !  The  news  was  forthwith  carried  to  the  Cherokee 
nntion,  and  the  effect  of  it  upon  the  minds  of  the  warriors,  was  like  that  of 
electricity.  They  8<:izcd  fheir  tomahawks  and  war  clubs,  and,  but  for  the 
wisdom  of  Jtlakxdlakxdla,  vould  have  murdered  several  Englishmen,  then  in 
their  country  upon  some  matters  respecting  a  treaty.  As  JMakvUakuUa  was  a 
chief  sachem,  he  was  among  the  first  apprized  of  the  murders,  and  the  design 

*  Ouconnostotah,  Oucoiinostota,  Ouconnosiata,  ll^yniK.— Occonostola,  Ramiay.—Attakui- 
lakulla  was  g«iierally  called  ibe  Little  carpenter. 

)  Hist.  South  Carolina,  i.  169. 

\  Hist.  Amer.  Ind'ins,  245.  That  the  Indians'  taking  horses  was  no  pretext  for  the  murders, 
evc.i  at  the  lime,  appears  evident.  "As  (says  Caplaii.  WCatl,  i.  267.)  the  horses  in  ihose 
partis  ran  wild  in  the  woods,  it  was  customary,  t>otli  amcng  the  LmIIbiu  and  while  people  on  the 
uoDtiers,  to  catch  them  and  appropriate  them  to  their  o  wn  use." 


\ 


^    '     ..    i 


t 

V  . 


['< " 

[I  •'■' 


: 


5S' 


h  -  •  ^ 


I' 


>;'.J", 


M 


ATTAKUIXAKUI.I,\  — l.rni,i;iON  S   11,1,  CONIMICT.     [Book  IV 


orvrnp-niirp.  Ho  thdvf'in'  pfu-s  iinriioliiituly  to  tlwm,  and  iiiforriicd  (hcin  of 
llH'ir  flanpT,  mnl  n.xxisicil  tlirtn  to  snTi-ic  iliciiiHclvrs  ;  tlioii,  witliout  |iiv<  (if 
tiiiu',  hi'  n;«criiililri|  his  wnrriors,  ami  inadr  a  («|i('»'cli  to  tlicrii,  in  wlndi  ||(i 
nivfi!,'fn'(l,  witli  firi-n\  liitK-rnt-Ks,  aptiiist  tlm  iniinlt-riMiei  Knfflihli,  and  nrind 
iniMM-diati'  war  au'ainst  ihi-in  ;  <■' nml  nn'ir  (wiid  In-)  ifhiill  Ihr  fuilihrt  ttr  hunett 
itutil  Ihr  hlooil  of  our  rounlrifmrn  hr  iilntud  fur.  IM  un  iinl  (In-  cimtiiiiKd)  n.i/(i// 
our  Jiiilh,  or  Ihr  liiir.t  of  hospilnlili/.  In/  imhriiinir  our  hitnils  in  llu  blooil  »f  thu$f 
\rhn  an  now  in  our  jimnr.  The}!  rnmr  to  ns  in  the  roujidmcr  of  J'rirndnhiu,  with 
'/r//.»  «/■  irampinn  to  nmi  nt  a  prrpiiind  itllinnrf  with  n.t.  Ijet  uit  ntrrif  ihrm  hnrk 
to  thnr  own  xdHrmmtx  :  rowlurt  Hum  xii/ilif  ivilliin  thiir  ronfinrit,  ninl  tlirn  talu 
up  Ihr  hnlrhil,  nnil  rmlrnror  In  irlirmiivitr  thr  whotr  ran'  tij'thiin."  'I'liis  rouii.vl 
wa.s  adoplt'd.  lirfurf  roinniciu-itiu  liostililirs,  liowrvcr,  llm  iniirdrrfrH  wi  re 
'(•■triandrd,  lint  urn-  hiindly  ri't)is4'd  tlinn,  and  wi;  liav*;  ndatt-d  tlit-  ronri-. 
c|iii'ni'fs. 

TIk-  I'Vi-nrli,  it  was  -^lid,  n^M•d  iluir  intlufticc  to  rnrai.'<'  tlic  IndtanH;  Itiit  if 
;iiMt  \vi'r<>  the  i*aH<>,  \vf>  should  not  derm  it  Wditii  nairiiii^,  as  it  apixars  in  us 
that  tinthin^'  inon-  conlil  !)«■  m-n-sHary  to  inflainn  thciii  tliau  tin;  horrid  oiit- 
ra;.TS  of  whirji  wi-  havi-  s|ii>k('n. 

h  a|»|icars  from  anoihrr  sonrrc,*  that  (Jovcrnor  Littleton  was  tiict  atCliarh's- 
ron  liy  a  deputation  of  .'W  CluTokiM'  chicls,  ainon^r  whoni  wan  (hkononlila, 
who,  on  htann<;of  th<^  warlike  movements  at  lii.-it  place,  hud  set  out  in  visit 
the  i'',ii<;lish,  and  if  |Kissilile  to  prevent  a  war  with  iliem.  I'or  allliou^h  so.ik 
of  their  yoim;r  warriors  had  romniitted  si-veral  nets  of  violenr«>,  yei  tlie  unat 
lM)dy  of  the  nation  were  friendly  towards  the  Kn^'lisli,  and  desired  peace. 
Kilt  instead  of  sei/in^  on  this  opportunity  of  treating  with  the  chiefs,  ho 
tnsiiltinsly  told  them,  '*Thnt  lie  would  soon  he  in  their  country,  where 
he  woiihi  let  them  know  his  demands."  Ockonostola  heffuii  to  speak  in 
reply,  "hut  the  governor  lM>in^  determined  that  notliiii<r  shouhl  prevent  \m 
miliuiry  e\|M-dition,  declHn>d  lie  woidd  hear  no  talk  he  had  to  make,  neither 
in  vindication  of  his  nation,  nor  any  proposalH  with  re^^ard  to  peace."  'J'lic 
F/ieiitenniit-(Jovernor  Ilri.L  saw  the  had  policy  of  this  st»;p,  and  iirged  the 
necessity  of  hearing  what  Ockono.itoln,  the  Great  IVnrrior,  as  lie  was  calietl, 
had  to  say,  and  seltliiif;  their  ditliciilties;  hut  this  p>od  advice  had  no  etU-ct 
on  Littleton^  nnd  he  marched  from  Charleston  in  Octoher,  a  few  days  alter. 
At  a  place  of  rendey.voiis,  ahoiit  140  mile8  from  that  place,  his  force  aiiioiiiited 
t<»  aliout  1400  men.  The  chiefs,  by  order  of  the  frovernor,  had  inarched  witli 
the  army  to  this  place,  and,  alihoiiph  hiirnin^  with  reseiitiiieiitat  their  treainuiit. 
yet  they  discovercfl  no  sijjiis  of  discontent.  When  the  urmy  was  about  to  march 
*'roiii  Coiigare)"}*,  (this  iM'injr  their  place  of  rendezvoiis,)  the  ehiels  were  all  iiiade 
jirisoners,  nnd  imd'^'r  miard  were  marched  to  Fort  I'riiico  (j'oorjrc.  f 

Their  res<>ntmciit  now  showed  itself;  "stung  to  the  heart  by  such  !«.<«■ 
treatment,"  they  cringed  in  sullen  silence,  nnd  we  may  Kuppose  that  "they 
spent  their  time  in  concerting  plots  for  obtuiiiing  tli(;ir  liberty,  nnd  sutisliiction 
for  the  injuries  done  them."  j 

Keing  now  at  Fort  I'rinci!  George  with  his  :irmy,  Littklon  (bund  himself  in 
about  the  sauie  repute  with  his  own  men  as  with  the  injured  Indians;  lie 
theretbrc  concluded  not  to  carry  his  conquests  any  further  at  proHcnt,  but  to 
make  a  treaty,  nnd  retain  captive  Indinns  enough  an  hostages  to  insure  its 
observance.  He  therefon?  sent  a  messenger  to  Jlttak.ullnk\dla,  who  was  reck- 
oned the  wis<rst  man  in  the  nation,  or  the  best  friend  to  the  English,  reipicst- 
iiig  him  to  come  to  Fort  (ieorge.  He  immediately  came ;  and  to  show  the 
English  he  was  their  friend,  pro<iiiced  a  Frcncli  prisoner  whom  he  had  just 
taken  in  an  expedition  against  that  nation,  and  whom  he  pret^entcd  to  (iov* 
ernor  LiltMoru  A  "c<  ngn's.s"  was  now  (about  18  Deceinb«r,  l?."*!))  held 
with  JIttakidlakulla,  in  which  a  long  speech,  in  which  all  the  grievances  he 
could  think  of  were  enimierated  by  tlie  governor ;  after  which  the  chief 
made  another,  in  which  he  prami9«;d  to  do  all  he  could  to  persuade  his  coun- 
trymen to  give  the  governor  the  satisfaction  he  demanded  ;  yet  lie  said,  "  it 

•  Hevatt,  Hist.  Carolina,  li.  216. 

\  This  fort  was  upon  ihc  Savannah  River,  near  the  Cherokee  town  called  Keowee. 

X  lletnaU,  Hist.  Carolina,  ii.  18. 


'  [Book  IV 
TinH  thcni  of 

lllOllt    ll>N«  <it' 

in  wliicli  |,r 
I,  iiiiil  uri;i(| 
hrt  hf  hurinl, 
iiiiii'd)  nnltitf 
Woo(/  (»/■  th<>»f 
irwhhtji,  i/i/'i 
rrif  thfin  hnrk 
7/i(/  thrn  tali, 
This  i-iiiiii.x  I 
nliri'rs  wf  n- 

ll     till!    I-OIIH'^'- 

iliiiim;  Itiit  if 
itpprao  to  u» 
t!  iiorriil  uiit- 

rt  atCli.irlf's- 

Orkono-itnta, 

^t  out  lo  visit 

tlion^li  so:m) 

yi'l  llu'  L'icat 

?sin'<l  |Maoc. 

le  rliii-ts,  lir- 

iiitry,  when- 

to   spcjik  in 

|tri'v»'iit  his 

Dike,  iicithtT 

•face."    'I'll.' 

ll  iirii'cl  (he 

<;  was  called, 

linil  no  I'tli'rt 

w  (lays  altt-r. 

rcc  amounted 

iiarchod  with 

eirtnmuiKiit, 

loiit  toiiiarrh 

vere  all  made 

e.t 

l)y  Hucli  Iwsc 
n  that  "they 
tl  sutisliii-tion 

id  himself  in 
Indians;  he 
fwnt,  Itut  to 
to  insure  its 
ho  was  rerk- 
lish,  rtMiuest- 
I  to  show  the 
I  he  had  just 
iitcd  to  (Jov- 
r,  175!))  held 
frievances  he 
;h  the  chief 
ide  his  coun- 
t  lie  said,  "  it 


eowee. 


riiAf.  IV  1     ATTAKIJLLAKPM, A— IMPRISONMENT  OF  HOSTAOES 


35 


npither  would  nor  could  bo  coni^dicil  with,  lut  tlicy  lind  im  coi-rcivc  niitiinrity, 
nne  over  another."  lie  ih'sirrd  thai  souic  of  the  chiefs  tlKH  enutinrd  mi^ht 
Im-  liheniti-d  to  aid  him  in  restoring'  lnim|uillity ;  iind  aciorilin^ly  ikknuoniuta, 
tyiiif,  chief  of  Keowce,  and  the  lirad  warrior  of  Kslatoe,  w<  re  j(iven  ii|i,  and 
two  IiHliniiH  were  taken  in  exclian;;e  and  |nit  in  irons  The  other  <'lit>rokees 
prcM-nt,  ohservinjj  what  was  jroinjr  torward,  willxlrew  into  the  woods,  and.//- 
//r)tiiy/'rA-ii//ff,  presuming  the  iiusines-i  mtisi  end  here,  wilhdn  w  als4i.  ||  hml  l>i  i>ii 
l>nuiised,or  rather  di  inanded,  in  the  ;.'overnor's  s|wecli,  that  'i-\  Indian.*,  wim 
were  known  to  have  killnl  white  p.-nple,  slioidd  Im-  ^'iveii  into  his  hands  lo  \<r 
|iut  to  death,  or  otherwise  dispos^'d  ot.  Twd  oidy  had  Is-eii  delivered,  and  '.*•.' 
\ct  n-inained  of  the  mnnlier  <d'  ilie  murderers,  in  their  own  native  limsts. 

As  s<K>ii  as  LUtlrtiiii  knew  of  .///<//.i///<»/li///rt'«  departure,  lie  sent  for  him,  and 
he  iinmeiliately  returned,  and  ilie  liiisinciM  uf  a  treaty  was  renewed,  and  on 
ihu  Uti  DucoiuImt,  I7"»!*,  it  was  si^rned  hy 

ATTAKn.I.AKll.l.A,  OtAHSITE,  OtONNOPCA,  aiid 

OlK.dN.NOSroTA,  KiTAUL'STA,  Kll.I.CA.NNOK  KA. 

By  article  III.  of  ihe  treaty,*  it  was  ai^n-ed  that  'ti  chiefs,  (those  who  had 
tMMii  treacherously  sei/nl,)  slioiild  remain  as  hostii^'es,  to  ensure  the  deliMM-y 
iif  the  like  nnmliir  of  murderers  to  the  lOn^disli.  There  seems,  however,  to 
li.'ive  lieeii  l)Ut  i2l  retained,  wiiose  names  we  an;  able  to  ^'jve  In-Iow,  and  who, 
uiid'r  the  name  (d*  hosta^ns,  were  thrown  into  ii  dismal,  cUts<;  prison,  scarce 
!;ir;re  enough  for  six  men,  where  they  remained  alKint  two  months,  and  were 
llien  iiinsiicred,  as  in  the  seipiel  we  shall  show:— 

Chniultr,  Ouitnmitnnith,  Talllrhitiiut,  I\tllilahe,  (^uarraaaiiithe,  ConiuutitialtUi, 
K^itiiitiii,  OtaJt.titr  of  \Valof,'o,  lhi»(ini<Ultth  of  J<»re,  Kulatletak  of  (.'owetche, 
('InsijiiiitiUoiut,  Skins^usla  »i'  Sticoe,  Timacslo,  ff'oluttrhi;  Ifyrjah,  Oucithrhuita- 
I'l/i,  .Virolrhe,  'fony,  Toatidhni,  ShalUstoskf,  and  Vhi.tlk.  f 

Tilings  having  liei>n  thus  settled,  Mr.  fMUeton  n>turii(;d  to  Charleston,  where 
iif  was  recoiv(!<l  like  n  compieror,  although  what  he  had  done,  it  will  uppi>ar, 
was  woi-se  than  if  he  had  done  nothing. 

(kkotioftota,  for  good  reason,  no  di.ulit,  cntertiiined  a  iiceji-rmited  hatred 
.'ii'iiiist Captain  Cotynwre,  an  idTicer  of  the  garrison,  and  the  army  had  but  Just 
li'tl  the  country,  when  it  was  fuiiiid  that  he  wu8  bovcring  almiit  tin;  garrisoii 
with  a  large  niiiiiber  of  warriors.  Itut  it  was  unci.'rtuin,  for  wnne  time,  wheth- 
er ihey  intended  to  attack  the  fort,  or  whether  tlury  wished  to  contiiuK!  near 
ilt<  ir  ti'ieiids,  who  were  iinprisoiiiMl  in  it.  IIowev<;r,  it  is  said,  tliut,  by  some 
nil  .IMS,  n  plan  was  concerted  between  the  Indians  without  and  thosi;  conlined 
within  the  fort,  for  surprising  it.  lie  this  as  it  may,  Ochnwsiottu,  on  the  Ki 
IMiniary,  I7G0,  practised  the  following  wile  lo  ellect  tbi!  object.  Having 
placed  a  |MUty  of  bia  warriors  in  a  dark  cane-braki;  near  at  hand,  be  sent  a 
M|iiiiw  to  the  gnri'ison  to  invite  the  conimander  to  come  out,  tiir  be  bud  some- 
iliing  of  importance  to  eoinmmiiuuK!  to  him.  Ca|itaiii  Cohfmore  imprudently 
went  o;it,  accom|Kinied  by  two  of  his  otficcrs,  and  Orkonoatola  appeared  upon 
the  opiiositc  bank  of  the  Savannah,  with  a  bridle  in  hid  band,  t!ie  better  to 
<-i>ni-eiil  his  intentions.  He  tohl  the  captain  he  was  going  t<i  Charleston  to 
•  tli'ct  the  reh;tLse  of  the  hostages,  and  rei|iiested  that  u  wliiti;  man  might 
iuToiiipany  bim;  and  that,  as  tin;  distance  was  great,  be  wouhl  go  and  try  to 
catiii  a  horse.  The  captain  promised  bim  u  guard,  and  hoped  he  would 
succeed  in  tinding  a  horse.  OckonosMa  th(;ii  quickly  turned  himself  about, 
and  swinging  bis  bridle  thrice  over  bis  head,  which  was  the  signal  to  his 
nun,  and  they  promptly  obeying  it,  about  'M  guns  wen;  discharged  upon  the 
orticers  at  the  same  moment.  Captain  Cohjmort  n-ccivetl  o  shot  in  his  left 
IciiLst,  from  which  he  dii;d  in  two  or  three  days  after,  and  both  the  others 
were  wounded. t    On  recovering  the  fort,  an  attempt  was  made  to  put  the 

*  II  is  printed  at  leiipth  in  llic  British  Empire,  by  HuddUstone  Wynne,  Esq.  ii.  273— 
377 ;  an  author  of  no  inconsiderable  merit  on  our  aflairs. 

t  Several  of  these  22  were  of  the  number  who  had  been  in  England  in  1730,  and  executed 
a  trcaiy  with  the  kiii^,  as  has  been  l>efore  slated,  and  an  will  be  seen  by  comparing  the  names 
above  wiih  those  named  in  the  treaty. 

\  "Two  Indian  women  appeared  at  Keowee,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river.  Mr.  Doherty 
went  out,  and  accosting  them,  asked  what  news  7     Ockortottota  joined  ibem,  pretending  some 


m 


■t  .'• 


•'^i 
./•;' 


"1 , .  »-• 


^V.i 


'•'T 


S6 


r'??.' 


1 


■^■i 


ft 


f'^"^ 

tl; 


CilRKOKRE  WAR— MONTCIOMKRV'S  KXriiniTlON.     (Ho«k  IV 


iMMtn^foN  in  iriiiirf.  An  Kiif(liHh!iiaii,  win*  liiiit  liulil  ..n  our  of  tlit'tn  for  i|in( 
pHrpoHi-,  wiiN  Mtalihril  iind  xluin ;  and,  in  ilii>  wiitlli',  iwii  or  ilm-f  nion-  wt-rf 
wonnil<>il,  and  drivtn  out  of  iIh;  plart-  of  ronfnii-nii-nr.  The  tni^i-dy  in  ihi; 
liirt  iiad  now  ordy  roinint'iicod  ;  tlir  niixiialtU'  |M'iHoncrM  had  n  |N'II<'<I  tlicir 
ai<itni«pi)nfi  for  llic  inoimni,  and,  doidttlrsn,  l)o|N-d  for  ilrliviraiici'  from  tlirlr 
frirndrt  witliont,  who  liad  now  cloHi-ly  li<;)«irp-d  the  |ila<-f.  Itnt,  Mnforiuimli-K 
for  llirw  poor  wrrtclicM,  tint  fort  waH  to«»Klronjr  to  iM-carrM'd  by  their  urlndlwar, 
and  thiMlnHlardly  whitt'x  t'oiind  tinicaiid  inians  to  niurdir  thrir  victiniH,  nn*' h\ 
one,  ill  H  iiiaiiiirr  Khi  horrihli*  to  riiatc*  Thrri-  wire  few  pi'ifi«iiir<  aiiiiuiir 
the  ('hei'okeeH  who  did  not  Iomi  a  frieiiil  nr  relation  liy  thin  iiiaHsacre;  imd,  ux 
one  man,  the  nation  took  up  the  hatchet,  and  di  HilatioiiM  i|iiiekly  followed. 

iMeanwIiiie,  Hiiitfiilar  nn  it  may  a|ipear,  .'tlliikullakullii  remained  the  fnsi 
friend  of  iIm;  whiter,  and  iiwed  all  hi^  arts  lo  iiidiiee  hii*  eonntr\iiien  to  make 
|M-a('e.  Itnt  it  was  in  vain  In;  iirired  tliem  to  eonsider  that  they  had  innn- 
than  revenged  themseheK;  Ihey  wiic  detcriniiied  to  rarry  ail  Ik  fore  thein. 
JlHitk\dlitkull(i  wan  now  an  old  man,  mid  liud  heeome  niiieh  attached  in  the 
Kn;;lisli,  from  M'veral  I'liumts.  On  th<'  other  \\m\\\,  (hkitnoxtoln  wa.i  n  ?<terii 
warrior,  in  thu  vipor  of  manhood,  and,  like  the  reiiomied  Poniiar,  wae  iletir- 
niined  to  rid  liiM  coimtry  of  liis  Itarharoii!*  eiiemh>H. 

The  h^iderM  in  ever;  town  H(;i/ed  t!ie  hiitehet,  telling  their  followern  tliat  the 
xpiriirt  of  innrdered  lirotiierH  were  flying'  around  them,  and  rallintr  out  for  veii- 
geniire.  All  hiiii^  the  wur>Hun^,  and,  Itiirnin;;  witii  imputienee  to  imhriie  their 
hands  in  the  blood  of  their  enemii  >,  rushed  down  among  innocent  and  de- 
feneelt'Ms  families  on  tiif  frontiia'.<  vl'  Caroiinn,  where  men,  women,  and 
e.hildn;ii,  witliont  ^listinction,  fell  a  Nieriliee  to  their  niereth-HH  finy.  Such 
of  the  whitufl  us  iied  to  the  woods,  and  eH<-a|NMl  the  Hral|iing-knife,  |H'rished 
with  hungur.  Every  Uny  brought  froii  areuiints  to  the  eapitul  of  their 
ravages  and  desohitions.  Dut,  while  the  hack  wtttlura  impatiently  loiiketl  tu 
thiiir  govvninr  for  relief,  the  oinulUpox  raged  to  hiicIi  u  degree  in  town,  thiit 
lew  of  the  militia  could  be  prevaihul  on  to  leave  their  distrewed  lalllilie^i  to 
serve  the  public.  In  this  extremity,  an  express  was  sent  to  (General  Amher^, 
the  comniauder-in-(diief  in  America,  for  assistjince,  in  ternm  too  pn.-twiiig  to 
be  denied.  Accordingly,  he  ordered  a  battalion  of  Highlanders,  and  lour 
companies  of  Koyal  hkot8,t  under  tiie  command  of  (y'olonel  jMontgomeri/, 
aflcrwiu-ds  Earl  K^Iiiiton,  to  embark  at  New  York  for  ('an)lina.  In  the 
mean  time,  Littleton,  having  Imicii  appointed  governor  (d*  Jamaica,  William 
Hull  succeeded  him  ;  a  (diange  much  to  the  advantage  of  the  province. 

Colonel  Montfrovurt/  arrive«l  in  Canditia  towards  the  «;nd  of  April,  to  the 
great  joy  of  the  people,  who  bad  taken  niciisures  to  coiiperate  with  him  tu  the 
best  advantage ;  but,  sm  the  conquest  of  Canada  was  the  grand  object  now, 
General  Amherst  bad  ordered  Colonel  Montgomerif  to  strike  a  euddeii  blow  tor 
the  relief  of  the  (yaroliniaiis,  and  then  to  return  to  head-(|uarters  at  Alhany, 
without  losK  of  time;  and  we  have  scarce  an  example  in  military  history. 
wltere  an  otficcr  fullilled  his  commission  with  greater  promptitude.  He  mmhi 
uller  ren«le/vou8ed  at  tlie  Cungarees ;  aiitl,  being  joined  by  many  geritleincn 
of  distinction  as  volunteers,  besides  the  principid  strength  of  the  coinitry,  he 
mar  bed  for  the  heart  of  the  Cherokee  country.  Atler  i-eacliing  a  place 
called  Twelve  Mile  River,  be  encampe*!  upon  advantageous  ground,  hikI 
marched  with  n  party  tu  surprise  Kstatoe,  about  30  miles  from  his  cainn.  In 
the  way,  be  took  Little  Keowee,  and  |)ut  every  man  to  the  sword.  Lstntoe 
be  found  abandoned,  except  by  a  f(;w  that  could  not  escape,  and  it  was 
reduced  to  ashes,  as  was  Sugar  Town,  and  every  other  settlement  in  the 
lower  nation.     About  60  Indiana  were  killed,  and  40  taken  prisoners ;  but  the 

matters  of  business  ;  he  drew  from  the  foil  several  of  llie  oHicers  to  converse  wiili  ihcm.'' — 
HaywoodPi  Hist.  Tennessee,  30. 

*  "  A  bottle  of  poison  was  found  with  one  of  the  dead  hostages,  prohahly  intended  lo  be 
dropped  into  (be  well ;  and  several  tomahawks  were  found  buried  in  the  earth."  Ihificood. 
Hist.  Tennessee,  30.— Any  stories  would  gain  credence  among  the  whiles,  which  wciii  to 
make  the  Indians  as  bad  an  themselves.  Whelher  the  bolile  .spdken  of  contained  [wison. 
may  be  questioned ;  and,  if  it  did,  it  may  be  reasonably  doubled  whether  the  Indians  knew 
any  thing  about  it. 

1 1  am  following  Htvatt,  but  the  Atmuod  Register,  iii.  62,  says,  "a  regimeat  of  Uighlaud' 
•n,  a  battalion  ot  Royal  American*,  a  body  of  grenadiers,   tic. 


l'n»p. 


( iiAf  rv] 


rUF.nOKFF,   W\n— RATITE  (>F  FT<'IIf>r 


n? 


L-  Willi    Ik'll).''— 


warrinrM  \uu\  fft'in-mlly  ownjM'il  to  tlio  tiimmtninfl  nml  ili'»<rrtH.  Thim  fnr,  thn 
a;ti\m'\iiu  IiikI  IxM-n  |iri)><|MTiiiH  with  the  wliitoH,  Imt  ihrtT  nr  Iniir  iiifii  hnvitiK 
:,<'('ii  killi'il ;  Imt  it  had  no  othtr  rtlict  ii|miii  tlic  IiuliniiH  thiiii  to  inrivniH*  ili4'ir 

Mtaiiwhilt',  Fort  F*riiic<!  (iforp*'  Imil  Iwrn  rKim-ly  iiivi'Mcd,  hikI  4'ol<tii«'l 
Mmil^iimery  iiiiirrhi'il  to  lU  n-hff".  Kioiri  thin  |vln<M',  t>vo  tnitiilly  rhi^Cn 
win-  di'Mimtchrd  to  th«  middle  wttlctiicntM,  to  ofTi-r  ix-nc*-  to  tin*  [woplf  tht'ri-, 
,iiid  ordi'i-M  win'  wiit  to  thoH<>  in  coiiitnnnd  nt  Fort  LtMidon,  to  hhc  uMiinit 
to  hiiii;;  ahoiit  an  ni'roMMnodation  with  thn  IJ[)|M'r  Townn ;  luit  th<>  Indiaim 
\Miiild  not  hear  to  any  terms,  and  C'lloncl  Mitntf^omrrif  wim  ronntniiiifd  to 
Minnh  nKitiii  to  find  the  ciicniy.  iff  hiul  now  the  most  ditti<Milt  part  of  hi" 
^>r\i<'i-  to  prrfiinn.  Tht*  (*onntry  through  whicli  li(>  had  to  tnandi  was 
(iivrrcd  hy  dark  thirkflH,  niunrroiiH  drr|t  niviticH,  and  hi^h  river  iMinkN; 
where  a  small  nuiidH>r  ot'  tneii  nii^'ht  distreMt  and  wear  out  the  lN>Nt  ap|Miinied 
.'irtiiv. 

Iliiviiif,'  arrived  within  five  mihtt  of  FtehoR,  the  nctireHt  town  of  t>M(  middle 
Of  tlli'inents,  the  army  was  atiiu-ked  on  the  'i7  Jniie,  in  a  most  udvantap-onN 
pliici'  for  the  attaekiii^'  jmHy.  It  was  a  low  valley,  in  whieli  the  hu»ihe»<  wer« 
•o  tliick,  that  the  soldier*  <'oidd  .see  senreely  tlm'e  ynrdn  U-foiv  them ;  and  in 
the  hottoni  ol'  this  valley  flowed  a  muddy  river,  with  Htei'p  clny  binikH. 
'riiroii^h  this  plare  the  army  niUHt  mareh.  Kii^htly  jiid<(in^  tlin  enemy  had 
not  omitted  s4i  impMrtimt  a  pass,  Cojoni  I  .Motttfrnmen/  onleitMl  ont  u  eompany 
iif  r.injrew,  nnder  Taptaiti  .HormoH,  to  eiitf'r  the  ravine  and  innkp  diMoovery. 
\()  .-ooiier  hai.  he  enterixl  it,  Imt  the  fieir^*  wnr-whonp  wan  niiiMvl,  anil  t\t»: 
Indians  darted  from  covert  to  covert,  nt  the  wimi!  time  firing  npon  the  whites. 
<'ii|itaiii  Morrison  was  immediately  shot  down,  and  him  men  clowly  enpafl"d; 
Imt,  hcin^  without  delay  Hiip|M)rted  hy  the  infantry  mid  grenadiers,  they  were 
niilc  to  maintain  their  ;rroiind,  and  thi^  Imttle  beraine  olintinate;  nor  could  the 
liiiiiaiiR  Im<  dislodged,  until  near  an  hour  of  hard  fightin;;.  In  the  mean  time, 
llie  Koyal  HcolH  took  possesHion  of  a  place  iM'tween  the  IndiaiiH  and  a  rising 
','roiiiid  on  their  rijrht,  while  the  IliirhlanderH  Rii8tained  the  light  intiintr^'  and 
!:r(iiiidiers  on  the  leO.  As  the  lell  iH-came  too  warm  lor  them,  and  not  well 
understanding  the  |)OHitioii  of  the  Koyal  Hcots,  the  Indiana,  in  their  retreat, 
li.'ll  in  witii  them,  and  were  8lKii-{)ly  encoiintered ;  biit  they  noon  i-flw-tejl  their 
ivtrtat  to  0  liill,  and  could  no  more  he  hroiight  to  action.  In  thi^i  tight, iXJ  of 
the  whites  were  killed  and  woiindeil,  of  whom  20  wen*  of  the  former  niim- 
Ikt.     Of  the  ('herokecB,  40  were  said  to  liave  iMien  killed. 

The  IndiaiiH  had  now  been  driven  from  oii«  nivine,  witli  ?<  finuill  Utcn;  hut 
riiloiiel  Monlf^nmrry  was  in  no  conditinn  to  (MirHue  )iis  advantage  fiirther,  and 
he  tlierefore,  utter  destroying  ho  mnch  of  his  provisioiw  n8  wonid  aflord 
horses  for  the  wounded,  l)egan  his  retreat  ont  of  the  Indian  ccxintry,  and,  in 
olii'diiiice  to  his  commission,  sf)on  after  ntiirned  to  New  York;  tiot,  how- 
over,  without  leaving  400  men  for  the  .sociirity  of  the  (irovinre.  itiit  it  was 
siioii  men,  that  what  liad  yet  been  donit  only  increas«'d  the  rage  of  the 
Inrrwiiis,  and  their  depredation  cojitiiiiKul  at  the  very  heelfi  of  the  retreating 
army.  They  immeiliately  cut  off  all  communication  with  Fort  liondon, 
wliirli  was  garrisoned  with  liOO  men.*  OrkonosMn,  with  his  niimeroi's 
wnrriora,  kept  strict  watch,  ins«imnch  that  there  was  no  means  of  eHrajie.  At 
li'Uirtli,  the  garris<in  having  inisendJy  siilwisted,  for  some  time,  ii|M)n  poor 
(uinishid  horses,  dogs,  &c^  many  of  them  became  resolved  to  throw  thcm- 
^ilv(sinto  tlK"  powii'  of  the  Indians,  wisliirig  nitlier  to  rlie  by  their  hands, 
tliHM  misciT.bly  to  jierish  within  their  fortress.  Captain  Steuart,  on  ofHeer 
;iiii(i|ig  them,  was  well  known  to  the  Indians,  and  fiossissed  great  address  and 
sa;',irity.  He  resolved,  at  thi.s  cnsis,  to  repair  to  Cbote,  the  residence  of 
OikoniinUtia,  and  make  overtures  lor  the  surrender  of  the  garrison.  Me, 
acconlingly,  effected  his  object,  and  retiinied  with  articles  of  capitulation 
airreed  U|)on.  Hesides  the  names  of  OrkononMa  and  Pmd  Demetr,  the 
{^"imnaniier  of  the  gaiYison,  the  najne  of  nnotlter  chief  was  to  the  articles, 
called  Cunigaralgoae.     The  articles  stipulated,  that  the  garrison  should  march 

*  The  Cliernkccs  wen;  nnw  supposed  to  number  3000  warriors,  and  il  wa«  daily  c>peci«4 
(liat  li)e  Cbocktaws  were  about  to  join  tiieto. 


':\^ 


a 


■"'J  ,'■ 


v<  ■■ 


38 


OCKONOSTOTA.— MASSACRE  OF  THE  ENGLISH.         [Book  IV 


u-P: 


•  ?  ( 


Mi- 


out  with  their  arms  and  drums,  each  soldier  having  as  much  powder  and  hall 
as  his  ofBcers  should  think  necessary,  and  tliat  they  should  march  fc:  Virginiu 
unmolcstiid. 

Accordingly,  on  7  August,  17G0,  the  English  took  up  their  march  for  Fnrt 
Prince  George.  They  liad  proceeded  hut  about  15  miles,  when  they  enca.np- 
ed,  for  the  nijiht,  upon  a  small  plain  near  Taliquo.  They  were  aecouipuuicd 
thus  far  by  Ockonostoia  in  person,  and  many  others,  in  a  friendly  nianm i. 
but  at  niglit  they  withdrew  without  giving  any  notice.  The  army  wa.«  imi 
molested  durhig  the  night,  hut,  at  dawn  of  day,  a  sentinel  came  running  into 
••amp  with  the  information  that  a  host  of  Indians  were  creeping  up  to  SMnoiiiMl 
them.  Captain  Demere  had  scarce  tiiu"  to  ndly,  belbre  tlie  Indians  broke  iuii. 
his  camp  witJi  great  fury.  riic  [)oor  emaciated  soldiers  made  but  leclilc 
resistance.  Thirty  of  their  nuu»ber  fell  in  the  first  onset,  among  vvlioin  was 
their  captain.  Those  that  were  able,  endeavored  to  save  tliemst.'lves  by  tli;:lit. 
!iiid  others  surrendered  themselves  ujion  tiic  jdace.  Tliis  miissjicre,  it  will  not 
bo  forgotten,  was  in  retaliation  for  that  of  the  hostages  alre;Mly  rehited.  Anion:; 
the  prisoners  was  Captain  Skuart^  They  were  conducted  to  Fort  Loudon, 
which  now  became  Ockonoslola's  hi-ad-tjuarters. 

.'IttftkuUakuiln,  learning  iM-.t  his  friend  Steunrt  was  among  the  captives,  pro- 
ceeded immediately  to  i'ort  Loudon,  when;  he  ransomed  him  at  the  exptiise 
)f  all  tlje  ))roperty  he  could  eomn  and,  and  took  care  of  him  with  tlie  greatest 
enderuess  and  affection. 

The  restUiss  OcUonoalola  next  resolved  to  invest  Fort  Prince  George.  lie 
was  induced  to  undertake  that  project,  as  foilune  had  thrown  in  his  way  some 
of  the  meuns  for  such  an  undeitaking,  hitherto  beyond  his  reach.  Belbre 
aMicatiug  Foit  Loudon,  the  English  had  hid  in  the  ground  several  b<)gs  of 
powder.  This  his  men  had  foun«l.  Several  cannon  had  also  been  lell  beliiml, 
and  lie  designed  to  force  his  English  jirisoners  to  get  them  through  the  woods, 
and  manage  tliem  in  the  attack  upon  Fort  Prince  George,  fiut  Jlitakulla- 
kidla  defeated  these  operations,  by  assisting  Captain  Sleuart  to  escape,  lie 
even  accompanied  luiu  to  the  English  settlements,  and  returned  loaded  witii 
presents. 

The  French  were  said  to  have  had  their  emissaries  busily  employed  in  spir- 
iting on  the  Indians.  One,  named  Leiins  LatinaCf  ar\  olHcer,  is  particularly 
meiitioHed.  He  persuaded  them  that  the  English  had  nothing  less  in  view 
tlian  thcii'  total  extermination,  and,  furnishing  them  with  arms  and  ammuni- 
tion, urged  them  to  war.  At  a  great  council  of  the  nation,  after  brandishing 
his  hatchet,  ho  struck  it  into  a  log  of  wood,  calling  out,.  "  HIm  is  the  man  ihcU 
will  take  this  vpfor  the  king  of  France  ?  " 

SALOUE  or  Silouee^  a  young  warrior  of  1.  "toe,  instantly  laid  hold  of  it, 
aiul  cried  out,  "  /  am  for  iv(m:  The  spirits  ofoxir  brothers  who  Imve  been  slain, 
still  call  upon  us  to  avenge  their  death.  He  is  no  better  than  a  woinjui  that 
refuses  to  follow  me."  Others  were  not  wanting  to  follow  his  example,  and 
the  war  continued. 

Sildme  was  a  Cherokee  chie^  and  was  introduced  by  Mr,  Jefferson,  to  illus- 
trate the  observation  in  his  Notes  on  Virginia,  that  the  Indian  "is  affectionuto 
to  his  children,  careful  of  them,  and  indulgent  in  the  extreme  ;  that  his  affec- 
tions comprehend  bis  other  connections,  weakening,  as  with  us,  from  cucle  to 
circle,  as  they  recede  from  the  centre  ;  that  his  friendships  are  strong  and 
faithful  to  the  uttermost  extremity."  "A  remarkable  instance  of  this  appeared 
in  the  case  of  tl>e  late  Col.  Btfrd,*  who  was  sent  to  the  Clu'rokee  nation  to 
transact  some  business  with  them.  It  happened  that  some  of  our  disorderly 
people  had  just  killed  one  or  two  of  that  nation.  It  was  therefore  proposed 
in  the  council  of  the  (^hm-okees,  that  Col.  Bjird  should  be  put  to  death,  in 
revt-nge  for  the  loss  of  their  countrymen.  Among  them  was  a  chief  called 
Silintee,  who,  on  somi!  former  occasion,  had  contracted  an  acquaintance  and 
friendship  with  Col.  Bip-d.  He  came  to  him  every  night  in  his  tent,  and  told 
him  not  to  be  afrai<l,  they  .should  not  kill  liim.    After  many  days'  deliberation, 

*  Perhaps  llii;  same  rnciitioiied  l)y  Oldmlron,  (i.  283,)  who,  in  sneaking  of  the  Iniliaii  pow- 
wows, says,  "  one  very  lately  ronjiired  a  shower  of  rain  for  Col.  third's  plaiilatinn  in  time  of 
droutli,  for  two  bottles  of  rum ; "  and  our  uuiliur  says  he  should  uot  Imvc  believed,  bad  be  not 
fiuind  it  in  an  author  who  was  on  (he  spot ! 


'Vi 


Chap.  IV.]   SILOUEE.— SAVES  THE  LIFE  OF  COLONEL  BYRD. 


30 


however,  the  dci  rmination  was,  contrary  to  SUbuee'a  ex|R'ctation,  tliat  Byrd 
should  be  put  to  death,  and  some  wurriurs  were  despatched  us  excciuiunerH. 
Silmiee  attended  them ;  and  wlien  they  entered  tlie  tent,  lie  tlirew  liiniself 
between  them  and  Byrd,  and  said  In  'lie  warriore,  ^  This  man  is  tny  frieiid : 
before  you  get  at  him  you  must  kill  me  .' '  )n  which  they  returned,  and  tlie  coini- 
cil  respected  the  principle  so  much,  h.t  to  recede  from  their  deterriiinuiioii." 

A  more  impolitic  and  barharous  measure,  perliup.s,  never  entered  tlu;  Jieart 
of  man,  than  tJiat  of  ofi'ering  a  reward  for  hmnan  scalps.  This  wiis  dune  by 
Virginia,  as  we  liave  before  related.  It  is  true  the  government  of  \'irgiiii;i  Wiis 
not  alone  in  this  criminal  business,  but  that  betters  not  her  case,  'j'li'  door  of 
enormity  being  thus  opened,  it  was  easy  to  have  foreseen,  that  many  men  upon 
the  frontiers,  "of  bad  lives  and  woi"se  principles,"  says  an  intelligent  writer,' 
stood  ready  to  step  in.  As  the  event  proved,  many  friendly  Indians  weiv 
munlered,  and  the  government  defrauded.  It  was  at  the  news  of  a  murder  of 
this  description  that  Colone!  Byrd  was  seized. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  tlie  coimtry,  that  a  second  a[»plication  was  made 
to  General  Amherst  for  ai(l,an(t  he  promptly  adbrded  it.  Colonel  James  Grant 
arrived  there  early  in  17(il,  and  not  long  after  took  tin'  lield  with  a  fon-c;  of 
English  and  Indians,  amounting  to  about  2(J00  men.  f  He  traversed  the  Cher- 
okee country,  and  subdutjd  that  people  in  a  hard-lbiight  battle,  near  the  same 
place  where  Colonel  Monts^omery  was  attacked  the  year  before.  It  liu'ted 
ahout  three  hours,  in  whicli  about  (iO  whites  were  kille^l  and  wounded.  The 
loss  of  the  Indians  was  unknown.  Colonel  Grant  ordered  his  dead  to  be  sunk 
in  the  river,  that  the  Indians  might  not  find  them,  to  practise  ujxni  them  their 
barbarities.  He  then  proceeded  to  the  destruction  of  their  towns,  1.)  in  num- 
ber, which  he  ac<'omplished  without  molestation.  |  Peace  was  at  hist  effected 
by  the  mediatioti  of  AttakullakuUa.  This  chief's  residence  was  uj)on  the 
Tennessee  or  Cherokee  River,  at  what  wjis  called  the  Overhill  Towns.  In  1773, 
when  the  learned  traveller,  Bartram,  travelled  into  the  Cherokee  country,  he 
met  the  old  chief  on  his  way  to  Charleston  ;  of  which  circumstance  he  sfieaks 
thus  in  his  Travels : — "  Soon  after  crossing  this  large  branch  of  the  Tanase,  1 
observed  descending  the  heiglits,  at  some  distance,  a  company  of  Indians,  all 
well  njounted  on  horseback.  They  came  rapidly  forward ;  on  their  nearer 
approach,  I  observed  a  chief  at  the  head  of  the  caravati,  and  apprehending  him 
to  be  the  lAtlle- carpenter,  emperor  or  grand  chief  of  the  Cherokees,  as  they 
cume  up,  I  turned  off  from  the  path  to  make  way,  in  token  of  respect,  which 
compliment  was  accepted,  and  gratefully  and  magnanimously  returniHl  ;  for 
his  highness,  with  a  gracious  and  cheerful  smile,  came  up  to  me,  and  clapping 
his  hand  on  his  breast,  offered  it  to  me,  saying,  I  am  Ata-ciU-culla,  and  heartily 
shook  hands  with  me,  and  asked  me  if  I  knew  it ;  I  answered,  that  the  good 
spirit  who  goes  befor(>  me  8|)oke  to  me,  and  said,  that  is  tlu;  great  Ata-cul-cuUa." 
jMr.  Bartram  adde'd,  that  he  was  of  Pennsylvania,  and  though  that  was  a  great 
way  ofT,  yet  tlie  name  of  Altakullakidla  was  dear  to  his  white  brothers  of 
Pennsylvania.  The  chief  then  asked  him  if  he  came  directly  from  Charleston, 
laid  if  his  friend  '■'^John  Stetcart  were  well."  Mr.  Bartram  said  he  saw  him 
liitcly,  and  that  he  was  well.  This  was,  ])rohably,  the  same  person  whom 
JUlitkvllakulla  had  assisted  to  make  an  escape,  as  we  have  just  related. 

Ill  carrying  out  the  history  of  the  two  cluei's,  AttaknllakuUa  and  '.kkono.itotu, 
we  have  omitted  to  notice  Chtucco,  better  known  by  the  name  of  the  Z«o?ig- 
warrior,  king  or  mico  of  the  Scmiinofes.  He  went  out  with  Colonel  Montifom- 
m/,  luid  rendered  him  essential  service  in  his  unsuccessful  exi)editioii,  of  which 
we  have  spol'n.  A  large  band  of  Creeks  accompanied  him,  and  then;  is  but 
little  doubt,  if  it  had  not  l)een  for  him  anil  his  warriors,  lew  of  the  I'^nglish 
would  have  returned  to  their  friends.  Hut,  as  usual,  the  English  leader,  in  his 
time,  had  all  the  honor  of  successfully  encountering  many  diflicuities,  and 
returning  witli  his  own  life  and  many  of  his  men's.  It  was  by  the  aid  of 
ClUucco,  that  the  army  escaped  ambush  iifter  ambush,  destroyed  many  ol'  the 
Cherokee  villages,  and  finally  his  warriors  covered  its  retreat  out  of  one  of  the 
most  dangerous  countries  through  which  an  army  could  pass.  Lovg-tvarrior 
ivas  what  the  New  England  Indians  tiTmed  a  great  powwow.    That  he  was 

*  DocloT  Bui-naby.  f  llewalt.  \  Annual  Register,  iv.  58;  Hen-att,  ii.  2U)— 51. 


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40 


MONCACHTAPE. 


[Book  IV. 


H  niun  possessing  n  good  mind,  may  fairly  be  inferred  from  his  al)ility  to 
witlistand  the  temptation  of  intoxicating  liquore.  He  had  luen  known  to 
remain  sober,  when  all  his  tribe,  and  many  whitts  among  tliem,  had  all  been 
wallowing  in  the  mire  of  drunkenness  together.  In  the  year  1773,  at  the 
head  of  about  40  warriors,  he  ma'-ched  agamst  the  Chocktaws  of  West  Flor- 
ida. What  was  the  issue  of  this  expedition  we  have  not  learned.  We  niav 
have  uguiu  occasion  to  notice  CHucco. 


Hi9t 


Chap.  V.l 


CHAPTER  V. 


it  ♦ 


Vf^}'- 


MoNc  ACiiTAPE,  the  Yazoo — Karrtitive  of  his  adventures  to  the  Pacific  Ocean — Gnhnn- 
SUN,  chief  of  the  jXalchcz — Receives  ifrent  injustice  from  the  French — Concerts  their 
destruction — 700  French  are  rut  off — fVar  with  them — The  jVatchez  destroyed  in  their 
turn — Grkat-mohtar — M'Gif.f.iVRAV — His  birth  and  education — Visits  j\no  Ycrrk 
— Troul/lcs  of  his  iiation — His  death — Tamk-kinc — Mad-doo. 

MONCACHT.APE  was  a  Yazoo,  whose  name  signified,  in  the  language  of 
that  nation,  killer  of  pain  and  fatifctie.  How  well  1  ■•  deserved  this  name,  the 
seqncl  will  nn(i)ld.  He  was  well  known  to  the  historian  Du  Pratz,  about 
17()0,  and  it  was  owing  to  his  singular  good  intelligence,  that  that  traveller 
was  abl;!  to  add  much  valuable  information  to  his  work.  "This  u)an  (says 
Du  Pratz^)  was  remarkable  for  his  solid  understanding  and  elevation  of 
sentiment ;  and  i  may  justly  compare  him  to  those  lirst  Greeks,  who  travellcil 
chifHy  into  the  east,  to  examine  tlie  manners  and  cnstoms  of  different  natioii.-i, 
and  to  communicate  to  tlieir  fellow  citizens,  upon  their  return,  the  knowledge 
which  tliey  had  ac()uind."  He  was  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  of  the 
Interjtrder,  as  he  could  comnumicate  with  several  other  nations,  having  <rained 
a  knowledge  of  their  languag*  .>.  Monsieur  Du  Pratz  us<!d  great  endcavoi-s 
atiiong  the  nations  upon  the  Mississippi,  to  h  arn  their  origin,  or  from  wjience 
tiiey  cam(! ;  and  observes  concerning  it,  "All  that  I  could  learn  from  thetu 
wa.s,  tliat  they  came  from  between  the  north  and  the  sun-setting ;  and  tliis 
jiccoimt  they  uiiforndy  adhere  to,  whenever  they  give  any  account  of  their 
origin."  This  was  unsatisfactory  to  him,  and  in  his  exertions  to  find  some  on-' 
that  could  infoiTTi  him  better,  he  met  with  Moncathlape.  The  following  is  the 
rosiilt  of  his  communications  in  his  own  words: — 

"  I  had  lost  my  wife,  and  all  the  children  whom  I  had  by  her,  when  I 
imdertook  my  journey  towanls  the  smi-rising.  I  s(  t  out  from  my  village 
contrary  to  the  inclination  of  all  my  relalionn,  and  went  first  to  the  Chicasaws, 
our  friends  and  neighbors.  I  continued  among  them  several  days,  to  inform 
mysi'll'  whether  they  knew  whence  w<!  all  came,  or,  at  lea^t,  whence  they 
tiieniselves  came;  they,  who  were  oiir  elders;  since  from  them  came  the 
language!  of  the  country.  As  they  could  not  inform  me,  I  proceeded  on  inv 
journey.  I  reached  the  country  of  the  Chaouanous,  and  afterwards  went  up 
(he  Wabash,  or  Ohio,  near  to  its  soinre,  which  is  in  the  country  of  the  Iroquoi;^, 
or  Five  Nations.  I  lefl  tliem,  however,  towards  the  north  ;  and,  during  the 
winter,  which,  in  that  country,  is  very  severe  and  very  long,  I  lived  hi  a  villaire- 
of  the  Albcnaquis,  when*  I  contracted  an  acquaintance  with  a  man  somewhat 
older  than  myself,  who  promised  to  conduct  me,  the  following  spring,  to  tlio 
great  wat(>r.  Accordingly,  when  the  snows  were  melted,  and  the  weather  wns 
settled,  we  |)rocceded  ea.stwanl,  and,  afier  several  days*  journey,  1  at  length 
saw  the  groat  water,  wiiich  filled  me  with  such  joy  and  admiration,  that  I 
could  not  speak.  Night  draw  ing  on,  we  took  up  our  lodging  on  a  high  bank 
abov(>  the  water,  which  was  .sorely  vexed  by  the  wind,  and  n)ade  so  great  a 
noise  that  I  could  not  sleep.  Next  day,  the  ebbing  and  flowing  of  the  water 
filled  me  with  gn^at  apprehension ;  but  my  companion  quieted  my  fears,  by 
BSfluring  me  that  ♦he  water  observed  certain  boimds,  both  in  advancing  and 


*  I.!itt.  Louisiana,  ii.  121. 


ii 

-4  . 


■f  ■^'i 


Chaf.  V.l 


ADVCNTURES  OF  MONCACHTAPE. 


41 


retiring.  Having  satisfied  our  curiosity  in  viewing  the  great  water,  we  returned 
to  the  village  ol"  the  Abenaqiiis,  where  I  continued  the  Ibilowing  winter;  and, 
after  the  snows  were  melted,  my  coin]mnion  and  I  went  and  viewed  the  great  fall 
of  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  at  Niagara,  which  was  distiuit  from  the  village  several 
days'  journey.  The  view  of  this  great  fall,  at  firet,  made  my  hair  stand  on  end, 
and  my  heart  almost  leap  out  of  its  place ;  but  afterwards,  before  I  left  it,  I 
had  the  courage  to  walk  under  it.  Next  day,  we  took  the  shortest  roatl  to  tlie 
Ohio,  and  my  companion  and  I,  cutting  down  a  tree  on  the  banks  of  the  river, 
we  formed  it  into  a  pettiaugre,  which  served  to  conduct  me  down  the  Ohio 
and  the  Mi88issi[)pi,  after  which,  with  much  difficulty,  1  went  up  our  mail 
river,  and  at  length  arrived  safe  among  my  relations,  who  were  r..joice<l  to  s<'e 
me  in  good  health. — This  journey,  instead  of  satisfying,  only  starved  to  excite 
my  curiosity.  Our  old  men,  for  several  years,  had  told  uie  that  the  ancient 
j|)ecch  informed  them  that  the  red  men  of  the  north  came  originally  much 
higher  and  much  farther  than  the  source  of  the  River  Missouri ;  and,  as  I  had 
longed  to  see,  with  my  own  eyes,  the  land  from  whence  our  firet  lathers  came, 
I  took  my  precautions  for  my  journey  westwards.  Having  jtrovided  a  small 
i]uuntity  of  corn,  I  ])roceoded  up  along  the  eastern  bank  of  the  River  !Mississip|»i, 
till  I  came  to  the  Ohio.  I  went  up  along  the  bank  of  this  last  river,  about  tlie 
fourth  part  of  a  day's  journey,  that  I  tnight  be  able  to  cross  it  without  being 
curried  into  the  Mississippi.  There  I  formed  a  cajeux,  or  raft  of  canes,  by  the 
assistance  of  which  I  passed  over  the  river;  and  next  day  meeting  with  a  herd 
of  buffaloes  in  the  meadows,  I  killed  a  fat  one,  and  took  from  it  the  fillets,  the 
bunch,  and  the  tongue.  Soon  after,  I  arrived  among  the  Tamaroas,  a  village 
of  the  nation  of  the  Illinois,  where  I  rested  several  days,  and  then  proceeded 
northwards  to  the  mouth  of  the  Missoiui,  which,  after  it  enters  the  great  river, 
nins  Ibr  a  considerable  time  without  intermixing  its  nniddy  waters  with  the 
'tlear  stream  of  the  other.  Having  crossed  the  Mississii)pi,  I  went  up  the 
Missouri,  along  its  northern  bank,  and,  after  several  days'  journey,  I  arrived  at 
.he  nation  of  the  Missouris,  where  I  staid  a  long  time  to  learn  the  language 
that  is  spoken  beyond  them.  In  going  along  the  Missouri,  I  passed  through 
meadows  a  whole  day's  journey  in  len.'^th,  which  were  quite  covered  with 
buffaloes. 

"When  the  cold  Avas  past,  and  the  snows  were  melted,  I  continued  my  jour- 
ney up  along  the  Missouri,  till  I  came  to  the  nation  of  the  west,  or  the  Canzas. 
Afterwards,  in  consequence  of  directions  from  them,  I  proceeded  in  the  same 
loiirse  near  30  days,  and  at  length  I  met  with  some  of  the  nation  of  the  Otters, 
who  were  hunting  in  that  neighborhood,  and  were  surj)rised  to  see  me  alone. 
I  continued  with  the  hunters  two  or  three  days,  and  tiien  accompanied  one  of 
them  and  his  wife,  who  was  near  her  time  of  lying  in,  to  their  village,  which 
lay  far  off"  betwixt  the  north  and  west.  We  continued  our  journey  along  the 
Missouri  for  nine  days,  and  then  we  marched  directly  northwards  for  five 
liays  more,  when  we  came  to  the  fine  river,  which  runs  westward  in  a  direc- 
tion contrary  to  that  of  the  Missouri.  We  jjroceeded  down  this  river  a  whole 
day,  and  then  arrived  at  the  village  of  the  Otters,  who  received  me  with  as 
iiuich  kindness  as  if  I  had  been  of  their  own  imtioii.  A  few  days  after,  I 
joined  a  party  of  the  Otters,  who  were  going  to  carry  a  calumet  of  ptiace  to  a 
nation  beyond  them,  and  we  embarked  in  a  pettiaiigre,  and  went  down  the 
river  for  18  days,  landing  now  and  then  to  sui»|)ly  oureelves  with  provisions. 
When  I  arrived  at  the  nation  who  were  at  pt-ace  witii  the  Otters,  I  .staid  with 
them  till  the  cold  was  passed,  that  I  might  learn  tiieir  language,  which  was 
common  to  most  of  the  nations  that  lived  beyond  them. 

"The  cold  was  hardly  gone,  when  I  again  emi)arked  on  the  fine  river,  and 
in  my  courae  I  met  with  several  nations,  with  whom  I  genemlly  staid  but  one 
night,  till  I  arrive«l  at  the  nation  that  is  but  one  day's  journey  from  the  gn-at 
water  on  the  west.  This  nation  live  in  the  woods  about  the  distance  of  a 
league  from  the  river,  from  their  ajjprehension  of  bearded  men,  who  come 
upon  their  coasts  in  floating  villages,  and  carry  oflf  their  children  to  make 
slaves  of  them.  These  men  were  descrilied  to  te  white,  with  long  black 
beards  that  came  down  to  their  breast  ;  they  were  thick  and  short,  had  large 
heads,  which  were  coverod  with  cloth  ;  they  were  always  dressed,  even  in  the 
greatest  heats  ;  their  clothes  fell  down  to  the  uiiddle  of  their  legs,  which,  with 
4* 


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42 


GRAND-SUN. 


[Book  IV. 


V  - 


,i-.iU,'  .  V 


their  fret,  wore  covered  with  red  or  yellow  stuff.  Their  arms  mndo  a  f;rput 
fire  uiid  n  great  noise ;  and  when  they  saw  themselves  outnumbered  by  nsd 
men,  tbey  rctin'd  on  board  their  large  pettiaugre,  their  number  soiiietimes 
amounting  to  thirty,  but  never  more. 

"Those  strangers  came  from  the  sun-setting,  in  search  of  a  yellow  simkinp 
wood,  which  dyes  a  fine  yellow  color;  but  the  people  of  this  nation,  tliat  they 
might  not  be  tempted  to  visit  tiieni,  had  destroyed  all  those  kind  of  trees. 
Two  other  nations  in  their  neighborhood,  however,  having  no  tuber  wood, 
could  not  destroy  the  trees,  and  were  still  visited  by  the  strangers;  and  being 
greatly  ineoinniodcd  by  them,  had  invited  their  allies  to  assist  them  in  iimking 
an  aftaek  upon  them,  the  next  time  they  should  return.  The  following  sum- 
mer I  aeeordingly  joined  in  this  expedition,  and,  after  travelling  five  long  days' 
journey,  we  came  to  the  \}\nce  where  the  bidrded  men  usually  land(;d,  where 
we  waited  seventeen  days  for  tiieir  arrival.  The  red  men,  by  my  iidvice. 
jdaced  themselves  in  audiuseade  to  surprise  the  strangera,  and  accordingly 
when  they  landed  to  cut  the  wood,  we  were  so  successful  as  to  kill  eleven  of 
them,  the  rest  immediately  escaping  on  board  two  large  pettiaugres,  and  flying 
westward  upon  the  great  water. 

"  lJ|)on  examining  those  whom  we  had  killed,  we  found  th  m  much  smaller 
than  ourselves,  and  very  white ;  they  had  a  large  head,  and  in  the  middle  of 
the  crown  the;  hair  was  very  long ;  their  head  was  wrapt  in  a  great  many  folds 
of  stuff,  and  their  clothes  seemed  to  be  made  neither  of  wool  nor  silk ;  they 
were  very  soft,  jtiul  of  different  colors.  Two  only,  of  the  eleven  who  were 
slain,  had  fire-arms,  with  powder  and  ball.  I  trierl  their  pieces,  and  found 
that  they  were  much  heavier  than  yours,  and  did  not  kill  at  so  great  a 
distance. 

"After  this  expeditiori.  i  thought  of  nothing  but  proceeding  on  my  journey, 
and,  with  that  design,  i  let  the  '•ed  men  return  home,  and  joined  myself  to 
those  who  iidiabited  more  westward  on  the  coast,  with  whom  I  travelled 
along  the  shore  of  the  gi'eat  water,  which  bends  directly  betwixt  the  north 
and  the  sun-setting.  When  I  arrived  at  the  villages  of  my  fellow-travellers, 
where  I  found  the  days  very  long,  and  the  nights  verv  short,  I  was  advised  by 
the  old  men  to  give  over  all  thoughts  of  continuing  my  journey.  They  tokl 
me  that  the  land  extended  still  a  long  way  in  a  direction  between  the  north 
and  sun-setting,  after  which  it  ran  directly  west,  and  at  length  was  cut  by  the 
givat  water  from  north  to  south.  One  of  them  added,  that,  wiien  he  wns 
young,  he  knew  a  vei-y  old  man  who  had  seen  that  distant  land  belbre  it  wns 
eat  away  by  the  great  water,  and  that  when  the  great  water  was  low,  many 
rocks  still  appeared  in  those  parts.  Finding  it,  therefore,  impracticable  to 
proceed  nnieli  further,  on  account  of  the  severity  of  the  climate,  and  the  want 
of  game,  I  returned  by  the  same  route  by  which  1  had  set  out;  and,  reducing 
my  whole  travels  westward  to  days'  journeys,  I  compute  that  they  would 
have  employed  me  3(5  moons;  but,  on  account  of  my  frequent  delays,  it  was 
five  yetJB  before  I  returned  to  my  relations  among  the  Yazoos." 

This  ends  the  narrative  of  the  famous  traveller  Moncachtape,  which  seems 
to  have  satisfied  Du  Pralz,  that  the  Indians  came  from  the  continent  of  Asia, 
by  Avay  of  Bchnnfifs  Straits.  And  he  soon  after  left  him,  and  returned  to  hi.- 
own  country.  It  would  have  been  gratifying,  could  we  have  known  more  oi 
the  history  of  this  veiT  intelligent  man.  The  s<ime  author  brings  also  to  our 
knowledge  a  chief  called 

GRAND-SUN,  chief  of  the  Natchez.  Although  Sun  was  a  common  name 
for  all  chiefs  of  diat  nation,  this  chief  was  particularly  distinguished  in  the  first 
war  with  the  French,  which  exhibits  the  compass  of  our  information  concern- 
ing him,  and  which  we  purpose  here  to  sketch.  He  was  brother  to  the  great 
warrior,  known  to  the  French  by  the  name  of  Stujvg-serpent,  and  like  him 
was  a  friend  to  the  whites,  until  the  haughty,  overbearing  disposition  of  one 
man  brought  destruction  and  ruin  on  their  whole  colony.  This  aflair  took 
place  in  the  year  1721).  The  residence  of  the  Grand-sun  was  near  the  Frencli 
post  of  Natchez,  where  he  had  a  beautiful  village  called  the  JVhite  ^'Ipple.  M. 
de  Ch-^pnrt  had  been  reinstated  in  the  command  of  the  post,  whence  he  wns 
for  a  time  n-moved  by  reason  of  misconduct,  and  his  abominable  inj.  *ice  to 
the  Indians  became  more  consjucuous  aftei  »vards  than  before.    To  gratify  his 


Chap.  V.]    GRAND-SUN.— MASSACRE  OF  THE  FRENCH  IN  NATCHEZ.     43 

pride  and  avarice,  he  had  projected  the  building  of  an  elegant  villago,  and 
none  appeared  to  suit  hi.s  purpo.se  so  well  as  the  Wiiite  Apple  ot'  the  (Jrand- 
sun.  He  sent  for  the  chief  to  his  fort,  and  unhesitatingly  told  him  tliat  liia 
villuge  must  be  immediately  given  up  to  him,  for  he  had  resolved  to  erect  one 
a  l(!ague  square  upon  the  same  ground,  and  that  he  must  remove  elsewhere. 
The  great  chief  stifled  hia  surprise,  and  modestly  replied,  "That  Ids  ancestors 
had  lived  in  that  villago  for  as  many  years  as  there  were  hairs  in  his  double 
cue,  and,  therefore,  it  was  good  that  they  should  continue  there  still."  When 
this  was  interpreted  to  the  commandant,  he  showed  himself  in  a  rage,  and 
threatened  the  chief,  that,  unless  he  moved  from  hia  village  sptsediiy,  he 
would  have  cause  of  repentance.  Grand-sun  lefl  the  fort,  and  said  he  would 
assetiihle  his  counsellors,  and  hold  a  talk  upoti  it. 

hi  this  council,  which  actually  assembled,  it  was  proposed  to  lay  Ix^lbre  the 
commandant  their  hard  situation,  if  tlu'y  should  be  obliged  to  abandon  their 
com,  which  then  was  just  beginning  to  shoot  from  the  ground,  and  many 
other  articles  on  which  they  were  to  depend  for  subsistence.  Hut,  on  urging 
these  strong  reasons,  they  met  only  with  abuse,  and  a  more  peremptory  order 
to  remove  immediately.  This  the  Grand-smi  reported  to  the  council,  and 
they  saw  all  was  lost,  unless,  by  some  stratagem,  they  should  rid  themselvea 
of  the  tyrant  Chopnrt,  which  was  their  liiial  dt!cision.  Tlus  secret  vva.«  con- 
tided  to  none  but  the  old  men.  To  gain  time,  an  otfer  was  to  be  made  to  the 
avaricious  commaiulant,  of  tribute,  in  case  he  would  pcrtnit  them  to  remain 
on  their  land  until  their  harvest.  The  offer  was  accepted,  and  the  Indians 
•set  about  maturing  their  plan  with  the  greatest  avidity.  Jiundles  of  sticks 
were  sent  to  the  sims  of  the  neighboring  tribes,  and  their  import  explained  to 
them  by  the  faithfid  messengers.  EacTi  bundle  contained  as  many  sticks  as 
(lays  which  were  to  pass  before  the  massacre  of  all  the  French  in  the  Natchez. 
And  that  no  mistake  should  arise  in  regard  to  the  fixed  day,  (jvery  morning  a 
stick  was  drawn  from  the  bundle  and  broken  iu  pieces,  and  the  day  of  the  last 
stick  was  that  of  the  execution. 

The  security  of  the  wicked,  in  the  midst  of  their  wickedness,  and  their 
deafness  to  repeated  warnings,  though  a  standing  example  before  them  ujion 
tlie  pages  of  all  history,  yet  we  know  of  but  few  instances  where  they  have 
profited  by  it.    I  need  cite  no  examples;  our  pages  are  full  of  thcMii. 

The  breast  of  women,  whether  civilized  or  uncivilized,  caiuiot  bear  the 
thoughts  of  revenge  and  death  to  prey  upon  tiiem  for  so  great  a  length  of 
lime  as  men.  And,  as  in  the  last  case,  I  need  not  produce  examples;  on  our 
pages  will  be  found  many. 

A  female  sun  having,  by  accident,  understood  the  secret  design  of  her  peo 
pie,  partly  out  of  resenttnent  for  their  keeping  it  from  her,  and  partly  from 
iier  attjichment  to  the  French,  resolved  to  make  it  known  to  them.  Ihit  so 
fatally  secure  was  the  commandant,  that  he  would  not  hearken  to  her  messen- 
gers, and  threatened  others  of  his  own  people  with  cha.stisement,  if  they  con- 
tinued such  intimations.  But  the  great  coimcil  of  so  niany  suns,  and  other 
motions  of  their  wise  men,  justly  alarmed  many,  and  t\unv  complaints  to  the 
codunandant  were  urged,  until  seven  of  his  own  people  were  put  in  irotis,  to 
<lisi)el  their  fears.  And  that  he  might  the  more  vaunt  himself  upon  their  fears, 
lie  sent  his  interpreter  to  demand  of  the  Grand-sun,  wlieth»;r  In;  was  about  to 
fiill  upon  the  French  with  his  warriors.  To  dissemblt;,  in  stich  a  cas*;,  was 
only  to  be  expected  from  the  chief,  and  the  interpreter  reported  to  the  com- 
mandant as  lie  desired,  which  caused  him  to  value  himself  upon  his  forir 
contemfrt  of  his  people's  fears. 

The  30th  of  November,  1729,  at  length  came,  and  with  it  the  massacre  of 
near  700  people,  being  all  the  French  of  Natch(!z.  Not  a  maa  <jsca|)ed.  It 
being  upon  the  eve  of  St.  Andreiv's  day,  facilitated  the  execiuion  of  th(i  horrid 
design.  In  such  contempt  was  M.  Chopart  held,  that  the  suns  would  allow  no 
warrior  to  kill  him,  but  one  whom  they  considered  a  mean  person.  He  was 
armed  only  with  a  wooden  tomahawk,  and  with  such  a  contetni)tible  weapon, 
wieldtMl  by  as  contemptible  a  person,  was  M.  Chopart  pursued  from  his  house 
into  his  garden,  and  there  met  his  death. 

The  debign  of  the  Grand-sun  and  his  allies  was,  to  have  f(illow(Ml  up  their 
success  until  all  the  French  were  driven  out  of  Louisiana.    But  some  tribes 


'if   M 


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44        GREAT-MORTAR.— IS  ATTACKED  BV  THE  CHICKASAUy.    [iJook  IV. 

woiihl  not  iiid  in  it,  nnd  tho  governor  of  Louisiana,  jiromptiy  wsronded  l)v  the 
}M>o|>l(;  of'Niiw  OrleaiiH,  shortly  aJler  nearly  unniliilattul  the  whole  tribe  of  the 
iNatclie/.  Tho  Clioctaws  otiered  ihetnHelveti,  to  the  niimltcr  oi'  15  or  ](»00 
men,  and,  in  the  following  Kei)ruary,  advanced  into  the  country  of  the;  Natch- 
ez, and  were  shortly  atler  joined  Ity  tlie  French,  and  encamped  near  the  oln 
fort,  then  in  possession  of  the  Graiul-sun.  Here  flaji^  passisd  Itetween  them, 
and  terms  of  peace  were  agi.,,  "  upon,  whicli  were  very  honorat)le  to  the 
Indians ;  hut,  in  tho  tbilowing  night,  they  liecamped,  taking  ail  iheir  jirisoners 
and  boggage,  leaving  nothing  but  the  cannons  of  the  fort  and  balls  liehind  Jieni. 
Some  time  now  |>assed  before  the  French  could  ascertain  the  retreat  of  the 
Natch(!Z.  At  length,  they  learned  that  tlniy  had  crossed  tiie  Mississippi,  and 
«i!ttled  upon  the  west  side,  near  IHO  miles  al)ove  the  mouth  of  Red  jRiver. 
Here  they  built  a  fort,  anr\  remained  quietly  until  the  next  year. 

The  weakness  of  the  colony  caused  the  inhabitants  to  resign  themselves  into 
the  liands  of  the  king,  who  soon  sent  over  a  suOicient  force,  add^d  to  those 
still  in  the  country,  to  liumble  the  Natchez.  They  were  accordingly  invested 
in  their  fort,  and,  struck  witli  consternation  at  the  sudden  approach  of  the 
French,  seem  to  havt;  lost  tlu'ir  former  prudence.  They  made  a  desjx-nite 
sally  upon  tho  camp  of  the  enemy,  hut  v,ere  repulsed  with  grei:t  loss.  They 
then  attempted  to  gain  time  by  negotiation,  na  they  had  the  year  before,  hut 
could  not  escajjo  from  the  vigilance  of  the  French  officer;  yet  th«;  attempt 
was  r-.nde,  and  many  were  killed,  very  few  escaped,  and  the  greater  niunber 
dnvei.  within  their  fort.  Mortarf  were  used  by  their  enemies  in  this  siege, 
and  the  third  bomb,  falling  in  the  centre  of  the  fort,  made  great  havoc, 
but  still  greater  constisrnation.  Drowned  by  the  cries  of  the  women  and 
children,  Graml-aun  cauMul  the  sign  *.*'  capitulation  to  be  given.  Himself, 
with  the  rest  of  his  company,  were  carri.'i  prisoners  to  New  Orleans,  and 
thrown  into  prison.  An  increasing  infection  caused  the  women  and  children 
to  be  taken  out  and  emi»loyed  as  slaves  on  the  king's  plantations ;  among 
whom  was  the  woman  who  had  used  every  endeavor  to  notify  the  connnand- 
ar;t,  Chopart,  of  the  intend(Hl  massacre,  and  from  whom  the  particulars  of  the 
affiiir  were  learned.  Her  name  was  Stung-arm,  These  slaves  were  shortly 
after  embarked  for  St.  Domingo,  entirely  to  rid  the  country  of  the  Natchez.* 
The  men,  it  is  probable,  were  all  put  to  death. 

CKKAT-!\IORTAR,or  Yah-yah-tustnnage,  was  a  very  celebrated  Muskogee 
chief,  who,  before  the  revolutionary  war,  was  in  the  Frent-h  interest,  and 
received  his  supplies  from  their  garrison  at  Alabania,  which  was  not  fiir  dis- 
tant from  his  place  of  abode,  called  Okchai.  There  was  a  time  when  he 
inclined  tu  the  English,  and  but  for  the  very  haughty  and  imprudent  conduct 
of  the  sup(>rintend(<nt  of  Indian  aftiiirs,  among  them,  might  have  been  re- 
claimed, an«l  the  dismal  period  of  massacres  which  ensued  averted.  At  a 
great  council,  ap|)ointed  i)y  the  superintendent,  for  the  object  of  regaining 
their  fiivor,  the  pipe  of  peace,  when  passing  around,  was  refused  to  Great- 
mortar,  because  he  had  favored  the  French.  This,  with  much  other  ungen'^r- 
Diis  treatment,  caused  him  ever  afti'r  to  hate  the  English  name.  As  the  siiper- 
intiiident  was  n)aking  a  speech,  which  doubtless  contained  severe  and  hard 
sayings  against  his  red  hearers,  another  chief,  called  the  Tobacco-cater,  |)riing 
upon  his  feet,  and  darting  his  toirahawk  at  him,  it  fortunately  missed  him,  hut 
stuck  in  a  i»lank  just  above  his  head.  Yet  he  would  have  been  inmiediately 
killed,  but  for  the  interposition  of  a  friendly  warrior.  Had  this  first  blow  been 
eflectiNil,  every  Englishman  i)res'?nt  would  hav<'  been  innnediately  put  to  death. 
Soon  after,  Great-mortar  caused  bis  people  to  fall  upon  the  English  traders,  and 
f  hey  murdered  ten.  Fourteen  of  the  inha.iitants  of  Longcane,  a  settlement  near 
Ninety-^'\,  t  next  './ere  his  victims.  He  now  received  a  commission  from  the 
French,  and  the  better  'o  enlist  the  Cherokees  and  others  in  his  cause,  removed 
with  his  family  far  into  the  heart  of  the  country,  upon  a  river,  by  which  he 
could  receive  supplies  from  the  fort  at  Alabama.  Neither  the  French  nor 
Great-mortar  vfcr  deceived  in  the  advantage  of  their  newly-chosen  position; 
for  young  warriors  joined  him  there  in  great  numbers,  and  it  was  fast  becoming 


*  Mods.  Dii  Pralz,  Hist,  de  Jouisiana,  tome  i.  ch.  xii. 

t  So  called  because  it  was  'J6  miles  from  the  Cherokee.    Adair. 


[ilook  IV. 


r-.vp. 


vj 


MGir.LlVRAY. 


45 


eii  l)v  the 

I  be  of  tliP 

">  or  ](,00 

»'  Naicfi- 

ir  the  old 

Ben  them, 

)h!  to  the 

prisoners 

ind  ihem. 

eat  of  the 

sippi,  ami 

ed  Kiver. 


n  pciMrnl  rondo/i mis  for  nil  the  MirwiHsippi  Indians.  Fortunntely,  however, 
ti.r  the  l'',rifi:liNh,  tlie  ChickiisjiWH  in  their  interest  phirited  njt  tliis  Buhon  iipfu 
licfdi-i'  its  hrniiclieH  were  yet  extenth'd.  They  lull  upon  tiieni  l»y  Murpriw;, 
killed  the  hrolher  of  (Irent-mortar^  and  eompletely  d  'Ht.oyed  the  design.  He 
tied,  not  to  his  tinlive  i»laee,  hut  to  one  from  wlience  he  eould  best  annoy  the 
Mii^flish  settleineiitH,  and  coinnieneed  anew  the  work  of  death.  Anyiistn,  in 
(Jeorfiia,  and  many  senfterin/nf  settletncnts  were  destroyed.*  Those  ravafi;e!i 
were  eentitnied  nntil  their  nnited  forees  were  defeated  by  the  Atnericans  under 
(Jeneral  Grant,  in  ]7()1,  as  We  have  narrated. 

We  have  next  to  notiee  n  ehief,  king,  or  emperor  ns  he  was  at  diOerent 
times  entitled,  whos(;omi.sHion,  in  a  bio^raphieal  work  upon  the  Indians,  would 
iiirur  a«  much  eriniinality,  on  the  part  of  the  hiogi-apher,  as  an  omifwion  of 
liuokoiiffdulas,  H'hilc-e.yes,  Pipe,  or  (jckonostotn ;  yea,  tnen  more.     VVe  mean 

ALEXANDEIl  M'iilLLIVRAY,  who  was,  perhaps,  one  of  the  most  eon- 
Hpiruoiis,  if  not  one  of  the  great(!8t,  chiet's  that  has  ever  borne  that  title  among 
the  Creeks ;  at  least,  firiee  they  have  Ijeen  known  to  the  Europeans.  He 
flonrislied  during  lialf  of  the  last  century,  and  sueh  was  the  exalted  opinion 
entertained  of  him  by  his  countrymen,  that  they  styled  him  "king  of  kings." 
His  mother  was  his  |)redecessor,  and  the  governess  of  the  nation,  and  he  had 
several  sisters,  who  maiTied  leading  men.  On  the  death  of  his  mother,  he 
came  in  chief  sjichem  by  the  usages  of  his  ancc-stoix,  but  such  was  his  disinter- 
ested |)atriotism,  that  he  left  it  to  the  nation  to  say  whether  he  should  suee«fed 
to  the  sachemship.  The  |)eopl8  elected  him  "emperor."  He  was  at  the  head 
of  the  Creeks  during  the  revolutionniy  war,  and  was  in  the  hritisb  interest. 
After  the  peace,  he  l)ecame  reconciled  to  the  Americans,  and  expressed  a 
(iesin;  to  renounce  his  |iublic  lifi^and  reside  in  the  II.  States,  but  was  hindered 
by  the  earnest  solicitations  of  his  countrymen,  to  remain  among  them,  and 
direct  their  ..iikirs. 

His  residence,  according  to  General  Milfort,i  who  married  his  sister,  was 
near  Tallahassee,  about  half  a  league  from  what  was  formerly  Tort  Toulouse. 
He  lived  in  u  handsome  house,  and  owned  00  negroes,  each  of  whom  In;  pro- 
vided with  a  separate  habitation,  Avhich  gave  his  estate  the  aftpejirance  of  a 
little  town.  { 

M^  (HUivray  was  a  son  of  an  Englishman  of  that  name  who  married  a  Creek 
woman,  and  hence  was  what  is  called  a  half  breed.  He  was  born  about  17;{!>, 
and,  at  the  age  often,  was  sent  by  his  father  to  school  in  Charleston,  where  lie 
was  in  the  care  of  Mr.  Farquhar  jWGUlwray,  who  was  a  relation  of  his  father. 
His  tutor  was  a  Mr.  SAee</.  He  learned  the  Latin  language  under  the  tuition 
of  Mr.  William  Henilerson,  allerwards  somewhat  eminent  among  the;  critics  in 
London.  When  young  .WGillivray  was  17,  he  was  put  into  a  counting-house 
in  Savannah,  but  mercantile  affairs  had  not  so  many  charms  as  books,  and  he 
spent  all  the  time  he  could  get,  in  reading  histories  and  other  works  of  useful- 
ness. After  a  short  time,  his  father  took  him  home,  where  his  superior  talents 
yoon  began  to  develop  themselves,  and  his  promotion  followed.  He  was  often 
styled  general,  which  connnission,  it  is  said,  he  actually  held  under  Charles 
HL,  king  of  Spain.    This  was,  probably,  liefbre  he  was  elected  emperor. 

To  be  a  little  more  particular  with  this  distinguished  man,  I  will  hazard  a 
repetition  of  some  facts,  for  the  sake  of  giving  an  account  of  him  as  recorded 
by  one  §  who  resided  long  with  him,  and  consequently  knew  him  well.  He 
was  the  son  of  a  Creek  woman,  of  the  fan)ily  of  the  Wind,  whose  father  was  an 
officer  in  the  French  service,  stationed  at  Fort  Toulouse,  near  the  nation  of  the 
Alabamas.  This  officer,  in  trading  with  the  Indians,  became  acquainted  with 
the  mother  of  our  chief,  whom  he  married.  They  hud  five  childnjn,  two  hoys 
and  three  girls.  Only  one  of  the  boys  lived  to  grow  up.  As  among  other 
tribes,  so  among  the  Creeks,  the  children  belong  to  the  mother ;  and  when 
M'GUlivray's  father  desired  to  send  him  to  Charleston  to  get  an  education,  he 
was  obliged  first  to  get  the  mother's  consent.  This,  it  seems,  was  easily 
obtained,  and  young  M'GiUivray  was  put  there,  where  he  acquired  a  good 

*  Adair's  Hist.  N.  American  Indians,  254,  6lc. 

t  Memoire  ou  coup-d'oeil  rapide  sur  mes  diflerens  voyages  et  mou  sejour  dans  la  nation 
Creek,  p.  27.  t  Ibid.  $  General  Mil/ort. 


r,<<  , 


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M«'«|| 

iii^'V' 

46 


MfUlMVR.VY— ins  VrsIT  TO  NKW  YORK. 


[Book  IV. 


edtipation.  Iln  di.l  ni)t  rctiirii  for  some  titrif;  to  liis  nntinri)  which  wan  nt  tho 
coiiirnriid-iiiciit  of  the  rovohitioiuiry  war;  nntl  ho  thoii  w«iit,  coinniiHHiniic(J  hv 
thfi  n>yaliHL'«,  lo  'ut^\<v.  his  roiiiitryincii  to  a  tn-aty  ii|Min  the  froiitifrs,  ikkI  to 
unite  (hern  iii^aitist  the  ^'llel^i.*  lit;  (fciieraily  H[)ok<;  tlic  Kiif{hHii  lan^uapc, 
which  was  not  iih-asirij;  to  liis  mother,  who  would  not  Hpeak  itf 

Ath-r  the  war  he  hecaiiie  attached  to  tlie  Ainericaiis,  and  idtlioiigh  th(^  Itor- 
derers  caused  l're(|nerit  troiiities,  yet  he  iiiadf;  and  renewed  trnaticH  with  them. 
In  171K),  he  came  to  New  York  with  yt>  of  his  chiefs.  Owinp  to  some  niJMiin- 
derstaiidinj,',  he  had  refused  to  treat  at  llock  Landing  a  Hhort  time  liefore, 
where  eommissiniiei-s  from  thi'  ('.  States  had  attended  ;  and  the  f;overiiment, 
justly  fearing;  a  rii|)tiire,  imliss  a  s|teedy  reeoncihation  stiould  take  place, 
despatched  (Colonel  Mnrinui^  fVillit  itito  the  (.'reek  country, with  a  pacific  letter 
to  (leiieral  .M'aillivro}).  lie  siicce«'(led  in  his  misnion,  and  the  chiefs  arrived 
in  New  York  'i.{  .Inly,  I7!K). {  They  were  conducted  to  the  residence  of  the 
secretary  of  war,  (feneral  Knof,  who  conducted  them  to  the  house  <>(  the 
president  of  the  I '.  States,  and  introduced  them  to  hinu  President  Was 'i/rajp- 
ton  received  them  "  in  a  very  handsome  maimer,  cnngrattilated  them  on  their 
Mife  arrival,  and  expressed  a  hope;  thnt  the  interview  would  j'irove  hent-licial 
l)oth  to  the  U,  StJites  and  to  the  (,'reek  nation,"  They  next  visited  the  governor 
of  the  state,  from  whom  they  received  a  most  cordial  welcome.  They  then 
proceeiied  to  the  t;ity  Tavern,  when;  they  dined  in  company  witti  General 
KnoT,  and  other  olllcers  of  poviMimient  A  correspondence  h<!twecn  Governor 
Telfair,  of  (Jeoifria,  ami  ^'■Jllcxnmltr  JifGUlvary,  Esq."  prohalily  opened  tJie 
way  t<)r  ii  negotiation,  which  terminat<>d  in  a  settlement  of  difficulties.  From 
the  followiiii;  (ixtract  from  .W GilliiTm/^a  letter,  n  very  juat  idea  may  he  formed 
of  the  stat(!  of  the  affairs  of  liis  nation  previous  to  his  visit  to  New  York.  "Im 
answer  to  yours,  1  liave  to  ol)serve,  that,  as  a  peace  was  not  concluded  on 
hetvveen  us  at  tli«i  Kock-lauding  meeting,  your  demand  for  property  taken  by 
our  warriors  fVom  off  the  dis])uted  lands  ca;.not  be  admitted.  We,  also,  have 
had  our  losses,  by  captures  made  by  your  people.  We  arc  willing  ♦o  conclude 
a  peace  with  you,  but  you  mtist  not  expect  extraordinary  concessions  from  us. 
In  order  to  spare  the  further  efl'iision  of  human  blood,  and  to  finally  determine 
the  war,  I  am  willing  to  concede,  in  some  measure,  if  you  arc  disposed  to  tr"at 
on  the  ground  of  mutual  concession.  It  will  save  trouble  and  exp<5n8(!.  if  the 
negotiations  are  managed  in  the  nation.  Any  person  from  you  can  be  as.«;ired 
of  jiei-sonal  safety  and  friendly  treatment  in  this  country."  It  was  dated  at 
Little  Tellassee,  130  March,  171X),  and  directed  to  "His  Excellencv  Edwurd 
Telfair,  Esq."  and  signed  'M/er.  MGUlitray.^ 

This  chief  seeuis  atlerwards  to  have  met  with  the  censure  of  his  people,  at 
least  some  of  them,  in  a  manner  similar  to  that  of  Aflntosh  recently  ;  and  was 
donhth'ss  overcome  by  the  persuasions  of  designing  whites,  to  treat  for  the 
disjmsal  of  his  lands,  against  the  general  voice  of  his  nation.  One  Bowles,  a 
white  man,  led  the  councils  in  opposition  to  his  proceedings,  and,  for  a  time, 
M'Gillivray  absented  himself  from  his  own  tribe.  In  1792,  his  party  took 
Bowles  prisoner,  and  sent  him  out  of  the  coimtry,  and  solicited  the  general  to 
retiuii. §  To  this  he  consented,  and  they  became  more  attached  to  him  than 
ever.  He  now  endeavored  to  better  their  condition  by  the  introductio*  of 
teachers  among  them.  In  an  advertisement  for  a  teacher,  in  the  summer  of 
171)2,  he  styles  himself  emperor  of  the  Creek  nation.  His  quiet  was  soon 
dist)irbed,  and  the  famous  John  Watts,  the  same  summev,  with  500  warriors, 
Creeks,  and  five  towns  of  the  Chickamawagas,  committijd  many  depredations. 
The  Spaniards  were  supposed  to  be  the  movers  of  the  hostile  party.  JWGti- 
liway  died  at  Pc  isacola,  February  17,  1793,  ||  and  is  thus  noticed  'n  the 
Pennsylvania  Gazette: — "This  idolized  chief  of  the  Creeks  styled  himself 
king  of  kings.     But,  alas,  he  could  neither  restrain  the  meanest  fellow  of  his 

*  Milfort,  32.3,  324.  t  See  Holmrs,  Amcr.  Annals,  ii.  384. 

X  Colonel  Willet's  Narrative,  1 12.  "  They  were  rcce'ved  with  great  spioiidor  by  the  Tam- 
many t^orii-iy,  in  the  dress  of  their  order,"  on  iheir  landing,    lb. 

§  In  1791,  this  Bowles,  with  five  chiefs,  was  in  England,  and  we  find  this  notice  of  him  in 
the  European  Magazine  of  that  year,  vol.  19,  p.  268  : — "The  ambassadors  consisted  of  two 
Creeks,  and  of  Mr.  Bmoles,  (a  native  of  .Haiylaud,  who  is  a  Creek  by  adoption,  and  the  pres- 
ent general  of  that  nation,}  and  three  Cherokees.  j]  Milfort,  Ji&. 


Chap.  V] 


MAD-DOG— THE  SOUTHERN  IIOH.ND.VRV. 


4t 


tlin  \mr- 
vitli  the-rn. 
iif  rniHiin- 
111!  hcforc, 
vcrnmcrit, 
ik(!  |»lacc, 
nific  li'itcr 
f'n  arrived 
lic(;  (if  tlic 

W    •'!     tll(! 


nut 

tri 

1  till* 

•A'  1 
Tl. 

nil    <■ 

hie 

Im'h  exen-isti?  vi-ry  tliirtTriit  sway  (tv«  r  lln'ir  jM-opIc,  ufniniiiijj  hh 
8  fiiilowcil   witii  ilic  spirit  of  govtriimeiit,  by  iiutiirc  nr  cirrimi- 


nation  from  the  rninn]id.sioii  of  a  oriine,  nor  piiiiisli  him  aftor  !'♦'  hml  roiniiiit- 
teil  it !  ill'  might  |M>r!4iiail);  or  advim*,  ail  tht;  good  an  Indian  king  or  rhi<-t 
iiiii  ilo."  This  is,  grnerally  s|H>akiiifr,  a  toU-ralily  correct  estimate  of  tiir  extent 
(if  the  po.vei  of  chiefs;    hot    it   shonhl    lie    n'memlMTcd   tliat  thi-  chiefs  of 

.li.r  "  "  ..... 

stance.  There  is  <rreat  alwunhiy  in  a|)|ilying  the  name  or  title  of  kinj?  to 
hiiliun  chiefs,  us  that  title  is  cuninKinly  nnderstood.  The  first  Iluidiieans 
I'diitirred  tiie  title  upon  those  who  ap|H'ared  most  prominent,  in  tin  ir  liixt 
liisroveiiis,  for  want  of  anotln-r  more  a|>propriate ;  or,  perhaps,  tliej  had 
uiiiitlier  reason,  namely,  that  ol'  ma:;iiityin;j^'  their  own  exploits  on  their  return 
I'l  ilicir  own  c(ji:::tri'S,  hy  n-purtin.'  their  interviews  with,  or  conciiieHts  over, 
"iimiiy  kiiif^s  of  an  unknown  country." 

('niiti'nijMirary  with  (Jeneral  .WG'(7/ijt«i/  wjls  a  chief  called  tim 

T.V.MIvKI.Nti,  who.se  n-sidvnce  wa.s  among  the  Upper  Creeks,  in  1791; 
aiiil  he  is  tioliced  in  our  piil/'  do:MimentH  of  that  year,  ns  a  conspicuous  chief 
in  matters  connected  with  esiahlisiiing  the  soiithern  hoimdiiry.  At  this  time 
one  Howies,  an  l^nglish  trader,  had  giirat  iiithieiice  among  the  Lower  Creeks, 
aiui  used  great  endea\ors,  liy  putting  hiinstif  forward  as  their  chief,  to  enlist 
all  tiie  nations  in  opposition  to  the  .Vmericans.  lie  had  made  large  promises  to 
the  I'pp'r  (Jreeks,  to  induce  them  not  to  he4u*  to  the  American  irommissioners 
Tlii'y  so  tiir  listened  to  him,  as  to  eon.sent  to  receive  his  talk,  and  accordingly 
the  chiefs  tif  the  upper  and  lower  towns  ni(!t  at  a  place  calli;d  the  Hnlf-way- 
^oiMc,  where  thijy  expected  BowLa  in  (K'rson,  or  some  letters  containing  (lefinitti 
.staies'ients.  When  the  chiefs  had  assembled,  Tnine-kinf^  and  Mad-dog,  of  the 
upper  lowns,  asked  the  chiefs  of  tlie  lower,  »' whether  Ihey  had  taken  liowU'i's 
talks,  and  where  the  letters  were  which  this  srenl  man  had  siMit  them,  and 
where  the  white  man  was,  to  read  tliem."  Aiilndian  in  Bowleses  employ  said, 
"III!  was  to  give  them  the  talk."  They  laughed  at  tlii.s,  and  said,  "they  could 
hear  his  mouth  ever}'  day;  that  they  had  come  there  to  stse  those  h'tters  and 
hear  tiieiii  ivuil."  Most  of  the  chiefs  of  this  upper  towns  now  led  the  coiiii- 
(•ii,  which  wiLS  about  the  termination  of  BoivU.s''s  successes.  He  was  shortly 
nftinvards  obliged  to  abdicate,  as  we  have  already  declared  in  the  life  of 
.^rGUIiimy.  lie  returnetl  a<ruin,  however,  uller  visiting  Spain  and  liiigland, 
and  speniling  some  time  >..  prison.* 

Mr.  EUirotl  observes,!  that,  at  the  close  of  a  confenince  with  sundry  tribes 
held  15  August,  ITUi),  hi  which  objects  were  discussed  concerning  his  pa.>»sage 
through  their  country,  that  "the  business  appeared  to  terminate  as  favoraiily 
as  coiihl  be  expecti'd,  and  the  Indians  declared  themselves  perfectly  satisfied  ; 
but  1  nevertheless  had  my  doubts  of  their  sincerity,  from  thi^  deiiredations 
they  were  constantly  making  upon  our  horses,  which  Ix'gan  upon  the 
Coeneuck,  and  had  continued  ever  since;  and  added  to  their  insolence,  from 
their  stealing  every  article  in  our  camp  they  could  lay  their  hands  on."  Mr. 
EUicott  excepts  the  Upper  Oeeks,  generally,  from  participating  in  these  rob- 
beries, all  but  Tame-kin^  and  his  people. 

Though  we  have  named  Tame-king  first,  yet  .Mad-dog  was  (piite  as  con- 
spicuous at  this  time.  His  son  fought  for  the  Americans  in  the  last  war,  and 
wa.s  mentioned  by  General  Jackson  us  an  active  and  valuable  chief  in  his 
ex|)editions.  His  real  name  we  have  not  learned,  and  the  gent.-ral  mentions 
him  only  as  Mad-dog's  son. 

In  the  case  of  the  boundary  already  mentioned,  the  surveyors  met  with  fre- 
quent difficulties  from  the  various  trilies  of  Indians,  some  of  whom  were 
influenced  by  the  Spanish  governor,  Folch,  of  Louisiana.  Mad-dog  appeared 
their  friend,  and  undeceived  them  respecting  the  governor's  pretensions. 
A  conference  was  to  be  held  alwut  the  4  May,  between  the  Indians,  Governor 
Folch,  and  the  American  commissioners.  The  place  of  meeting  was  to  be  upon 
Coenecuh  River,  near  the  southern  estuary  of  the  bay  of  Pensacola.     When 

*  He  was  confined  in  the  Moro  castle  in  the  Havana,  with  three  Cherokecs  that  accom- 
panicH  him.  This  was  ir.  1792.  It  was  said  that  this  inveterate  enemy  of  the  United  StateS; 
Bowles,  was  with  the  Indians,  at  St.  Clair's  defeat. — Carey's  Museum,  xi.  40  f. 

t  In  his  Jouroal,  2i4. 


.    .X.-t 


■:S^: 


>  .-.f. 


*'•■>" 


¥v 


.vl 

.* « I 


48 


WKATIIKinoRD. 


f?1 


iS: 


;.-,\'.- 

v"-:**!^ 
i.>'»/ 


m 


1 


'Sli« 


\am-/ii- 

B^fflw' 

Wm¥^  •.". 

I|^^'  i-^i      ■  ■ 

m    '■ 

K<v 

3»    ;:y-»'* 

V  ^ft    PL'*  ' ' 

p^^^of,'    •     • 

U 

i^:-.-. 

[n<)0K  IV 


t)ir  Ain'rirnnrt  arrivod  tliere,  Miul-iUii^  rm-t  tlu'in,  miil  inrorriwd  ('olnncl 
Iliickinn,  ill)-  liitlian  h;-  that  two  liitliniis  liad  jiirtt  Koiii- t<»  tlir 'rallrKsi-i>M 
uitli  liad  tiilkx  Iroiii  tlie  .  iiur.  Tlit;  (miIoiicI  told  liiiii  it  could  not  In-  |m>>4. 
sihUu     Hliortly  uI\<t,  Mi  '  axkod  (Jolom-I   Hawkins  and  Air.  KUirall,  tlip 

<'oiiiiiii!4Nioiii-r,  if  tliuy  mii|i|mk  i  that  Cjuvt^riior  Folrh  would  attend  nt  the  inatv  : 
I  hey  said,  "  .MoMt  iwf*urnlly."  ".Vo,"  ri!liinnMl  Mml-iUtff,  "he  will  not  ntttwl^ht 
knows  whitl  I  shnll  saif  to  him  nboiU  hin  crooked  ttUks,  His  totifote  is  forked, 
iiiul,  lis  you  (irr  here,  he  will  he  itshamril  to  show  it.  If  he  utaiuls  to  whd  he  hiis 
tolii  Its,  you  will  be  offttuUd,  and  if  he  tells  us  tlud  the  line  ouf^ht  to  be  marked,  he 
null  ronlriidirt  himself:  hut  he  loiU  do  neither  ;  he  will  not  fome."  It  tiinitd  out 
us  Miid-dufT  tWrhirt-d.  >Vli«'ii  it  wiw  I'ouiid  that  tin-  jjoveriior  wo\ild  not  atttrici, 
till-  chill' went  to  Colonel  Hawkins  and  Mr,  Kllicott,  and,  i>y  way  of  idntsantrv, 
("iiid,  "  Iff  It,  the  governor  has  not  come.  I  told  you  so,  A  man  with  two  lonffurs 
ran  onli/  s/inik  to  one  at  d  time."  Thi«  ohscrvalion  haH  rcfc niice  to  the  j(o\. 
crnor's  du|ilicity,  in  holding  out  tu  the  IndiauM  liia  detcnnination  not  to  j^iiffer 
8  survey  of  the  lN>undary,  while,  at  the  wune  time,  hu  pretended  to  tiic  Aineri- 
cuns  that  he  would  tueilitate  it.* 
.Mad-dog  was  uii  upper  town  Creek,  of  the  Tuokuubutchces  tribe. 


9iiee 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Weatherford— //i*  character  and  country — Tlie  corner-stone  of  the  Crerk  conftd- 
eracij — Fucors  the  daivus  of  Ttcumsth — Cajiturea  Fort  Mlvima — Dreadful  mat 
Sucre — Subjection  of  the  Creeks — IVeatherford  surrenders  himself — His  speeches — 
M'lxTosii — .lids  the  .imericans — Buttle  of  .luttssre — Great  slauffhter  of  the  Indians 
— Buttle  of  the  Horte-shoe-bend — Lute  troubles  in  the  Creek  tuition — M' Intosh  makes 
ille.gul  sale  of  lunds — Executed  for  breakintr  the  laics  of  his  country — Mknawwav 
— TusTKxi  oGE — IIawkms — Cmillv  M'I.ntosii,  son  of  Williuvi — Murriajfe  of  his 
sister — LovETT. 

WEATIIERFORD,  one  of  the  most  conspicuous  war  chiefs  of  the  Cn-rk 
nation,  deniands  an  early  attention,  in  the  biographical  history  of  the  late  war. 
Mr.  Claiborne,  in  his  Notes  on  the  War  in  the  South,  intbruis  us  that, 
"  among  the  tirst  who  entered  into  the  views  of  the  Itritish  commissioners  was 
the  since  celebrated  Weatherford i^  that  he  was  born  in  the  Creek  nation,  and 
whose  "  father  was  an  itinerant  pedler,  srirdid,  treacherous,  and  revengeful ; 
liis  mother  a  fuU-blootled  savage,  of  the  triUi  of  the  Seminoles.  He  partook 
(says  the  same  author)  of  all  the  b<id  (jualities  of  both  his  parents,  f  and 
engrailed,  on  the  stock  he  inherited  from  others,  many  that  were  peculiarly 
his  own.  Witli  avarice,  treachery,  and  a  thirst  for  blood,  he  combines  hist, 
gluttony,  and  a  devotion  to  every  species  of  criminal  carousal.  (Fortune,  in 
her  freaks,  sometimes  gives  to  the  most  profligate  an  elevation  of  iiiitid, 
which  she  denies  to  men  whose  propensities  are  the  most  vicious.)  On 
IVeatherford  she  bestowed  genius,  eloquence,  and  courage.  The  first  of  these 
qualities  enabled  him  to  conceive  great  designs,  the  last  to  execute  them ; 
while  eloquence,  bold,  impressive,  and  figurative,  fiimished  him  with  a  pass- 
port to  the  favor  of  his  countrymen  and  followers.  Silent  and  reserved,  mdess 
when  excited  by  some  great  occasion,  and  superior  to  the  weakness  of 
rendering  himself  cheap  by  the  frequency  of  his  addresses,  he  delivered  his 
opinions  but  seldom  in  council ;  but  when  he  did  so,  he  was  listened  to  with 
delight  and  approbation.  His  judgment  and  eloquence  had  secured  the 
respect  of  the  old;  his  vices  made  him  the  idol  of  the  young  and  the  unprin- 
cipled." "  In  his  person,  tall,  straight,  and  well  proportioned ;  his  eye  black, 
lively,  and  penetrating,  and  indicative  of  courage  and  enterprise ;  his  nose 
prominent,  thin,  and  elegant  in  its  formation  *,  while  all  the  features  of  hia 

*  EUicoU's  Journal,  203,  &,c. 

t  The  reader  should  be  early  apprized  that  this  was  written  at  a  time  when  some  prejudice 
viiglU  have  infected  the  mind  of  the  writer. 


I  v.-!: 


;•? 


rn*p    VI  J       WEATIIKRFOHn— MASSACRE   AT   FORT  MIMMS. 


49 


(ace,  linrin(>ni(iii.«ly  amiriKi'd,  spoak  an  aciivf  aii«l  diHi-iplirird  ininil.  I'at*^ 
^ioiiatt'l.V  (luvotDil  to  wialtli,  lir  liait  a|i|iri)|iriatiMl  to  liiiiisi-ll'  a  fine  tract  ot 
lali.!,  iiii|iro\r(|  and  Mrltlvd  it;  and  iVoiii  tin*  |ir<iliiM  ot'  his  liitlii-r'n  park,  had 
ilt'ciiraK'd  and  <-Mi)>rlliflM-d  it.  'I'd  it  h)>  i-ftin-d  (ir(-af<i<ina!ly,  and,  i-«-lii\iii|{ 
from  thi-  rtirvs  of.otatf,  hr  indnl^fd  in  pirasnrc.x  wliich  an-  lait  rarely  lound  to 
iitrird  sati.-4|'ii'ti(iii  to  thi'  divoloin  of  ainhiiion  and  faiiic.  Such  vvt-ro  th*- 
i.jip  FiK-  (inil  soittcliiMi'^  dis^iiritini;  trait-i  of  rhararirr  in  thi-  i-rlchratrd 
H'  iitliirfiir !,  the  k'-y  ikmI  ••nrnrr-htnnr  <»fili('  Cnt-k  cunlifhTary !  " 

It  is  Slid  th  .t  this  cliiff  had  fiitiri-d  lidly  into  tlii>  vimvM  of  TccuntSfh,  and 
that,  it'  Ik'  li'id  I'litcnd  iipim  liis  disi^ns  wilhont  thlay,  li<>  woid<l  have  hr*-n 
iiiiiply  ahl"  t(.  have  itvirnin  thf  whole  AFisnissippi  tenitory.  lint  I h in  tort n- 
iinte  iiioiiient  was  lost,  and,  in  the  end,  iiis  plans  catne  to  ruin.  Not  Inng 
|i.  liin-  die  wri'tched  laiteliery  at  Tort  .Miintns,  (Ji-neral  Claiborne  viHite«l  tiint 
jMisi,  mill  very  partienlnly  wurned  its  possessorH  aj/ainst  a  .snrprise.  Al\«r 
L'iviii;r  orders  for  the  ronstrnetioii  of  t\v«»  additional  hloek-honses,  he  con- 
.  Iiiilcd  the  order  with  these  words: — "To  respect  an  i  lu-niy,  atui  pre|)are  in 
t.'ie  hest  possihie  way  to  meet  him,  is  the  certain  means  to  ensure  succesH." 
it  w;is  expected  tliat  IVvnthrrJhrd  would  siK)n  attack  some  of  the  forts,  and 
(ell'  ral  Cldihorne  marched  to  I'ort  I'.arly,  as  that  was  the  farth«>st  advanced 
iiio  the  enemy's  comitry.  On  his  way,  he  wrote  to  IMajor  Heaslei/,  the  coin- 
;iiaiiiler  of  .Minims,  iidi>riiiiii<;  him  of  tin-  dan<(er  of  an  attack;  and,  strange 
is  it  may  appear,  the  next  day  aller  the  letter  was  reoeivi'd,  (HO  August, 
l-'l'l.)  U'eathcrford,  lit  the  head  of  ahoiit  loOO  warriors,  entered  the  fort  at 
niMin-day,  when  a  shockini;  carna^'e  ensued.  The  gate  iiad  heeii  letl  open 
:  iid  unguarded ;  l»nt,  hefore  many  of  the  warriors  hud  entered,  they  were 
;iiet  hy  Major  Beaalei/,  at  the  head  of  hie  men,  and  for  some  time  the  contest 
Wis  hlowly  and  doiihttid;  each  striving  for  tlie  mastery  of  the  entrance. 
Hero,  nian  to  man,  tiie  tight  (continued  loi  a  ipiurter  of  an  hour,  with  toma- 
hawks, knives,  swords  and  havonotx :  a  seeiie  there  presented  itself  almost 
witliiiiit  a  pamllel  in  the  annals  of  Indian  warfare!  The  garrison  consisted 
i>i'>7'i:  of  these  oidy  IGO  were  soldiers;  the  rest  were  old  men,  women  and 
i;liildreti,  who  hud  hero  taken  refuge.  It  is  worthy  of  very  einphutic^l 
rpiiiiirk,  that  every  ollicer  expired  fighting  at  the  gate.  A  1  tenant,  having 
It  en  hiidlv  woimded,  was  carried  hy  two  women  to  a  hlock-  lOUse,  but  when 
lie  was  a  little  revived,  he  insisted  on  Iwing  carried  hack  to  the  faUil  scene, 
which  was  done  hy  the  same  heroines,  wlut  placed  him  hy  the  side  of  a  deacl 
•'itnpanion,  where  he  was  soon  despatched. 

Tlie  defenders  of  the  garrison  being  now  nearly  all  slain,  the  women  and 
rliiliiren  shut  themselves  up  in  the  block-houses,  and,  seizing  upon  what 
wea|K>ns  they  could  find,  began,  in  thut  perilous  and  hoptdess  situation,  to 
liefend  themselves.  Ilut  the  Indiatis  soon  succeeded  in  setting  these  houses 
en  fire,  and  all  such  as  refused  to  meet  death  without,  perished  in  the  flames 
within ! !  Seventeen  oidy  escaped  of  all  the  garrison,  and  many  of  those 
were  desperately  wounded.  It  was  judged  that,  during  the  contest  at  the 
gate,  near  400  of  Wtatherford^s  warriors  were  wounded  and  slain. 

The  horrid  calamity  at  Fort  Mimms,  in  the  Tenstui  settlement,  as  it  is 
called,  was  not  the  commencement  of  the  bloody  war  with  the  Creek  Indians. 
The  motions  of  the  Shavvanee  Prophtt  had  been  scrntini/ed  by  people  upon 
the  frontiers  of  severni  states,  unci  memorials  from  Indiana  and  Ilhnois  had 
Iveii  sent  to  the  president  of  the  United  States  by  some  of  their  principal 
inhabitants,  in  1811,  calling  on  him  to  send  out  an  armed  force  for  their 
security. 

In  the  summer  of  1812,  some  families  were  cut  ofT  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio,  and  soon  afYcr  upon  the  border  of  Tennessee,  two  otlicr  families, 
consisting  of  women  and  children,  were  butchered  in  a  manner  too  shocking 
for  description!     Georgia  was  also  a  sufTerer  in  the  same  kind. 

In  resjwct  to  the  bloody  affair  at  Fort  Mimms,  a  diflferent  aspect  has  l)een 
lhro\vn  around  it  from  that  generally  given  in  the  histories  of  the  war.  The 
severe,  though  probably  just  reflections  of  Judge  Martin  U|>on  the  conduct 
of  the  unfortunate  Beasky,  has  passed  without  contradiction.  Not  only  had 
that  officer  been  warned  by  General  Claiborne  of  his  danger,  as  already 
stated,  but  a  Creek  Indian  informed  him  in  a  friendly  nuumer  that  he  must 


'^iii 


'"••i 


H'^ 


4"     •■    • 


II 


I 


r 


i^ 


' ;  i 


r»(> 


w  r.  vTiir-RFOFin  simRrNi)i,Rs--ni.s  si'f.fch       {Rook  iv 


rxpcrt  an  attiick  in  U'm^  tlian  two  dayN.  When  lie  liud  nuwlo  hin  roinnniiiicH- 
tion,  III-  It'll  iIh-  plait!,  "ami  was  lianlly  ntit  nf  si|;lil,  wlirn  'i()  or  •'{()  nt'  Inn 
countryiiu'ii  i-arnr  in  vidW,  ami  I'orriMy  rntcml  tlii'  fort.  In  tli»'  ntlciript  to 
Hhiit  tiic  vatr,  Hiunlnj  wnit  killcil :  tlii'  piriiHon  r>>vi-ii^i'(l  liis  ili-ath  hy  that 
of  all  till'  asHailaiitH.  'I'liis  lirxt  party  was,  liuwcvrr,  hdoii  liillowRil  hy  a  hoily 
of  aliont  H(M):  tln^  j^nrrisim  was  uvrrpnwcifil,  the  Tort  tnkm,  anti  rvrry  (mm, 
woman  ami  rliilit  in  it,  nlan^liti ml,  with  the  fxn-ptioii  nf  four  privati-s,  who, 
lliou>;li  hcvrrcly  wf)unil«'(l,  cIU'iIimI  llii-ir  ••Krapc,  and  rrachcil  l''r»rl  Stod- 
daril."  *  Ihimliif  liimwdf  wan  carriiMl  into  lh<>  kitidun  of  i>m>  of  lln'  Iiihisri* 
within  iIh;  fort,  and  waH  tli«rt>,  with  tnuny  oiIkth,  roiiMuniod  in  tli«  biiriiiiiir 
niinM!  f 

Whi'n  tilt!  ncwM  of  thlH  uffair  was  ciri-ulatiMl  tlrnm^rh  tho  country,  rnniiy 
••riiul  alond  li)r  >«'n>r«'am'«%  and  two  |iowi>rful  armi»>H  were  soon  upon  th';ir 
iiian-ji  into  tin-  Indian  country,  and  tin-  roinplftc  di-strm-tion  of  tht-  Indiiin 
|)o\MT  .loon  lidlowrd.  Tlir  ImlianM  si'<>iii;r  all  rt'sist.-inri-  was  at  an  I'tiij, 
i/rcat  nnnilicrs  of  thi'in  canu'  t'orwnrd  and  inadr  thrir  Md»mission.  II utllm- 
funl,  liow.vir,  and  many  who  wcri'  known  to  he  dcNprratr,  still  stmul  mit; 
perhaps  from  fnar.  (ii-nrral  Jackson  drliTmincd  to  test  the  fidolity  o|'  thiis<> 
rhii'fs  who  had  snhmittid,  and,  thircforc,  or<lor«!<l  tlirni  to  didivrr,  without 
d(day,  ll'inlhir/hrif,  hound,  into  his  hands,  that  he  mi;.dit  he  (l"alt  with  as  lip 
deserved.  Whin  they  had  madi^  known  to  tlie  sachem  what  was  reipiirert 
of  them,  his  nolile  spirit  would  nut  siihmit  to  miiiIi  di'<;radation  ;  niid,  to  hold 
till  111  harinliHs,  he  resolved  to  f;ive  himself  lip  without  eorii|MilHion.  Arcnrd- 
iniriy,  he  |iroeeeded  to  the  American  camp,  iiiikiiown,  until  he  appeared 
helbre  the?  commaiidiiij;  f^eneral,  to  whose  presence,  under  some  pretence, 
he  ffained  admirision.  (Jcneral  Jnck.son  was  jfreatly  surprised,  wIk-ii  the  chief 
said,  "  /  (tin  IViolherJ'oril,  the  chief  who  rommanded  at  the  rapturv.  of  Fart  AHmms. 
I  desire  pearefor  iiuf  people,  ami  have  come  to  ask  it."  Jaikson  ha<l,  doiihtless, 
di-tiMinined  upon  his  execution  when  he  should  he  hroiight  hound,  as  lie 
hud  directed ;  but  his  sudden  and  unexpected  appearance,  in  this  manner, 
saved  liiin.  The  gtnierul  said  he  was  nstonisheil  that  ho  should  venture  to 
aftpear  in  his  presence,  lis  he  was  not  ignorant  of  his  having  been  at  Fort 
Minims,  nor  of  his  inhuman  conduct  there,  for  which  In;  so  vv«'ll  deserved  to 
die.  "I  ordered,"  eontiiuied  the  general,  "that  you  should  he  brought  to  me 
bound;  and,  bad  you  been  brought  in  that  manner,  I  should  have  known 
how  to  have  treated  you."  In  answer  to  this,  ffeatherford  made  the  t()llo\v- 
iiig  (ainous  speech  : — 

"  /  am  in  your  power — do  mlh  me  as  i/ou  please — /  am  a  soldier.  I  hare  done 
the  whiles  (dl  the  harm  I  cojUd.  I  have  fovirht  them,  and  fought  them  bravely. 
If  I  had  an  army,  I  would  yctfis^ht — /  would  contend  t>  the  last :  hut  I  have  notu. 
.\I}l  people  are  all  gone.     I  can  only  iveep  oivr  the  misfortunes  of  my  nation." 

Geiieml  Jarkson  was  pleased  with  his  boldness,  and  told  him  that  though 
he  was  in  his  power,  yet  he  would  take  no  advantage ;  that  he  might  yiJt  join 
the  war  party,  and  contend  against  the  Americans,  if  he  chose,  but  to  de[)eiul 
upon  no  quarter  if  taken  afterward ;  and  that  uncondition)il  submission  was 
his  and  his  people's  only  safi'ty.  If'eatlwrford  rejoined,  in  a  tone  as  dignified 
as  it  was  indignant, — "  You  can  safely  address  me  in  such  terms  note.  There 
was  a  time  when  I  could  have  answered  you — there  was  a  lime  when  I  had  a  choice 
— /  hnve  none  now.  I  have  not  even  a  hope.  I  coidd  once  animate  my  warriors 
to  battle — but  I  cannot  animate  the  dead.  My  warriors  can  no  longer  hear  my 
voice.  Their  bones  are  at  Ttdlailega,  Tallushatches,  Emuckfato  and  Tohopeka. 
I  have  not  surrendered  myself  without  thought.  iVhile  there  was  a  single  chance 
of  success,  I  never  left  my  post,  nor  supplicated  peace.  But  my  people  are  gone, 
and  I  now  ask  it  for  my  nation,  not  for  myself  J  look  hack  iinth  deep  sorrow, 
and  urish  to  avert  still  greater  calamities.  If  I  had  been  left  to  contend  with  the 
Georgia  army,  I  woxdd  have  raised  my  com  on  one  bank  of  the  river,  and  fought 
them  on  the  other.  But  your  people  have  destroyed  my  nation.  You  are  a  brave 
man.  I  rely  upon  your  generosity.  You  toill  exact  no  terms  of  a  conquered 
veople,  but  such  as  they  should  accede  to.  Whatever  they  may  be,  it  wovld  now  be 
madness  and  folly  to  oppose  them.     If  they  are  opposed,  you  shall  find  me 


*  Martin's  Hist.  Louisiana,  ii.  3tG. 


t  Perkins's  Late  War,  198. 


-^^'A%^ 


CMAP.  VII  nATTI.E  OP  \ITOS.<iF.K  ANT)  OF  TTMIOPFKA 


51 


nmnivrxl  the  .^timr.sl  rnforrrrx  of  nhrdirnre.  Thnnf  irhn  wiulil  still  hnhl  out,  rti)\ 
lie  infttiinrrd  ontif  lijf  n  nunn  xitirit  of  ri-riiiife.  To  this  thry  tmmt  nut,  nuif  ithall 
■lot  mimjirr  the  Id.il  remnnnl  oj'thiir  rotinlrif.  Vo\i  havf  liilii  mir  tntfioii  vhtrr  iri 
mlahl  ifd  nntt  lir  xi^fr.  Thin  Is  U""'^  '"'*.  "ml  thejf  tniffht  to  listrn  to  it.  Thnf 
stutU  listrn  to  »7."  Anil  litre  wt-  must  i'Iuhi-  our  pirHcrit  acriMiiii  of  ft'rdthir/hril, 
iiml  I'liti'i'  ii|)(in  that  ot'n  rhiiractrr  opiMMnl  to  liiiii  in  tlii>  Held,  and,  it'  W)>  can 
idliivo  iIk^  \viit<rM«r  their  tirncM,  <)p|t(»?*iic  in  ullnu^<t  all  tlif  alliiiixot'litl-.  This 
was  thf  (■(  li'iiratnl  and  trnlv  iMitimniiate 

(S.iiiral  WII.I.UA.M  M'l.N'lOSII,  a  Ticrk  «hi«f  cf  the  tiiho  ntCoM.Mw. 
lie  WHS,  iik)!  .UViiY/iprrti/,  a  htiH-ltrccd,  whcaii  Ik-  (viri.sidt'iahly  rfs«  inhjrd  in 
M'MT.ii  particnlai's,  as  l»y  his  histiny  will  appear,  lie  was  a  pnuninrnt  jradcr 
ol'snchot'liis  conntryinen  as  joini'd  llic  Vrnericans  in  tlii-  war  nC  IHI'2,  lU,  ami 
U,  and  is  (irst  nii-ntioncd  by  (ieneial  Floyd,'*  in  his  account  of  the  W//(,  as  he 
.  lili'd  it,  of"  Antosscc,  whirr  he  assi^t(  d  in  ihe  hriilal  destrnciion  ot'  'JdO  of  his 
iiiition.  'riicrc  was  nothing  like  (i^zhtin^r  on  the  part  of  the  people  o('  the 
place,  as  we  can  learn,  lieinj:  surprised  in  their  wijjwarns,  and  hewn  to  pieces. 
"The  ("owetaws,"  says  the  f.'eiieral,  " nnder  wW7h/o,»/i,  and  'l'ookanliatcliians,+ 
mull  I'  .Miil-(tof:r\H-son,  till  in  on  onr  flanks,  and  fought  with  an  intrepidity 
worthy  of  any  troops."  And  after  relating  the  hiirning  of  the  place,  he  ihus 
pinieeds: — "It  is  diflicult  to  deteruiine  the  sircngth  of  the  enemy,  hut  f.oiu 
tlic  iidorination  of  sonii!  of  the  chiefs,  which  it  is  said  can  he  relied  on,  there 
were  ass 'inhlcd  at  A  utossee,  warriors  from  eight  towns,  for  its  defence;  it 
liciii^'  their  beloved  ground,  on  which  they  proclaimed  no  wliiti;  mar  cimld 
!i|t|tr<)acli  without  in<>vifable  destruction.  Jt  is  ditlicidt  to  give  a  precise 
iiccomit  of  ihn  loss  of  tho  eniMny  ;  hut  from  the  rnimber  which  we/e  lying 
srjiltcrcd  over  the  tiokl,  together  with  those  destroyed  in  the  towns,  and  the 
iimny  slain  on  the  bank  of  the  river,  which  respectaide  ofiieers  uflirm  that 
tin  y  saw  lying  in  heaps  at  the  water's  edge,  wIktc  they  had  been  precipitated 
l)y  their  surviving  friends,  [! !]  their  loss  in  kiiUnI,  independent  of  their  wound- 
id,  must  have  been  at  leiLst  200,  (among  whom  were  the  Autos.see  und  Tallassee 
kiags,)  und  from  the  circumstance  of  their  making  no  cfl'ortH  to  molest  our 
ivtnni,  prol)ably  greater.  The  ntimhi  r  of  buildings  burnt,  some  of  a  superior 
order  for  the  dwellings  of  savages,  and  tilled  with  valuable  articles,  is  supposed 
to  b-  400."    This  was  on  the  '-39  November,  I81H. 

.WIntosh  was  also  very  conspicuous  in  the  memorable  battle  of  the  Horse- 
shoe-bend,  in  tlic  Tallapoosie  River.  At  tliis  place  the  disconsolate  tribes  of  tin- 
south  had  made  a  last  great  stand,  and  had  a  tolerably  regular  fortified  camp. 
It  was  said  that  they  were  1000  strong.  They  luul  constructed  their  works 
with  such  ingenuity,  that  little  coidd  be  eflected  against  them  but  by  storm. 
"  Determined  to  exterminate  thc'in,"  says  (Jcnend  Jacfcon,  "  I  detached  (Jeneral 
Coffee  with  the  mounted,  and  nearly  tiie  whole  of  the  Indian  force,  early  on 
tlM>  morning  of  yesterday,  [March  27,  1814,1  to  cross  the  river  about  two  miles 
Iteiow  their  encatnpment,  and  to  surround  the  bend,  in  such  a  manner,  as 
that  none  of  them  should  escape  by  att(;mpting  t(»  cross  the  river."  "  Bean's 
rnmpany  of  spies,  who  had  accom|)anied  (icn.  Coffee,  crossed  over  in  canoes 
to  the  extremity  of  the  bend,  and  set  fin;  to  a  few  of  the  buildings  which  were 
iliure  situated  ;  they  then  advanced  with  great  gallantry  towards  the  breast- 
work, and  commenced  a  spirited  fire  upon  the  enemy  behind  it."  Tliis  force 
not  being  alile  to  effect  tlicir  object,  many  others  of  the  army  showed  great 
arilor  to  participate  in  the  asstuilt.  "  The  sjtirit  which  unitnated  them  was  a 
sure  augury  of  the  success  which  was  to  follow."  "  The  regulars,  led  on  by 
tlicir  intrepid  and  skilful  commander.  Col.  H'lUiams,  and  by  the  gallant  Maj. 
Monlffomtry,  soon  goined  possession  of  the  works  iti  the  midst  of  a  most  tre- 
incndoiis  fire  from  behind  tiiem,  and  the  militia  of  the  venerable  Gen.  Doherty's 
brigade  accompanied  them  in  the  charge  with  a  vivacity  and  firmness  which 
would  have  done  honor  to  regulars.  The  enemy  was  completely  routed. 
Five  hundred  and  fifty  seven  |  were  left  dead  on  the  peninsula,  and  a  great 
ni'inher  were  killed  by  the  horsemen  in  attempting  to  cross  tlie  river.  It  is 
believed  that  not  more  than  twenty  have  escaped. 

"  The  fighting  continued  with  some  severity  about  five  hours  ;  but  we  con- 

*  Brannan's  official  leuers.  |  Tuckabalche.    Bartram,  447. 

i  These  are  the  general's  italics  j  at  least,  Brannan  so  prints  his  official  letter. 


A.V 


•nt 


>.' 


■  '   Hi 

ml 


i:-*m 

-•       r 

^:si 

L.>',J,rlC»>i 

',",   •;  ■' 

\,„0^ 

:^ ;  o 

I' .  ^1,'  ,^9S 

UAim 

•  *  ')  .' 

5a 


M'rNTOSII'S   TREATIES. 


[Book  IV 


tinned  to  destroy  many  of  them,  wlio  Iiad  concealed  themselves  under  the 
banks  of  the  river,  until  we  were  prevented  by  the  night.  This  mortiing  we 
killed  1(5  who  had  been  eonceulod.  We  took  about  250  prisoners,  all  women 
and  children,  except  two  or  tliree.  Our  loss  is  10(3  wounded,  and  25  killed. 
Major  jWInlosh,  the  Cowetau,  who  joined  my  urmy  with  a  part  of  his  tribe 
irri'iitly  distinguished  himself,"*  Truly,  this  was  a  war  of  exttrminution ! ' 
The  friend  of  liumunity  may  inquire  whether  all  those  poor  wretches  who  had 
secreted  themselves  here  and  there  in  the  "caves  and  reeds,"  had  deserved 
death  ? 

Th(!  most  melancholy  part  of  the  life  of  the  uiifortimate  Mcintosh  remains  to 
b(!  recorded.  The  late  troubles  of  the  Creek  nation  have  drawn  forth  tnnnv 
a  sym])athetic  tear  from  the  eye  of  the  philanthropist.  These  troubles  were 
only  the  consequences  of  those  of  a  higher  date.  Those  of  1825,  we  dioiight. 
completed  the  climax  of  their  rfHiction,  but  1832  must  sully  her  annals  with 
records  of  their  0[)pre»sion  also.  If  is  the  former  period  with  which  our  article 
brings  us  in  collision  in  closing  tliis  account.  In  that  year,  the  government 
of  the  U.  States,  by  its  agents,  seemed  determined  on  possessing  a  large  tract 
of  their  country,  to  satisfy  the  state  of  Georgia.  .WIntosh,  and  a  small  pait  of 
the  nation,  were  for  conceding  to  their  wishes,  but  a  large  majority  of  his 
countiyujen  woidd  not  hear  to  the  proposal.  The  commissionei-s  employed 
were  satisfied  of  the  fact,  and  coiumunicatcul  to  the  president  the  residt  of  a 
meeting  they  had  had  for  the  piu'pose.  He  was  well  satisfied,  also,  that 
Mlnlosh  could  not  convey  the  lands,  as  he  represented  but  a  small  part  of  his 
nation,  but  still  the  negotiation  was  ordered  to  be  renewed.  A  council  was 
called  by  the  commissioners,  (who  were  Georgians,)  which  assembled  at  a 
place  called  Indian-spring.  Here  the  chi(!f  of  the  Tuckaubatcheese  spoke  to 
them  as  follows :  "  We  met  you  at  Broken  Arrow,  and  then  told  you  we  iiad 
no  land  to  stdl.  I  then  heard  of  no  claims  against  the  nation,  nor  have  I  since. 
We  have  met  you  here  at  a  very  short  notice,  and  do  not  think  that  the  chiefs 
who  are  here  have  any  authority  to  treat.  General  M'Intosh  knows  that  we 
are  bound  by  our  laws,  and  that  what  is  not  done  in  the  public  square,  in  tlie 
general  council,  is  not  binding  on  the  nation.  I  am,  therefore,  under  the 
necessity  of  repeating  the  same  answer  as  given  at  Broken  Arrow,  that  we 
have  no  land  to  sell.  I  know  that  there  are  but  few  here  from  the  upper 
towns,  and  many  are  absent  from  the  lower  towns.  Gen.  Mlnlosh  knows  that 
no  part  of  the  land  can  be  sold  without  a  full  council,  and  with  the  consent  of 
all  the  nation,  and  if  a  part  of  the  natiou  choose  to  leave  the  country,  they 
cannot  sell  the  land  they  have,  but  it  belongs  to  the  nation."  "  This  is  the 
only  talk  I  have  for  you,  and  I  shall  return  home  innuediately."  He  did  so. 
The  ill-advised  commissioners  informed  .WIntosh  luul  his  party,  that  the  Creek 
nation  was  sufficiently  represented  by  them,  and  that  the  United  States  would 
bear  them  out  in  a  treaty  of  sale.  The  idea  of  receiving  the  whole  of  the  pay 
for  the  lands  among  themselves,  was  doubtless  the  cause  of  the  concession  of 
AFIntosh  and  his  party,  "Thirteen  only  of  the  signers  of  the  treaty  were 
chiefs.  The  rest  were  such  as  had  been  degraded  from  that  rank,  and  un- 
known persons  ;  30  chiefs  present  refused  to  sign.  The  whole  party  of 
Mlntosh  amounted  to  about  300,  not  the  tenth  part  of  the  nation."  Still  'hey 
executed  the  articles,  in  direct  violation  to  the  laws  of  their  nation,  which 
themselves  had  helped  to  form.  It  must  be  remembered  that  the  Creeks  had 
made  no  inconsiderable  advances  in  what  is  termed  civilization.  They  had 
towns,  and  even  })rinted  laws  by  which  they  were  to  be  governed,  similar  to 
those  of  the  United  States. 

The  treaty  of  Indian-spring,  dated  8  January,  1821,  gave  universal  uneasi- 
ness ;  and,  from  that  day,  Mcintosh  lost  popidarity.  It  was  generally  believed 
that  he  had  been  tampered  with  by  the  whites  to  convey  to  them  the  inher- 
itance of  his  nation  !  and  the  following  letter  pretty  clearly  proves  such 
suspicions  had  been  justly  grounded.    It  is  dated 

"  Newtown,  21s<  October,  1823, 

"My  Friend:  I  am  going  to  inform  you  a  few  lines,  as  a  friend.  Itvantyon 
Ut  give  jne  your  opinion  about  the  treaty ;  \  whether  the  chiefs  mil  be  imiling  or  noL 


*  Brannan,  ut  supra. 


t  Tliat  at  ludioH-spriDg,  8  January,  1881. 


Chap.  VI.] 


M'lNTOSH— HIS   VILLANY  DETECTEO. 


53 


If  the  chief i  fed  disposed  to  let  the  Unilrd  States  have  the  land,  part  of  it,  Iioant  you 
to  let  me  know ;  I  will  make  the  U.  States  commissioners  f^ive  you  yOOO  dollars, 
A.  M'Coy  the  same,  and  Charles  Hicks  3000  dollars,  for  present,  and  nobody 
shall  /enow  it ;  and  if  you  think  the  land  woulden  [shoxikVnt  ?]  sold,  I  will  be  sat- 
isfied. If  the  land  should  be  sold,  I  will  get  you  tJie  amount  before  the  treaty  sign 
fw  sis^ned  ,•]  and  if  you  get  any  friend  you  want  him  to  received,  they  sliall  receive. 
.Vothing  more  to  inform  you  at  present. 

"  I  remain  your  affectionate  friend,  WM.  McINTOSH. 

"JoHJf  Ross,* 

"  .'Jn  answer  return. 

"  N.  B.  The  whole  amount  is  $12,000,  you  eon  divide  among  your  friends, 
ndusive,  $7,000." 

Hence  tlicro  can  be  no  question  oc  to  tlie  guilty  conscien  ^e  of  jWIntosh, 
illliougli  some  parts  of  the  above  letter  are  scarcely  intelligible.  He  bad 
Miisttiken  bis  friend  ;  Ross  was  not  to  be  bought;  for  three  days  after  the  letter 
was  written,  viz.  ^4  October,  a  council  was  held,  and  Mcintosh  was  present ; 
tlic  letter  was  read,  and  he  was  publicly  exposed. 

Notwithstanding  what  had  been  dont;  at  Indian-Spring,  it  appears,  from  the 
above  letter,  that  anoth(;r  attempt  at  selling  land  was  made  in  1823,  but  could 
not  be  carried  into  effect,  the  villany  of  AFIniosh  was  so  ap[)an!nt ;  and  it 
i|)[)i'uis  that  it  could  not  be  brought  about  until  12  February,  1825,  which  is 
tliii  date  of  the  last  treaty  made  by  .WIntosh. 

'■  .Wliitosh  was  aware,  that,  after  signing  the  treaty,  his  life  was  forfeited. 
He,  and  others  of  his  coadjutors,  repaired  to  Milledgeville,  stated  their  fears, 
and  claimed  the  protection  of  Georgia,  which  was  promised  by  Gov.  Troup.^ 
It  must  be  observed  that  the  greater  part  of  the  purchased  territory  was  within 
the  claimed  limits  of  Georgia  ;|  and  that  the  Georgians  had  no  small  share  in 
the  whole  transaction.  It  is  not  stranger  that  the  people  of  Georgiji  should 
conduct  as  they  have,  tlian  that  the  United  States'  government  should  place  it 
in  her  power  so  to  act.  To  take,  therefore,  into  account  the  whole  merits  of 
the  case,  it  must  be  remembered,  that,  by  a  compact  b(!tween  the  two  parties 
in  1802,  the  former,  in  consideration  of  the  latter's  n  intiuisbing  her  claim  to 
the  .Mississippi  territory,  agreed  to  extinguish,  at  the  nationf'  expense!,  the 
Indian  title  to  the  lands  occuj)ied  by  them,  in  Georgia,  lohenever  it  could  ht 
done,  upon  reasonable  terms.  X  Who  was  to  decide  when  the  practicable  time 
iiad  arrived,  we  believe  was  not  mentioned.  However,  jwevious  to  182.'),  the 
United  States  had  succeeded  in  extinguishing  the  alKjriginal  title  of  1.5,000,000 
aeries,  and  there  were  yet  alwut  10,000,000  to  be  bought  oft'.  §  The  changt;  of 
lite  from  wandering  to  stationary,  which  the  arts  of  civilization  had  eft'ected 
Hinuiig  the  Indians,  made  them  prize  their  possessions  far  more  highly  than 
hererofore,  and  hence  their  reluctance  and  opposition  to  relinquish  them. 

Tlius  much  it  seemed  necessai-y  to  premise,  that  the  true  cause  of  the  fate 
of  M'Intosh  should  be  understood.  It  appears  that  when  the  whole  of  the 
nation  saw  that  the  treaty  which  he  and  his  party  had  made  could  not  be 
•il)roirated,  forty-nine  fiftieths  of  them  were  violent  against  them  ;  and  there- 
lore  resolved  that  the  sentence  of  the  law  should  bo  executed  upon  him. 
Till!  execution,  and  circumstances  attending  it,  are  thus  relateil:  ||  "About 
:\vo  hours  before  day,  on  Sunday  morning,  1  May,  H  the  house  of  Gen. 
Mlnlosh  was  surrounded  by  Menaw-way,  and  about  JOO  Oakfii.xkee  warriors. 
M'liitosh  was  within,  as  likewise  were  his  women  and  ehikiren,  imd  some 
ivhite  men,  Menaw-way  directed  an  interpreter  to  request  the  whites,  and 
the  women  and  children,  to  come  out,  as  the  warriors  did  not  wish  to  liarm 
tlii'ii) :  that  Gen.  .WInlosh  had  broken  the  law  that  lie  himself  had  long 
-inc.-  made,  aiid  they  had  come  to  execute  him  accordingly.  Tliey  came 
out  of  the  house,  leaving  jWIntosh  and  Etomi-tustenugge,  one  of  his  adherents, 


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■  'I'hi'ii  President  of  tlie  Naliouail  Ooui>cil  of  the  Creeks. 

t  I'friiitt,  Hist.  IF.  Slates,  a  wofi;,  by  itie  way,  of  fjreal  value,  and  which  we  are  surprised 
shoulil  have  issued  from  the  press  with  little  or  no  nolioe. 

t  .\iner.  Au.  Rcgr.  i.  4  Ibid.  ||  In  the  Annual  Register,  ut  supra. 

^  M  April  is  mentioned,  in  another  part  of  the  same  work,  a.s  the  date  of  the  execution, 
au(J  so  il  is  set  down  bv  Mr.  Perkins,  iu  his  llisL  U.  H, 


51 


M'INTOSH  ANF>  OTHERS  PUT  TO  DEATH. 


[Book  IV. 


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therein.  The  warriors  then  set  fire  to  the  liousc ;  and  as  M'lnioah  and  \m 
comrade  [Tustemiggt]  attempted  to  come  out  at  the  door,  tliey  shot  tlieni 
botli  down.  The  same  day,  about  12  o'chn-k,  tliey  hung  Sam  Hawkins,  a  half 
breed,  in  the  HuckhosseHga  Square.  On  Monday,  the  2  May,  a  party  of 
llahbee  Indians  fired  on  and  wounded  Ben  Hawkins,  another  half  breed,  very 
t)adly.  The  cliiefs  stated,  at  the  time,  that  no  danger  whatever  was  to  lie 
apprehended  by  persons  travelling  through  the  nation ;  that  they  were  friends 
to  tlie  whites,  and  wished  them  not  to  be  alarmed  by  tiiis  execution,  wlii(  h 
was  only  a  compliance  with  the  laws  that  the  great  chiefs  of  the  nation  nijule 
at  Polecat  Spring.  Chilly  M'Jntosh  escaped  from  the  house  with  the  wiiite.s 
and  was  not  tired  at  or  wouiided."  He  is  now  chief  among  tiie  western 
Creeks,  and  some  time  since  increased  his  notoriety  by  beating  a  member  of 
Congress,  in  Watsliington. 

The  great  agitation  which  the  execution  of  the  head  chiefs  of  tlie  JWInlosh 
party  caused  was  allayed  only  by  the  interference  of  the  Unite*!  States'  gov- 
ernment. Governor  Troup  of  Georgia  declared  vengeance  agahist  the  Creek 
nation,  denouncing  the  execution  of  the  chiefs  as  an  act  of  murder ;  however, 
he,  by  some  means,  learned  that  his  judgment  was  gratuitous,  and,  by  advice 
of  President  Adams,  desisted  from  acts  of  hostilit}',  the  survey  of  the  disputed 
lands,  &c. 

We  have  not  learned  much  of  the  family  of  M'hitosh.  His  prineij»ii}  resi- 
dence was  on  the  Chattahooehie,  where  he  had  two  wives,  Susannah  mid 
Peggy,  one  a  Creek,  the  other  a  Cherokee  woman,  and  this  is  the  place  win  re 
he  was  killed.  About  50  miles  from  this  place,  on  the  western  branch  of  the 
Tallapoosa,  he  had  a  plantation ;  here  lived  another  of  his  wives,  nnmed  Eliza. 
She  was  the  daughter  of  Stephen  Haiokins,  and  sister  to  Samuet  ami  Btnjnmin 
Hawkins,*  whose  fate  we  have  just  related.  On  14  Augi'jt,  1818,  Jenny,  liw 
eldest  daughter,  was  married  to  h'illiam  S.  Milehel,  Esq.,  assistant  ItidiaK 
agent  of  the  Creek  nation.  They  were  mairied  at  a  place  called  Theacakkkuh 
near  Fort  Mitchel,  in  that  nation,  f 

General  M'Jntosh  participated  in  the  Seminole  campaigns,  as  did  another 
chief  of  the  name  of  Lovett,  with  about  2000  of  their  warriors.  They  joined 
the  American  army  at  Fort  Scott  in  the  spring  of  1818.  J: 


9egtie 


CHAPTER  VII. 

Creek  war  continued — View  of  the  Creek  country — General  Jackson  ordtrcil  out 
against  them — Relieves  Chinnabv — Shelokta — Path-killer — Capture  of  Lata 
fittche — The  Talluskutches  destroyed  hy  General  Coflec — Buttle  of  TalltiJri'a — 
.Anecdote — Massacre  of  the  Hallibces — Further  account  of  Autossee  liuttit — Battle  iif 
Camp  Defiance — Timpoockie — Battle  of  Eckanakaka — Pe  sua. mat  a — M'tatlu  rfnid 
— Jim  FiFK — Buttle  of  Emnkfau — '1  second  halite — Fife's  ivtnpidity — Battle  nf 
Enotoctwpko — Tohopeka — End  of  tlie  Creek  war — Death  ff  three  Pro/ilids — 
MoNOHoi — M'QuEEN — CoLBEUT,  uUas  PioMiN(;o — His  exploits — 'Jiiecdati— Mur- 
der o/Jolui  Morris — Mushalatubec — Pushamata — Speech  of  Muflialaialikr  unit 
of  Pushamata  to  Lafuyettc  at  Washington — Pushamata  dies  the-'. — Hii.i.imiaoi' 
visits  England — Excites  the  Seminoles  to  war — £  modern  PocaUonta.t — Hoknui- 
LniED — Massacres  a  boat's  crew  in  Jipalachicola  River — h  captu  -d  with  FIimi?- 
r\kGO,and  hanged — Neamathla — Removal  of  the  Florida  Indiui  -Their  wrelrlmi 
condition — M'Queen — Rich  in  lands  and  slaves — Flies  to  Flat  m,  and  loses  hu 
effects. 

At  thi.  j)eriod  the  Creek  Indians  occupied  a  country  contiiining  about  900 
square  miles;  bounded  on  the  north  by  Tennessee,  east  by  Georgia,  south  by 
the  Floridas,  and  west  by  the  Mississippi ;  the  soil  and  climate  of  wliicli 
could  not  be  considered  inferior  to  any  in  the  United  States.  These  Indiaiip, 
consisting  of  Creeks,  [)roperly  so  called,  Chikasaws,  Choktaws,  and  Chero- 

*  Report  of  ihc  Select  Committee  of  llie  House  of  Rcpresentativi's,  U.  S.,  578,  &c. 
\  Mes's  R(  gistet,  14,  407.  i  N-  Y.  Monthly  J>lag.  iii.  1^ 


:•*, 


Chap.  Vn.] 


8HELOKTA.— PATH-KILLKR. 


« 


kees,  had  for  a  long  time  been  on  amicable  terms  with  their  white  neighbors, 
exchanging  their  furs  and  other  articles  witii  them  fur  such  otiiers  us  their 
wants  required.  This  state  of  things,  but  for  the  breaking  out  of  tlie  war  in 
Canada,  might,  and  would,  in  reason,  have  continued,  and  the  great  Creek 
nation  would  have  increased,  and  at  tliis  day  have  gained  vastly  in  population 
and  importance,  instead  of  being  dismembered,  its  inhabitauts  si  lit  into 
banishment,  and  finally  ruined.  Intertnarriages  between  Indiaus  and  whites 
had  become  frequent,  from  which  a  race  of  hall-breeds  were  .springing  up, 
and  instead  of  slavery,  the  Indian  women  were  taking  their  proper  places  in 
society,  and  the  men  were  cultivating  the  lields.  And  notwithstainling  tlie 
Propliet  and  Ttcumach  had  used  all  their  eloquence  to  engage  tliern  in  an 
early  quarrel,  it  was  not  until  they  heard  of  the  success  of  the  Hritish  at  .Mai- 
den, that  they  decided  on  taking  up  the  hatchet,  generally.  Such  was  the 
alacrity  among  the  northern  Indians  on  the  capture  of  General  Hull,  on  the 
IG  August,  1812,  that  runners  arrived  from  among  them  to  the  Creeks  some 
time  before  it  was  known  to  their  white  neighbors. 

For  the  horrid  butchery  at  Tensuu,  the  Ibllowere  of  JVeatherford,  Moiiokoe, 
and  .WQuin,  or  jU'Qucen,  were  shortly  to  atone,  in  the  mo.st  summary  man- 
ner. There  was  a  great  encam|)ment  of  Creeks  under  fVeaHierJord,  at  the 
Tallaliasse.  or  Tallushatches  towns,  on  the  Coosa  River,  a  northern  branch  of 
the  Alabama.  The  eyes  of  the  south  seemed  to  centre  upon  General  Jackson 
to  execute  vengeance  on  the  Indians,  and  notwithstaniling  he  was  confined  to 
his  room,  from  a  wound  in  the  arm,  which  he  had  lately  received  in  a  private 
quarrel,  when  the  news  of  the  massacre  arrived  in  Tennessee,  the  governor  of 
that  state  issued  an  order  to  him  to  raise  2000  men  with  all  possible  despatch, 
and  rendezvous  at  Fayetteville.  Colonel  Coffee  was  already  in  tlie  field. 
Jacksoii's  march  into  the  enemy's  country  was  hastened  by  a  false  alarm,  and 
when  he  had  got  into  the  Indian  country,  he  foun.i  himself  almost  destitute 
of  jjrovisions  for  his  army,  which  caus((i  considerable  delay.  At  a  place  on 
the  Tennessee  River,  called  Ditto's  Landing,  General  Jackson  met  with  Colonel 
Coffee's  regiment.  Ilere  he  remaitied  several  days,  but  desjjatched  Coffee 
with  700  men  to  scour  the  Black  Warrior  River.  At  Ten  Islands,  on  the 
Coosa,  was  a  baud  of  frienilly  Creeks,  at  whose  head  was  a  chief  named 
Chinnabif.  This  chief  had  a  kind  of  fort  there,  and  was  now  blockaded  in  it 
by  the  war  party.  Chinnahy,  hearing  of  Jacksoti's  position,  sent  his  son,  She- 
LOKTA,  also  a  princitioi  chief,  to  the  general's  camp,  for  relief,  who,  without 
loss  of  time,  marched  up  the  river,  but  was  obliged  to  encamp  at  the  distance 
of  24  miles  from  Ditto's,  from  the  failure  of  his  supplies.  While  here.  Path- 
killer,*  a  Cherokee  chief,  sent  two  runners  to  him,  confirming  the  former 
news,  and  that  without  immediate  relief,  they  said,  they  should  be  immediate- 
ly cut  off,  for  the  hostile  Indians  were  assembling  in  great  force  from  nine 
towns.  Jackson  now  resolved  to  move  on,  and  told  the  messengers  ot'  Path- 
killer  to  speak  thus  to  their  chief  from  him : — 

"  The  hostile  Creeks  will  not  attack  you  until  they  have  had  a  bntsh  with  me, 
and  that,  I  think,  uxill  put  tficm  out  of  the  notion  of  fighting  for  some  time." 

When  the  army  )iad  arrived  within  a  few  miles  of  the  Ten  Islands,  it  was 
met  by  Chinnahy.  This  old  chief  had  succeeded  in  capturing  two  hostile 
Creeks,  whicii  he  gave  up  to  General  Jackson.  The  army  was  yet  about  IG 
miles  from  Uie  Indian  encampment,  and  in  a  lamentable  condition  for  want  of 
provisions ;  insomuch,  that  almost  any  one  but  Jackson  would  have  despaired, 
and  given  up  the  campaign  ;  but  his  resolution  was  not  to  be  shaken,  and  he 
liiippily  diffused  his  spirit  into  his  men.  He  said,  in  a  .  Uer  to  Governor 
JBlouni,  that  tohilst  they  could  procure  an  ear  of  com  apiece,  they  would  not  give 
up  the  expedition. 


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*  We  would  liere  ol)serve  that  Path-killer  was,  in  1822,  a  Christian  chief,  and  governed 
in  llie  same  Irihe  with  ihc  famous  Mr.  Cliarlfs  Hicks ;  and  his  residcnri!  was  in  that  year  25 
miles  from  Tiirkcylown.  The  missionary,  Mr.  Butrick,  notes  in  his  Journal,  that  J'aih-killer 
was  "  the  k  ■  ot  ^rst  belotvd  man,  of  llie  t'iicrokee  nation,"  ami  that  Mr.  Hicks  was  "the 
second  belovea  man."  Palli-kUler  had  had  a  son  ;iurdcred  by  some  white  man,  before  thi« 
visit,  and  complained  of  the  outrage,  and  sai<l  he  had  written  twice  to  the  president  of  tlie 
United  States  about  it.    Both  these  chiefs  died  in  the  wiuter  of  1B2(3. 


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& 


«6 


PATH-KILLER— BATTLE  OF  TALLUSHA TCHES.        [Book  IV. 


On  the  28  October,  Colonel  Fhfer  returned  from  the  capture  of  a  towi 
called  Littafutche,  on  the  head  of  Cano(!  Creek,  which  empties  into  the  ('oosa 
from  the  west.  His  force  consisted  of  200  cavalry,  and  they  brought  iii  29 
prisoners,  chiefly  women  and  children. 

The  Indians  were  now  drawn  off  from  Ten  Islands,  and  had  taken  po.^t  at 
Tallushiitches,  on  the  south  side  of  the  Coosa.  Coffee  was  ininiediately 
rlesputched  with  900  men  to  attack  them.  This  he  did  on  the  3  Noveni!)er, 
sun  alxjut  an  hour  high  in  the  morning.  A  number  of  men  in  advance  ol'the 
main  body,  sent  Ibrwurd  for  the  purpose,  drew  out  the  warriors  from  their 
cabins,  who  made  a  fierce  attack  upon  them.  The  Americans  gave  way  by  fall- 
ing back  upr)ji  the  main  body,  agreeably  to  their  preconcerted  plan,  wliieli  jiad 
the  good  effect  of  bringin,"  the  Indians  at  once  into  their  [)Ower.  Ilaving  finMl 
upon  tlinm,  they  inadi;  a  successful  charge,  and  soon  obliged  them  to  slieltpr 
thenis.lves  in  thiiir  wigwams.  Colonel  Coffee  sjiys,  "The  enemy  retrented 
tiring,  until  they  got  around,  and  in  their  buildings,  whei^  they  made  all  tiie 
resisiani-e  that  an  over|)owcrc(l  soldier  could  do — they  fought  as  long  as  one 
existed,  but  their  destruction  was  very«oon  completed.  Our  men  riislied  up 
to  the  doors  of  the  lioiiscs,  and  in  a  few  minutes  killed  the  last  warrior  of 
them.  The  enemy  fought  with  savage  fury,  and  met  death  with  all  its  honors, 
without  .shrinking  or  complaining — not  one  asked  to  be  spared,  but  fought  as 
long  a-^  tlit^y  could  stand  or  sit.  In  con3<'quence  of  their  flying  to  their  houses, 
and  mixing  with  the  families,  our  men,  in  killing  the  males,  without  intention 
killed  and  woimdod  ;i  few  of  the  squsiws  and  childnm."  In  this  sanguinary 
affair,  18G  Indians  were  killed;  and  the  commander  thought,  that  there  were 
enougli  others  killed  in  the  woods,  which  they  coiJd  not  find,  to  make  up  in 
all  200.  This  cnlculation,  he  observed,  he  thought  a  reasonable  one.  They 
took  captive  81  women  and  children,  and  "not  one  of  the  warriors  escaped 
to  carry  the  news ;  a  circumstance  unknown  heretofore!"  The  whites  had 
5  kille/l  and  41  wouinled  ;  "none  mortally,  the  greater  part  slightly,  a  number 
witl-  arrows:  this  appears  to  form  a  very  princii>al  part  of  the  enemy's  arms 
for  vvarfiue  ;  every  man  having  a  bow  with  a  bimdle  of  arrows,  which  is  used 
after  th»?  first  fire  with  the  gim,  until  a  leisure  time  for  loading  offers." 

The  destruction  at  Tallushatchcs  wus  rendei-ed  the  more  complete  by  their 
being  entirely  suiTOimdt;d  on  every  side  by  the  troops.  Some  have  said  that 
even  the  women  united  with  the  warriors,  and  contended  in  the  battle  with 
fearless  bnivery.  This  may  account  for  many  that  were  killed :  but  General 
Coffee  do«!s  not  meiiiion  it. 

Meanwhile  GencMul  fVliite  had  liccn  detached  to  Turkeytown,  for  the  rrliel 
of  Path-killer,  and  he  was  now  ordered  to  join  the  main  army,  with  as  much 
exjjedition  as  he  was  able.  This  request  was  transmitted  on  the  4,  and 
renewed  ot)  the  7  Nov(!ml)er,  1818 ;  and  on  the  evening  of  tl>e  same  day,  ar> 
Indian  lirought  new:s  to  tiie  general,  that  Talladega  was  besieged  by  a  great 
body  of  tile  eJiemy,  and  would  certainly  l)e  destroyed,  unless  immediately 
reliev(>d.  Talladega  was  a  fart  occupitnl  by  friendly  Creeks,  about  30  miles 
below  Ten  Islands. 

VViihout  loss  of  time,  Cfeneral  Jarkson  inarched  to  relieve  Talladega.  His 
operations  were  conducted  wiih  such  pn)mptitude,  that  by  midnight  li)llowing 
the  same  day,  he;  was  within  six  miles  of  his  enemy.  Here  he  encamped 
tnitil  al)out  daylight.  Then  moving  on,  at  sunrise  he  came  within  half  a  mile 
of  the  Indian  encampment,  which  was  only  about  80  rods  from  Fort  Talla- 
dega. The  gi;neral,  ha'  ing  formed  his  line  of  bfxttle  like  the  S|Minish  Armada, 
moved  on  to  the  attack.  The  Indians  were  not  taken  by  surprise,  but  rushed 
ujion  their  adversaries  with  such  impetuosity  that  they  made  considerable 
impression  in  om;  jmrt  of  the  liui; ;  insomuch,  that  a  considerable  body  of 
militia  gave  way.  Their  places  being  immediately  supplied  by  the  mounted 
men,  the  Indians  fought  but  a  short  time,  bcfon;  they  were  obliged  to  fly  for 
the  mountains,  about  three  miles  distant.  In  their  flight  they  were  hard  pressed 
by  the  right  wing  of  the  Americans,  and  great  numbers  were  cut  down.  In 
the  whole  affair,  21>!)  were  kilhul,  that  were  found,  of  the  Indians ;  and  the 
whites  lost  15  in  killed,  and  85  were  wounded,  several  of  whom  afterwards 
died.  Over  1080  Indians  were  said  to  have  been  engaged,  and  some  of  them 
afterwards  said  their  loss  at  the  battle  of  Talladega  was  600. 


■'i^(-'.: 


[Book  IV. 

of  a  towi 
:o  the  ('oosa 
rouglit  in  21) 

iken  post  at 
ini  mediately 
t  Novetnlier, 
vance  of  the 
i  from  iheir 
!  wny  l)y  fall- 
1,  which  iiad 
tlavinj^  tin!(J 
ni  to  sliclter 
iiy  retreated 
inntle  all  the 
long  as  oni? 
n  rushed  up 
t  warrior  of 
1  its  horroi-s, 
tit  fought  as 
■|)eir  houses, 
)ut  intention 

sanguinary 
t  there  were 

make  up  in 

one.  They 
lors  escaped 

whites  had 
ly,  a  number 
lemy's  arms 
hich  is  used 
!rs." 

!ete  hy  tlieir 
^ve  said  lliat 
'i  battle  with 

but  General 

or  the  relief 
ith  as  much 
the  4,  and 
ame  day,  an 
hy  a  great 
immediately 
•ut  30  miles 

udega.  His 
ht  following 
e  encamped 

lialf  a  ttiile 

Fort  Talla- 
tsh  Armada, 

hut  rushed 
considerable 
)le  body  of 
he  mounted 
ed  to  fly  for 
lard  pressed 
:  down.  In 
IS ;  and  the 

afterwards 
me  of  them 


CHAr.  VII.1 


BATTLE  OF  AUTOSSEE 


57 


It  was  expected  that  a  supply  of  provisions  would  arrive  at  C.nmp  Strothe**- 
at  Ten  Islands,  before  the  army  sliould  return  there  ;  but  on  its  arrival,  a  total 
failure  was  experienced  by  the  hungry  soldiers ;  even  wliat  had  been  left 
Itehind  of  the  general's  private  stores  had  been  distributed- -it  was  a  tnelan- 
eholy  time,  indeed,  and  reminds  us  of  the  sufferings  of  captives  in  the  old 
Indian  wars,  who  were  obliged  to  subsist  upon  b(!rries  and  roots.  It  was 
during  this  campaign  that  a  circumstance  occurred  which  has  been  variously 
related  ;  and,  as  it  is  an  excellent  anecdote,  we  will  lay  it  before  our  readers." 

One  morning,  a  soldier,  with  a  doleful  countenance,  approached  General 
Jackson,  and  told  him  he  was  almost  famished,  and  knew  not  what  to  do.  The 
•general  was  seated  at  the  foot  of  a  tree,  and  was  observed  by  the  |)oor  half- 
starved  soldier  to  be  eating  something.  This  no  doubt  caused  liini  to  make 
his  complaint,  thinking  it  a  favorable  tin;^  to  have  his  wants  relieved.  The 
general  observed,  that  it  was  never  his  custom  to  turn  away  a  hungry  person, 
when  he  had  it  in  his  power  to  relieve  him  ;  then,  putting  his  hand  into  his 
jtocket,  took  out  a  handful  of  acorns,  and,  offering  them  to  his  astonished 
guest,  observed,  that  such  was  his  fare,  and  all  he  had,  but  to  that  he  was 
welcome.  The  soldier  went  away  contented,  and  told  liis  companions  diey 
ought  no  more  to  complahi,  so  long  as  their  general  was  obliged  to  subsir-t 
upon  nothing  but  acorns.  Out  of  this  grew  the  story,  that  the  general  having 
invited  his  officers  to  dine  with  him,  set  nothing  before  tliem  but  a  tray  of 
acorns  and  some  water. 

Meanwhile  mutiny  after  mutiny  took  place  in  General  Jackson's  army,  and 
the  campaign  came  near  being  abuudoned.  A  circumstance,  too,  occurred 
about  this  tiirie,  ever  to  be  lamented.  General  Cocke,  of  East  Tennessee, 
considering  himself  possessed  of  a  command  independent  of  Jackson,  gave 
liis  orders  to  some  brigadiers,  at  the  same  time  that  General  Jackson  did. 
General  fVhite  chose  to  act  under  General  Cocke's  orders,  and  this  occasioned 
Home  confusion,  and,  in  the  end,  the  lamentable  affair  to  which  we  have  just 
alluded,  and  of  which  we  now  proceed  to  give  an  account. 

The  Ilallibee  Indians,  who  had  been  the  principal  sufierers  at  Talladega, 
liad  d(^spatched  ambassadors  for  General  Jackson's  camp,  to  sue  for  peace, 
which  they  would  accept  on  any  terms  he  might  please  to  grant  them.  At 
the  same  titne  these  proposals  were  out.  General  fVhite  marched  against  their 
towns,  and  on  the  18  November  completely  surprised  thetn  ;  killed  GO  war- 
riors, took  256  prisoners,  and  made  good  his  retreat  without  the  loss  of  a 
man. 

The  Indians  thought  they  had  been  attacked  by  General  Jackson^s  army, 
and  that  therefore  they  were  now  to  expect  nothing  but  extermination  ;  and 
this  was  thought  to  be  tho  reason  why  they  fought  with  such  desperation 
afterwards.  And  truly  they  had  reason  for  their  fears :  they  knew  none  but 
Jackson,  vcaA  supposed  now  that  nothing  short  of  their  total  destruction  would 
satisfy  him,  as  their  conduct  exemplified  on  every  occasion.  They  knew 
they  had  asked  peace  on  amy  terms,  and  their  immediate  answer  was  the 
sword  and  bayonet.     A  company  of  Cherokees  aided  not  a  little  in  this  affair. 

We  have  given  the  chief  features  of  the  battle  of  Autoss(;e,  when  drawing 
a  sketch  of  the  life  of  M'Intosh.  Here  may  be  added  some  other  niatters  of 
liistory,  for  the  better  understanding  the  events  of  the  memorai)le  Creek  war. 

Autossee  is  situated  on  the  south  bank  of  the  Talltipoosie,  18  miles  from  the 
Hickory  Groimd,  and  20  above  the  junction  of  that  river  with  the  Coosa. 
Witli  General  Floyd's  white  troops  were  four  companies  of  fricuidly  Indians. 
M'Intosh  led  the  Cowetaus,  and  Mad-doa;s-3on  the  Tookaubatchians,  or  Tuka- 
l)alcliies.  The  names  of  the  other  leaders  are  not  set  down,  but  there  were 
doubtless  several  of  them,  as  there  were  about  350  warriors  wlio  accompanied 
the  expedition.  That  sure  work  was  intended,  will  not  be  doubted,  when  it 
is  known  that  the  force,  exclusive  of  Indians,  was  950  men.  When  the  arn'V 
arrived  near  the  place  where  it  was  expected  Indians  would  be  found,  and 
having  discovered  one  small  town  before  it  was  light  in  the  morning,  the 
:reneral  was  surprised  immediately  after  by  the  discovery  of  another.  This 
W!i8  filled  with  men  who  had  been  apprized  of  his  approach,  and  w«'re  pre- 
jiared  for  battle.  The  order  of  battle  was  immediately  changed,  aiul  the  army 
proceeded  in  two  divisions  to  attack  both  towns  at  once.    The  boBiegers, 


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BATTLE  OF  THE  HOLY  GROUND. 


fBooK  IV. 


'■■t-l 


being  provided  with  artillery,  soon  accomplished  their  work,  and  all  the 
resistniice  the  Indians  seem  to  have  made,  was  in  endeavoring  to  efiict  a 
retreat  into  caves  and  other  Jiiding-places.  Nevertheless,  the  Georgians  hud 
11  killi'd  outright,  and  54  wounded.  Among  the  latter  was  General  Floyd 
himHcIf  severely,  and  Adjutant-General  JVeieman  slightly. 

M'lntosh  and  Mad-dos^s-son's  lo.ss  was  eonsidenihle,  hut  was  not  thought  of 
importance  enough  to  he  communicated  by  their  allies,  who  were  greatly 
indebted  to  them,  if,  indeed,  destroying  their  own  countrymen  made  tlieni  so. 
They  did  not,  however,  do  i<o  much  butchering  as  they  intendt^d,  or,  rather,  as 
they  agreed  to  do  ;  for  the  day  before  the  massacre,  they  agreed  to  po.st  tliem- 
selves  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  and  to  kill  all  who  should  attempt  uii 
escajie.     Had  they  done  this,  very  few  would  have  escaped. 

Aih;r  resting  a  few  days.  General  Floyd  marched  to  Camj)  Defiance,  50 
miles  directly  into  the  Indian  counti-y,  and  westward  of  Autossee.  Here,  earlv 
in  the  morningof  2  Januaiy,  the  hostile  Indians  killed  his  sentinels  before  they 
were  discovered,  and  then  with  great  fuiy  attacked  his  camp,  and  for  a  cpiarter 
of  an  hour  continued  to  fight  with  bravery.  Ky  this  time  the  army  had  got 
formed  in  order  of  battle,  and  soon  obliged  the  Indians  to  fly.  One  company 
of  whites,  under  Cairtain  Broadnar,  had  its  retreat  cut  ofl'by  the  assailants,  anii 
escaped  oidy  by  cutting  its  way  through  them. 

In  ibis  fight,  TiMPOocHiK-BARNUEL,  or  Barnard,  a  half-breed,  chief  of  the 
(Vines,  conmianded  a  company  of  them,  luid,  in  the  language  of  the  general, 
"  greatly  distinguished  him.self."  It  was  owing  to  his  promptness,  that  Cap- 
tain Broadnax  was  enabled  to  effect  a  retreat.  The  enemy,  in  that  mancuiivre, 
bad  advanced  within  50  yards  of  the  artillery.  All  the  other  part  of  the  Indian 
army  took  shelter  within  the  lines,  and  looked  on  during  the  contest. 

After  this  buttle,  37  Indians  were  found  dead  on  the  field,  as  the  whites 
reported  ;  and  of  their  own  number  17  were  killed,  and  l;?0  wounded.  At  the 
first  onset.  General  JVeiuman  had  three  balls  shot  into  him,  which  prevented 
his  liuther  service  ;  and  several  of  the  principal  officers  had  their  horses  shot 
imder  them.  How  the  Indians  under  Timpoocliie  fai"ed  in  these  particulars, 
^ve  liave  not  yet  learned. 

H'eatheiford,  FVancis,  Sinquisturs-son,  with  some  Shawanese,  had  established 
themselves  on  the  j41abama,  above  the  mouth  of  the  Cahaba,  and  there  built  a 
town,  which  they  called  Eckanakaka.  Its  name  signified  that  it  was  built 
upon  holy  ground;  and  hence  the  prophets  told  their  followers  that  they  had 
nothing  to  fear,  as  no  polluted  and  murderous  whites  could  ever  enter  there, 
However,  General  Claiborne,  at  the  head  of  a  small  army,  accompl^nied  by  a 
band  of  Choktaws  under  Pushttmata,  their  chief,  resolved  to  make  a  tiial  of  the 
virtue  of  the  Indian  prophets'  pretensions. 

Weathvrford  and  his  follovvei*s,  being  a|)prized  of  the  a|)proach  of  the  army, 
bad  put  tliem.selves  into  an  attitude  of  defence.  On  2Ji  December,  1613,  as 
the  army  approached,  they  were  met  by  the  Indians,  and  a  short  engagement 
followed.  As  usual,  the  Indians  gave  way,  and  were  pursued ;  but  as  their 
town  was  surrounded  by  fastnesses,  few  were  killed  in  the  pursuit.  Thirty 
were  found  dead  of  the  enemy  Indians,  and  of  the  army,  two  or  three  were 
killed,  and  as  many  wounded.  This  was  quite  an  Indian  depot,  the  captors 
having  foiuul  here  "a  large  quantity  of  provisions,  and  immense  |)roperty  of 
various  kitids."  It  was  all  d<'stroyed  with  the  town,  which  consisted  of  200 
houses:  the  women  and  children  had  only  time  to  escape  across  the  Alabama. 
The  next  day,  another  town  was  destroyed,  eight  miles  above,  consisting  of  60 
houses.  We  will  now  j)roceetl  with  General  Jackson,  until  he  puts  an  end  to 
the  Creek  war. 

On  the  17  January,  1814,  General  Jackson  marched,  at  the  head  of  930  men, 
from  near  Foil  Strother,  for  the  heart  of  the  enemy's  country.  In  his  route 
lay  Talladega,  the  residence  of  Fife,  a  noted  warrior,  and  friend  of  the  whites; 
and  here  he  joined  the  a<-my  with  900  of  his  men.  The  Indians  were  sup- 
posed to  be  assembled  in  great  numbers,  at  the  Great  Bend  of  the  Tallapoosie, 
from  14  or  15  of  their  towns  upon  that  river  ;  and  it  was  daily  expected  that 
they  would  attack  Fort  Armstrong,  in  their  vicinity,  which  was  in  no  state  to 
meet  them.  It  was  the  news  of  its  situation,  that  caused  Jackson  to  march  to 
its  inmiediate  relief.     When  he  had  arrived  at  Ilallibee  Creek,  the  general, 


■  ;^v^'  •• 


Chap.  VII] 


BATTLE  OF  EMUKFAU. 


59 


from  the  accou'  s  of  his  spies,  8U|)poscd  he  must  be  in  tlie  immediate  vicinity 
of  the  enemy,  and  he  soon  after  encampud  at  a  small  llallibt'e  village,  eallcd 
Enotochopko.  Here  he  discovered  that  he  was  12  mil(!s  trom  the  enemy, 
who  were  iijjon  an  island  in  the  Tallapoosie,  near  the  mouth  of  a  creek  callecl 
Emukfuu.  The  next  day  the  army  encamped  very  near  Enuikfau,  and  had 
every  sign  of  being  hard  by  the  adveree  Indians.  The  order  of  encain|»ment 
was  that  of  l)attle,  and  every  precaution  was  taken  to  gnanl  again;*!  surprise. 
Ahoiit  (J  in  the  morning  of  the  22d,  the  warriore  from  Enuikfau  fell  with  great 
force  upon  Jackson's  letl  flank,  and  the  left  of  his  rear;  and  although  the 
attack  was  made  in  fu/1  confidence  that  tliey  should  rout  their  advei*sarit  s,  yet 
they  were  disappointed,  and  no  ground  was  gained  by  the  onset.  The  assail- 
ants fought  with  a  determined  braveiy,  and  it  was  near  half  an  hoiu-  ijefore 
they  could  he  made  to  retire.  The  Americans,  having  encamped  iii  a  hollow 
square,  met  the  attack  at  advantage,  but  it  was  only  at  the  [)oint  of  the  bayo'iet, 
that  the  Indians  were  put  to  flight.  fY/e,  at  the  head  of  his  warriors,  joined  in 
the  pursuit,  which  continued  about  two  miles,  with  considerable  havoc. 

Matters  did  not  end  here  ;  for,  in  a  short  time,  the  Indians  returned  again  to 
the  attack,  and  >vith  greater  success  than  before.  They  atUurked  a  pi(;ket  at 
advantage,  at  a  small  distance  fram  the  main  body,  and  General  Coffee,  in  his 
turn,  attacked  the  left  flank  of  the  attacking  |)arfy.  As  his  muuber  of  men  was 
small,  Ik;  soon  found  himself  in  imminent  danger  of  being  entin-ly  cut  oft", 
(ieneral  Jackson,  st;eing  this,  ordered  /"Y/e  to  advance  to  his  rescue,  whieli  lie 
did  with  the  utmost  promptitude.  This  attack  of  the  enemy  was  upon  the 
right  flank,  and  was,  as  it  turned  out,  only  a  feint  to  weaken  the  left  by  draw- 
ing th(!  force  from  that  quarter  to  its  support ;  but  the  general  was  not  to  be 
outwitted  by  such  a  manccuvre.  He  kept  the  left  flank  firm,  and  the  alarm 
gun  soon  gave  notice,  that  that  part  was  assailed.  The  general  here  nwt  the 
enemy  in  j)erson,  seconded  by  Colonel  Carroll,  who  ordered  the  charge,  and 
led  on  the  pui-suers.  The  friendly  Indians  were  successful  at  this  thue  also, 
slaying  many  of  their  countrymen  as  they  fled. 

Meanwhile  General  Coffee  had  got  deeper  into  difficulty,  and  was  contend- 
ing at  fearful  odds  with  a  brave  band  of  warriore,  and  was  again  relieved  by 
the  Indians  under  Captain  Fife,  This,  Fife  was  enabled  to  do,  only  by  charg- 
ing them  with  the  bayonet.  The  enemy  seemed  dttermined  to  wrest  their 
country  froiri  the  invaders,  and  retired  slowly,  at  fii-st,  as  tnen  driven  from 
their  country  will  always  do.  Fife  and  liis  comrades  pui"sued  them  about 
three  miles,  killing  45  of  them,  which  they  found  afterwards.  The  reason  of 
Coffee's  great  peril,  was  this,  iTi/e  having  been  ordered  to  his  rescue  before  the 
attiick  on  the  left  was  made  the  second  time  ;  and  now,  hearing  the  firing  in 
that  direction,  supposed  his  aid  was  more  needed  in  that  quarter;  and  thus 
Coffee  was  left  without  support  He  was  severely  woiuided,  and  his  aid-de- 
camp. Colonel  A.  Donaldson,  and  three  others,  were  slain. 

General  Jackson,  not  having  provisions  for  a  longer  stay,  and  being  con- 
siderably crippled,  began  a  retreat  to  Fort  Strother.  The  most  memorable 
jiart  of  this  expedition  is  yet  to  be  related.  The  Indians  now  supposed  the 
Americans  were  beaten,  or  they  would  not  retreat.  They  therefore  resolved 
to  pursue  and  harass  them.  Jackson  expected  this,  and  marched,  in  order  of 
l)attle,  through  one  dangerous  defile  after  another.  At  length,  on  the  morning 
of  the  '24,  after  having  nearly  passed  one  of  the  most  dangerous  places,  at 
Enotochopko  Creek,  his  rear  was  attacked  in  a  spiriti'd  manner  ;  and  although 
it  was  not  at  all  unexpected,  yet  the  columns  gave  way,  and  a  good  deal  of 
confusion  and  slaughter  ensued.  At  length,  a  six-pounder  was,  with  groat 
tlifhciilty,  dragged  up  a  small  eminence  which  commanded  the  battle-ground, 
and  being  charged  with  grape-shot,  did  great  execution,  and  was  a  principal 
menus  of  putting  the  enemy  to  flight. 

The  getting  the  cannon  up  the  hill  was  done  at  the  greatest  peril ;  the  men 
who  undertook  it  being  sure  marks  for  the  enemy,  having  nothing  to  screen 
them  in  the  least.  By  the  time  they  had  discharged  it  once,  Lieutenant  Jlmi^ 
strojijcr,  Caf)tain  Hamilton,  of  East  Tennessee,  Ca|)tairis  Bru'lford  and  AFCnvDck, 
had  all  fallen.  Bradford  exclaimed,  as  he  lay,  "  JWi/  brave  flloivs,  some  of  i/ou 
null/  fid  I,  but  yo".  must  save  the  cannon." 

The  army  having,  meantime,  recovered  from  their  panic,  attacked  in  their 


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h'^. 


60 


DEATH  OF  MONOHOE  THE  PROPHET. 


[Book  IV. 


■  I- 


turn,  and  tlic  Inrtinns  were  every  wliere  put  to  flight,  and  pursued  about  two 
miles.  The  Indinns'  loss  in  this  battle  was  189,  that  were  found.  The  Amer- 
icans )iad,  in  both  days'  fights.  24  killed,  and  71  wounded.  It  was  evident 
now,  that  the  Indians  were  satisfied  that  they  were  not  victors,  fiir  in  their 
flight  they  threw  away  their  packs  and  arms  in  abundance,  and  the  army  met 
with  no  further  molestation  during  their  return  march. 

We  liave  now  arrived  to  the  termination  of  the  Creek  war.  It  ended  in  the 
Iwttle  of  the  Great  Bend  of  the  Talla|)oosie,  as  we  have  related  in  the  life  of 
Mintosh.  This  bend,  usually  called  the  Horse-Shoe,  by  the  whites,  was 
called  by  the  Indians  Tohopeka,  which,  in  their  language,  it  is  said,  signified  a 
horse-shoe  :  therefore  the  battle  of  Tohopeka,  the  Great  liend,  and  the  Iloree- 
Shoe,  are  one  and  the  same. 

Nothing  could  be  more  disastrous  to  the  deluded  Creeks  than  this  battle. 
The  loss  of  their  great  jn-ophets  was,  however,  the  least.  Three  of  them,  and 
the  hist  u|)on  the  Tallapoosie,  fell  among  those  whom  they  had  made  believe 
that  no  wounds  could  be  inflicted  upon  them  by  the  wliites;  and  incredible 
as  it  may  seem,  that  although  they  had  witnessed  a  total  failure  of  all  their 
I)rophecies  hitherto,  sudi  was  the  influence  those  miserable  impostors  held 
over  the  niiiuis  of  the  warriors,  that  they  still  believed  in  their  soothsayings, 
and  that  their  incantations  would  at  last  save  them,  and  that  they  should  finally 
root  out  the  whites  and  possess  their  country.  Such  are  the  errors  of  delu- 
sions in  all  ages — it  is  visible  in  all  history,  and  will  continue  to  be  so  until  a 
knowledge  of  the  nature  of  things  shall  diffuse  itself,  and  the  relation  of  cause 
and  effect  be  more  extensively  known. 

Mo.NOHOE  was  one,  and  we  believe  the  son  of  Sinqutstur  was  another,  who 
fell  in  the  great  battle  of  Tohopeka.  In  one  of  his  accounts  of  the  battle, 
General  Jackson  observes :  "  Among  the  dead  was  found  their  famous  pro])het, 
Monohooe,  shot  in  the  mouth  by  a  grape  shot,  as  if  Heaven  designed  to  chastise 
his  impostures  by  an  appropriate  punishment."  The  manner  in  which  he  was 
killed,  nupiired  but  little  aid  from  the  whites  to  satisfy  the  Indians  that  he  was 
a  false  |»ro[)het,  and  it  was  soon  generally  believed  among  them. 

These  prophets  were  decorated,  says  Colonel  Eaton,  "  in  the  most  fantastic 
manner — the  plumage  of  various  birds  about  their  heads  and  shoulders;  with 
savage  grimaces,  and  horrid  contortions  of  the  body,  they  danced  and  howled 
their  cantations."  Moiwhoe,  in  the  very  act  of  divination,  muttering  to  the 
sun,  with  eyes  almost  strained  from  their  sockets,  and  his  limbs  distorted  in 
every  possible  unnatural  direction,  received  his  death  wound.  The  faith  of 
the  warriors  in  such  abominable  fooleries  must  now  have  been  shaken ;  hut 
the  llallibee  tnassacre  was  alone  suflicient  to  account  for  their  desperation — as 
we  have  seen,  their  most  submissive  offers  of  peace  had  been  met  by  the 
sword — all  confidence  therefore  in  the  humanity  and  integrity  of  the  whites, 
had,  in  their  minds,  been  forfeited.  From  every  appearance  it  was  evident 
that  they  had  determined  to  conquer  at  Tohopeka,  or  never  to  survive  a  defeat ; 
for  they  did  not,  as  on  former  occasions,  send  away  their  women  and  children : 
about  300  of  these  were  taken. 

Whether  the  famous  prophet  Hillishago,  or  Francis,  were  in  this  battle,  is 
not  known.  On  18  April,  1814,  General  Jackson  wrote  from  his  camp,  at  the 
junction  of  the  Coosa  and  Tallapoosie,  saying,  "Peter  JWQutn  has  been  taken, 
but  escaped  ;  he  must  be  taken  again.  HUlishagee,  their  great  prophet,  has 
also  absconded  ;  but  he  will  be  found."  In  this,  however,  as  will  be  seen, 
the  general  was  no  prophet ;  for  Francis  and  McQueen  were  both  alive  in  1817. 

The  friendly  Indians  rendered  the  Americans  most  efiicient  aid  in  this 
battle,  and  tlieir  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  greater  in  proportion  to  their 
numbers  than  that  of  the  whites.  In  all  23  were  killed,  and  many  more  were 
wounded. 

It  was  supposed  by  General  Floyd,  that  in  the  battle  of  Autossee  he  had 
killed  the  famous  prophet  and  king  of  Tallassee,  but  it  turned  out  not  to  be  so, 
for  he  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  afterwards.  He  was  supposed  to 
be  a  iiiindred  years  old,  his  head  being  entirely  white,  and  bowed  almost  to 
the  ground.  His  name,  we  believe,  was  Eneah-thlukkohopoiee.  He  was  taken 
about  tli(^  tiuie  of  yVeatherfonrs  surrender ;  and  but  for  the  protection  afforded 
hiu)  by  the  whites,  their  friends,  the  Creeks,  would  have  put  him  to  death 


Chap.  VU.] 


COLHERT.— PlAMINGt). 


61 


M';-i 


but 


without  mercy  But  H'ealher/ord  liad  notliiiifr  to  ft'nr  from  tliem :  they  carc- 
t'lilly  av()iiif<l  Miertiii^,  uiiil  wlieu  uiiy  by  uccidcitt  ur  n<;cuH8ilY  <'>iin<,-  into  bia 
preneiicf,  tbey  were  observed  to  truiiibie  with  feur.  Such  is  the  (IHlerence  in 
the  fiirriagc  ami  aspect  of  tiieii. 

We  will  cUir^e  ibe  prcwiit  chapter  by  detailing  some  particulai-H  in  the  liveH 
of  .-it'N'cral  tiistiiijjuifihcd  rhict^. 

It  was  very  Hildoni  that  the  names  of  any  chiefs  ap|)eared  in  the  accoiiiils 
of  till-  late  war,  but  they  were  many,  enpt-cially  in  the  south,  and  deserved  uh 
Miuch  iiniicc,  and  often  more  than  many  that  did  receive  it  When  the  war 
was  over,  some  of  them  occasionally  visited  Washington,  and  the  novelty  of 
fheir  a|>iH;arance  somctiines  caused  them  to  receive  such  notices  a^i  follows: 
"On  the  tfth  ultimo,  [Feb.  IdKJ,]  arrived  Col.  ilctuni /.  JJ/e^a,  the  agent  of 
the  V.  States  in  the  Cherokee  nation,  with  a  deptitation  from  the  nation,  con- 
sisting of  Col.  Lowry,  Maj.  Walker,  Maj.  Ridf^e,  Capt.  Taylor,  Adjt.  Ross,  and 
Kunnesce,  These  Indians  are  men  of  cultivated  understandings,  were  nearly 
all  olHeers  of  the  Cherokee  forces  which  served  under  General  Jrtcfcsort  during 
the  late  war,  and  have  distinguished  themselves  as  well  by  their  bravery  as  by 
their  attachment  to  the  L'.  Slutes." 

In  Jime  following,  another  deputation  visited  the  capital  of  the  United 
States,  of  whon)  it  was  said,  tluiir  ap|)earance  was  such  as  entitled  them  to 
the  highest  respect.  The  delegates  were  from  the  Chickosaws,  and  consistetl 
of  General  lyUliam  Colbert,  t\ie  great  war  chief  of  that  nation,  Major  ya/ne« 
Colburt,  interpr-ier;  EUissue;  Minffo,  the  great  warrior;  AppasanlulMe,  a 
chief;  Chastauny  and  CoUtetchee,  warriors.  Most  of  these  lought  for  the 
whites  in  the  south.  General  Colbert  was  now  aged,  liaving  fouglit  with  the 
Americans  in  St.  Clair's  army,  with  seven  others  of  his  countrymen  ;  one  of 
whose  names  was  Piomingo,  or  tlie  Mounlain-lader,  of  whom  we  shall  pret- 
milv  speak. 

In  the  late  war,  while  his  men  wore  preparing  to  join  the  Americans,  Col- 
bert, impatient  to  l>e  unemployed,  joined  the  third  regiment  of  the  United 
States  infantry.  When  he  bad  served  with  them  nine  months,  he  returne<l 
to  his  nation,  collected  his  warriors,  and  marched  to  Fort  Montgomery  on  the 
Alabama,  from  thence  against  Pensacola,  crossed  the  Esanibia,  and  pursued 
the  hostile  Creeks  almost  to  Apolachicola,  killing  many  of  them,  and  return 
ing  to  Fort  Montgomery  with  85  prisoners.  He  and  his  comrades  wen;  no. 
at  Washington,  to  obtain  a  settlement  of  the  boundaries  of  their  country. 
Accordingly  commissioners  were  sent  into  their  country,  and  on  the  20  Sep- 
tember following,  [1816,]  a  treaty  was  entered  into.  In  this  treaty  Colbert  is 
styled  Major-General,  and  by  the  sixth  article  of  it  he  was  aUowed  an  annuity 
of  100  dollars  during  life.  His  name  is  not  to  the  treaty  of  Hopewell,  made 
10  January,  1786,  but  that  of  Piomingo  is.  To  that  of  Chikasaw  liluti's, 
24  October,  1801,  instead  of  bis  mark,  we  find  W.  C,  which  shows  that  he 
had  been  paying  some  attention  to  learning ;  but  in  subsequent  treaties  his 
mark  again  appears. 

From  the  circumstance  that  the  name  ofPiomitigo  is  not  seen  to  any  of  the 
treaties  after  that  of  Colbert  appears,  induces  the  belief  that  he  is  the  same 
person,  and  that,  from  his  attachment  to  the  whites,  he  took  one  of  their 
names. 

Piomingo  is  thus  mentioned  by  General  St.  Clair,  on  his  arrival  at  his 
quarters.  "  Oct.  27.  Payamingo  arrived  in  camp  witli  his  warriors.  I  was 
so  unwell,  could  only  see  him  and  bid  him  welcome."  "Oct  29.  Payamingo 
and  his  people,  accompanied  by  Captain  Sparks,  and  four  good  riflemen, 
going  on  a  scout;  they  do  not  propose  to  return  under  10  days."  We  have 
no  account  of  the  success  of  the  excursion,  but  they  did  not  join  the  army 
again  until  after  the  defeat,  which  took  place  six  days  after.  As  they  were 
proceeding  to  Fort  Jefferson,  one  of  the  enemy  mistook  them  for  his  com- 
panions, and  was  captured  before  he  discovered  his  mistake.  Piominf^o 
accosted  him  with  harsh  language,  saying,  "  Rascal,  you  Juwe  been  killing  whU 
men ! "  He  then  ordered  two  of  his  men  to  extena  his  arms,  and  a  third  to 
shoot  him.  When  this  was  done,  and  his  scalp  taken,  they  proceeded  to  join 
the  army. 

We  learn  the  name  of  one  other  who  was  with  St.  Clair.    He  waa  called 
6 


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m.^' 


62 


MUSHAI.ATUnEE.— PUSHAMATA. 


[Book  rv 


Jnnu!t  Jlnderion,  aii(l  was  brother  to  the  chief  John  Morris,  who,  23  Juno, 
17!t;{,  \vn.x  niiinlenid  not  above  <I00  pnccH  from  Governor  liloitnCa  lioiis*-,  in 
Knowille.  lb'  wiw  shot  by  soiru!  unknown  jM'rsonH.  Tlie  governor  onltn-d 
him  lo  Ik"  Inirieil  in  the  burjinjr-groiuul  o<  the  white  i)coplt',  with  inihlary 
honors.  A  procession  was  formed,  licadt^d  by  hitiiself,  and  he  was  interred 
with  ffreat  respept. 

In  17!K{,  the  HpanianlH  of  Louisiana  made  large  oflers  to  the  Chikiisnws,  to 
indiiee  them  to  forsake  the  Americans;  but  tlieir  offers  were  treated  with 
contiinjtt,  es|M'cially  l)y  Piomin^o. 

McsHALATUBFF.  was  a  Chikusaw  chief,  with  whom  General  Tjafaijetlf 
became  acquainted  in  his  last  visit  to  this  country.  His  first  knowh-d^re  of 
him,  as  will  a|)pear  from  the  foilowinj;  extracts  out  of  M.  Lrvn.isetir\i  work, 
"liAK.wF.TTF,  K.v  AmkriqijF.,"  &c.,  was  at  tiie  residence  of  the  «'sage  of 
Monticelhi." 

Miish'tliituhee,  and  Pit.ihamnln.  a  Chocktaw  chief,  already  mentioned,  were  at 
Washin^ifoii  when  the  <renei-j«l  arrived  then;,  in  Deceml)er,  1824,  Iteing  there 
at  the  meeiiiiir  of  congress,  according  to  custom,  with  many  otlier  chiefs, 
to  hriiditen  liie  <;hain  of  friendship,  receive  presents,  and  make  known  the 
wants  of  thiir  countrymen.  At  this  time  Mtuthalatubte  made  the  following 
agreiahle  speech  to  (ieni  ral  Ijafayette. 

"  You  are  one  of  our  fiithei-s.  You  have  fought  by  the  side  of  the  great 
Wwihin^lon.  We  will  receive  here  your  hand  as  that  of  a  friend  and  fiither. 
We  have  always  walked  in  the  pure  feelings  of  peace,  and  it  is  this  feiling 
which  has  caused  us  to  visit  you  here.  We  present  you  pure  hands — hands 
that  have  never  l)een  stained  with  the  blood  of  Americans.  We  live  in  a 
country  fiu"  ti-om  this,  where  the  sun  darts  his  perpendicular  rays  upon  us. 
We  have  had  the  French,  the  Spaniards  and  the  English  for  neighbors;  hut 
now  w»;  have  only  the  Americans;  in  the  midst  and  with  whom  we  live  as 
friends  and  brothers." 

Then  PusHAMATA,  the  first  of  their  chiefs,  began  a  speech  in  his  turn,  and 
expressed  himsi>lf  in  these  words:  "There  has  passed  nearly  50  snows  since 
you  drew  the  sword  as  a  compaidon  of  Washington.  With  him  you  have 
combated  the  enemies  of  America.  Thou  hast  generously  n)ingled  thy  blood 
with  that  of  the  enemy,  and  hast  proved  thy  devotedness  to  the  cause  which 
thou  defendedst.  After  thou  hadst  finished  that  war,  thou  hadst  returned 
into  thy  country,  an<l  now  thou  comest  to  revisit  that  land  where  thou  art 
honored  and  l»eloved  in  the  remembrance  of  a  numerous  and  powerful  peo- 
ple. Thou  seest  ever}'  whcie  the  children  of  those  for  whom  thou  hast 
defended  liberty,  crowtl  around  thee,  and  press  thy  hands  with  filial  afP  ction. 
We  have  heard  related  all  these  things  in  the  depths  of  the  distant  ibrests, 
and  our  hearts  have  l)een  ravished  with  a  desire  to  behold  thee.  We  are 
come,  we  have  pressed  thy  liand,  and  we  are  satisfied.  This  is  the  first  time 
that  we  have  seen  thee,*  and  it  will  probably  be  the  last.  We  have  no  more 
to  add.     The  earth  will  |)art  us  forever." 

"  In  pronouncing  these  last  words,  the  old  Indian  had  in  his  manner  and 
voice  something  very  solemn.  He  seemed  agitated  by  some  sad  presenti- 
ments. We  heard  of  his  death  a  few  days  after ;  he  was  taken  sick,  and 
died  before  he  could  set  out  to  return  to  his  own  people.  When  satisfied 
that  his  end  was  approaching,  he  caused  all  his  companions  to  be  assembled, 
and  he  desired  them  to  raise  him  up,  and  to  put  upon  him  ail  his  ornaments, 
and  bring  to  him  his  arms,  that  his  death  should  be  that  of  a  man's.  He 
manifested  a  desire  that  at  his  interment  the  Americans  would  do  him  mili- 
tary honors,  and  that  they  would  discharge  cannon  over  his  grave.  They 
promised  him  tiiat  it  should  be  done ;  he  then  talked  freely  with  his  friends, 
and  expired  without  a  groan  in  the  midst  of  conversation."  His  monument 
occupies  a  place  among  the  great  men  in  the  cemetery  at  Washington.  Upon 
one  side  is  this  inscription : — 


"■  They  might  not  have  been  introduced  to  the  general  when  he  saw  them  at  Mr.  Jefferson's. 
M.  Lerasseitr  says,  in  speaking  of  the  Indian  deputation,  "  A  leur  tHe  Haient  deux  chefi  aue 
notts  avions  voits  s'asseoir  unjour  a  la  table  de  Si.  Jefferson,  pendant  notre  s^'our  i  Monlxcello. 
Je  les  reconnui  ii  leurs  oreUUs  decouples  en  longues  latuires,  gamits  de  tongues  lama  de 
pUmb." 


Cinp.  VII. ] 


DEATH  OF  PUSIIAMATA—KI'ITAPH. 


f,l 


"  l*iisii-MA-TAi'\,  A  Choctaw  ciiir.r,  mes  hkiie.     This  MOPirMKM"  ti»  hh 

KRMdHV  IH  KHECTEb  BY  HIS  HROTHEK  CHIEKH,  WHO  WERE  AHHdCI  ATf.l)  W  I'l  l> 
HIM  IN  A  IIELEUATION  KROM  TlfEIR  NATIOM  I.N  THE  YEAR  18'i4,  TO  THE  (lE.NERAI. 
OUVEK.NMCNT  OF  THE  U.MTED  STATES." 


■v-j 


y'.t 


And  on  the  otlicr: 

"PuBII-MA-TAIfA  WAS  A  WARRIOR  OE  OREAT  niSTINCTIO.V.  He  WAS  WIHE 
IN  COU.NCIL,  EI.OQl'E.NT  I.V  A\  EXTRAORDI.NARY  I>E(iREE  ;  AND  ON  AI,I.  OCCA- 
SIONS, A.M)  C.M>ER  ALL  CIRCUMSTANCES,  THE  wmiE  man's    fuiend.      Hi:    I)Iei> 

I.N  Wasiii.noton,  on  THE  24th  ok  Decemkkr,  lrivi4,  of  the  cramp,  i.n  the 

(i(hll   VEAR  OK  his  age." 


That  Pmhnmitta,  or  Pitshmattthn,  wns  n  warrior,  lias  horn  said.  In  the  lad- 
war  vvi!h  Kiijrlaiul,  lie  a.s.sistod  in  snhdiiiiijr  liis  coiiiitrynicn  at  the  soiiih.  in 
(iiiural  Ctiiibonie^s  army  hi-  distiiifrni.sluMi  hiniscll',  |iarticnlarly  in  the  hatlli- 
of  iIh;  Holy  (iroiiiid,  (callod  hy  tlir  Indians  Kccanachaca,)  noon  the  .M.-dianm 
Uivir,  HO  iiiiU's  from  l''i>rt  Clailioriu!.  Here  the  celehraleci  f^'edlliirj'ord  le- 
sided,  also  Hillinliaf^o  tlie  |»ropliet. 

Ill  till!  tnuity  which  the  ehiefs  and  warriors  of  the  Chokt.uis  held  with  tiie 
U.  S.  roniinissioiiers,  18  Oetoher,  1H'.20,  "at  the  treaty  frroiind,  in  said  nation, 
near  Doak's  Stand,  on  tiie  Natelie.s  Roud,"  the  followiiifj  imHsiiire  ocnirs: 
"Wh(!reus  the  liither  of  the  beloved  ehief  J\Iunhiilaluhee,  of  the  lower  towim, 
for  and  diirinj?  his  life,  did  nMieive  from  the  United  States  the  cum  of  \M 
dollars,  annually  ;  it  is  hereby  stipulated,  that  his  son  and  snecessor,  Mushvln- 
tubie,  flmW  annually  be  paid  the  same  uinonnt  during  his  natural  life."  lieneit 
it  would  lead  us  to  suppose,  without  fuither  investigation,  that  both  tlie  father 
and  .son  had  rendered  the  country  very  iniponant  services. 

As  has  been  tiie  case  in  all  former  Indian  wars,  so  in  the  present,  etery 
iKji^jhboriii!^  Indian  is  viewed  with  distrust.  No  sooner  had  the  present 
existinff  Seminole  war  begun,  than,  by  rejtort  at  ieitst,  hundreds  of  the  (^reek" 
were  leaving  their  country  for  Florida,  to  join  tJK  ir  hostile  neighbors.  lOarly 
tiii.^j  spring,  i83(>,  it  wua  nsportcd  far  and  wide;  that  iIk;  Cliocktaws  iiad  taken 
up  the  hatchet.  This  occasioned  u  national  i  ouiicil  to  be  called,  whicii 
ussembliHl  on  the  12  May.  The  venerable  chief  Musihtlatubee  was  present, 
and,  among  other  things,  said,  '•  It  makes  mij  heart  bleed  to  be  arciuieil  of  litis 
treacherij,  lohen  it  is  well  known  I  and  mif  tribe  lutve  J'oufrht  side  bi/  side  mlh 
Gen.  Wayne,  Jackson,  and  others,  Uicainst  the  Seininolcs,  Creeks  and  lirilish:^ 

Hii.LiSHAOo,  or  IIILLIS  IIADJO,  it  ap[iear.-i,  survived  General  Jacksnn''s 
campaigns,  and,  not  long  after,  went  to  liiigland,  siill  hoping  to  gain  assist- 
ance I'rom  that  nation  to  enulih;  him  to  o|)erat(!  wiih  effuet  against  tiu;  Ameri- 
cans, lie  was,  upon  his  return,  the  immediate  instigator  and  cause  of  the 
Seminole  war,  having  taken  nj)  his  residence  among  that  nation,  unable  to 
stay  longer  in  Ida  own  country.  Tiie  belief  was  imnosed  upon  him  by  some 
abandoned  English  traders,  that  there  was  a  provision  in  the  treaty  of  (rhent 
for  the  restoration  of  their  country.  He  received  much  attention  while  in 
England,  and  some  encouragement,  but  nothing  absolute.  An  English 
journal  thus  mentions  his  arrival: — "The  sound  of  trumpets  announced  the 
ap[)roach  of  the  patriot  Francis,  who  fought  so  gloriously  in  our  cause  in 
America  during  the  late  war.  Being  drest  in  a  most  splendid  suit  of  red  and 
gold,  and  wearing  a  tomahawk  set  with  gold,  gave  him  a  higluy  imposing 
appearance." 

He  received  large  presents  from  the  king's  stores,  but,  it  is  said,  that  of 
these  he  was  chiefly  defrauded  afterwards  by  the  notorious  Woodbine,  who, 
it  seems,  accompanied  him  in  his  travels.* 

About  the  end  of  Novemlier,  or  beginning  of  December,  1817,  a  war  party 
of  Seminoles  captured  an  American,  and  conveyed  him  immediately  to  their 
principal  village,  called  Mikasauky.  Here  it  ap|)ears  dwelt  Francis  and  his 
family.  The  American,  whose  name  was  M'Knmmon,  was  ordered  to  be 
immediately  burnt  to  death.    The  stake  was  set,  MKrimmon,  with  his  head 

*  Seminole  War  Documents,  p.  23,  published  by  order  of  coi.gress. 


:^.-v  .>-^i<.    H^ 


•.     &■  . 


>.<..■• 


$ 


;>•?< 


-mm 


^v'.; 


M 


M 


64 


HORNOTLIMKI).— NKAMATIILA. 


[Book  IV. 


»hnvp(i,  was  Imiirul  t«  it,  niiil  woo«l  wax  piU-tl  up  ahoiit  liiin.  When  the 
IrhliariH  had  liiii.shcd  their  daiirc,  and  (h<!  tin;  waH  ahoiit  to  hv  kindled,  a 
daughter  of  the  chief,  named  Millif,  who  liad  U-eii  witneMinjc  the  preiiaraiionH 
with  a  wid  coiintenuiMM',  (lew  to  her  father,  and,  ii|Kin  her  kiieen,  oejfffed  that 
he  woidd  fpare  the  prisoner's  lift;;  and  it  wart  not  initil,  hke  the  eelehrated 
Portthoiitdx,  nlie  showed  a  determination  to  peri.^h  wilii  him,  that  her  liilhi  r 
eon?iented  to  prolong;  his  life  for  the  jircKent.  It  was  Mliil  his  intention,  if 
lie  could  not  sell  the  \  ictitii  for  a  certam  sum,  to  have  carried  his  tbrnier  pur- 
pose into  etli'ct ;  hut  on  ofll-rin^  him  to  the  Hpaniurds,  ut  tit.  Marks,  the 
tienianded  smn,  7ft  gallons  ut'  rum,  was  paid  for  liiin,  and  thii8  hix  liheration 
was  elected. 

AHer  thiwii  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans  and  was  haiifjed,  his 
liunily,  coiisistiu},'  of  a  wile  ami  st.'veral  duuxhters,  Hiirreiulerud  thenis<lve«  to 
the  Americans  at  St.  Mark's.  The  younfrest  daughter,  Millii,  uhoiit  fourteen 
years  of  a^'e,  was  treated  with  great  uttetitiuii  by  all  tlu;  ortieerH  for  liaviri).' 
saved  the  lil'e  of  .W Krimmon.  She  vvas  said  to  have  been  very  handsonn . 
When  jWKrimmon  heard  of  her  being  amon;,'  the  captives,  ho  went  and  ollercd 
hims-lf  to  her  as  a  partner.  She  woidd  luit,  however,  receive  him,  until 
satisfied  that  ho  was  prompted  to  offer  himself  from  other  motives  than  n 
HOiisH  of  the  supposed  obligation  of  his  life  having  been  saved  by  her. 

Mikasaiiky  was  the  chief  rendezvous  of  the  war  party,  and  had  been  known 
at  least  a  centin-y  by  the  iinuie  of  iiiitcui  Rouge.  This  name  was  given  it 
by  the  I''rench,  and  the  Anglo-Americans  called  it  the  Red  Sticks,  to  av<>id 
tlie  use  of  the  satne  name  in  French.  Hence  the  Indiap'4  who  madi^  this 
their  (pnirters,  were  culled  RtuI  Sticks.  At  this  period  they  had  res  ived  the 
))ractice  of  setting  up  poles  or  sticks,  and  striping  them  with  red  paint,  which 
was  oidy  when  they  inteiuled  war.  The  Americans,  not  knowing  then-  jtrac- 
tice,  supposed  these  poles  were  j)ainted  witii  red  stripes  in  derision  of  tli(;ir 
libtjrty  poles.  Mikasunky,  now  Red  Sticks,  was  upon  a  border  of  Mikasauky 
Lake. 

IIORNOTLTMRD,  or  as  General  Jackjion  called  him,  "Homattlkmico, 
nn  old  Red  Stick,"  was  another  princi])al  Seminole  chief,  whose  residence 
was  at  Foil!  Town  in  the  hegimiing  of  tlie  war ;  but,  being  drivi^n  from 
ihence,  he  repaired  to  Mikasauky.  Three  vessels  having  aiTived  ut  the 
inoutli  of  the  Apaluchicola  on  the  30  November,  1817,  with  military  stores  for 
the  supply  of  tho  garrison,  were,  from  contrary  winds,  unable  to  ascend. 
Lieutenant  Scolt  was  despatched  for  their  assi'-tance,  in  a  boat  with  forty  men. 
The  old  chief  Hornotlimed,  who  had  just  before  been  driven  froni  Foul  Town, 
by  a  detachment  of  General  Gaines^s  army,  with  a  band  of  his  warriors,  had 
concealed  themselves  in  the  bank  of  the  river ;  and  when  Lieutenant  Srott 
and  his  men  returned,  they  fired  upon  them,  and  all  except  six  soldiers,  who 
jumped  overboard  and  swam  to  the  opposite  shore,  were  killed.  Twenty  of 
tlie  soldiers  had  been  left  for  the  aid  of  the  ascending  vessels,  and  about  the 
same  number  of  women  and  sick  were  in  their  places.  These  fell  into  the 
lands  oi'  Homotliined  and  his  warriors,  who  dashed  out  their  brains  upon  the 
sides  of  the  boat,  took  off  their  scalps,  and  carried  them  to  Mikasauky,  where 
they  exhibited  them  upon  their  red  pole,  in  memory  of  their  victory.  This 
chief  and  his  companion,  Hiltiahago,  were  doomed  shortly  to  expiate  with 
their  lives  for  this  massacre. 

The  Mikasauky  town  was  soon  after  visited  by  the  army,  but  the  Indians 
had  all  fled,  their  red  pole  was  left  standing,  and  the  scalps  upon  it ;  many  of 
■which  were  recognized  as  having  been  taken  from  Lieutenant  ScoWs  men. 
At  length  a  vessel  cruising  near  tne  mouth  of  Apalachicola  River,  to  prevent 
the  escape  of  the  Indians  ii>  that  direction,  with  English  colors  dis|)luyed, 
decoyed  on  board  the  famous  chiefs,  Homotlimedy  and  the  prophet  tVancis. 
These  the  AmericanB  hanged  without  trial  or  delay. 

NEAMATHLA  was  a  warrior  of  note  and  renown,  before  the  war  of  1812 
with  Great  Britain.  He  was  a  Seminole  chief;  but  where  his  residence  was 
previous  to  that  war  we  have  not  heard  ;  but  after  the  Seminole  war,  he  lived 
upon  a  good  estate,  at  Tallahassee,  of  which  estate  a  mile  square  was  under 
improvement.  This,  in  1823,  JVeamathla,  at  the  head  of  the  chiefs  of  his 
nation,  gave  up,  with  other  lands,  for  the  benefit  of  the  United  States,  by  a 


Chap. 


IHooK  IV. 


(MAT. 


VII.J 


NEAMATIll.A— Tin:  sr,.VIIN{)l,l'H. 


65 


VVIicn  tlir 
kihillcd,  H 
'»'|mrullonH 
'-ilH*'i\  that 
cflchriitfd 
her  latlur 
ti'titimi,  it' 
irnur  pnr- 
VlaiKs,  till 
libt;ration 

lun^fil,  hiH 

MIKclvfN    Id 

It  IniirH'cn 
tor  having' 

liaiMlsilMIC. 

tiiiiliilVrrcd 
liiiii,  until 
vcH  lliaii  :i 
er. 

l'oii  known 
lis  ^'ivi'ii  It 
cs,  t')  avoid 
niadt^  thiH 
•c'\  ivt'd  the 
[lint,  which 
their  piac- 
ori  of  their 
Mikusauky 

lttlkmico, 
;  rcfidcnc*' 
rivmi  I'nim 
Hid  at  the 
V  stores  for 
to  ascind. 
forty  men. 
'on  I  Town, 
irrior.s,  hud 
oiiuiit  S<oU 
Idiers,  who 
Twenty  of 
J  ubont  the 
ell  into  the 
IS  upon  the 
uky,  where 
cry.  This 
tpiate  with 

the  Indians 
; ;  many  of 
koU^s  men. 
to  prevent 
displayed, 
let  tVaneis. 

f&r  of  1812 
idcnce  was 
ar,  he  lived 
was  under 
liefs  of  his 
States,  by  a 


treatv  wliicli  thny  iiiiule  with  itM  ngenlH  at  IVIoiilirie  Creek,  in  Florida,  on  tli<> 
18  Si'ptenilx'r  ol  that  yt-ar. 

Ill  ail  additional  ailiele  of  Haid  treaty,  we  nad^"  Wherean  .Via  MallUa, 
John  lUoniit,  Timki  Hnjo,  JMitlliilo  Kiiitr,  IliiuUhloclur,  and  Hroiu-li(itimicit,  wiv 
iif  the  principal  eliieiH  of  llut  Florida  Indiaiiis,  and  parties  to  tin-  treaty  (o 
u  hli'li  this  artiele  has  Ix  en  annexed,  have  warmly  a|ipealed  to  the  eoniiiiis- 
»ii)iiers  liir  periniMsiuii  to  remaiii  in  the  distriet  of  eoiintry  now  inhabited  by 
l!i«'iii,  and  in  eonsideration  of  their  friendly  disposition,  and  pa.st  berviees  to 
the  V.  SlateM,"  it  was  ajifreed  lliat  ,Vvtiiiiallda  and  lii.s  liiilowers  should  liav«« 
t'liir  si|iiar(!  miles,  embraein<(  'rn|*linl^a  village,  on  Koeky  (-''<*ml<)rt  Creek  ; 
lUuiinl  and  lI({jo  n  tract  on  Apalai'iiiceda  lliver;  MiUlnlo  /vi;i;f  and  llinnllilmlut 
upon  the  same  river;  and  tkunchidimiio  on  tiie  (Jlialahooeliie.  With  AV«- 
■,:iiM(i  there  settled  'M  men;  with  UlounI,  l.'};  .Miillnlo  A'l/ii,'", MO ;  with  Kmnth- 
Itifhce, '^  \  with  Kfonrhatiiiuco,  >iS;  the  other  Florida  liitlians,  by  the  sam«? 
treaty,  were  to  remove  to  the  Amaznra,  or  Uiiithlacooelie  river,  upon  the 
jieiiinsula  of  Floriihi. 

Itiit  whether  "the  other  Florida  Indians"  had  any  band  in  makin;r  this 
ti-.'iit}',  doe.s  not  appear,  though  from  alter  circniiistances,  thtire  is  no  proba- 
hility  that  tliity  liud.  lleiiee  two  facts  are  duly  tu  be  considered  eoiieerning 
iliis  transaction,  as  tliey  have  led  to  fatal  mistakes:  one  is,  as  it  coiieerns  the 
iiiiiiiiier  of  the  rieminoles;  and  it  will  be  tusked,  Were  their  iiiiniberH  ^'reatly 
iiiidirrated,  that  it  iiii^bt  seem  that  those  who  made  the  treaty  were  the  iiiohC 
iiiportant  part  of  the  nation  ?  If  this  |>robleiii  come  out  allirmative,  then, 
I  say,  this  mistake,  or  imposition  upon  the  inbabitaiits  of  the  United  States, 
lias  been  u  /alal  one.  The  other  liiet  or  eiirumstanee  res«)lve8  itself  into 
niiotlur  problem,  but  not  more  diiricult  of  .solution  than  the  oth(>r.  It  may  be 
thus  Ktattul :  Had  these  few  ebiofs  any  authority  to  stipulate  for,  or  bind  any 
'jlhers  but  themselves?  If  not,  where  is  the  obligation  lor  them  to  leave 
their  country  and  habitations  ?  But  1  forbear  tu  pursue  this  subject  further 
ill  this  place,  and  will  return  to  JVeamathla. 

The  United  States  agreed  by  the  same  treaty  to  award  500  dollars  to  JVea- 
mallda,  as  u  compensation  for  the  improvements  altaiidoned  by  him,  as  well 
Hs  to  meet  tlio  expenses  of  his  removal. 

.\  word  more  of  the  countrymen  of  JVeamaUda,  who  emigrated  to  the 
western  coast  of  the  peninsula,  btfore  we  proceed  to  other  sulijeets.  "  The 
land,"  says  Mr.  }yUliama,*  to  which  they  are  ^^  legally  banished,  consists  of  dry 
suud  ridges  and  interminable  swuin|)s,  almost  wholly  uutit  tor  cultivation  ; 
where  it  has  cost  the  U.  States  more  than  their  land  was  worth  to  support  them. 
They  are  now  in  a  starving  condition ;  they  have  killed  the  stock  of  the 
American  settlers,  in  every  \mrt  of  the  territory,  to  sup|)oi-t  them.selves, 
already;  and  there  is  no  present  prospect  of  their  situation  becoming  im- 
proved." What  is  calcidated  to  add  to  their  miserable  condition,  is  the  limits 
within  which  they  are  restricted ;  they  are  not  allowed  to  go  nearer  than  within 
15  miles  of  the  sea.  A  garrison  was  established  at  Tampa  to  supply  them  with 
necessaries,  and  keep  them  in  order.  Recent  c-venLs,  however,  had  consid- 
erably changed  their  condition  betbre  the  cominencement  of  the  present  dis- 
tressing war,  and  they  are  found  much  more  numerous,  and  far  better  ofT,  as 
to  resources,  than  was  supposed  they  could  be. 

A  chief,  whom  the  whites  called  Peter  M^Qfieen,  has  been  incidentally 
mentioned,  in  our  account  of  the  Creek  war.  His  Indian  name  was  Talmu- 
cHEs  IIatcho,  and  he  belonged  to  the  tribe  of  Tukabatchie.  In  1814  be  fled 
before  the  Americans  under  General  Jaxkson,  and  took  up  his  residence  in 
Florida,  and  was  among  others  declared  an  outlaw.  In  1817  he  was  chief  of 
the  Tallapoosies,  and  resided  upon  the  Oklokue  or  Okoloknee  River,  and  was 
styled  "an  old  Red  Stick."  He  was  one  of  the  12  Creek  chiefs  who  gave  Mr. 
Alexander  ArbvthnoU  power  of  attorney  to  manage  tneir  aflliiirs.  This  was  done 
on  the  17  June,  1817.  He  was  a  chief  of  consequence,  possessed  a  valuable 
property,  in  lands  and  negroes.  HisetFects  were  seized  upon  as  lawful  booty, 
about  the  time  of  his  escape  from  Tukabatchie.  A  hall-breed,  by  the  name 
of  Barney,  shared  10  negroes  that  had  belonged  to  him,  and  a  chief  called 


6» 


Account  of  Florida,  72,  73, 


•.  '  f'l 


'0'-  " 


'    ««, 

'■■■-.^ 

■W 

■•■■■. 

4'-' 

•  M 

•     '      .i.J-:- 

'  .    1 '  ,f  ;< ' 

'^■pri- 

'      i  t  I 

■•  ■vl 

■       .  :  ^?ft 

vr       -,    :*'     ' 

■       •     '  ^,t 

.1  *■  '/'a' 

*■•   .  .■  . . 

■     '  *-   '  ■     K 

i-!- 

■  vi| 

:■  'J   ■  » 

'  ■  -^''^l^H 

'•'*  V'^XR 

• . 

"■"'  ""l^S 

J  :%    '^'SBvS. 

■'  •*■'■•  4™! 

60 


KINT..PATNF-   IS  KILLED  IN  BATTLE. 


[Book  IV. 


i 


Jixichi-hatr.hc,  jilina  Colonel,  had  20  more.  To  the  persons  who  had  made 
pliiiMlcr  of  his  sliivoa,  )ie  protested,  they  conld  have  no  claim  upon  him,  and 
that  he  iiad  never  injured  them.  He  therefore  a()pned  to  Mr.  R.  Jlrbuthnott, 
to  intereede  with  tJie  officer  at  tlie  United  States  military  post,  Fort  Gaines,  for 
some  relief;  this  he  did  in  a  very  respectful  letter,  but  with  what  euccess,  we 
are  as  yet  unprepared  to  speak. 

KING-PAINE  was  a  chief  who  mij^ht  have  demanded  early  attention,  hut 
who,  not  having  been  very  conspicuous  but  in  a  single  affair,  has  been  defer- 
red to  this  place.  Early  in  1812,  at  the  head  of  sundry  bands  of  Serninoles 
and  negroes,  who  had  run  av/ay  from  their  American  masters,  King-pnine 
issued  forth  in  quest  of  blood  and  plunder.  There  were  several  other  eiiieCs 
at  the  same  time,  (among  whom  Bow-legs*  was  conspicuous,)  who  assisted  in 
making  war  on  the  frontiers  of  Georgia.  Whether  either  or  both  of  tiie 
above-named  chiefs  commanded  the  daring  party,  who,  on  11  September, 
1812,  attacked  and  defeated  a  small  force  under  Captain  Williams,  we  are  not 
certain  ;  but  it  is  certain  that  they  commanded  a  large  force  soon  after,  wlien 
General  JVewman  marched  against  them,  and  fought  him  with  desperation. 
(Japtain  H'UUams,  with  about  20  men,  was  convoying  some  loaded  wugons 
towards  Davis  Creek,  and  when  within  about  10  miles  of  their  destination, 
they  were  attacked  by  a  party  of  Indians  and  negroes,  supposed  to  he  50  in 
number.  Although  the  whites  were  few,  they  protracted  the  fight  \m\\\  all 
their  ammtmition  was  expended,  their  captain  mortally  wounded,  and  six 
othei-s  slightly.  They  then  effected  a  retreat,  leaving  their  wagons  in  the 
hands  of  their  enemies.  Two  of  the  Americans  were  killed,  and,  it  was  sup- 
posed, a  much  greater  number  of  the  enemy. 

Expecting  a  force  would  be  soon  sent  against  them;  King-paine,  with  Bow- 
legs as  his  lieutenant,  marched  out  frotn  the  Lotchway  towns,  at  the  head  of 
150  warriors,  as  was  supposed.  They  were  not  disappointed  with  regard  to  a 
force  being  sent  against  them,  for  in  the  mean  time  General  Acwman,  f  of  the 
Georgia  volunteers,  marched  with  117  men  to  destroy  the  Lotchway  towns. 
When  he  had  arrived  within  about  six  miles,  he  fell  in  with  the  Indians,  all 
of  whom  were  mounted.  It  appears  the  parties  met  unexpectedly,  and  no 
time  was  lost  on  either  side  in  preparing  for  battle.  Having  dismounted,  tlie 
Indians  advanced  a  few  paces,  hoping  thereby  to  intimidate  their  advensaiies; 
but  JVeimnan,  at  the  same  time,  ordered  his  men  to  charge,  which  being 
promptly  obeyed,  the  Indians  were  put  to  flight  The  battle-ground,  being 
skirted  with  swamps  upon  three  sides,  was  advantageous  for  the  oj)erations  of 
the  Indians ;  nevertheless,  before  gaining  these  coverts,  a  well-directed  fire 
stopped  the  flight  of  many,  among  whom  was  King-paine  himself,  and  Bow- 
legs was  severely  wounded;  but  this  was  only  the  commencement  of  tiu; 
fight ;  for  no  sooner  was  the  fall  of  the  great  chief  known  among  his  men, 
than  they  returned  and  charged  in  their  turn,  but  were  again  forced  to  fly, 
leaving  the  body  of  their  leader  in  the  hands  of  the  whites.  This,  more  than 
any,  or  all  considerations  together,  wrought  up  their  minds  to  desperation, 
and  they  determined  on  its  recovery,  or  to  sacrifice  themselves  in  the  attempt; 
and  they  accordingly  returned  again  to  the  charge,  which,  it  is  said,  was  met 
with  firmness  by  the  whites,  who,  after  encountering  several  shocks,  again 
succeeded  in  routing  them  ;  but  they  immediately  returned  again,  with  greater 
fury  than  before,  and  with  greater  success  ;  for  they  obliged  the  Americans  to 
give  ground  in  their  turn,  and  after  some  time  spent  in  this  most  desperate 
work,  they  sucr-eeded  in  recovering  the  body  of  King-paine,  and  carried  it  )W. 
Their  loss  in  the  several  charges  was  unknown,  but  supposed  by  the  whitefi  to 
have  been  about  30 ;  while,  on  their  own  side,  they  report  but  one  killed  md 
nine  wounded.  This  fight  was  on  the  26  September,  and  lasted  about  four 
hours. 


•    it     *fc 


*  To  a  document  exhibited  in  the  trial  of  Arbuthnott  and  Ambrister,  his  name  is  signed 
BoLECK.  This  was  probably  his  real  name,  which  required  but  a  slight  corruption  to  change 
it  into  Bow-legs. 

t  Thomson  (Hist.  War,  61)  writes  this  officer's  name  Nnonan;  but  Brannan,  Perkins,  and 
Brackenridge,  all  write  it  as  in  the  text.  There  is  a  town  in  Florida  called  NeionamvUU, 
where  a  newspaper  is  prilled. 


Chap.  Vll]  GURISTERSIGO-HIS  BATTLE  WITH  GEN.  WAYNE. 


67 


The  whites  were  greatly  distressed  after  this  fight,  for  the  Indians  Were 
reinforced,  and  harassed  thorn  until  the  4  October,  when  they  gave  up  the 
business  and  retired.  General  JVemman,  having  thrown  up  a  slight  work,  was 
iihie  to  prevent  b<iing  entirely  cut  off,  and  at  length  retreated  out  of  the  coun- 
try. The  Indians  did  not  give  uj)  the  siege  until  tliey  had  been  pretty  severely 
cut  up.  The  whites,  by  concealing  tlieniselves  on  the  night  of  the  3d,  made 
ilicni  believe  they  had  abatidonod  tlieir  fort ;  and  they  came  up  to  it  in  a  body 
\viiiiout  apprehending  danger;  when  on  a  sudden  they  received  a  most  deadly 
tire,  and  inmiediately  fled. 

We  shall  close  this  chapter  with  some  revolutionary  and  other  matters. 
Tiio  Cherokees  had  engaged  not  to  operate  with  the  Ikitish,  towards  the  clost; 
of  the  war ;  and  what  is  very  singular,  all  the  time  that  the  greatest  successes 
attended  the  British  arms,  they  strictly  adhered  to  their  engagement ;  and  it 
was  not  until  the  fortune  of  war  had  changed,  and  the  Americans  had  l)ccome 
masters  of  nearly  all  the  country,  that  many  of  the  ill-fated  Indians,  instigated, 
no  doubt,  by  abandoned  white  desperadoes,  fell  upon  the  settlement  called 
Ninety  Six,  killing  many  persons,  and  burning  several  houses.  Upon  this, 
(leneral  Pickens  took  the  field,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  mounted  men,  and  in 
iihout  five  weeks  ibllowing  the  10  September,  1781,*  finished  this  Cherokee 
war,  in  which  40  Indians  were  killed,  13  towns  destroyed,  and  a  great  number 
ofnien,  women  and  children  taken  prisoners. f  A  white  man  by  the  name  of 
fVakrs  was  supposed  to  have  been  the  prime  mover  of  the  Indians,  who  with 
a  few  of  them  fled  through  the  Creek  country  into  Florida,  and  made  good 
tlieir  escape. 

On  17  October,  12  chiefs  and  200  warriors  met  General  Pickens  at  Long 
Swamp  Creek,  and  a  treaty  was  concluded,  by  which  Georgia  acquired  a 
large  accession  of  territory.  \ 

We  have  next  to  relate  the  bold  exploits  of  a  Creek  warrior,  of  the  name 
Guristersigo.§  The  British  held  possession  of  Savaiuial),  in  June,  1782,  and 
(Jeneral  Wayne  was  sent  there  to  watch  their  motions.  On  the  21  May,  Col- 
onel Brown  marched  out  of  Savannah  to  iricet,  according  to  appointment, 
a  band  of  Indians  under  Emistessigo,  or  Guristersigo.  But  some  difficulty 
among  the  Indians  had  delayeil  their  march,  and  the  movement  ofBrmcn  wf« 
(iisastroiis  in  the  extrenie.  General  fVayne,  by  a  bold  manopuvre,  cut  off  his 
retreat,  fell  ujmn  hiir:  at  midnight,  killed  40  of  his  men,  took  20  prisoners,  and 
tlio  rest  escapcil  only  under  cover  of  darkness.  In  this  fight  Wayne  would 
not  permit  a  gun  to  be  fired,  and  the  execution  was  effected  wholly  with  the 
sword  and  bayonet ;  the  flints  having  been  previotisly  taken  from  the  soldiers' 
guns. 

Meanwhile,  Emistessigo  was  traversing  the  whole  transverse  extent  of  Geor- 
gia, (strange  as  it  may  seem,)  widiout  being  discovered,  except  by  two  boys, 
who  were  taken  and  killed.  It  was  the  24  June,  however,  before  he  arrived 
ill  the  neighborhood  of  General  Wayne,  who  was  encamped  about  five  miles 
from  Savannah.  Wayne  did  not  expect  an  attack,  especially  by  Indians,  and 
consequently  was  completely  surprised.  But  being  well  seconded  by  his 
officers,  and  happily  resorting  to  his  favorite  plan  of  fighting,  extricated  him- 
self from  imminent  danger,  and  put  the  Indians  to  flight,  alter  a  hard-fought 
battle. 

The  plan  adopted  by  the  Indian  chief,  though  simple,  was  wise  ;  but  in  its 
execution  he  lost  some  time,  which  was  fatal  o  him.  He  captured  two  of 
Wayne's  cannon,  and  while  endeavoring  to  turn  them  upon  the  Americans, 
iliey  had  time  to  rally.  And,  as  the  sword  and  bayonet  were  only  used  by 
tliem,  no  chance  was  left  the  Indians  to  take  advantage  of  position  fVom  the 
flashes  of  the  guns  of  their  adversaries.  If  Wayne  merited  censure  for  being 
taken  thus  unprepared,  he  deserved  it  quite  as  much  for  exposing  himself  in 
the  fight  beyond  what  prudence  required ;  but  more  than  all,  for  putting  to 
ileath  12  prisoners  who  had  been  decoyed  into  his  power,  after  the  fight. 

The  severest  part  of  the  action  was  fought  at  the  cannons.  Emiitessifro  was 
loath  to  relinquish  such  valuable  trophies,  and  he  did  it  only  with  his  life. 


*  Johnson's  Life  of  Green,  ii.  347. 
\  Johnson's  Life  of  Green,  ii.  348. 
i  Lte.    Dr.  Holmes  writes  Emistessigo. 


i  Lee's  Memoirs,  382,  383, 


Annals,  ii.  340. 


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GRANGULAKOPAK^DIG  WARRIOR. 


[Book  IV. 


Seventeen  of  liia  warriors  fell  by  liia  side,  bcsidca  his  white  guides.  He 
received  a  spear  und  two  bayonets  in  his  body  before  he  fell,  and  encouraged 
his  warriors  to  the  last.  When  he  began  to  faint,  he  retired  a  few  steps,  and 
calmly  layinj?  himself  down,  breathed  his  last  without  a  groan  or  struggle. 

This  chief  was  six  feet  three  inches  high,  weighing  about  220  pounds,  bear- 
ing a  manly  and  expressive  countenance,  and  JJO  years  of  age  ;  and  Genera) 
Lee  nd<l»,  "  Guristersigo  died,  as  ho  had  lived,  tfie  renowned  warrior  of  the 
Overhill  Creeks."  In  this  singular  aiitiir  but  12  Americans  were  killed  and 
wounded.  Among  the  plunder  taken  from  tli(!  Indians  were  117  packhorses, 
laden  with  ]>eltry.  Exertions  wen;  nindo  to  capture  tiKve  warriors  that  es- 
caped from  the  attack  on  H^ayne's  camp,  but  so  well  did  they  understand  the 
countrj"^,  that  not  one  of  them  was  taken. 

Although  not  in  the  order  of  time,  we  will  introduce  here  one  of  the  earliest 
advocates  for  tem})erancc  that  we  have  met  with  among  the  Indians.  This 
person,  though  a  Creek,  was  a  descendant,  by  his  own  account,  of  the  renown- 
ed Grangula.  His  name  was  Onughkalbiilminnj-grangulakopak.  All  we  know 
of  his  history,  can  be  told  in  a  few  wonis^,  and  l)ut  lor  one  speech  of  his  whicli 
happened  to  be  preserved,  even  his  name  we  had  never  perhaps  heard.  That 
he  lived  in  1748,  and  was  eminent  for  his  good  morals,  except  the  speech, 
before  mentioned,  is  all  we  know  of  him.  As  to  the  speech,  which  is  so  highly 
extolled,  it  has,  like  numerous  others,  we  are  of  opinion,  passed  through  too 
many  hands  to  be  considered  by  all  who  may  meet  with  it  as  genuire;  never- 
theless, throwing  aside  all  the  unmeaning  verl)iage  with  winch  it  is  encumbered, 
an  Indian  speech  might  remain  that  woidd  l)e  read  with  pleasure.  As  it  stands 
in  the  work  before  us,*  its  length  excludes  it  from  our  pages,  and  we  shall  select 
but  few  sentences.  It  was  delivered  in  a  great  council  of  the  Creek  nation, 
and  taken  down  in  short  hand  by  some  white  present,  and  about  four  years 
after  came  into  the  hands  of  an  ugent  of  Sir  fVUliam  Johnson,  thence  into  the 
hands  of  sundry  othei-s. 

"FArMERs,  Brethren,  and  Colntrtmen. — We  are  met  to  deliberate, 
Upon  what  ? — Upon  no  less  a  subject,  than  whether  we  shall,  or  shall  not  be  a 
people!"  "I  do  not  stand  up,  O  oountryuKni !  to  propose  the  plans  of  war, 
or  to  direct  the  sage  experience  of  this  assembly  in  ihe  regulation  of  our  alli- 
ances: your  wisdom  renders  this  unnecessary  lor  me." — "The  traitor,  or 
rather  the  tyrant,  I  arraign  before  ^on,  O  Creeks!  is  no  native  of  our  soil;  hut 
rather  a  lulling  mistireant,  an  emissary  of  the  evil  principle  of  darkness.  'Ti» 
that  pernicious  liquid,  which  our  |)ri.'teii(led  white  friends  artfully  introduced, 
and  so  ]>lcntifully  ytour  in  among  us ! "— "  O,  ye  Creeks !  when  I  thunder  iti 
your  ears  this  denunciation ;  that  if  this  cup  of  perdition  continues  to  rule 
among  us,  with  sway  so  intemperate,  ye  will  cease  to  be  a  nation  !  Ye  will 
have  neither  heads  to  direct,  nor  hands  to  protect  you. — While  this  diabolical 
juice  undennines  all  the  powers  of  your  bodies  and  mmds,  with  inofTensivc 
zeal,  the  warrior's  enfeebled  arm  will  dmw  the  bow,  or  launch  the  sjKjar  in  the 
day  of  battle.  In  the  day  of  council,  when  national  safety  stands  suspended 
on  the  lips  of  the  hoary  sachem,  be  will  shake  his  head  with  uncollected  spirits, 
and  drivel  the  babblings  of  a  second  childhood." 

The  above,  though  not  a  third  of  the  speech,  contains  chief  of  all  that  was 
intended  to  be  conveyed  in  several  pages.  A  true  Indian  speech  need  not 
here  be  presented  to  show  the  difi'erence  of  style  between  them  ;  but  as  we 
have  a  very  good  one,  by  the  famous  Creek  chief)  Bio-warrior,  not  elsewhere 
noticed,  it  shall  be  laid  before  the  reader.  It  was  delivered  at  the  time  Gen- 
eral Jackson  was  treating  with  the  Creeks,  about  the  close  of  the  last  war  with 
England,  and  was  in  reference,  as  will  be  seen,  to  the  conditions  demanded  of 
the  vanquished.  And,  although  Big-warrior  was  the  friend  of  the  Americans, 
yet  he  now  felt  for  hia  countrymen,  and  after  saying  many  other  things,  con- 
cluded as  follows : — 

"  The  president,  our  father,  advises  us  to  honesty  and  fairness,  and  promises 

*  Sermons,  &.C.,  by  Reverend  William  SmUk. 


senses. 


body," 


,■■* 
■  .1. 


Chap.  VII.] 


BIG  WARRIOR'S  SPEECH  TO  JACKSON. 


that  justice  shall  be  done :  I  Iiope  and  trii.st  it  will  be  !  I  made  this  war, 
wliioli  lias  proved  so  fatal  to  my  country,  that  the  treaty  entered  into  a  long 
time  ago,  with  father  Washington,  might  not  be  broken.  To  his  friendly 
arm  I  liold  fast.  I  will  never  break  tiiat  bright  chain  of  friendsiiip  we  made 
together,  and  which  bound  us  to  stiuid  to  the  U.  States.  He  was  a  father  to 
tlie  Muscogee  people ;  and  not  only  to  them,  but  to  all  the  |>eople  iKMM'ath  the 
sun.  His  talk  I  now  hold  in  my  hand-  There  sits  the  agent  he  sent  among 
us.  Never  has  he  broken  the  treaty.  He  has  lived  with  us  a  long  time.  He 
has  seen  our  children  born,  who  now  liave  children.  By  his  din-ction,  cloth 
was  wove,  and  clothes  were  made,  and  spread  through  our  country  ;  but  the 
Red  Sticks  came,  and  destroyed  all; — we  have  none  now.  Har<l  is  our 
situation  ;  and  you  ought  to  consider  it.  I  state  what  all  the  nation  knows : 
nothing  will  J  keep  swret. — There  stands  the  little  warrior.  While  we  were 
necking  to  give  satisfaction  for  the  murders  that  had  been  cx)mmitted,  he 
pi-oved  a  mischief-maker ;  he  went  to  the  Untish  on  the  lakes ;  he  came  back, 
.111(1  brought  a  package  to  the  frontiers,  which  increased  the  murders  here. 
This  conduct  has  already  made  the  war  party  to  suffer  greatly  ;  but,  although 
altno.st  destroyed,  they  will  not  yet  o|)en  their  eyes,  but  are  still  led  away  by 
the  Britu^h  at  Pensacola.  Not  so  wilii  us.  We  were  rational,  and  had  our 
senses.  We  yet  are  so.  In  the  war  of  the  revokition,  our  father  beyond  the 
waters  encouraged  us  to  join  him,  and  we  did  so.  We  had  no  sense  then. 
The  promises  he  made  were  never  kept.  We  were  young  and  foolish,  and 
fought  with  him.  The  British  can  no  more  persuade  us  to  do  wrong.  They 
have  deceived  us  once,  and  can  do  it  no  more.  You  are  two  great  people. 
If  you  go  to  war,  we  will  have  no  concern  in  it ;  for  we  are  not  able  to  fight. 
We  wish  to  be  at  peace  with  every  natioiu  If  they  offer  me  arms,  I  will  say 
to  them.  You  put  me  in  danger,  to  war  against  a  people  bom  in  our  own  land. 
They  shall  never  force  us  into  danger.  You  shall  never  see  that  our  chiefs 
are  boys  in  council,  who  will  be  foreed  to  do  any  thing.  I  talk  thus,  knowing 
that  father  Washington  advised  us  never  to  interfere  in  wars.  He  told  us 
that  those  in  peace  were  the  luippiest  people.  He  told  us,  that  if  an  enemy 
attacked  him,  he  had  warriors  enough,  and  did  not  wish  his  red  children  to 
help  him.  If  the  British  advise  us  to  any  thing,  I  will  tell  you — not  hide  it 
from  you.     If  they  say  we  must  fight,  I  will  tell  them,  No." 

He  had  previously  spoken  of  the  causej?  of  the  war,  and  of  the  sufferings  it 
had  brought  upon  them,  but  asked  indulgence  from  compassion.  The  fine 
tract  of  country,  now  the  state  of  Alal»aum,  was  argued  for  by  ShelolUa,  another 
famous  chief,  who  had  large  claiuis  on  the  whites,  but  Jackson  would  not 
concede.  This  chief  had  rendered  them  the  greatest  sei-vices  in  the  war,  and 
appealed  to  Jackson's  feelings,  by  portraying  the  dangers  they  had  passed 
together,  and  his  faithfulness  to  him  in  the  most  ti'ying  scenes ;  but  all  availed 
nothing. 

Big  Warrior  was  a  cons-iicuous  chief  for  many  years.  In  1821,  one  of  his 
n.ition  undertook  to  accomi'uny  a  Mr.  Lucas  as  a  guide,  and  killed  him  by  the 
way.  C!omplaiut  was  jmine<liat,eh'  made  to  Big-warrior,  who  ordered  him 
to  b'!  executed  without  delay.  lu  IHiil  he  wjis  the  most  noted  among  the 
o|)(iosersof  the  missionaries.  In  this  it  was  thought  he  was  influenced  by  the 
Indian  agents,  which  opinion  was  jierliaps  strengthened  from  the  fiict  that  a 
siil)-ngent,  Captain  IValktr,  had  married  his  daughter.  He  was  head  chief  of 
the  nation  when  Gcntinil  JiTIntosh  forfeited  his  life  by  breaking  the  law  of 
the  nation  in  selling  a  part  of  the  Creek  country.  The  troubles  of  his  natioa 
iiaving  brought  him  to  Wasiiington,  at  the  head  of  a  delegation,  he  fell  sick 
•iiid  died  there,  8  March,  18^5,*  He  was  a  man  of  colo.ssal  stature,  luid  pro- 
!)ortionate  physical  powere ;  and  it  is  said  "his  mind  was  as  colossal  as  his 
iiody,"  and  that  he  had  done  much  towards  improving  tJie  condition  of  his 
i^ountrymea     He  had  a  son  named  Tuskehcnaha. 

*  Nilrs's  llrgislcr,  xxviii.  48. — l!y  a  nns.sajic  in  the  report  of  a  commitli-p  of  congress  OB 
t!ie  Creek  afl'aiis  in  1827,  it  would  sf-'uiu  that  Big-warrior  died  as  carl^-  as  Febjuary> 


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70 


GROUNDS  OF  THE   SEMINOLE  WAR. 


[Book  IV. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 


1' "  i' 

»;, 

^y'-y 

i 

.' '  '* 

-V 

w\i-> 

'(- 

^"^(■•, 


Grounds  of  tut  Seminole  War — Circumstarues  of  those  Indians  misunderstood — Just- 
ness of  the  War — Neamathla  deposed — Treaties — Of  Moultrie  Creek — Payne's 
Landing — Council  at  Camp  King — fs  broken  up  hij  Osceola — It  is  renewed,  and  a 
parly  agree  to  emigrate — Osceola's  opposition — Is  seized  and  put  in  irans — 
Feigns  a  submission  and  is  released — Executes  an  agreement  to  comply  loith  the 
demands  of  the  whites — The  physical  condition  of  the  Indians. 

Having^  in  a  fonner  chapter  of  tliis  our  fourth  book,  given  many  of  tiie 
jiecessaiy  particulars  for  a  right  unileretanding  of  tlie  former  Florida  war,  it 
will  not  be  necessary  here  to  repeat  the  same,  and  we  shall, therefore,  proceici 
at  once  to  a  notice  of  the  grounds  of  tlie  present  war  with  the  Indians  in  tiiut 
region. 

It  has  been  formerly  said,  tliat  nearly  all  the  Indian  wars  have  the  samo 
origin  ;  and,  on  attentively  exarainuig  the  subject,  it  will  be  found  tlmt  tli(? 
remark  has  much  of  truth  in  it.  The  Seminoles  of  Florida  have  been  foimd 
quite  different  from  what  they  had  been  supposed.  Every  body  had  consid- 
ered them  a  mere  outcast  remnant,  too  much  enfeebled  by  their  proximity  to 
the  whites,  to  be  in  the  least  dreaded  ui  a  war.  Indeed,  such  conchisioii  wan 
in  perfect  accordance  with  the  accounts  which  were  circulated  among  intelli- 
gent peop!.:; ;  hut  the  truth  seems  to  be,  people  hrive  always  been  misinfonnid 
on  the  subject,  owing  cliiefly  to  the  ignorance  of  their  inforniers.  Nor  is  it 
Btrange  that  misinformation  should  be  circulated,  when  it  is  consi<lered  tliut 
the  veJ7  agents  who  lived  among  them,  and  those  who  made  treaties  wit!) 
them,  could  not  give  any  satisfactory  account  as  to  their  numbei-s  or  oilier 
circumstances.  General  Jackson,  in  1817  and  18,  made  an  easy  nwtter  of 
ravaging  a  part  of  Florida.  His  being  opposed  but  by  very  few  Indians,  led 
to  the  belief  that  there  were  but  few  in  the  country.  The  war  of  1814  was 
then  too  fresh  in  their  recollections  to  suffer  them  to  adventure  too  much,  and 
the  prol)ability  is,  that  but  few  could  be  prevailed  upon  to  join  in  a  war  again 
so  soon.  Hence,  one  of  two  conclusions  must  now  evidently  be  fixed  upon, — 
either  that  the  Seminole  Indians  were  much  more  numerous,  20  years  ago, 
than  wliat  was  supposed,  or  that  they  have  increased  very  considerably  within 
that  time.    For  my  pai't,  I  am  convinced  that  both  conclusions  are  correct. 

When  we  are  told,  that  at  such  a  tune,  and  such  a  place,  counnisaoners 
of  the  United  States  govenmient  met  a  delegation  of  the  principal  chiefs  of  the 
Soutliern  Indians,  and  made  a  treaty,  the  articles  of  which  were  satisfactory 
to  the  Indians,  two  or  three  queries  present  themselves  for  solution  ;  as,  by 
what  means  have  the  chiefs  been  got  together  j  what  other  chiefs  and  princi- 
pal men  are  there  belonging  to  such  a  nation,  who  did  not  pariicipate  in  the 
business  of  the  treaty.  Anxious  to  effect  their  object,  commissioners  have 
sometimes  practised  unwarrantable  means  to  obtain  it ;  especially  in  encour- 
aging sales  of  territory  by  a  minority  of  chiefs,  or  gaining  theii-  consent  to  a 
removal  by  presents. 

In  the  early  pait  of  the  present  war,  the  number  of  Seminole  warriors  was 
reckoned,  by  pereons  upon  the  spot,  at  2000 ;  but  they  have  generally,  since 
that  period,  been  rated  higher.  But  it  is  my  ojiniou,  that  2000  able  men,  led 
by  such  a  chief  as  Osceola  has  proved  himself  o  be,  are  amply  sufficient  to  do 
all  that  has  been  done  on  the  part  of  the  Indians  in  Florida,  in  18J35  and  0. 

There  can  be  but  one  opinion,  among  disceniing  peojde,  of  the  justness  of 
the  present  war,  as  it  appears  to  mo  ;  nevertheless,  however  unjustly  created, 
on  the  part  of  the  whites,  tlie  most  efficient  measures  should  have  been  taken, 
in  its  earliest  stages,  for  its  suppression  ;  because,  the  sooner  it  is  ended,  the 
fewer  will  be  the  sacrifices  of  lives ;  to  say  nothing  of  the  conconutant  suffer- 
ings of  individuals,  and  destructions  of  i)roperty.  It  has  been  frecjuently 
asked,  what  the  executive  and  the  congress  of  the  nation  have  been  about  all 
this  time  !  A  few  soldiers  have  been  sent  to  Florida  at  a  time  ;  some  have 
hern  cut  off,  and  the  services  of  oth(>rs  rendered  abortive,  by  some  childish 
bickerings  among  their  officers  about  "  precedency  of  rank."    But  whose  fault 


Chap.  VIII] 


NEAMATHLA  DEPOSED.— TREATIES. 


71 


it  is  that  those  officers  should  have  been  there  under  commissions  or  in- 
structions of  such  a  nature  as  to  set  tiiem  in  such  an  awkward  position  in 
re8j)ect  to  each  other,  I  will  not  take  upon  me  to  state,  tiie  lucts  being  of 
sunicicnt  notoriety. 

A  writer  has  given  the  following  facts  relative  to  the  Seminoles  recently, 
and,  as  they  are  suited  to  my  course  of  remarko,  I  give  them  in  liin  own 
words : — "  Shortly  after  the  cession,  [of  Florida  to  the  U.  S.]  a  trimty  was 
made  by  which  the  Seminoles  consented  to  relinqui.sh  by  far  the  better  part 
of  their  lands,  and  retire  to  the  centre  of  the  peninsula, — a  quarter  consisting 
for  the  most  part  of  pitie  barrens  of  the  worst  description,  and  terminating; 
towards  the  south  in  unexplored  and  impassable  niarsla  s.  When  the  tini*- 
came  for  the  execution  of  the  treaty,  old  J^eka  Malhla,  the  head  of  the  tribi-, 
thought  it  savored  too  much  of  the  cunning  and  whiskey  of  the  white  man, 
and  summoned  his  warriors  to  resist  it.  Gov.  Duval,  who  succeeiied  Gen. 
Jackson  in  the  chief  magistracy  of  this  territory,  broke  in  u])on  his  warc-ouncii, 
deposed  the  war  leaders,  and  elevated  the  peace  ;:...ty  to  the  chielhiincios. 
Tlie  Seminoles  retired  peaceably  to  the  territory  assigned  them,  and  old  JSTeha 
Malhla  retired  to  the  Creeks,  by  whom  he  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  u 
chief." 

The  next  event  of  considerable  moment  in  the  histoid  of  the  Seminoles,  is 
the  treaty  of  Paynt'a  Landhi^.  Of  this  affair  I  am  able  to  speak  in  the  lan- 
guage of  the  principal  agent  in  it,  on  the  part  of  the  whites.  The  individual 
to  vvhouj  I  refer.  General  IVil'y  Thompson,  will  be  particularly  noticed  here- 
after, from  the  melancholy  fate  which  lie  met  in  the  progress  oJ'  this  war. 

I  have,  in  a  previous  chapter,  spoken  of  the  treaty  at  Moultrie  Cnusk  ;  but, 
before  going  into  the  particulars  of  that  at  Payne's  Landing,  it  will  be  neces- 
sary to  make  a  few  additional  observations.  The  Indians  who  consented  to 
that  treaty,  by  such  consent  agreed  "  to  come  under  the  protection  of  the  U. 
States,  to  give  up  their  possessions,  and  remove  to  certain  restricted  boundaries 
in  the  territory,  the  extreme  point  of  which  was  not  to  be  nearer  than  15  miles 
to  the  sea  coast  of  the  Gulf  of  Mexico.  For  any  losses  to  which  they  might 
he  subjected  by  their  removal,  the  government  agree:'  to  make  liberal  donations, 
also  to  provide  implements  of  husbandry,  schools,  &.C.,  and  pay  an  annuity  of 
5000  dollars  for  20  years ;  besides  which  there  were  presents  of  corn,  meat, 
&c.  &c.  It  was  required  of  the  Indians  that  they  should  prevent  absconding 
slaves  from  taking  refuge  among  them,  and  they  were  to  use  all  proper  exer- 
tions to  a[)prehend  and  deliver  the  same  to  their  proper  owners." 

Our  account  next  goes  on  to  state,  that  the  harmony  which  existed  at  the 
conclusion  of  this  treaty  was  very  great,  and  that  the  Indians  were  so  well 
satisfied  with  its  provisions,  "that  they  had  a  clause  expressly  inserted,  by 
which  the  United  States  agent.  Major  Gad.  Humphreys,  and  the  interpreter, 
Richards,  were  to  have  each  one  mile  square,  in  fee  simple,  as  a  mark  of  the 
confidence  they  reposed  in  these  officers  of  the  government." 

Before  this  treaty  was  carried  into  effect,  the  Indians  were  intruded  upon, 
and  they  gradually  began  to  be  rathi^r  slow  in  the  delivery  of  the  runaway 
negroes.  Clumora  were  therefore  loud  against  them,  and  difficulties  followed, 
'ti\  quick  succession,  for  several  yeai-s.  At  length  it  was  determined  that  the 
Seminoles  should  be,  somehow  or  other,  got  out  of  Florida,  and  the  treaty  of 
Payne's  Landing  was  got  up  for  this  object. 

Accordingly,  in  1832,  on  the  9th  of  May,  a  treaty  was  entered  into  "  on 
Ocklawaha  River,  known  by  the  name  of  the  treaty  of  Payne's  liunding, 
by  which  they  stipulated  to  relin(iuish  all  their  possessions  in  Florida,  and 
emigrate  to  the  country  allotted  to  the  Creeks,  west  of  the  Mississippi ;  in  con- 
sideration of  which  the  government  was  to  pay  15,400  dollars,  on  tiieir  arrival 
at  their  new  home,  and  give  to  each  of  the  warrioi-s,  women  and  children  one 
blanket  and  one  homespun  frock.  The  whole  removal  was  stipulated  to  take 
place  within  three  years  after  the  ratification." 

What  object  the  government  could  have  had  in  view  by  stipulating  that  the 
Indians  should  deliver  into  its  hands  all  their  cattle  an.)  horses,  previous  to 
their  emigration,  I  know  not,  unless  it  was  the  intention  of  its  agents  to 
speculate  in  stocks ;  or  perhaps  the  mode  by  which  the  Indians  were  to  lie 
transported,  would  not  admit  of  their  being  transported  wii.ii  them.    Be  this 


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EXECUTIONS.— COUNCIL  AT  CAMP      iWG. 


[Book  IV. 


as  it  niigiit,  we  shall  see  tlint  this  stock  affuir  was  among  the  bcgmning  of  the 
sparks  of  war. 

It  u|)pears  tliat  between  18.'}2  and  1834,  it  had  liccome  very  apparent  th)it 
no  removal  was  intended  by  tiie  Indians ;  and  it  was  equally  ap)>areiit  tluu 
those  who  had  engaged  a  removal  for  tlie  nation,  were  not  the  fii-st  i)eoi)lt"  ji, 
it,-  und,  consequently,  a  difliculty  would  ensue,  let  the  matter  l)e  urged  when 
it  would.  General  Thompson  w.is  the  government  agent  in  Florida,  and  lie 
(whether  with  advice  or  without,  I  am  not  informed)  thought  it  best  to  liave  a 
talk  with  .some  of  the  real  head  men  of  the  nation,  upon  the  subject  of  removal, 
which  he  eH'octcd  about  a  year  before  the  time  of  removal  expired,  nanicly,  in 
the  ihll  of  18;il. 

Meanwhile,  the  chief  who  had  l)een  put  in  the  place  of  JVeamathla,  by  Gov- 
ernor Duval,  had  l>een  executed,  by  some  of  the  nation,  for  adhering  to  the 
whites,  and  advocating  a  removal  beyond  the  Mississippi.  The  name  of  th(f 
chief  executed  upon  this  account  was  Hicks.  To  him  succeeded  one  named 
Charles,  or,  as  he  is  sometimes  called,  Clutrles  Otnathla,  and  he  shared  the  same 
fate  not  long  after.  Nine  warriors  came  into  his  council,  an<l  learning  that  in- 
insisted  upon  a  removal,  shot  nine  bullets  through  his  heart!  No  more  doubt- 
ful characti'i-s  wen;  now  raised  to  the  chiellaincy,  but  a  warrior,  named  Lmiis, 
well  known  for  his  hostility  to  the  whites,  was  made  chief. 

In  the  council  which  General  Thompson  got  together  for  the  purpose  of 
holding  a  talk,  as  has  been  remarked,  appeared  Osceola,  ami  sevend  otliei' 
<listiiiginshed  chiefs.  This  council  was  held  at  Fort  King,  and  was  opcnott 
by  (ieneral  Thompson  in  a  considerable  sj)eech,  wherein  he  endeavored  to 
convince  the  ln<liansof  the  necessity  of  a  speedy  removal ;  urging,  at  the  same 
time,  that  their  own  safety,  as  well  as  that  of  their  property,  requirtid  it ;  and 
requested  their  answer  to  the  sidyect  of  his  discoui-se,  which  he  {)rcscnted  in 
form  of  [iroposiiions.  "  The  Indians  retired  to  private  council,  to  diseus,s  the 
subject,  when  the  present  young  and  daring  chief  Jlceola  {Powell)  [Osceoi.a] 
addressed  the  council,  in  an  animated  strain,  against  emigration,  and  s~aid  tliat 
any  i)ne  who  shoidd  dare  lo  recommend  it  should  be  looked  upon  as  an  enemy, 
and  held  responsible  to  the  nation.  There  was  something  in  his  manner  so 
impressive  and  bold,  tliat  it  alarmed  the  timid  of  the  council ;  and  it  '.vas 
agreed,  in  private  talk,  that  the  treaty  should  be  resisted.  When  this  was  made 
known  to  the  agent,  lie  made  them  a  long  and  eloquent  harangue,  setting  tbrth 
the  dangers  that  surrounded  them  if  they  were  subjected  to  the  laws  of  the 
palefaces,  where  a  red  man's  word  would  not  be  taken ;  that  the  whites  might 
make  false  charges  against  them,  and  dejirive  them  of  their  negi-oes,  horses, 
lands,  &c.  Ail  this  time  Jlceola  was  sitting  by,  begging  the  chiefs  to  remahi 
lirm."     When  this  was  finished,  a  chief,  named 

"IIoLATEE  Mico,  said  the  gn;at  Spirit  made  them  all — tlMjy  had  come  from 
one  woman — and  ho  hoped  they  would  not  quan*el,  but  talk  until  they  got 
throjigh."     The  next  chief  who  spoke  was  named 

MicANOPEE.  lie  was  tlie  king  of  the  nation.  All  he  is  reported  to  have 
said  was,  that  he  had  no  intention  to  nmiove.  "Powell  then  told  the  agent 
he  had  tiie  decision  of  the  chiefs,  and  that  the  council  was  broken  up.  In  a 
private  talk,  an  old  chioA'  sfdd  he  had  heard  much  of  his  great  father's  regard 
for  his  red  children.  It  had  come  upon  his  eai-s,  but  had  gone  through 
them  ;  he  wanted  to  see  it  with  his  eyes ; — that  he  took  land  from  other  red 
skins  to  pay  them  for  theii-s,  and  by  and  by  he  would  take  that  also.  Tiie 
tvhile  skins  had  forked  tongues,  and  hawks'  fingers ;  that  David  Blount  told 
him  the  peoph;  in  the  great  city  made  an  Indian  out  of  paint,  and  then  sent 
after  him  and  took  his  laiuls,  (alluding  to  the  likenesses  of  the  chiefs,  in  the 
war  department,  at  Washington.)  He  wanted,  he  said,  to  sleep  in  the  same 
land  with  his  fathers,  and  wished  liis  children  to  sleep  by  his  side." 

The  plea  set  up,  that  Spain  ceded  Florida  to  the  United  States  in  1819, 
without  any  provision  for  those  Indians,  need  only  tn  be  noticed  to  show  its 
absurdity.  It  is  worthy  of  remark,  that  when  the  f  ight  of  the  Seminoles  to 
the  lands  of  Florida  was  talked  about,  the  idea  was  derided  by  many  influential 
men ;  but  when  such  persons  desired  to  take  lossession  of  some  of  the 
territory,  they  seemed  more  inclined  to  acknowledge  the  Indians'  rights  by 
agreeing  to  pay  them  for  them,  than  of  exercising  eitlier  their  own  right,  or  thai 


:»"■;- 


Chap.  VIII.] 


OSCEOLA  IS  PUT  IN  IRONS. 


78 


of  tho  United  Slates,  by  taking  unceremonious  possession.  This  can  be 
accounted  for  in  the  same  way  that  we  account  for  one's  buying  an  article  that 
he  desires,  because  he  dares  not  take  it  witiiout. 

Wlien  a  removal  was  first  urged  upon  the  Seminole  Indians,  tlioir  chiefs 
said,  "Let  us  see  what  kind  of  a  country  this  is  of  wliich  you  talk,  then  if  we 
like  it,  it  is  time  enougli  to  exchange  ours  for  it."  But  it  is  said,  the  govern- 
nicni  agent  had  no  authority  to  authorize  a  deputation  of  Lidians  to  visit  the 
protiiised  land,  and  here  the  matter  rested  awiiile. 

How  long  afler  this  it  was,  I  sliali  not  untlertake  to  state,  that  the  Indians 
made  known  their  desire  of  exciiangiiig  tlieir  country ;  but  this  was  said  to 
have  been  the  fact,  and  the  result  was  the  treaty  of  Payne's  Landing,  already 
described. 

It  ap|)eai-s  that  General  Thompson,  nothing  discouraged  at  the  result  of  the 
council  which  had  been  terminated  by  the  wisdom  of  Osceola,  without  tiie 
slightest  concurrence  in  any  of  his  measures,  by  unceasing  efl'orts  had  i)re- 
vailed  upon  a  considerable  niunber  of  "chiefs  and  sub-chiefs  to  meet  him 
afterwards  and  execute  a  writing,  agreeing  to  com|>ly  with  the  treaty  of  1832." 
This  was  evidently  done  without  Osceola's  consent,  but  its  being  done  by  some 
whom  he  had  considered  his  jmrtisanis,  irritated  him  exceedingly.  lie  now 
saw  that  in  spite  of  all  he  could  do  or  say,  the  whites  would  get  terms  of 
agreement  of  some  of  the  Indians;  enough,  at  least,  for  a  pretence  for  tlieu' 
designs  of  a  removal. 

In  tills  state  of  things,  Osceola  remonstrated  strongly  with  the  agent  for  thus 
taking  the  advantage  of  a  few  of  his  people,  who  doubtless  were  under  much 
greater  obligation  to  him  than  to  the  people  of  the  United  States.  Remon- 
strance soon  grew  into  altercation,  which  ended  in  a  ruse  de  guerre,  by  wliich 
Osceola  was  made  ]>risoner  by  the  agent,  and  put  in  irons,  in  which  situation 
he  was  kept  one  night  and  part  of  two  days. 

Here  then  we  see  the  origin  of  OsceoMs  strong  hatred  to  General  Thompson. 
While  lying  in  chains  he  no  doubt  came  to  the  fixed  resolution  to  resist  the 
whites  to  his  utmost  ability,  and  therefore,  with  perfect  command  over  himself, 
dissembled  his  indignation,  and  deceived  the  agent  by  n  pretended  compliance 
with  his  demands.  The  better  to  blind  the  whites,  he  not  only  promised  to 
sign  the  submission  which  he  had  so  strongly  objected  to,  Imt  promised  that 
his  friends  should  do  so,  at  a  stated  time ;  and  his  word  was  kept  with  the 
strictest  accuracy.  He  came  to  Fort  King  with  79  of  his  people,  men,  Avomen, 
and  children,  and  then  the  signing  took  place.  This  punctuality,  accompanied 
with  the  most  perfect  dissimulation,  had  the  effect  that  the  chief  intended  it 
should — the  dissipation  of  all  the  feare  of  the  whites.  These  transactions  were 
in  the  end  of  May  and  beginning  of  June,  1835. 

Thus  we  have  arrived  very  near  the  period  of  open  hostilities  and  blood- 
shed ;  but  before  proceeding  in  the  details  of  these  sanguinary  events,  it  may 
not  he  improper  to  pause  a  moment  in  reviewing  some  of  the  matters  already 
touched  upon.  The  first  to  which  the  attention  is  naturally  called,  is  so 
prominent  as  scarcely  to  need  b'ing  presented,  but  I  cannot  refrain  asking 
attention  to  a  comparison  between  the  number  of  "chiefs  and  sub-chiefs," 
'wliich  was  Sixteen)  who  on  the  'i.3  April,  1835,  agreed  to  "acknowledge  the 
validity  of  the  treaty  of  9  May,  1832,"  and  the  number  of  warriors  and  chiefs 
now  in  open  hostility.  These  have  not  been  rated  below  2000  able  men. 
Does  any  body  suppose  that  those  16  "  chiefs  and  sub-chiefs,"  (among  whonj 
was  not  the  "king  of  the  nation"  nor  Osceola,)  had  full  power  to  act  tor  2000 
warriors  on  so  extraordinary  an  occasion?  The  question,  in  my  mind,  need 
only  be  stated  ;  especially  when  it  is  considered  how  ignorant  every  body  was 
of  the  actual  force  of  these  Indians. 

It  will  doubtless  be  asked,  how  it  happens  that  the  Indians  of  Florida,  who, 
a  few  years  since,  were  kept  from  starving  by  an  appropriation  of  congress, 
should  now  be  able  to  maintain  themselves  so  comfortably  in  their  fastnesses. 
The  truth  undoubtedly  is,  that  the  "starving  Indians"  were  those  then  lately 
forced  down  into  the  peninsula,  who  bad  not  yet  learned  the  resources  of  the 
country;  for  not  much  has  been  said  about  the  "starving  Indians  of  Florida" 
for  several  years  past. 

In  addition  to  the  great  amount  of  cattle,  hogs,  corn,  grain,  &c.  taken 
7 


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74 


DEVASTATIONS  BEGIN. 


[Book  IV. 


from  the  whites,  from  the  commencement  of  the  war  to  tlje  present  time,  the 
Seminules  malic  flour  of  u  certuin  root,  culled  coonty,  upon  which  they  can 
BuljBist  without  inconvenience  for  a  considerable  length  of  time,  which  is  of 
inculculuhle  advantage  to  them  in  their  war  operations. 

The  strength  of  the  Indians  has  been  not  a  little  augmented  by  the  h!uck8. 
Some  uccoimts  say  there  are  800  among  them,  some  of  whom  have  joined 
tliem,  on  absconding  from  their  white  owners ;  but  it  is  well  known  that  the 
I''lorida  Indians  own  many  slaves.    Old  Micanopy  is  said  to  have  80. 


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CHAPTER  IX. 

The  Indians  prepare  for  war — Jiffair  of  Hogtovm — A  mail-carrier  killed — Sales  of  the 

Indians'  cattle  and  horses  advertised  by  the  Indian  agent,  hut  none  takes  place 

Burnings  and  murders  are  committed — Settlement  at  J^eio  River  destroyed — Re 
markable  preservation  of  a  Mr.  (jodi'iey'a  family — Colonel  Warren's  defeat — Swamp 
fight — Distraction  of  JVeio  Smyrna — Defeat  and  death  of  Major  Dau£,  xeitk  the 
destruction  of  nearly  his  whole  party — yisit  to  his  battle-ground. 

From  A[)ril  until  harvest  time,  preparations  had  gone  on  among  the  Indians, 
and  tiiey  oidy  waited  for  the  whites  to  begin  to  compel  a  removal,  when  the 
blow  should  be  struck.  The  time  allowed  them  over  and  above  the  three 
years,  to  j)repare  for  their  journey  to  the  prairies  of  the  Arkansaw,  was  spent 
in  making  ready  to  resist  at  the  termination  of  it. 

As  early,  however,  as  the  19  June,  1835,  a  serious  affray  took  place  between 
some  whites  and  Indians,  at  a  place  called  Hogtown,  not  far  from  Mickosauky 
in  which  the  former  were  altogether  the  oggressors.  The  Indians,  about  seven 
in  number,  were  discovered  by  a  gang  of  whites,  hunting  "beyond  their 
bounds,"  upon  whom  they  undertook  to  inflict  corporal  punishment.  Two 
of  the  Indians  were  absent  when  the  whites  came  up  to  them,  and  they  seized 
and  disarmed  them,  and  then  began  to  whip  them  with  cowhide  whips. 
They  had  whipped  four,  and  were  in  the  act  of  whipping  the  filUi,  when  tJie 
other  two  Indians  came  up.  On  seeing  what  was  going  on,  they  raised  the 
war-whoop  and  fired  upon  the  whites,  but  whether  they  received*  '.ny  injurj-, 
wc  are  not  told;  but  they  immediately  returned  the  fire,  and  killed  boMi  the 
Indians.  When  General  Thompson  was  made  acquainted  with  the  afl'air,  he 
summoned  the  chiefs  together,  and  stated  the  facts  to  them,  and  they 
disclaimed  all  knowledge  of  it,  and,  it  is  said,  agreed  to  deliver  the  ofl'endcrs 
into  tlie  hands  of  the  whites,  to  be  dealt  with  according  to  their  laws. 
This  must  be  taken  as  the  story  of  the  whites ;  for  in  this  case  they,  and  not 
the  Indians,  were  the  "oflfenders."  It  was  altogether  a  singular  report,  that 
afler  the  Indians  had  all  been  whipped  and  killed,  they  should  be  required  to 
ffitie  vp  the  offenders ;  but  such  was  stated  to  be  the  fact,  and  I  know  not  that 
it  has  been  contradicted. 

Frequent  signs  of  uneasiness  had  been  manifested  during  the  summer 
among  the  Indians,  some  of  whom  could  not  be  restrained  from  acts  of  vio- 
lence by  tiie  chiefs,  although,  it  is  pretty  evident,  such  acts  were  against  their 
advice.  A  mail-carrier  was  killed  and  robbed  between  St.  Augustine  and 
Camp  King,  and  two  or  three  houses  had  from  time  to  time  been  broken 
open  in  ditierent  places ;  but  it  is  not  impossible  but  that  these  acts  nnght 
have  been  committed  by  other  people  than  Indians.  However,  the  Indians 
were  mistrusted,  and  not  only  mistrusted,  but  reported  as  the  perpetrators ; 
and  whether  they  were  or  not  is  but  of  small  moment,  as  affairs  turned  out. 

Things  remained  in  this  state  until  December  following,  when  the  Lidian 
agent  notified  such  of  the  Indians  as  he  was  able,  that  their  time  had  expiretl, 
and  tiiat  tliey  must  forthwith  prepare  for  their  journey  over  tlie  Mississippi, 
and  to  that  end  must  bring  in  their  cattle  and  horses  according  to  the  terms 
of  tiie  treaty.  And  so  confident  was  he  that  they  would  be  brought  in,  that 
lie  liad  advertised  them  for  gale,  and  the  1st  and  15th  of  the  month  were  the 


Chap.  IX.] 


ESCAPE  OF  MKS.  OOUFREY. 


76 


e,  wliioli  iii  of 


days  in  which  the  sales  were  to  be  made.  Tlie  appointed  days  [Missed,  and  no 
Iiiiiinns  api>eared ;  and  it  was  immediately  discovered  that  they  had  sent  their 
women  and  children  into  the  interior,  and  the  wairiors  were  inarching  from 
place  to  place  witli  arms  in  their  hands,  ready  to  strike. 

Consternation  and  dismay  was  depicted  on  the  countenances  of  the  bor- 
dering whites,  and  they  began  to  fly  Irom  their  dwellings,  which  were  innne- 
diately  destroyed  by  the  Indians.  One  of  the  first  places  attacked  was  the 
plantation  of  Captain  Priest,  the  buildings  on  which  were  burned.  Small 
coinpaiiies  of  whites  were  immediately  organized  for  scouring  the  country. 
One  of  these  was  fired  upon  by  sotne  Indians  in  ambush,  who  woundtui  two, 
one  su])|)osed  mortally,  and  a  son  of  Captain  Priest  had  his  horse  killed  under 
him.  Soon  after,  as  liO  or  40  men  were  at  work  getting  out  ship-timlK;r  on 
Drayton's  Island,  in  Lake  George,  they  were  fired  upon  and  driven  J'roin  the 
place.  None  were  wounded,  although  tlie  bullets  passed  through  the  clothes 
of  some  of  them. 

On  the  5th  of  Jan.  1836,  a  small  party,  supposed  to  be  about  30,  of  Indians 
struck  a  fatal  blow  on  a  poor  family  at  New  River,  which  is  al>out  Sy  miles 
to  the  north  of  Cape  Florida.  It  was  the  family  of  the  light-house  keeper  of 
this  pla-.e,  named  Cooley.  And  what  renders  the  case  peculiarly  aggravating 
is,  that  this  family,  like  that  of  Clark,  at  Eel  River  near  Pli.  .outh,  in  Philip^s 
war,  were,  and  had  always  been,  on  terms  of  great  intimacy  with  tht;  very 
Indians  who  destroyed  them.  Mr.  Cooley,  being  absent  when  the  attack  wjis 
made,  escaped  the  butchery.  The  number  murdered  was  six,  one  of  whom 
was  a  man  named  Flinton,  from  Cecil  vr^'Zu-.y,  Maryland,  who  had  be«  n  hired 
as  a  famdy  teacher,  his  mother,  wife,  and  three  children.  Flinton  he  found 
shockingly  mutilated,  apparently  with  an  axe ;  his  two  older  children  were 
lying  near  him  shot  tlirough  the  heart,  with  the  books  they  were  using  at  the 
time  they  were  murdered  by  their  sides;  from  which  circumsUmce  it  is 
evident  they  met  deatli  at  the  same  moment  they  knew  of  the  vicinity  of  the 
foe.  His  wife,  with  the  other  child  at  her  brea.st,  he  found  about  100  yards 
from  the  others,  both  apparently  killed  by  the  same  bullet.  Mrs.  Cooley  had 
formerly  been  a  captive  among  the  Indians,  understood  their  language,  as  did 
one  of  the  children,  a  boy,  and  both  were  nuich  liked  by  them. 

Here  the  Indians  found  a  rich  booty.  They  carried  off  about  12  barrels  of 
provisions,  30  hogs,  3  horses,  480  dollars  in  silver,  one  keg  of  powder,  above 
200  pounds  of  lead,  and  700  dollars  worth  of  dry  goods. 

A  family  of  several  persons  in  the  neighborhood  of  Coolejfs,  witnessed  the 
murder,  and  barely  made  their  escape.  Also  another,  that  of  the  widow  Rig- 
leu  ;  herself,  two  daughters  and  a  son ;  these  esca|)ed  by  flight  to  Cape  (^lorida. 
Here  were  soon  gathered  about  60  persons,  who  had  escaped  froiti  along  the 
coast,  and  not  being  able  to  subsist  long  for  want  of  provisions,  made  a  signal 
of  distress,  and  were  soon  discovered  by  a  vessel,  which  took  them  to  St. 
Augustine. 

There  was,  among  the  families  who  fled  to  save  their  lives  about  this  time, 
one,  very  remarkably  preserved.  Tlie  family  of  Thomas  Godfrey,  viz.  his 
wife  and  four  female  children,  having  escaped  to  a  swamp  unobserved,  were 
relieved  by  a  negro,  about  the  end  of  the  fourth  day.  This  man  was  drawn  to 
the  spot  by  the  moans  of  one  of  the  children,  whose  poor  famished  mother 
could  no  longer  give  it  its  usual  support  at  the  breast.  This  negro  belonged 
to  the  hostile  In''ians,  and  came  upon  these  suffei'ers  with  an  uplifted  axe ; 
hut  wlien  he  saw  the  children  in  their  distress,  his  arm  was  unnerved  by  the 
recollection  that  his  own  children  were  then  in  the  power  of  the  whites.  He 
therefore  came  to  the  humane  resolution  of  setting  them  at  liberty,  which 
could  not  be  done,  without  great  hazard,  for  the  Indians  were  yet  in  posses- 
sion of  all  the  adjacent  country;  but  he  directed  them  to  remain  as  quiet  as 
possible  until  night,  when  he  would  bring  them  something  to  cat.  This  he 
did,  and  also  brought  them  blankets  to  sleep  upon.  The  next  day  a  com{)any 
of  mounted  whites  dispersed  the  Indians,  and  the  negro  conveyed  Mrs. 
Godfrey  and  her  children  in  sight  of  them,  and  then  made  his  escape.  The 
husband  of  Mrs.  Godfrey  had  some  time  before  been  ordered  out  in  defence 
of  the  country. 
Nothuig  but  devastations  of  the  tuost  alarming  and  destructive  character 


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7» 


DESTRUCTION  OF  NEW  SMYRNA. 


[Book  IV. 


Bcpm  to  have  ocpurred  in  the  rcpion  of  F,nst  Floridn.  so  long  as  there  was 
a  fAacr  left,  wliich  wiw  not  8tronj(  rnotigh  to  wiihNtnrxl  an  attack. 

AlKiiit  »h«  18  of  Derpmbor,  Colonel  Ifarren,  ut  the  head  of  a  Bmall  detncli- 
ineiit  of  his  regiment,  was  ordered  to  convoy  a  train  of  vvaponH  ioiidcd  wjili 
provisioM.H  and  tnnnilions  from  St.  Augustine  to  the  main  body,  whirli  was 
encam|ied  at  Fort  ('room,  near  Micanopifs  town.  While  on  their  niarcli  tliev 
were  atlai-ked  by  a  superior  force  of  Indians,  who  killed  H  or  10  of  them,  and 
pnt  the  rest  to  flight,  almost  in  sight  of  the  force  they  were  sent  to  relieve. 
All  the  wagons  leil  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  which,  after  taking  from 
them  what  they  desin'd,  broke  them  up  and  burnt  them. 

On  the  20  of  Ih'ocmlH'r,  as  General  Call,  with  the  Middle  Florida  troopt*, 
wa-s  marching  tor  Fort  Dmine,  his  advanced  guard  discovered  a  house  on  tin- 
near  IMicanopy,  and  a  trail  of  Indians  wjis  discovered  leading  to  a  pond,  wliich 
was  full  of  bushes  an<l  logs.  This  pond  the  whites  nearly  encircled,  and 
although  at  first  no  Indians  were  seen,  ytit  the  flashes  of  their  guns  soon 
pointed  out  their  hiding-places,  and  considerable  firing  ensued  on  botii  sides ; 
l)ut  the  fire  of  the  Indians  was  soon  silenced,  and  on  searching  the  l)og  tour 
Indians  were  found  dead,  but  all  the  others,  if  there  were  any  more,  Imij 
effected  their  escape.  In  this  swam[>  fight,  three  whites  were  badly  wounded, 
and  on(;  killed. 

On  tln!  2t)  of  Decemlier,  a  band  of  alwut  100  Indians,  under  a  chief  named 
Philip,  and  a  numiM>r  of  Indian  negroes,  made  an  attack  on  New  Smyrna,  to 
the  south  of  Mosquito  Inlet,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Peninsula,  where  they 
found  nothing  to  obstruct  their  ravages.  They  began  with  the  house  of  IMr. 
/>u?iArtm,  which  when  they  luul  plundered,  "  parties  of  them  scattered  almut 
the  neighboring  plantations  of  Criiger,  Depafster,  and  Hunter.  The  Indian 
negro,  John  Cttsar,  endeavored  to  decoy  Mr.  Hunter  from  his  house,  on  pre- 
tence of  stdling  him  cattle  and  horses;  he,  however,  having  h»!ard  by  his 
negroes  that  large  numbers  of  Indians  were  about,  and  in  the  afternoon  lie 
crossed  the  river  to  Colonel  DummeVs.  The  Indians  held  possession  of  fhm- 
ham's  house  all  day,  and  about  one  the  next  morning  set  it  on  fire,  together 
with  all  the  out-buildings.  In  the  course  of  the  27,  they  burned  and  destroyed 
all  the  buildings  on  Cruger's  and  Depeyder's  plantations  except  a  corn-house, 
and,  on  Hunter's,  all  except  a  corn-house.  They  now  crossed  over  the  river 
to  Colonel  Dummefs  house,  and  after  destroying  every  thing  in  it,  set  that  on 
fire,  but  froen  some  cause  the  fire  did  not  burn  it.  They  next  burnt  the  house 
of  Mr.  Raldiff,  a  little  to  the  north  of  Colonel  DummeVs,  and  broke  and 
destroyed  the  lantern  and  every  thing  belonging  to  the  light-house." 

The  war  having  now  become  serious,  and  the  Indians  no  longer  looked 
upon  as  a  despicable  foe,  the  most  melancholy  forebodings  were  entertained 
for  the  very  existence  of  the  strongest  places  in  Florida,  and  the  call  for 
protection  fi-om  that  quarter  had  become  loud  and  frequent ;  but  notwith- 
standing war  had  been  expected  all  the  preceding  autumn,  no  effectual  meas- 
ures had  been  taken  by  the  proper  authorities  to  check  the  Indians  in  such  an 
event.  There  had,  however,  late  in  December,  arrived  at  Fort  Brooke  a  small 
number  of  United  States'  troops  under  Major  ZJoK/e,  of  the  4th  regiment  of 
infantry,  the  official  account  of  whose  operations  and  defeat,  I  give  as  follows, 
in  the  language  of  Major  Belton.  It  should  be  observed,  that  Major  Dade  was 
detached  forthe  relief  of  General  Clinch  at  Camp  King,  who  was  supposed 
to  be  in  the  most  imminent  danger  from  the  Indians,  and  also  in  great  wiiiit 
of  supplies. 

His  despatch  was  dated  at  Fort  Brooke,  1  January,  1836,  and  proceeds  ns 
follows: — "The  schooner  Motto  arrived  on  the  21  December  from  Key  West, 
with  brevet  Major  Dade  and  his  company,  A  infantry,  39  strong,  with  a  small 
supply  of  musket-ball  cartridges,  after  looking  in  at  several  points  between 
the  Key  and  this  place.  Being  thus  reinforced,  I  hesitated  no  longer  to  put 
Gardiner's  company,  C  2d  artillery,  and  /Vazer's  coini)any,  B  3d  infantiy,  in 
motion  for  Fort  King,  pursuant  to  General  Clinch's  orders ;  which  movement 
had  been  ordered  on  the  16th,  and  sus|)ended  the  same  day,  on  account  of 
intelligence  1  had  received  of  the  force  of  the  Mickasukies,  and  their  strong 
position,  near  the  forks  of  the  Wythlacoochee.  I  despatched  the  public 
schooner  Motto  on  23d,  with  Lieutenant  Duncan,  2d  artillery,  to  Kev  West, 


tinctly. 


.I'::- 


fBooK  IV. 

OH  thfiT  wni 

irnnll  dctncli- 
loiidiil  witli 
>',  wliicli  was 
r  march  tln-y 
oJtlM'in,  ami 
nt  to  rt'licve. 
takiiij,'  iroiii 

oridn  troops, 
lniiis»>  on  firi' 
IMitid,  wliicli 
icirclcd,  and 
Kims  soon 
l)otli  sides ; 
the  lK)fr  four 
y  more,  liad 
lly  wounded, 

rliicf  named 
V  Hiiiyrna,  to 

where  they 
lOUse  of  iMr. 
ittcred  ahoiit 

The  Inihan 
»us«',  on  i)r('- 
heard  hy  his 
iflernoon  he 
sion  of  Ihin- 
fin',  together 
nd  destroyed 
.  rorn-liouse, 
k-er  the  river 
it,  set  that  on 
ml  tlie  lious<; 
I   broke  and 

inger  looked 
>  entertained 
the  call  for 
3ut  notwith- 
i'Cttial  meas- 
s  ill  surh  an 
ooke  a  small 
reirimeiit  of 
e  as  follows, 
or  Dade  was 
as  supposed 
I  great  want 

proceeds  ns 
1  Key  West, 
tvith  a  small 
Its  between 
inger  to  put 

infantiy,  in 
I  movement 

account  of 
:heir  strong 

the  public 

Key  West, 


Chap.  L\.] 


DliFKAT  OF  MAJOR  DADE. 


n 


for  a  battery  of  two  tnelvt!-|)oniid«)rH,  and  snrh  Htores  as  could  bo  sirviceablo; 
mid  at  (i  o'clock,  on  '^llh,  \u:  coinpaiiiius,  ildrdiinr's  and  Frazivr's,  made  filly 
iiayoiK  IH  each,  by  details  from  thosr  companies  remainiii^  here,  and  with  out; 
iif  the  two  si\-pouiid*!i's  of  tliiri  post  with  lour  (i.xeii,  1  huil  ordered  to  bo 
|iuicharti;d,  one  lij,'lit  wagon  and  tt  ii  days'  pri)\  isioin  were  put  in  marcli. 

"  Tho  lir^t  bait  of  ihiit  eommaiid  was  at  Little  11  iImIhii-o'  Ki\ei-,  seven 
iiiiles  rtoiii  this  post,  the  bridge  of  which  1  had  reciiimuitred  by  iiidiaiis  id' 
lliniithltt''s  baud  the  day  before.  From  this  1  beard  from  Maj.  Ihule  pr^.-siiig 
me  to  lijrwaid  the  six-puuiider,  by  all  means,  it  having  been  left  by  the  liiilme 
111  the  timm  lour  miles  out.  I  accordingly  ordered  the  |iurcliiise  of  tliiiu 
liiii'Srs  and  harness,  and  it  joined  the  coliiiiiii  at  nine  that  ni>:lir.  On  tin; 
ui^dit  of  the  '^4tli,  1  heard  that  the  traiis|)oi-t  with  Maj.  MonidJ'oid  and  eom- 
jiuny,  long  and  anxiously  expected,  was  in  tbu  bay.  1  sent  at  one  o'clock  a 
letter  to  him,  (received  at  day-light)  by  an  Indian  express,  urging  him  on. 
He  hiiided  with  his  strong  company  on  the  I^.Jlh  about  noon,  and  inliirmed 
me  tiiat  Lcf^ede's  company,  under  l^ieut.  Uraifson,  nearly  full,  must  be 
near  at  band.  Of  this  M  :j.  JJade  was  informed  by  u  gallant  volunteer, 
Jtwell,  C  eoiiipuny,  2d  artilli  ry,  who  had  letl  the  detuchment  with  the  news 
uf  the  burning  of  Dig  ilitlsboro'  bridge,  near  which  Maj.  D.  had  halted  the 
second  day,  Si.ltb.  1  also  informed  bim  that  I  was  using  every  exertion  to 
push  on  about  thirteen  hundred  rations  on  pack-horses,  with  what  ammiini- 
tiun  could  be  spared.  A  duplicate  of  this  was  sent  tbu  next  day  by  a  young 
liidiiui,  who  becume  lame  and  could  not  overtake  tho  column,  and  returned 
with  his  letters.  Pr.  ./ewe// joined  Mu],  Dade  about  ll  o'clock  ou  the  night  of 
tlie  *2.")th. 

'Jn  the  chain  of  events,  ii  is  proper  that  I  shouhl  mention,  that  three 
Tullahassee  Indians  came  in  on  lite  evening  of  the  22il,  and  caused  great 
oxeiioment  in  llolase  Einaildota  camp.  They  brought  a  talk  of  Inicanupas 
of  a  pacific  or  neutral  character,  or  they  ullected  it;  but  1  believe  not  dis- 
tinctly, until  after  1  had  made  them  prisoners,  while  in  full  council  with 
EmalfUa's  warriors,  which  step  I  considered  imperative,  if  they  were  sjiii  s, 
and  as  much  so  if  they  were  charged  with  any  propositions  likely  to  detach  the 
chiefs  from  the  treaty  ;  or  indeed  by  an  act  of  selt'-devotion,  to  tidve  the  scalps 
cf"  Emalhia,  Black  Dirt,  and  Big  Warrior,  faithful  cliiels,  who  have  been 
liiinted  in  this  way  since  the  scalping  of  Charles  Emathla,  In  u  council  with 
Emallda  that  night,  Maj.  Dade  expressed  every  coulidence  in  Indian  charac- 
ter; and  particularly  upon  the  salutary  influence  of  Abralmm  upon  Micanopa. 
On  reflection  I  detained  two  of  the  imprisoned  Tallabassees,  as  hostages,  and 
sunt  tiie  youngest  and  best  runner  with  letters  to  (General  Clinch,  and  (ieneral 
Thompson,  via  Inicaiiopa,  as  I  could  do  no  better,  and  of  course,  through 
AbrnluDiCs  lands. 

"These  letters  of  course  involved  i  viny  details;  but  niimbers  and  other 
facts,  to  guaid  against  treachery,  were  stated  in  French.  The  runn(;r  returned 
two  days  beyond  his  time,  with  a  message  from  Abraliam  and  Broken  Slicks, 
stating  my  talk  was  good,  and  that  I  might  expect  him  on  the  80th.  This  we 
freely  rendered  that  he  would  be  at  the  attack  fixed  for  Christmas  week. 
A  negro,  his  intimate,  named  Hqrry,  controls  the  Pea  Creek  band  of  about  a 
hundred  warriors,  forty  miles  south-east  of  us,  who  have  done  most  of  the 
mischief,  and  keep  this  post  constantly  observed,  and  communicate  with  the 
Mickasukians  at  Wythlacoochee  by  means  of  powerful  bands  of  Eulbllahs 
and  Alatiers,  under  Little  Cloud,  and  the  AUigaior.  In  tracing  Maj.  Dade^s 
movements,  I  have  every  reason  to  believe  that  he  made  on  the  2Cth  six 
miles,  27th  to  Big  Wythlacoochee ;  on  tlie  tilth  day,  28th,  to  the  battle-ground, 
sLxty-five  miles. 

"  Here  it  may  be  proper  to  suite  that  Maj.  Mountford's  command  was  ready 
to  move  on  the  26tli,  but  the  transport,  in  which  was  a  company  of  the  2d 
artillery  under  Lieut.  Grayson,  untbrtimately  entered  the  wrong  bay,  and 
got  into  shoal  water,  and  was  not  seen,  or  certainly  heard  of;  till  the  morning 
of  the  28th  of  December,  when,  by  sending  a  party  with  a  flag  as  a  signal 
Lieut.  Grayson  was  put  in  possession  of  instructions,  and  landed  hi» 
company  at  a  point  four  miles  west  of  us,  on  the  east  side  of  Tampa  Bay 
(proper)  and  joined  at  sunset  that  evening ;  his  transport  did  not  get  round  to 
7* 


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'••i.i'  •,  : 

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r:* 


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■  -rh 

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.  .>• 

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78 


DEFEAT  OF  MAJOR  DADE. 


7  «' 

>•  .1, 


P' :  ■'■ 


L  /  Vfi'? 


■^-. 


^  *»&-•:'•' 

i^-;- 


[Book  IV. 


innd  hill  hn^^piffR  till  tlin  30th  ;  ho  long  nn  intorval  M  to  put  all  hope  of  junc- 
tion out  of  tlio  qllf^'4tion,  ami  Mnj.  Mouniford'i  Imggngn  wan  imladt-d. 

"Now  it  IxTorncs  my  iimlniiclioly  duty  to  proceed  to  the  cntaHtroplic  of  ting 
fated  Imrid,  an  elite?  of  energy,  patriotium,  military  Hkill,  and  courage.  On  t|,p 
'^)(li,  in  the  aiternoon,  a  man  of  my  eompany,  John  Thnmai,  and  tetnpuniriiv 
transli.'rred  to  (?  eoinpany,  Heeond  artillery,  came  in,  and  yesterday  IV.  H/in:im 
Clark,  of  same  company,  with  four  wounds  very  severe,  and  stated,  that  an 
action  took  place  on  the  !28tli,  coimiiencing  ahout  10  o'clock,  in  which  every 
odicer  fell,  and  nearly  every  man.  The  command  entrenched  every  night, 
nntl  ahout  tour  milos  irom  the  hidt,  wore  attacked,  and  received  at  least  lilleen 
roimds  i)el(ire  un  Indian  was  seen.  Maj.  Onde  and  his  horse  were  lir)tli  killed 
on  tJM!  first  onset,  and  the  interpreter,  ^  Louit,^  Lieut.  j>fi«/g'e,  third  artillery, 
rectivi'd  his  mortal  wound  the  first  fire,  and  allerwards  received  several  oilnir 
Wounds,  l.ieiit.  Hnsintrer,  third  artillery,  was  not  wounded  till  alter  die 
second  attack ;  und,  at  the  latter  part  of  that,  ho  was  wounded  several  tiincH 
before  he  was  tomahawked.  Capt.  Gardiner,  second  artillery,  was  not 
Wounded  until  the  secoiul  attack,  and  ot  the  last  part  of  it.  Mr.  liantHfrir, 
atler  Capt.  Oanlinrr  whh  killed,  remarked,  "lam  the  only  officer  lell ;  and, 
boys,  we  will  do  the  best  we  can."  Lieut.  Kmyx,  third  artillery,  had  both 
urms  broken  the  Hrst  shot ;  was  unable  to  act,  and  was  tomahawked  the  latter 
iMirt  of  the  second  attack,  by  a  negro.  Lieut.  Henderson  had  his  letl  arm 
broken  the  first  tire,  and  aller  that,  with  a  musket,  fired  at  least  thirty  or  forty 
shot.  J)r.  Catlin  wjis  not  killed  until  after  the  second  attack,  nor  was  lie 
woimdol ;  he  placed  himself  behind  the  breastwork,  and  with  two  double- 
barrelled  guns,  said,  "he  bad  four  barrels  for  them."  Capt.  Frazier  fell  early 
in  the  action  with  the  advanced  guard,  as  a  man  of  hia  company,  \i  third 
artillery,  who  came  in  this  morning,  wounded,  reports. 

"  On  the  attack  they  were  in  column  of  route,  and  after  receiving  a  heavy 
fire  from  the  unseen  enemy,  they  then  rose  up  in  such  a  swarm,  that  the 

f round,  covered,  as  was  thought,  by  light  uifantry  extension,  showed  the 
ndiuns  between  the  files.  MusktJts  were  clid)bed,  knives  and  bayonets  used, 
and  parties  were  clenched ;  in  the  second  attack,  our  own  men's  nniskets 
from  the  dead  and  wounded,  were  used  against  them  ;  a  cross-fire  cut  down 
a  succeasion  of  artillerists  at  the  fence,  from  which  forty-nine  rounds  were 
fired ;  the  gun-carriages  were  burnt,  and  the  guns  sunk  in  a  pond ;  a  war- 
dance  was  held  on  the  ground.  Many  negroes  were  in  the  field,  but  no  scalps 
were  taken  by  the  Indians ;  but  the  negroes,  with  hellish  cruelty,  pierced  the 
throats  of  all,  whose  loud  cries  and  groans  showed  the  power  of  lite  to  be 
jnet  strong.  The  survivors  were  preserved  by  imitating  death,  excepting 
Thomas,  who  was  partly  stifled,  and  bought  his  life  for  six  dollars,  and  in  his 
enemy  recognized  an  Indian  whose  axe  he  had  helved  a  few  days  before  at 
this  post  About  one  hundred  Indians  were  well  mounted,  naked,  and 
painted.  The  last  man  who  came  in  brought  a  note  from  Capt.  Frazier, 
addressed  to  Maj.  Mountford,  which  was  fastened  in  a  cleft  stick,  and  stuck  in 
a  creek,  dated,  as  is  supposed,  on  37th,  stating  that  they  were  beset  every 
night,  and  pushing  on. 

F.  S.  Belton,  CapL  2d  Artillery.^ 

Such  was  the  fate  of  Major  Dade  and  his  gallant  companions.  Osceola  was 
present,  as  was  the  old  chief  Micanopy.  Of  the  latter,  it  is  said,  he  had,  in 
the  beginning  of  the  troubles,  avowed  that  he  iootdd  neither  leave  his  country, 
nor  woxdd  !ie  fis^ht ;  but  when  the  force  under  Major  Dade  approached  his 
town,  he  altered  his  resolution,  seized  his  rifle,  and  shot  that  officer. 

The  situation  of  afthirs,  at  this  period  cannot  better  be  described  than  in  the 
language  of  a  gentleman  attached  to  Major  Mountford^s  command,  stationed  at 
Fort  Brooke,  and  is  contained  in  a  letter,  dated  on  the  first  day  of  the  year : — 
"  We  are,"  says  he,  "  really  in  the  theatre  of  war  of  the  most  horrible  kind. 
We  arrived  here  on  Christmas  day,  and  foimd  the  inhabitants  flying  in  from  all 
quarters  to  camp.  Major  Dade,  with  seven  officers  and  110  men,  started,  the 
day  before  we  arrived,  for  Fort  King.  We  were  all  prepared  to  overtake 
them  the  next  day,  and  were  upon  the  eve  of  departure,  when  an  mtervention 
of  circumstances  deferred  it  for  one  day ;  and,  in  the  course  of  that  day,  three 


Chap.  IX. 

HoldierH,  li 
in;:H  that 
murdered 
ourselves 
an  llie  m\ 
iiiirv.  VV 
citi/eiis., 
ure  f»id  t( 

Alter 
iiniler  Vn 
he  liiul  p 
spectacle, 
udilressed 
observed 
where  Ml 
on  the  W 
"TIm- 


perhaps 
Those  i 


Ch*p.  IX.] 


VISIT  TO  DADE'S  BATTLE-ClROtND. 


TO 


MolditTfl,  horrilily  mmiglcd,  cumn  into  camp,  nnd  brought  the  mclnticlioly  tid- 
injrs  tlmt  Miiior  Dmle  nnd  ovrry  offlccr  and  man,  oxrcpt  tlifnisilvcs,  went 
niiirdtrcd  and  t<Tril)ly  manf(liMi.  We  an;  at  work,  niglit  and  day,  I'mii'iicliin^ 
oiirMi'lviM  in  every  poMsil)!*;  manner.  We  expect  every  moment  to  he  attacked, 
us  the  savages  have  sworn  we  Nhoiiid  all  Im;  mawnaered  before  the  (Itli  ot'  Jan- 
iiiiry.  We  are  oidy  about  *^00  .strong,  with  otHeers  and  men,  and  about  50 
citi/eiiS;  and  100  ♦'•'•i,.||,|ly  Indiann,  under  tlieir  cliief,  Black  Dirt.  The  savages 
ure  said  to  innnber  4000." 

Alter  tiie  arrivid  of  General  Gaines  in  Florida,  ho  ordered  a  detaehmont, 
iindir  Captain  Hitchcock,  to  visit  the  battle-ground  of  Major  Dade.  .Vnd  wheji 
lie  liad  performed  hi.s  orderfl,  he  gave  the  following  roiiort  of  that  distreHsini.' 
spi'ciaele.  His  report  is  datcid  "Fort  King,  Florida,  Feb.  Uf2,  IKtt!,"  "nd  iw 
u(l(ires.sed  to  (Jenernl  Gainc.t,  as  follows :— "  Agreeably  to  your  direelions,  I 
observed  the  Imttlo-groiuid,  six  or  seven  miles  north  of  the  Ouithleeooehe  river, 
wliire  Major  Diule  and  his  eoiinnand  were  destroyed  by  the'  Seminole  Indians, 
un  the  yn  Dee.  last,  and  have  the  honor  to  submit  thi;  following  report : — 

"The  toree  uiuler  yoin*  eommand,  wliieh  arrived  at  this  jio.st  to-day  from 
Tatnpa  liav,  encamped,  on  the  night  of  the  lUili  inst.,  on  the  ground  occupied 
by  .Major  JJade  on  the  night  of  the  '27th  of  December,  lie  and  his  party  >vere 
destroyed  on  thtt  morning  of  the  ^Hth  December,  about  four  miles  in  advance 
of  that  position.  lie  was  udvanci  ig  towards  this  post,  and  was  attacked  li'oni 
the  north,  so  that  on  tlie  20th  instant  we  came  on  the  ntar  of  his  battle-ground, 
uhoiit  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  Our  advanced  guard  had  passed  the 
ground  without  halting,  wlien  the  General  and  his  stalf  came  upon  one  of  the 
most  a[)pulling  scenes  that  can  l)e  imagined.  We  tiist  saw  some  broken  and 
.scaltereii  boxes ;  then  a  cart,  the  two  o.xen  of  which  were  lying  dead,  as  if 
they  had  fallen  asleep,  tlu'ir  yokes  still  on  them;  u  little  to  the  right,  one  or 
two  horses  were  seen.  Wo  then  came  to  a  small  enclosure,  made  by  telling 
trees  in  such  a  manner  as  to  form  a  triangular  breastwork  for  (l(!fenee.  With- 
in till!  triangle,  along  the  north  ond  we.st  fiiees  of  it,  wen;  about  thirty  bodie,«, 
mostly  mere  skeletons,  although  much  of  the  clothin"  was  left  njtoti  them. 
These  were  lying,  almost  every  one  of  them,  in  precisely  the  position  they 
must  have  occupied  during  the  fight,— their  heads  next  to  the  logs  over  Avhicli 
they  had  tielivered  their  fire,  and  their  bodies  stretched,  with  striking  regular- 
ity, |)arall(!l  to  each  other.  Tliey  had  evidently  been  shot  dead  ut  their  posts, 
and  the  Indians  had  not  disturbed  them,  exce|)t  by  taking  the  scalps  of  most 
of  them.  Passing  this  little  breastwork,  we  found  other  bodies  along  the 
road,  and  by  the  side  of  the  road,  generally  behind  trees,  which  had  been 
resorted  to  for  covere  from  the  enemy's  fire.  Advancing  about  two  htnidred 
yards  further,  we  found  a  cluster  of  bodies  in  the  middle  of  the  road.  These 
were  evidently  the  advanced  "uard,  in  the  rear  of  which  was  the  body  of 
Major  Dade,  and,  to  the  right,  tliat  of  Capt.  fVaser. 

"  These  were  all  doubtless  shot  down  on  the  first  fire  of  the  Indians,  except, 
jierhaps,  Capt.  Fraser,  who  must,  however,  have  fallen  very  early  in  the  fight, 
riiosc  in  the  road,  and  by  the  trees,  fell  during  the  first  attack.  It  was  during 
a  cessation  of  the  fire,  that  the  little  band  still  remaining,  about  thirty  in  num- 
ber, threw  up  the  triangular  breastwork,  which,  from  the  haste  with  which  it 
was  con,structed,  was  necessarily  defective,  and  could  not  protect  the  men  in 
the  second  attack. 

"  We  had  with  us  many  of  the  personal  friends  of  the  ofiicers  of  Major 
Dade's  command ;  and  it  is  gratifying  to  be  able  to  state,  that  every  officer  was 
identified  by  undoubted  evidence.  They  were  buried,  and  the  cannon,  a  six- 
pounder,  that  the  Indians  had  thrown  into  a  swamp,  was  recovered,  and  placed 
vertically  at  the  head  of  the  grave,  where,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  it  will  long  remain. 
The  bodies  of  the  non-commissioned  officers  and  privates  were  buried  in  two 
graves ;  and  it  was  found  that  every  man  was  accounted  for.  The  command 
was  composed  of  eight  officers,  and  one  hundred  and  two  non-commissioned 
ofiicers  and  privates.  The  bodies  of  eight  officers  and  ninety-eight  men  were 
interred, — four  men  having  escaped,  three  of  whom  reached  Tampa  Bay ;  the 
fourth  was  killed  the  day  after  the  battle. 

"  It  may  be  proper  to  observe,  that  the  attack  was  not  made  from  a  ham- 
mock, but  in  a  thinly-wooded  country ;  the  Indians  being  concealed  by  palmetto 
and  grass,  which  has  since  been  burned. 


\:fe 


■'.i-'': 


^U: 


^^^^•"^; 


1-*   J'h  .7 


m 


80 


PRINCIPAL  SKMINOLE  CHIEFS. 


[Book  IV. 


fjfi"- 


:^^^:- 


I  ■^li' fever  v^i-  '.'  t 


test 


"  TIk;  two  companies  were  Capt.  Fraser's,  of  the  3d  artillery,  and  Capt, 
Gurilincr\'i,  of  the  ad  artillery.  The  ollicers  were  Major  Dade,  of  the  4th 
iiiliiiitry,  Capts.  Fmzer  and  Gardiner,  second  Lieutenant  Basinger,  brevet  second 
Lient.  Ji.  Uemkrsun,  Mudae  [late  of  Jiostonl  and  Keaia,  of  the  artillery,  and 
Dr. y.  S.  Gatlin:'  ^     "■  • '     " 

From  a  comparison  of  the  above  report  with  the  official  account  before 
ffi\en,  of  Captain  Belton,  nearly  every  thing  concerning  this  signally  great 
disaster  is  learned  ;  but  from  the  report  of  the  three  men  that  had  the  singular 
foriui;  to  escai)e,  many  incidents  have,  from  time  to  time,  betai  gathered,  and 
comiinuiicatod  through  tlie  newspapers.  In  fact,  until  the  late  visit  to  the 
battle-ground,  no  other  uccount,  but  such  as  could  be  gathered  from  the  tiiree 
poor  haif-uuirdered  soldiers,  could  be  obtained ;  and  yet  it  apf)ears  tiiat  they 
gave  the  facts  as  they  really  were.  They  all  came  in  separately,  sorely 
wounded, — one  of  them  with  no  less  than  eight  wounds.  He  was  supposed  to 
be  dead,  and  was  thrown  promi.scuously  into  a  heap  of  the  slain,  about  whi(;li  u 
dance  was  held  by  the  Indians,  before  leaving  the  ground.  This  man  crawled 
away  in  the  following  night,  and  thus  effected  his  escape. 


Hi§e^ 


CHAPTER  X. 

Of  the  principal  chiefs  and  war  leaders  of  the  Seminoles — OscEotA — Mica  nop  v — 
Jumper — Massacre  of  General  Thompson  aiid  others  at  Fort  King — Batti.k  of 
TiiF  OuiTHLKcoocHE — Fight  near  Wetumka — Great  distress  of  the  country — Action 
of  Congress  upon  it — Battle  at  Musquitu — Many  Creeks  join  the  Heminoles — Finht 
on  the  Suanec  River. 

There  has  been  occasion  already  pretty  fuily  to  sketch  t.ie  character  of  the 
chis'f  geocrally  called  Powell  by  the  whites,  but  whose  real  name  is  Osceola, 
or  Otii'riu.  This  chief  luis  shown  himself  to  be,  thus  far,  eiju^!  to  the  desperate 
cause  in  whicli  he  is  engaged.  We,  at  a  distance  from  the  huUans,  marvel 
that  they  should  be  so  short-sighted  as  not  to  see  that  to  wage  a  war  is  only  to 
hasten  t;>c.'r  ruin  ;  ImC,  when  we  thus  reflect,  we  do  not  consider  the  scanty 
informatiuH  which  the  Indians  have  of  the  real  strength  of  the  wliites.  Our 
means  of  getting  a  knowledge  of  the  Indians,  is  incalculably  greater  than  theirs 
is  of  getting  a  knowledge  of  us.  They  cannot  read,  neither  can  they  converse 
(or  but  very  few  of  them)  with  intelligent  white  men ;  therefore,  that  they 
know  much  less  of  us  than  we  do  oi  iiem,  must  be  very  ap|)arent.  They 
know  nothing  of  geography.  If  an  Indian,  in  the  interior  of  Florida,  siiould 
be  told  that  New  England  was  a  great  place,  without  considerable  trouble  he 
could  not  be  made  to  understand  whetiier  it  were  a  great  town,  as  large  as  a 
village  of  50  wigwams  in  his  own  country,  or  as  large  as  the  whole  of  Florida.* 
We  Team  every  ihing  of  this  nature  by  c'om|)arison  ;  and  how  shall  the  Indian 
comprehend  our  terms,  but  by  comparing  them  with  his  own  ?  Hence  it  is 
owing,  mainly,  to  the  unavoidable  ignorance  of  the  Indians  of  our  actual  con- 
dition, that  induces  them  to  hazard  a  war  with  us,  I  know,  from  the  best 
authority,  that  the  western  Indians,  previous  to  Black  Hawk's  war,  were  gen- 
erally of  the  opinion  that  they  were  far  more  numerous  than  the  whites ;  and 
when  a  trader  told  them  they  certainly  were  not,  they  laughed  at  him  with 
scornful  gestures.  We  have  no  reason  to  believe  the  Florida  Indians  any 
better  informed  ;  and,  besides,  they  are  cheated  and  baffled  so  otleu  by  knaves 
who  go  among  them  for  that  purpose,  that  they  imagine  all  the  whites  to  be 
of  the  same  character,  and  they  cannot  tell  whetiier  a  talk  really  comes  from 
their  great  father,  the  jiresident,  or  whether  some  impostor  be  cheating  them 
with  one  of  his  own,  to  get  their  lands  for  his  particular  benefit. 

With  this  view  of  the  case  before  us,  it  will  not  appear  altogether  unac- 
countable that  a  daring  ciiiof,  like  Osceola,  should  engage  in  a  war.  He  is  said 
not  to  be  a  chief  by  birth,  but  has  raised  himself  by  his  courage  and  pecidiw 
abilities  to  that  station.    His  father  is  said  to  have  been  an  Englishman,  and 


m' 


Chap.  X.]         MASSACRE  OF  GENERAL  THOMPSON  AND  OTHERS 


81 


his  mother  a  Creek  woman.  He  l)elong8  to  the  Red  Stick  triho.  In  person 
lie  is  skiider,  but  well  formed,  musciilur,  and  capahle  of  enduring  great 
fatigue;  is  an  excellent  tactician,  and  an  admirer  of  order  and  discipline.  He 
woulii  frequently  practise  military  manunivres  with  the  whites,  and  none  of 
them,  it  was  observ^vl,  coidd  excel  him.  His  complexion  is  rather  light,  deep 
restless  eyes,  char  :  .id  shrill  voic*-,  and  not  more  than  about  35  years  of  age. 
He  is  said  to  have  conducted  in  person  every  important  action  fmiii  the  time 
of  ftaireii's  defeat  to  the  batde  of  the  Ouitlilecoochee.  General  Thompson 
imprisoned  him,  as  we  have  before  related,  because  he  woidd  not  acknowl- 
edge his  authority,  and  for  asserting  that  the  country  was  the  Indians',  "  that 
they  wanted  no  agent,  and  that  Ik;  had  better  take  care  of  himself." 

Of  old  Micanopy  as  well  as  Osceola  1  have  alrea<i'y  had  occasion  to  speak. 
He  was  said  to  have  joined  ihe  latter  with  500  men  :  he  is  a  short,  thick-set, 
"ugly-lookiug  Indian,  and  nmch  given  to  intoxication."  .Fumpkk  is  j^7^cano- 
pifs  chief  counsellor,  and  a  warrior  of  great  perseverance,  activity,  and 
courage.  We  sliall  now  take  up  the  narrative  of  events  in  the  order  of  their 
occurrt'iice,  and  the  next  of  importance  was  the  massacre  near  Camp  King, 
which  ha|)pened  on  the  same  day,  but  at  a  later  hour  than  the  destruction  of 
tiie  detaclunent  tmder  Major  Dade. 

Osceola,  it  will  be  remembered,  had  been  roughly  treated  at  this  place,  not 
many  months  before,  and  liad  been  by  coercion  ol)liged  to  comply  with  the 
demands  of  Mr.  Agent  Thompson,  about  a  removal,  &c.  He  was  known 
afterwards  to  declare  that  Thompson  should  pay  with  his  life  for  his  conduct. 
Accordingly,  with  a  small  band  of  warriors,  at  noon  day,  on  the  28  of  Decem- 
l)er,  he  approached  Camp  King  lor  this  avowed  purpose.  Thompson  resided 
here,  and  was  in  the  employ  of  the  United  States'  government,  as  agent  lor 
the  removal  of  the  Seminole  Indians,  and  other  aflairs  concerning  them.  He 
was  a  man  of  cnn-'iJerable  consecjuence,  and  had  formerly,  it  is  believed, 
been  a  member  of  congress.  Whether  ii  was  his  usual  custom  to  dine  out 
of  the  Ibrt,  we  are  not  informed,  but  on  this  liital  day,  it  seems,  he,  '."ilL  :iir.e 
other  gentlemen,  met  at  the  store  house  of  Mr.  Rogers,  which  was  but  250 
yards  from  the  fort,  and  while  seated  at  dinner  there,  they  were  attacked  by 
Osceola ;  and  wliat  was  remarked,  at  the  time,  as  very  singular,  was,  that 
those  peo[)le  should  be  beset  and  slain,  and  all  scalped,  within  reach  of  two 
six-pound  cannon  then  mounted  upon  the  fort,  which  was  garrisoned  with  50 
men ;  but  such  ui'e  the  facts  upon  record. 

jMr.  Rogers  was  sitting  at  the  head  of  his  table,  and  the  first  intimation  of 
the  presence  of  Indians  was  a  volley  of,  as  was  judged,  100  guns.  The  door 
of  the  house  being  open,  nothing  prevented  the  deadly  aim  of  tin  foe,  who, 
alter  the  first  discharge,  rushed  uj)on  the  house  with  savage  fury.  Those 
who  were  not  killed  jumped  out  of  the  windows,  on  each  side,  and  fled;  five, 
who  ran  to  the  fort,  escaped;  the  others,  in  running  for  a  hammock  near  by, 
were  shot  down.  The  negro  woman,  a  cook,  ran  beliiiid  tint  counter  and  hid 
behind  a  barrel.  Osceola^  at  the  head  of  his  warriors,  rusiied  into  the  house, 
but  did  not  discover  her,  and  inmiediately  h^ft  it.  'i  he  n.iiiies  of  the  live  that 
were  killed,  were.  General  Thompsnv,  Lieutenant  Constantinc  Smith,  Eraatus 
Rogers,  sutler,  a  Mr.  Suggs  and  Hilzler.  Fifteen  bullets  were  Ibunl  lo  have 
been  shot  through  General  Thompson,  and  Hi  through  Mv.  Rogers.  Tlieir 
heads  were  scalped  all  ovur,  as  far  as  the  hair  cxteiuUul. 

Bloody  events  now  followed  each  other  in  (juick  succession.  We  have 
seen  that  upon  the  same  day  liaitpcned  the  two  massacres  last  related,  and 
scarcely  had  the  news  of  them  (leased  vibrating  on  the  ear,  when  the  battle  of 
the  Ouitlilecoochee  was  announcrd.  The  movements  of  (Jeneral  Clinch,  in  the 
very  end  of  the  year  1835,  brought  about  this  event,  which  will  presently  \h' 
detailed  in  his  own  words.  He  was  lying  in  garrison  at  Fort  Drano,  a 
stockade  about  30  miles  from  Camp  King.  He  had  here  a  plantation,  upon 
wliich  was  a  large  crop  of  corn ;  this  he  liberally  dealt  out  to  the  soldiers  ; 
other  supplies  having  failed.  On  the  arrival  of  General  Call,  an  exjiedition 
was  imttiediately  set  on  foot  for  the  head-quarters  of  the  Indians. 

As  the  narrative  of  every  transaction  is  of  increased  importance  and  value, 
in  proportion  to  the  means  of  knowledge  and  veracity  of  the  iiarrator,  we  are 
always  led  to  a  desire  to  hear  the  history  of  such  transactions  from  the  very 


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BATTLE  OF  THE  OUITHLECOOCHE. 


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actors  in  them ;  because,  from  such  sources,  we  seldom  fail  of  arriving  at  the 
truth.  A  commander  or  leader  in  a  battle  or  expedition,  if  he  would  wish  to 
misrepresent  a  transaction,  would,  in  scarce  one  time  in  a  thousand,  dare  to 
do  so ;  because  all  liis  followers,  or  at  least  all  those  wronged  by  a  false 
statement,  would  rise  in  evidence  against  him.  I  need  not,  however,  have 
prefaced  General  Clinch's  official  account  of  theBATTLK  of  Ouithlecoochee 
with  these  observations,  for,  from  the  very  face  of  it,  his  aim  at  the  strictest 
veracity  is  apparent.  But  it  is  proper  that  we  know  how  to  value  the  real 
sources  of  history ;  it  was  to  this  end  that  the  above  observations  were  made. 
1  will  now  proceed  with  General  Clinches  account  of  his  battle  with  Osceula. 

"Head  Qi/rartera,  Territory  of  Florula,  Fori  Drane,  Jan.  4,  183(5. 
"Sir — On  the  '2i  ultimo,  brigadier  Gen.  Call,  con\nianding  the  volunteers 
called  into  servici;  by  his  excellency,  G.  R.  Walker,  acting  governor  of  Flori- 
da, formed  a  junction  with  the  regular  troops  at  this  post,  and  informed  me 
that  his  command  had  been  raised  to  meet  the  crisis  ;  that  most  of  tluiirterni^ 
of  siTvice  woidd  expire  in  a  ['e>N  days,  Avhich  made  it  necessary  to  act 
promptly.  Two  large  detachments  were  sent  out  on  the  l.'ith  [Dec]  to 
scour  the  country  on  our  right  and  left  flank.  Lieut.  Col.  Fanmnjr,  with 
three  companies  from  Fort  King,  arrived  on  the  27th  ;  and,  on  the  21)tli,  the 
detachment  having  returned,  the  brigade  of  mounted  volunteers,  composed 
of  the  1st  and  2d  regiments,  coi.imanded  by  iJrig.  Gen.  Call,  and  a  battalion 
of  rtigiilar  troops  commanded  by  Lieut.  Col.  Fanning,  took  up  the  line  of 
march  foi  a  j)oint  on  the  Ouithlccooche  river,  which  was  represented  hy  our 
guides  as  being  a  good  ford.  About  4  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  tlieSlst  [of 
Dec]  arter  leaving  all  our  baggage,  provisions,  &.c.,  protected  by  a  guard 
conniianded  by  Lieut.  Dancy,  we  pushed  on  with  a  view  of  carrying  the  ford, 
and  of  surprising  the  main  body  of  the  Indians,  supjtosed  to  he'concentrated 
on  the  west  bank  of  the  river ;  but  on  reaching  it,  about  day-light,  we  found. 
instead  of  a  good  ford,  a  deep  and  rapid  stream,  and  no  means  of  crossing, 
except  in  an  old  and  damaged  canoe.  Lieut.  Col.  Fanning,  however,  soon 
succeeded  in  crossing;  the  regular  troops  took  a  position  in  advance,  whilst 
Brig.  Gen.  Call  was  actively  engaged  in  crossing  his  brigade,  and  in  having 
their  horses  swam  over  the  river.  But  belbre  one  half  had  crossed,  the  bat- 
talion of  regulars,  consisting  of  about  200  men,  were  attacked  by  the  enemy, 
who  were  strongly  posted  in  the  swamp  and  scrub,  which  extended  from  the 
river.  This  little  band,  however,  aided  by  Col.  Warren,  jMaj.  Cooper,  and 
Lieut.  Yeoman,  with  27  volunteers,  met  the  attack  of  a  savage  enemy,  n(!arly 
throe  times  their  numbtu-,  headed  by  the  chief  Oseola,  with  Spartan  valor. 
The  action  lasted  nearly  an  hour,  during  which  time  the  troops  made  three 
brilliant  charges  into  the  swamp  and  scrub,  and  drove  the  enemy  in  every 
direction.  And  after  the  third  charge,  although  nearly  one  th'rd  of  their 
number  had  been  cut  down,  they  were  lound  sufficiently  firm  and  steady  to 
fortify  the  formation  of  a  new  line  of  hattle,  which  gave;  entire  protection  to 
the  flanks,  as  well  as  the  position  selected  for  recrossing  the  troops.  Urig, 
Gen.  Call,  after  using  every  effort  to  induce  the  volunteers  remaining  on  the 
east  bank,  wheii  the  action  commenced,  to  cross  the  river,  and  in  arranging 
the  troops  still  remaining  on  that  hank,  crossed  over  and  rendered  important 
service  by  his  coolness  and  judgment  in  arranging  part  of  his  corps  on  the 
right  of  the  regulars,  which  gave  much  strength  and  security  to  that  flank. 
Col.  Fanning  displayed  the  greatest  firmness  throughout  the  action,  and 
added  much  to  tlie  high  reputation  long  since  established.  Captains  Drane 
and  Mellon  exhibited  great  bravery  and  judgment,  and  likewise  added  to  the 
character  they  acquired  in  the  late  war.  Nor  was  Capt.  Gales  wanting  in 
firnuiess.  Capt.  Wm.  M.  Graham,  4t}i  infantrj',  was  fearlessly  brav(!,  and 
although  very  severely  womnh-d  early  in  the  engagement,  continued  to  head 
his  company  in  the  most  gallant  manner,  until  he  received  another  severe 
wound,  when  he  was  taken  frou)  the  ficsld.  His  brother,  Lieut.  Campbell  Gra- 
ham, conuTianding  the  adjacent  company,  was  likewise  severely  wounded 
early  in  the  fight,  but  continued  with  his  men  until  another  wound  forced 
him,  from  loss  of  blood,  to  retire  from  th(!  field.  Lieut.  Maitland,  who  com- 
manded a  company,  contributed  much,  by  his  gallantry,  to  encourage  his  men. 


Chap.  X.] 


BATTLE  OP  THE  OUITHLECOOCHE. 


83 


Liciits.  Tehot,  Capron,  John  Graham,  Ritl^dy,  (who  was  wounded  early  in  the 
(Ktiori,)  ami  Brooks,  ail  displayed  good  c;j;!rage  anc'  coolneas  throughout  the 
aftioii.  When  almost  every  Mon*roinmitsioiied  officer  ami  private  exhibited 
such  firmness,  it  was  almost  imjwjssihie  to  discriminate  between  them ;  but 
the  commanding-general  cannot  withhold  i.is  high  approbation  of  judgment 
and  courage  displayed  by  wjrgeant  Johns(,n  of  H  company,  third  artillery,  on 
whom  the  command  of  the  com|)any  devolved,  after  Lieut.  Graham  \\a!> 
removed  from  the  tield ;  and  wlio,  although  severely  wounded,  continued  a' 
the  head  of  the  company  till  the  actioa  was  over.  Also  of  sergeants  KetUoti 
and  Lofton,  and  corjM)ral  Paget,  4th  iidimtry.  Sergeants  ScoJJield  and  Potter 
D  company,  2d  artillery ;  sergeant  Smith,  C  company,  first  artillery,  and  cor 
poral  Cliapin,  C  company,  lid  artillery.  Colonel  John  H^amer,  commandau' 
Jst  regiment  volimteers,  Maj.  Cooper,  and  Lieut.  Yeoman  of  same  corps,  whc 
had  formed  on  the  left  flank,  were  all  severely  wounded,  while  leading  theii 
little  band  to  the  cluirge,  and  a!!  behavtul  with  great  bravery,  as  well  as 
adjutant  Phillips.  Lieut,  CoL  Mills  displayed  gnat  coolness  and  judgment 
(luring  the  action,  and  in  recrossing  the  river  with  his  command.  Lieuts. 
Stcwitrt  and  Hunter  of  the  2d  regittieut,  with  a  few  men  of  that  regiment,  were 
judiciously  posted  on  the  right,  and,  from  their  reputation  for  firujuess,  woidd 
imve  given  a  good  account  of  the  enemy,  had  he  made  his  appearance  in  that 
(|uarter.  Col.  Parkill,  of  the  F.  volunteers,  who  performed  the  duties  of 
adjutant-general,  displayed  much  military  skill  atid  the  utmost  coolness  and 
courage  throughout  the  whole  action  ;  and  his  services  were  of  the  first 
importance.  Col.  Reid,  inspector-general,  displayed  much  firmness,  but  he 
had  his  horse  shot,  and  received  a  slight  wound  early  in  the  engagement,  and 
was  sejit  with  orders  to  the  vohinteei*s.  My  volunteer  aid,  Maj,  Lutle,  and 
Maj.  JVelford,  aid  to  Ihig.  Gen.  Call^  were  near  me  throughout  the  action,  and 
displayed  the  most  intrepid  courage  and  coolness.  Col.  /.  H.  Mcintosh,  one 
of  my  aids,  and  Maj.  Gamble,  aid  to  Gen.  Call,  both  displayed  much  firnmess 
and  courage,  and  were  actively  employed  on  the  left  flank.  I  also  feel  it  due 
to  Lieut.  Col.  Baikji,  Ca|)t.  Scott,  and  Lieut.  Culhbert,  to  say,  that,  although 
the  action  was  nearly  over  before  they  could  cross  the  river  with  a  few  of  the 
2d  regiment,  they  took  a  judicious  position,  and  showed  nnich  firmness. 
Capt.  Wyait,  of  the  same  corps,  was  entirely  employed  in  erecting  a  tempora- 
ry bridge,  and  manifested  much  firmness.  Much  credit  is  also  due  to  the 
medical  department,  composed  of  Doctors  fFighimmi,  Hamilton,  Randolph,  and 
Bradon,  for  their  activity  and  attention  to  the  wounded. 

"  The  time  of  service  of  the  volunteers  having  expired,  and  most  of  them 
having  expressed  an  unwillingness  to  remain  longer  in  the  service,  it  was 
considered  best,  after  removing  the  dead  and  taking  care  of  the  wounded,  to 
return  to  this  post,  which  we  reached  on  the  2d  instant,  without  the  least 
interruption,  and,  on  the  following  day,  the  volunteers  from  Middle  Florida 
took  up  the  line  of  March  for  Tallahassee  ;  and  this  morning  those  from  East 
Florida  proceeded  to  their  respective  homes,  leaving  me  a  very  few  men  to 
guard  this  extensive  frontier.  I  am  now  fully  convinced  that  there  has  been 
a  great  defection  among  the  Florida  Indians,  and  that  a  great  many  Creeks 
have  united  with  them ;  consequently  it  will  require  a  strong  force  to  put 
them  down. 

"I  also  have  the  honor  to  enclose  you  a  list  of  the  killed  and  wounded  of 
the  re8|)ective  regiments  and  corps.  I  am,  sir,  with  high  respect,  your  most 
obedient, 

D.  L.  Clinch, 
Brevet  B.  General  U.  S.  Army,  Commanding. 

"  R,  Jones,  Mjutant-  General  U.  S.  Army," 


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"Return  of  the  killed  and  wounded  at  the  battle  of  the  Ouithlecooche  on 
the  Hist  day  of  December,  1835. — C  company,  1st  artillery,  Capt.  Gates  com- 
manding— one  artificer  killed ;  1  corporal  and  3  privates  wounded.  D  com- 
Eany,  2d  artillery,  Capt.  G.  Drane  commanding — 1  private  killed ;  1  second 
lieut,  1  corporal,  and  12  privates  wounded.  F  company,  2d  artillery,  bt 
Capt.  Mdlon  commanding — 1  artificer  killed.  C  company,  3tl  artillery,  1st 
Lieut  Maitland  commandiug — 1  artificer  killed,  and  7  privates  wounded.    H 


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Vi., 


84 


FIGHT  NEAR  WETUMKA. 


[Book  IV. 


company,  3(1  artillery,  lat  Lieut.  C.  Graham  conminnding — 1  private  killed  • 
1  first  Licuu,  1  sergeant,  2  corporals,  and  12  privates  wounded. 

"  Total— 4  killed,  and  52  wounded."  How  many  of  the  wounded  died 
after  the  return  was  made  out,  I  cannot  ascertain  ;  but  no  doubt  many  did,  as 
is  always  tne  case.  The  loss  of  the  Indians  is,  as  usual  on  such  occasions, 
variously  estimated.  Some  friendly  Indians  who  came  into  Tallahassee,  said 
that  Osceola  lost  104  men,  and  was  himself  twice  wounded  during  the  battle. 

There  were  with  General  Clinch,  as  gui.lcs  in  his  expedition,  tliree  or  four 
Indians  of  the  white  party,  relatives  of 'he  ciiief,  Charles  Omailda,  who  doubt- 
less rendered  eminent  sei-vice. 

Osceola  was  observed  foremost  of  all  his  men  in  this  battle,  and  was  well 
known  to  General  Clinch  and  many  of  hi?  men.  He  wore  a  red  helt,  and 
three  long  feathers.  Having  taken  his  st  J  behind  a  tree,  he  would  step 
boldly  out,  level  his  rifle,  and  bring  down  a  man  at  every  fire ;  nor  was  he 
dislodged  until  several  volleys  from  whole  platoons  had  heen  fired  upon  hini. 
The  tree  behind  which  he  stood  was  literally  cut  to  pieces.  It  is  aluioBt  a 
wonder  that  he  had  not  now  fulfiUiid  the  measure  of  his  threat  made  on  a 
former  occasion,  which  was  to  kill  General  Clinch.  He  j)robably  tried  his 
beat  to  do  it,  for  the  general  received  several  shots  through  his  clothen. 
General  Thompson,  Charles  Omathla,  and  (ieneral  Clinch  were  tlie  three  j)er- 
sons  he  had  declared  vengeance  against. 

An  officer  in  General  Clinch's  army  wrote  the  next  day  after  the  hattle,  to 
a  friend  in  Washington,  "You  will  see  from  Gen.  ClincWs  official  letter, 
giving  an  account  of  the  Irattle,  that  he  says  nothing  of  himself.  I  was  in  this 
battle,  and  allow  mo  to  say  to  you  respecting  him,  what  I  saw  and  know  to  be 
true.  Throughout  the  engagement  he  was  in  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  His 
horse  was  shot  under  him  in  two  places,  neck  and  hip.  A  ball  passed  through 
his  cap,  entering  the  front,  and  passing  out  at  the  back  part  of  the  top.  An- 
other ball  passed  through  the  sleeve  of  the  bridle-arm  of  his  coat.  This  was 
my  first  battle,  and  I  may  not  bo  the  best  judge,  but  I  do  not  believe  *.hat  any 
man  ever  displayed  more  intrepid  courage  than  Gen.  Clinch  did  on  this 
occasion.  At  one  moment  a  little  confusion  occurred  among  tlie  troops,  in 
consequence  of  some  soldiers  giving  the  word  ^Retire!"  The  general 
immediately  threw  himself  in  front  of  the  men,  and  his  horse  staggering 
under  him,  he  dismounted,  advanced  to  the  front,  and,  amidst  a  shower  of 
bullets  from  the  Indians,  said,  that  before  he  would  show  his  back  to  the 
enemy,  he  would  die  upon  the  field.  The  high  and  chivalric  bearing  of  the 
general  kindled  among  the  men  an  enthusiasm,  which,  I  believe,  was  never 
surpassed.  A  gallant  charge  followed,  which  routed  and  drove  the  enemy 
from  the  field,  and  they  did  not  again  show  themselves.  We  kept  the  field 
about  three  hours,  and  then  recrossed  the  river  in  good  order,  and  without 
disturbance." 

The  next  events  which  occurred  were  not  of  so  much  moment  as  those 
immediately  preceding  them  ;  but  it  is  our  duty  to  notice  all,  which  we  will 
do  in  the  order  of  time. 

On  the  12  January,  "Col.  Parish,  at  the  head  of  200  mounted  volunteers, 
composed  of  the  companies  of  Capt.  Alston,  Bellamy,  and  Caswell,  had  a  sharp 
encounter  with  a  large  body  of  Indians  near  Wetumkn,  in  Middle  Florida. 
The  attack  commenced  with  the  advanced  guard  under  Capt.  Bellamij,  who 
had  been  allowed  by  the  enemy  to  pass  their  main  body.  Col.  Parish  imme- 
diately hastened  forward  to  his  support,  when  suddenly  he  was  attacked  on 
both  flanks  by  the  enemy  in  ambush.  The  volunteers  made  an  unsuccessful 
attempt  to  charge  on  horseback;  they  were  then  dismounted  and  foimed  in 
admirable  order.  They  then  charged  the  enemy  in  a  manner  worthy  of 
veterans.  In  the  mean  time,  CapL  Bellamy,  having  routed  the  attacking  party 
opposed  to  him,  fell  back  on  the  main  body.  The  enemy  were  soon  forced 
to  take  shelter  in  a  thicket  By  this  time,  night  coming  on,  it  was  not  diouglit 
prudent  to  follow  them,  where  the  localities  of  the  place  and  the  darkness 
would  have  given  them  great  advantages.  Our  men  rested  on  their  arms  in 
the  open  pine  woods,  prepared  to  renew  the  action  at  day-light ;  but  during 
the  night  the  savages  eflTected  their  retreat.  Their  loss  must  have  been  con- 
siderable, as  six  dead  bodies  were  counted  in  one  part  of  the  field  of  battle. 


.i■^> 


•■)■:■'' 


[Book  IV. 

rivute  killed ; 

'^ouiided  died 
many  did,  as 
ch  occuaions, 
lahassee,  said 
tig  the  battle, 
tliree  or  four 
I,  who  doubt- 

and  was  well 
red  helt,  and 
le  would  step 
;  nor  was  he 
ed  upon  hini. 
It  ia  almost  a 
at  made  on  a 
ibly  tried  his 
his  clotheH. 
tile  three  |)er- 

the  battle,  to 
official  letter, 

I  was  in  this 
id  know  to  be 
he  fight.  His 
assed  through 
the  top.  An- 
at.  This  was 
lieve  that  any 
h  did  on  this 
tlie  troops,  in 

The  general 
rse  staggering 
t  a  shower  of 
is  Iwck  to  the 
bearing  of  tlie 
3ve,  was  never 
ve  the  enemy 

kept  the  field 
r,  and  without 

ment  as  those 
wliich  we  will 

ted  volunteers, 
//,  had  a  sharp 
[iddle  Florida. 
,  Bellamy,  who 
Parish  imnie- 
as  attacked  on 
n  unsuccessful 
md  foimed  in 
ler  worthy  of 
ittacking  party 
re  soon  forced 
as  not  thought 
I  the  darkness 
1  their  arms  in 
ht ;  but  during 
lave  been  con- 
field  of  batUe. 


Ckap  X.] 


CONGRESS.— BATTLE  OP  DUNLAWTON. 


S5 


v,r' 


Two  days  after.  Col.  Parish  marched  for  Fort  King,  and  arrived  there  in 
safety.  He  then  proceeded  to  PoioeWs  [Osceola^s]  town,  and  destroyed  it. 
The  volunteers  then  returned  to  Fort  Drane." 

The  best  opinion  can  be  formed  of  the  distress  of  the  people  of  Florida  at 
this  period,  from  the  sufferers  themselves,  or  those  momentarily  expecting  to 
t)eco:ne  such.  On  the  16  January,  a  newspajMjr  published  at  Tallahassee 
contained  as  follows: — "Since  the  engagement  on  tlie  Wythlacoocliee,  no 
intelligence  has  been  had  of  the  main  body  of  the  Indians.  The  situation  of 
the  inhabitants  east  of  the  St.  John's  and  south  of  St.  Augustine,  is  truly 
deplorable.  New  Smyrna  has  been  burnt,  and  all  the  fine  plantations  in  that 
neighborhood  are  broken  u}).  Many  of  the  negroes  have  been  carried  ofl|  or 
have  joined  the  savages.  The  Indians  are  dispersed  in  small  parties,  and 
when  pursued  they  take  refuge  in  the  thickets,  Avtiich  abound  every  where, 
and  fight  with  desj)eration,  until  they  are  dead,  no  matter  by  what  numbers 
they  are  assailed.  It  is  literally  a  war  of  extermination,  and  no  hope  is 
entertained  of  )Mitting  an  end  to  it,  but  by  the  most  vigorous  measures.  In 
the  mean  time,  the  number  of  the  enemy  is  daily  increasing  by  de9|>eradoe8 
from  other  tribes,  and  absconding  slaves.  The  Mickasooky  tribe  is  considered 
the  lead'"  •*  [one]  of  the  Seminoles.  They  have  always  been  noted  as  the 
most  ruti-i.  ss  aiia  determined  of  the  savage  race." 

But  it  must  not  be  supposed,  that  the  measure  of  the  sufferings  of  the 
Floridians  was  yet  fidl,  at  this  date  of  our  history,  nor  even  at  the  very  writing 
hereof,  (20  July,)  although  the  whole  coast  from  St.  Augustine  to  Cape  Florida 
is  in  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  has  remained  so  ever  since  the  11  Febru- 
ary. Nevertheless,  nothing  seems  yet  to  have  occurred  sufficiently  alarming 
to  awaken  the  sympathies  of  the  heads  of  the  nation.  But  on  the  30  January, 
Mr.  White,  in  the  '<8use  of  representatives,  a^ed  leave  to  introduce  the  fol- 
lowing resolution : — 

"  Resolved  by  the  senate  and  house  of  representatives  of  the  United  States  of 
America,  in  Congress  assembled,  That  the  president  of  the  U^  States  be 
authorized  to  cause  rations  to  be  delivered  from  tlie  public  stores  to  the 
unfortunate  sufierers  who  have  been  driven  from  their  homes  by  Imiiau 
depredations,  until  they  can  be  rc-estahliahed  in  their  possessions,  and  enabled 
to  procure  provisions  for  the  sustenance  of  themselves  and  families." 

This  resolution,  afler  some  debate,  was  passed,  and  became  a  law.  The 
notice  of  this  act  of  congress  is  in  anticipation  of  the  order  of  events  ;  but  one 
thing  is  certain,  that  if  I  have  noticed  congress  a  little  prematurely,  they  have 
not  committed  the  like  fault  in  noticing  the  affairs  of  Florida. 

Upon  tlie  17  Januar ;,  as  George  W.  RoMeff  aiid  Jerry  Botvers,  pilots  in  the 
nloop  Pilot,  of  Mosquitt ,  were  }iroceeding  up  Halifax  River,  and  when  nearly 
opposite  Mi"s.  Anderson!.  •  plantation,  they  were  fired  upon  by  Indians,  about 
lUO  in  number,  as  they  juilged,  who  continued  their  fire  about  a  quarter  of  an 
hoin-.  Tiiey  overshot  the  men,  but  the  sail  and  rigging  of  their  vessel  was 
much  injured',  30  bullets  having  passed  through  the  mainsail. 

The  next  day,  18  January,  Major  Putinan,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the 
independer*  company,  styled  the  St.  Augustine  Guards,  stationed  at  Mos- 
riuito,  )»roceeded  to  Mrs.  Jlndersmi'g  plantation,  at  a  place  called  Dun  Lawton, 
alwut  50  miles  south  of  St.  Augustine,  on  the  Halifax  River,  upon  discovery. 
It  will  he  remembered  that  the  whole  of  the  Moscpiito  country  was  destroyed 
on  the  2(»  and  27  of  December,  as  we  have  before  related,  and  the  buildings 
of  Mrs.  .'Jdrfcrson  were  at  that  time  burned.  While  there,  this  company,  com- 
posed of  the  generous  and  spirited  voting  mon  of  St.  Augustine,  joined  by  a 
li'w  (Vom  Mosquito,  making  about  40  men,  was  attjirked  by  l.'iO  IndUuis,  as 
was  supposed.  Mr.  Geo.  Anderson  and  Mr.  Douglas  Dunimit,  standing  on 
iruard,  saw  two  Indians  approaching,  iij)on  whom  they  fired,  killing  one  and 
wounding  the  other.  Dummit  ran  to  the  fallen  Indian,  and  as  he  w.-is  stoojiing 
over  him,  received  a  wound  in  the  back  of  the  neck.  At  the  same  moment 
the  whole  body  of  the  Indians  rushed  out  of  a  scrub,  distant  a  little  more 
than  muskt^  shot,  and  commenced  a  furious  attack  uiKin  .Major  Pu<mrt;i'j(nen, 
who,  from  lieliind  the  fragments  and  broken  walls  of  th(!  burnt  buildings, 
gave  the  Indians  a  warm  reception  ;  and  although  but  40  in  number,  having 
coverts  firom  which  to  fight,  and  the  Indians  beiiig  in  opcji  sjiace,  they  kejJl. 
.8 


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86 


CONGRESS  AND  THE  SEMINOLE  WAR. 


[Book  IV. 


them  at  bay  for  about  an  hour.  During  this  time  but  one  had  been  wounded. 
The  Indians  now  charged  thcni  witli  such  determined  fury  upon  tlieir  flunks 
that  tliey  were  obliged  to  fly  to  their  boats,  wliieh  were  at  considerable 
distance  from  the  shore,  and  were  closely  pursued  by  the  Indians.  lu  thuir 
hurry,  the  whites  rendered  all  tlieir  guns,  but  one,  useless,  by  wetting  tlieui 
with  this  one,  however,  they  firetl  us  often  as  possible,  and  pushed  oil"  witli 
energy ;  but  the  water  being  shallow  for  a  great  distance,  tliey  were  in  tlie 
most  imminent  danger  of  being  boarded  by  the  nunu.>rous  Indians ;  in  such 
event,  every  man  must  have  perished.  However,  they  escaped  with  19  liadiv 
wounded,  and  several  of  these  mortally.  One  bout  fell  into  the  hands  ul'  th(^ 
Indian.s,  in  which  were  eight  or  ten  men,  who  all  jumped  overboard  and 
escaped,  except  one,  a  Mr.  Edward  Gould,  who  swum  to  Pelican  L-slund,  and 
was  there  left ;  nor  was  it  in  the  power  of  the  others  to  relieve  him,  tliey 
being  pursued  by  die  Indians  in  the  boat  whieh  they  had  just  taken.  He  was 
not  heard  of  afterwards,  and  was  supposed  to  have  been  drowned  next  day 
in  endeavoring  to  swim  from  the  island.  A  Mr.  Marks  swum  to  the  o|)poi?ite 
beach,  and  escaped  to  Bulowville ;  the  others  were  taken  into  the  boats  uguin. 

Great  fears  having,  all  along,  been  entertained  that  the  Seuiinoles  would 
be  aided  by  the  Creeks,  it  is  now  confidently  atiirmed  tliat  at  least  1000  ol" 
them  have  gone  down  into  Florida  few  that  end. 

About  the  20  January,  Captain  Hooder,  on  the  lower  Suanee  River,  fiudinj; 
the  opposite  side  in  possession  of  tJie  Indians,  crossed  over  wkh  iihie  men  to 
attack  them.  As  they  lauded,  two  of  his  men  were  shot  down ;  one  with 
nine  bulls,  the  other  with  five.  With  his  remaining  men  he  charged  the 
Indians  with  great  boldness.  In  the  ni'^an  time  his  boat  got  adrift,  and  no 
other  alternative  was  left  but  victory  or  death.  After  a  close  and  deadly  con- 
test of  some  minutes,  the  Indians  were  routed  with  severe  loss^ 


»###(■ 


CHAPTER  XL 

Congress  makes  an  appropriation  for  carrying  on  the  war — Remarks  in  the  Senata 
of  the  United  States  on  the  war  with  the  Scminoles — Debate  in  the  house  of  repre- 
sentatives on  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  inhabitants  of  Florida — Attack  on  same 
Creeks  at  Bryant's  Ferry — General  Gaines's  campaign  in  Florida — Fights  the 
Indians  on  the  Otiithlacoochee — His  conference  with  Osceola — Resigns  his  com- 
■nuind,  and  leaves  the  country — Captain.  Allison's  skirmish — The  chief  OuciiEi; 
Billy  killed — Siege  of  Camp  McLemore — Great  sufferings  of  its  garrison — Delic- 
tred  by  Captain  Read — The  chief  Mad  Wolf  slain. 

Towards  the  close  of  the  preeeding  chapter,  notice  was  taken  of  the  delay 
in  congress,  and  by  the  executive  of  the  nation,  to  agitate  the  subject  fX  this 
war.  At  length  Mr.  Webster  of  the  senate,  from  the  committee  on  finance, 
reported,  without  amendment,  a  bill  making  further  appropriation  for  sup- 
pressing hostilities  with  the  Seminole  Indians,  and  asked  for  its  immediate 
consideration,  as  the  state  of  the  country  required  its  passage  with  the  ultiicst 
despatch.  The  amount  of  the  appropriation  was  500,000  dollai-s,  and  tlie  1  ill 
was  passed  after  some  explanatory  remarks ;  which  remarks,  as  they  not  only 
set  the  affairs  of  tlie  war  forth  as  they  were  known  in  Washington  at  that 
period,  but  discover  to  us  something  by  which  we  can  judge  who  has  been  in 
fault  there,  shall  here  be  laid  before  the  reader. 

"Mr.  Clay  sanX  he  should  be  glad  to  hear  the  commHnications  from  the 
departments  read,  in  order  to  see  whether  they  gave  any  account  of  tlie 
causes  of  this  war.  No  doubt,  he  said,  whatever  may  have  been  the  causes, 
it  was  necessaiy  to  put  an  end  to  the  war  itself,  by  all  the  possible  nieuns 
within  our  power.  But  it  was  a  condition,  altogether  without  precedent,  in 
which  the  country  was  now  placed.  A  war  was  raging  with  the  most  ran- 
corous violence  within  our  borders ;  congress  had  been  in  session  iitarly 
two  months,  during  which  time  this  conflict  was  ragmg  ;  yet  of  tlie  causes  ot 


,0  iius  been  in 


CHAr.  XI.] 


CONGRESS  AND  THE  SEMINOLE  WAR. 


87 


the  war,  how  it  was  produced,  if  the  fault  was  on  one  side  or  on  botii  sides, 
in  sfiort,  what  had  lighted  up  the  torch,  congress  was  altogether  uninformed, 
and  no  inquiry  on  the  subject  had  been  made  by  either  branch  of  the  legis- 
lature. He  should  be  glad,  be  said,  if  the  chairnian  of  tlie  conunitlec  on 
finance,  or  of  the  couiniittee  on  Indian  afi'airs,  or  any  one  else,  wouUI  tell  him 
how  this  war  had  burst  forth,  and  what  were  its  causes,  and  to  whom  the 
hlarne  of  it  was  to  be  charged. 

"  Mr.  ffebster  replied,  that  be  could  not  give  any  answer  to  the  senator 
frotii  Kentucky.  It  was  as  much  •"*  'natter  of  surprise  to  him,  as  to  any  one, 
tli.-it  no  oiHeial  communication  \m  *'ii  made  to  congress  ol'  the  cau.ses  of 
tlie  war.  All  he  knew  on  the  sti'^ect  be  had  gathered  from  the  gazettes. 
The  comtnunications  from  the  departments  spoke  of  the  war,  as  a  war  grow- 
ing out  of  the  relations  between  the  Indians  and  the  goverimient  ol'  tli<!  U. 
States,  and  gave  no  reason  to  suppose  that  it  had  its  origin  in  any  quarrel 
with  the  citizens.  It  [»robably  grew  out  of  the  attempts  to  remove  tliest^ 
Indians  beyond  the  Mississippi.  Aeconiing  to  the  latest  a"  .  omits,  the  coiuitry 
between  'I'allahassee  and  St.  Augustine  was  ov(!nuii  by  hostile  Indians,  and 
the  comminiication  between  those  places  was  interrupted.  The  view  taken 
by  the  gentleman  from  Kciuucky  was  undoubtedly  tlu;  true  one.  But  the 
war  r:iges,  the  enemy  is  in  force,  and  the  afcoiints  of  tht.ir  ravages  are  dis- 
astrous. The  executive  government  has  asked  i<)r  the  means  of  suj)i)ressing 
these  hostilities,  and  it  was  entirely  proper  that  the  bill  should  pass. 

"  Mr.  fVhite  expressed  his  regret  that  he  could  add  nothing  to  the  informa- 
tion given  on  this  subject.  He  knew  nothing  of  the  cause  of  tin;  war,  if  it 
commenced  in  any  local  quarrel  or  not.  It  was  the  object  of  the  government 
to  remove  these  Indians  to  the  west  sitle  of  the  Mississippi,  and  he  was  appre- 
hensive that  the  difficulty  had  arisen  out  of  this  measure.  He  had,  however, 
no  information,  which  was  not  in  the  j)ossession  of  every  other  senator.  He 
was  for  the  bill. 

"  Mr.  Benton  said  he  was  also  ignorant  of  the  causes  of  the  war.  Some 
years  ago,  he  said,  he  was  a  member  of  the  committee  on  Indian  atlairs.  At 
ihat  time  these  Indians  in  Florida  were  in  a  sttite  of  starvation  ;  tliey  woulil 
not  work,  and  it  was  necessary  that  they  should  be  fed  by  the  U.  States,  or 
they  must  subsist  on  the  plunder  of  our  citizens.  These  Indians  are  a  very 
had  tribe,  as  their  very  name  signifies,  the  word  Seminole,  in  Indian,  being, 
^  wild  runaway  Indians.^  They  were  therefore  considered  a  bad  race.  It  was 
obviously  the  best  policy  to  remove  these  Indians  to  a  place  where  they  would 
be  able  to  obtain  plenty." 

When  the  bill  for  the  relief  of  the  distressed  inhabitants  of  Florida  was  before 
the  house  of  representatives,  which  was  noticed  in  our  last  chapter,  the  fbllow- 
iiig  interesting  debate  arose  upon  it,  which  shall  be  laid  before  the  readijr,  for 
the  same  reasons  which  caused  the  remarks  in  the  senate  to  be  given  above. 

"The  resolution  having  been  twice  read,  the  house,  on  motion  of  Mr. 
While,  agreed  to  consider  it  now. 

"Mr.  fV,  said  that  he  would  not  occupy  the  time  of  the  house  further  thari 
to  .stiy,  that  in  East  Floridti,  five  himdred  families  were  driven  from  tiieir 
homes,  and  had  had  their  possessions  destroyed  in  the  progress  of  a  war, 
wiiich  had  commenced  in  coiisequenee  of  relations  between  the  Indians  (uid 
this  goverimient,  and  with  which  the  suffering  inhabitants  of  that  country 
have  had  nothing  to  do. 

"Approjiriations  had  frequently  been  made  to  succor  Indians  when  in  cir- 
cumstances of  distress,  and  be  hoped  that  no  member  of  the  house  would 
ohj(!et  to  the  adoption  of  the  resolution  for  the  succor  of  our  own  citizens. 

"Mr.  Granger  of  New  York  rose  and  said, — Mr.  Speaker,  in  the  little 
observation  I  have  had  of  men  and  things,  I  have  learned  that  j)recedent  is 
olien  used  to  restrain  our  generous  irn|)ulses,  but  seldom  to  impel  us  to  gen- 
erous action.  In  the  little  time  I  have  been  here,  I  have  not  been  so  much 
gratified  with  any  thing  that  has  occurred,  as  I  have  at  the  prompt  inanuer  in 
which  this  house  luis  stepped  forward  to  provi<le  means  for  carrying  on  the 
war  in  Florida.  Whilst  we  have  been  without  any  official  information  from 
the  executive  department  of  government — whilst  the  newspaper  have  been 
discussing  the  question,  whether  censure  should  rest  upon  one  of  the  depart- 


^'t-: 

'  ''•  nil 

'  ^'hH 

'.■'t.i  - , 

A'i^ 

■■■•■■■«>' i 

1 "  * 

V.  >.•>,  m 

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,_,-».. 

.  ■■'  .*'* 

'^^V^'- 

^ir^.: 


'■y-.Mf- 


r.f- 


iv. 


\.J:'."'i(: 


vf     .•■ 


.' 

ii\ 

.     -      '  \ 

:    ;?|i 

.^   '■- 

!  ».  i 

'!    "<.'-'■ 

.:!' 

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^n' 

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/I 

^-;      - 

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i;  -*>' 

^     '\'" 

«  .  • 

'  '•'  , 

^» 

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'•" 

f.  ■■ 

» 

•..-. 

«     . 

■f-    !.i 

^■'^■ 


a,  i' 


!'«.«••' 


If ■»'¥"■?  ■  .  ■ 


83 


FIGHT  AT  BRYANTS   FERRY. 


[Book  IV. 


nientji,  or^  upon  the  commandinj^  officer  in  Florida,  this  house  and  Uie  other 
braucli  of  the  legislature  have  stepped  forward  to  sustain  this  war,  although 
no  n(|iiisition  has  been  made  by  the  cliief  magistrate  of  the  nation.  Hir  I 
nyoire  tliat  they  liave  done  so. 

"Mr.  Camlireleng  ro.se  to  explain,  and  Mr.  Gmwgw  yielded  tiie  floor. 

"Mr.  Cambrekng  said,  that  great  injustice  had  been  done  in  the  newsjmpers 
to  the  conduct  ])ui-sucd  by  tiie  departments.  The  committee  of  ways  and 
means  i)ad  l)een  furnislicd  with  the  first  communication  on  which  they  acted 
by  the  .secretary  of  war.  They  next  day  received  a  second  commnnicatioii 
with  ail  the  documents  relating  to  the  Indian  war,  and  which  contained  all 
the  infurtMHtion  that  was  requisite.  The  docmtients  had  not  gone  forth  to  the 
j)nblic — which  was  an  extraordinary  circumstance.  They  certainly  wen-  sent 
by  tiie  committee  to  this  hous«;,  and  ought  to  have  accompanied  tl>e  bill  uiid 
been  printed  and  sent  to  the  senate.  If  they  had,  the  erroneous  inipression  us 
to  the  remissness  of  the  dejwrtment,  or  the  executive,  wmdd  not  have  gont; 
into  the  newspapers.  It  wa-»  not  the  fault  of  the  executive,  or  of  the  committee 
on  ways  and  means,  that  this  had  not  l)een  done. 

"Mr.  Gr«n^r  resumed.  If  the  gentleman  had  listened  to  mea  litth;  longer, 
he  would  have  discovered  that  I  intended  no  censm-e  on  the  executive ;  but  as 
he  ha.s  chosen  to  challenge  me  to  8|>eak,  I  do  .say  that  the  history  of  this  nation 
can  |M-e,scnt  nothing  like  the  silence  which  has  exi^'♦ed  on  this  subject.  I  do 
say  that  whilst  this  hall  has  been  ringing  with  plaudits  upon  one  administra- 
tion, and  wliiLst  we  have  been  calkd  upon  day  after  day  to  hunt  H|)  the 
bones  of  dead  (piarrels  here — whilst  your  settlements  have  been  laiil  waste 
and  desolate,  no  communication  has  been  made  to  this  house  as  a  branch  of 
the  govcriurient.  W'jatcver  information  you  have,  even  upon  the  gentlenoaii's 
own  showing,  is  a  letter  from  the  se«retary  of  war  to  the  chairman  of  iImj 
committee  of  ways  and  means. 

"Mr.  Camhreleng.    That  letter  contained  all  that  was  necessary. 

"Mr.  Granger  continued :  Sir,  I  repeat  that,  with  a  war  known  to  exist  in 
this  country,  we  have  l)een  occupied  in  hunting  up  the  possibility,  not  only 
of  a  war  which  might  take  place  hereafter  with  a  foreign  itation,  biit  also  to 
discover  whether  a  war  was  last  year  likely  to  have  existed. 

"  We  have  war  enough  upon  our  hands  to  take  care  of.  The  war-cry  is  u[> 
in  the  woods;  the  tomahawk  glitters  in  the  sunbeam;  the  scalping-knife  is 
urged  to  its  cruel  duty;  the  flower  of  your  chivalry  is  strewed  along  the  ]>!uin, 
and  yet  everj^  department  of  this  administration  is  as  dumb  as  the  bleeding 
victims  of  this  inglorious  contest. 

"In  legislating-  for  a  suffering  people,  I  ^vant  no  precedent  but  that  which 
my  Creator  lias  im[)lanted  in  my  bosom.  I  <lo  not  believe  that  we  stand  here 
with  the  sympatiiics  of  our  nature  chilled  and  frozen  by  the  mere  force  of  the 
oath  which  we  have  taken;  I  do  not  believe  that  our  duty  requires  that  we 
should  be  thus  chilled  aiHl  frozen.  I  believe  that  the  existence  of  this  govern- 
ment depends  upon  its  extending  its  fo.stcring  hand  to  the  unfortunate  when- 
ever it  can  Ik3  done  within  the  limits  of  the  constitution.  Especially  should 
this  be  tin;  case,  where  the  suflTerers  reside  within  a  territory,  and  have  no 
stat<;  government  to  which  they  can  look  for  succor. 

"  Such  is  the  true  course  to  be  pursued  in  this  nation ;  and  then  our  people 
will  feel  that  they  are  indeed  members  of  one  common  family,  and  that, 
whilst  they  bear  equal  burdens,  they  are  the  equal  recipients  of  the  bounty 
and  protection  of  the  government. 

"On  juotion  of  Mr.  White,  tlie  resolution  was  read  a  third  time  and  passed.'* 

Wc  have  now  to  return  to  the  recital  of  warlike  operations.  Aboiit  the 
middle  of  January,  great  alarm  spread  through  the  confines  of  Georgia,  tiiat 
the  Creek  Indians  were  imbodying  in  various  parts  of  their  country,  and  the 
utmost  consternation  prevailed.  On  the  23  January,  it  being  reported  at 
Columbus,  that  the  Ir.''ians  were  in  force  at  Bryant's  Ferry,  15  miles  below 
that  place,  a  company  of  whites,  consisting  of  about  20  or  30  men,  under 
Captain  J^atson,  marched  down  upon  discovery.  They  discovered  30  or  40 
Indians,  some  of  whom  had  rifles,  but  it  does  not  appear  that  they  had  done, 
or  intended,  any  mischief.  However,  the  whites  pursued  them,  and  pretty 
soon  a  firing  commenced,  and,  though  of  short  duration,  two  were  killed  oa 


i-.. 


Chap.  XI.] 


GAINES'S  SEMINOLE    CAMPAIGN. 


H9 


le  comiiuHee 


each  side,  nnd  the  whites  were  driven  from  the  ground,  having  several  of 
their  nunjber  wounded. 

The  next  operations  of  importance  were  those  between  the  forces  under 
General  Gaines  and  Osceola,  and  upon  the  memorable  Ouithleroochce.  Gen- 
eral Gaines  was  upon  a  tour  of  inspection  and  duty,  when  he  tii>t  learned  that 
serious  disturbances  had  occurred  between  the  whites  and  SeiiiinDlcs.  This 
was  about  the  15  January,  and  the  general  was  arrived  at  New  OrlcmH.  His 
previous  head-quurters  had  Ljen  at  Memphis,  in  Tennessee,  lie  tlierctijre 
called  on  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  to  have  a  body  of  volunteers  in  readiness 
for  military  service,  and  set  out  himself  inuiicdiately  for  the  scene  of  hostilities. 
At  Pensacola  he  fountl  some  vessels  of  war,  under  Commodores  Dallas  and 
Bollon,  and  Captain  JVehb,  who  had  already  conmienced  operatioii.s  in  tin? 
neijfhborhood  of  Tampa  Bay,  and  other  adjacent  inlets.  Colonel  Tmgffs  had 
been  ordered  to  receive  into  service  eight  companies  of  voluntcei-s,  to  In-  raised 
by  the  governor  of  Louisiana,  and  the  regular  force  at  Baton  Rou<r(>,  New 
Orleans,  and  other  stations  in  the  immediate  vicinity  of  New  Orleans,  and  to 
hold  himself  in  readiness  for  a  movement  towards  Tumjja.  This  force  con- 
sisted of  ul)out  1100  men. 

That  no  time  should  be  lost.  General  Gaines  returned  imme«l lately  to  New 
Orleans  (about  20  Januai7),  and,  on  the  4  February,  was  under  way  again  for 
Florida,  with  his  forces  organized.  He  arrived  at  Tampa,  with  his  forces,  in 
three  steam-boats,  on  the  'Jth,  and,  on  the  13th  began  to  pioceed  into  the  In- 
dian country.  His  first  movement  was  to  the  east,  on  the  Alafia  River,  having 
understood  there  had  been  a  fight  in  that  direction,  near  Fort  Brooke,  between 
the  hostile  and  friendly  Indians  ;  but  after  two  days,  no  enemy  being  discov- 
ered, the  line  of  march  was  altered  for  Fort  King.  General  Gaines^s  army  had 
hut  ten  days'  rations ;  but,  by  advices,  he  was  assured  that  there  was  j)lenty  at 
Fort  King. 

On  the  20  February,  the  army  passed  Major  Dade's  fatal  field,  on  which 
was  found  lOt)  men,  all  of  whom  they  decently  inferred.  All  the  officers  who 
fell  in  that  disastrous  fight  were  identified,  and,  what  was  very  remarkable, 
every  man  was  accounted  for ;  bi:t  what  struck  every  one  with  the  greatest 
surprise,  was,  that  the  dead  were  in  no  instance  pillaged ;  articles  the  most 
esteemed  by  savages  were  untouched  ;  the  officers'  bosom-pins  remained  in 
their  places ;  their  watches  were  found  in  their  pockets,  and  money,  in  silver 
and  gold,  was  left  to  decay  with  its  owner, — a  lesson  to  all  the  world — a  testi- 
mony that  the  Indie  9  are  not  fighting  for  plunder! — nay,  they  are  fighting 
for  their  rights,  their  country,  their  homes,  their  very  existence !  The  arms 
and  ammunition  were  all  that  had  been  taken,  except  the  unifonn  coat  of 
M^or  Dade. 

On  the  22  February,  the  army  arrived  at  Fort  King,  much  to  the  agreeable 
surprise  of  the  garrison,  which  it  had  been  reported  was  cut  oflTby  the  Indians. 
Owing  to  the  country's  being  in  possession  of  the  Indians,  no  supplies  had 
arrived  ;  and,  the  next  day,  a  troop  of  horse  was  despatched  to  Foit  Drano, 
(22  miles  north-west,)  in  hopes  to  obtain  further  su|)plies.  They  returned  the 
24,  bvit  with  only  seven  days'  additional  rations.  To  this  they  added  two  days' 
more  at  Fort  King.  The  general  scarcely  knew  what  course  next  to  take  ;  but 
he  finally  concluded  to  move  down  the  Owithlecoochee,  over  Gem  ral  Clinch's 
battle-groinid,  and  so  to  Tampa,  thinking  such  a  route  might  bring  him  in 
contact  with  the  main  body  of  the  Indians.  Accordingly  the  army  moved,  on 
the  2Gth,  from  Fort  King,  and,  at  two  o'clock  on  the  27th,  arrived  at  General 
Clinches  crossing-place.  Here,  wliile  examining  and  sounding  the  river,  the 
Indians  fired  upon  them,  and  set  up  a  fierce  war-cry  ;  but  their  numbers  were 
not  sufficient  to  make  any  material  impression,  although  they  continued  the 
fight  for  about  half  an  hour.  The  whites  lost  one  killed,  and  eight  wounded. 
On  the  28th,  the  anny,  having  resumed  its  march,  was  again  attacked,  alwut 
two  miles  from  its  former  position,  and  a  fire  was  kept  up  about  half  of  the 
day.  At  the  commencement  of  the  action.  Lieutenant  hard,  of  the  United 
States  dragoons,  fell,  mortally  wounded.  In  he  course  of  the  fight,  another 
was  killed,  and  two  wounded.  In  the  evening,  express  was  sent  to  Foit 
Drane,  with  directions  for  the  commanding  officer  to  march  down  with  a 
fcrce  upon  the  opposite  side  of  the  Ouiihlecoochee,  and  thus  come  upon  the 
8* 


j?»'-:-. 


'V  ^ 

■'•''vf 


'■    n 


■':/-im 


f  V  .. 


"»>' 

•V;:^-.. 


'■■■•  *j  ■>• 


'tS'- 


\  •  Li  r 


.■m' 


.'.(. 


t'-.  J"*  "■' 


,  1  • 


,■>  • 


90 


GAINES'S  SEMINOLE  CAMPAIGN. 


[Book  IV. 


rear  oftlie  Iiidiuns  ;  which  movewi>.-i%  should  it  succeed,  it  wus  huped,  would 
litiisli  the  wur. 

Oil  ihi;  nioriiingof  the  2!hh,  no  [i:  .'fiiH  were  to  be  seen  ;  but  the  general  did 
not  relav  his  preeautionH.  A  party  was  preparing  timber  and  eanoes  titr  vms^. 
ing  the  river,  when,  about  D  o'clock,  they  were  sharply  fired  upon,  luid,  at  the 
su.'ne  time,  liie  encampment  was  attacked  upon  every  side,  but  that  towardtt 
th(!  river.  The  Indians  now  seemed  in  j^reut  force,  (12  or  1500,  as  wiw  supposed,) 
havinj;  been  coliectiuj,',  from  all  (piarters  since  tlie  tight  on  the  previous  duv. 
They  continued  the  contest  two  hours,  in  which  time  one  man  was  killed  and 
33  vvoimded.  Among  the  latter  was  the  general  himself, — a  ritle  ball  liaviii<; 
passed  through  his  lower  lip,  knocked  out  one  tooth,  and  damaged  two  others. 
When  it  was  found  that  the  general  was  wounded,  his  companions  expressed 
much  regret ;  but  he  talked  of  it  as  a  matter  of  small  moment ;  said  "  it  was 
very  uiddnd  in  the  rascals  to  take  away  a  tooth  which  he  valued  so  highly." 

On  reconnoitering  the  enemy's  groinid,  after  he  had  fled,  Gaines^s  men  found 
one  of  their  dead,  which  had  been  dragged  a  considerable  distance  and  left 
unburied,  from  which  circmnstance  they  conjectured  he  had  fled  in  haste. 
His  rifle  had  been  taken  away,  but  he  was  found  to  be  well  provided  with 
anmiunition,  having  plenty  of  powder  and  sixty  bullets.  The  place  of  this 
attack  Gnims  called  Camp  Izard, 

The  flight  of  the  Indians  was  no  security  for  their  not  appearins  again  ;  for, 
on  the  2d  of  March,  they  returned,  and  commenced  pouring  in  their  shot  upon 
the  whites,  which,  at  intervals,  they  contimied  to  do  until  the  .5th.  M<>antiiiie 
all  of  their  provisions  were  exhausted,  and  they  began  the  slaughter  of  their 
horses  to  sustain  life.  Itut  it  is  siiid  that,  during  all  this  time,  no  one  was  heard 
to  murmur  or  complain. 

On  the  night  of  the  5th,  about  10  o'clock,  a  call  was  heard  from  the  woods. 
and  some  one  rerpiested  a  parley.  On  the  officer  of  the  guard's  demaiuling  what 
was  wanted,  it  was  answered  that  the  Indians  were  tired  of  fighting,  and  wished 
for  peace.  The  general  onlered  the  officer  of  the  guard  to  answer,  that  if  the  In- 
dians wished  to  treat,  to  send  a  messenger  the  next  morning,  with  a  white  flag, 
and  he  should  come  and  go  in  safety.  He  replied,  "  veiy  well,"  and  added  that 
"  he  dtjsired  to  have  a  friendly  talk,  and  to  shake  hands."  Accordingly,  on  the 
morning  of  the  (Jth,  about  300  Indians  filed  out  from  the  river,  and  took  a 
position  in  the  rear  of  the  whites,  alraut  500  yards  off.  They  expected  nothing 
now  but  n  most  bloody  contest,  su|)posing  the  main  body  of  the  Indians  to  be 
concealed  in  a  neighboring  haihmock.  Both  parties  remained  a  short  time  in 
suspense,  eacli  doubting  what  the  other  would  do.  At  length,  one  or  two 
advanced  within  hailing  distance,  and,  being  joined  with  others,  repeated  what 
had  l)e(;n  said  the  night  before.  The  general  now  sent  out  to  them  a  stafl' 
officer,  and  they  told  him  they  did  not  wish  to  fight  any  more,  but  reipiesteii 
that  the  army  should  withdraw  from  the  Ouithlecoochee.  Osceola  was  at  the 
head  of  the  Indiiui  deputation.  When  the  officer  who  had  met  the  Indians 
reported  this  talk  to  Gaines,  he  ordered  him  to  return  to  Osceo/a,  and  to  inform 
him,  in  the  plainest  terms,  that  they  would  be  subdued,  that  a  large  force  was 
on  the  way  into  their  countr}',  and  that,  unless  they  submitted,  every  Indian 
found  in  arms  would  be  shot.  When  this  was  communicated  to  the  Indians, 
they  said  they  would  go  and  hold  a  council,  tuid  would  meet  them  again  in  die 
afternoon.  The  meeting  in  the  afternoon,  accordingly,  took  place,  and  the 
Indians  urged  what  they  had  said  in  the  morning,  and  added  that  they  had 
lost  many  of  their  men  by  deatli  and  wounds,  and  were  tired  of  the  war :  but 
as  their  governor  (as  they  styled  Micanopy)  was  not  there,  they  must  first  con- 
sult him,  and  asked  to  have  the  war  suspended  until  he  could  be  consulted. 
They  were  told  that  if  they  would  cease  from  acts  of  hostility,  go  south  of  the 
Ouithlacoochee,  and  attend  a  council  when  called  upon  by  the  United  States 
commissioners,  they  should  not  be  molested.  This  they  agreed  to,  and,  at  the 
same  moment.  General  Clinch  came  upon  the  main  body  of  the  Indians,  and 
they  all  fled  with  the  utmost  [""ocipitation,  probably  concluding  this  was  ii 
strctagem  which  the  whites  hac'  prepared  to  cut  them  oflT.  Clinch  came  with 
oOO  men  and  supplies,  which  was  doubtless  more  agreeable  to  the  starving 
army,  than  even  a  treaty  with  Osceola, 

The  Indians  seem  to  have  been  well  acquainted  with  the  condition  of  Gen- 


[Rook  IV 

upeil,  would 

gciiiral  (lid 
f8  for  crojiH. 
I,  ami,  at  tlii' 
liut  towaniw 

n-vidiis  (lay. 

!<  killed  aiui 

bull  liaviii); 

1  two  OtlllTH. 

IS  fxprt'ssed 
■«iid  "it  was 
o  liijrhiy." 
s  iiicii  I'lMind 
mci"  anil  led 
I'd  in  lias^tc. 
'ovided  with 
)laco  of  this 

X  apuin ;  for. 
ir  »iliot  upon 
Meantime 
liter  of  their 
le  was  lieard 

n  the  woodg. 
latiding  what 
[,  and  w  ishcd 

hat  if  the  In- 

a  white  fla|r, 
id  added  that 

ingly,  on  the 
,  and  took  a 
;cted  nothing 
Indians  tu  he 
short  time  in 

one  or  two 
epeated  what 
them  a  staf^' 
•lit  reijuesfed 
la  was  at  the 
t  the  Indians 
,nd  to  inform 
•ge  force  was 
every  Indian 
)  the  Indianii. 
1  again  in  the 
lace,  and  the 
that  they  had 
the  w  ar :  but 
lUSt  first  con- 
be  consulted. 

soutli  of  the 
United  States 
o,  and,  at  the 

Indians,  and 
g  this  was  a 
ch  came  with 

the  starving 

ition  of  Gen- 


Chaf.  XI.] 


SIEGE  OF  CAMP  M  LEMOIIE. 


01 


eral  Gaines's  army  ;  for,  during  the  interview  with  OsceoUi,  he  asked  how  they 
were  off  for  provisions,  niid  when  they  told  him  they  hud  enough,  he  shook  hia 
head,  saying,  "It  is  not  Bo;  you  have  nothing  tu  eat;  but,  if  you  will  come  over 
the  river,  I  will  give  you  two  beeves,  and  some  brandy."  It  is  theiofore 
surprising  that  ho  should  have  been  now  asking  for  peace.  It  shows,  however, 
that  he  was  well  aware  of  the  hopelessuess  of  his  case  ;  and,  although  he  won 
able  to  deal  witli  (ieneral  Gaines,  he  early  knew  of  the  approach  of  (iciieiul 
Vlincli,  and  it  wu^  probably,  on  his  gaining  that  knowledge,  that  In;  concluded 
10  see  what  kind  of  terms  could  l)e  got  of  the  whites,  as  the  affairs  of  war 
then  stood. 

(ieiieral  Gaines,  having  transferred  his  command  to  (leiicral  Clinch,  left  for 
.New  Orleans  about  the  U  March,  and  General  Clinch  procee<led  with  his 
united  forces  to  Fort  Drune.  A  negro  spy,  who  had  been  sent  among  the 
hostile  Indians,  from  Camp  I/urd,  soon  after  returned,  and  confirmed  thi; 
peaceable  intentions  of  the  chiefs:  they  told  him,  that  in  their  various  skir- 
mishes with  (Jeiierul  Gaines  on  the  Oiiithlacooche  they  had  lost  DO  men.  Of 
the  whites  but  5  were  killed,  and  (JO  wounded.  It  is  rather  uncommon  that 
there  should  be  so  great  a  disprG|)ortioii  between  the  slain  of  the  parties,  when 
it  is  considered  that  the  Indians  uhnust  always  fought  from  covert.s. 

On  the  !)  Marcli,  Captain  Allison  of  the  Florida  volunteers  had  a  skirmish 
near  his  camp,  not  fur  from  Fort  Brooke.  lie  routed  the  Indians,  whom  liu 
judged  to  be  a  thousand  .strong,  and  took  considerable  plunder.  Hence,  not- 
withstanding the  Indians  were  supposed  to  desire  peace,  skirmishes  continued. 
And  on  the  23  March,  a  com|)any  of  volunteers  were  attacked  about  six  miles 
fi-om  V(dusia,  in  whicli  the  whites  lost  three  men  killed,  and  six  wounded,  and 
the  Indians  five  or  six.  Among  the  latter  was  their  chief,  called  Ouchee  Hilly,  or 
Bill;/  Hicks.     He  was  fouml  tlu;  day  after  the  fight,  concealed  in  some  brush. 

About  the  5  April,  Major  McLtmore,  by  order  of  General  Scotl,  took  a 
position  on  the  Ouithlucoochee,  and  erected  a  block-house,  which  was  called 
Camp  McLeinore.  Here,  about  40  men,  far  removed  into  the  heart  of  the 
Indian  country,  were  to  remain  until  relieved  by  the  General,  or  Major 
McLemore,  who,  it  appears,  after  establishing  the  post,  immediately  left  it. 
This  small  force  seems  to  have  arrived  here  at  a  tnost  fortunate  time,  for  it 
was  four  days  before  they  were  discovered  by  the  Indians,  and  during  this 
period  they  hud  completed  u  block-house  for  their  protection. 

It  is  scarcely  to  be  credited  that  this  little  company  of  men,  sent  here  by 
the  commander-in-chief  of  the  army,  should  be  left  without  the  means  of 
escape  in  extremity  of  circumstances,  and  no  w.ny  kept  open  by  which  their 
situation  from  time  to  time  might  be  known ;  such,  however,  was  the  ctuse,  and 
for  about  six  weeks  nothing  was  heard  of  them.  They  had  not  been  provided 
with  provisions  for  more  than  two  weeks,  and  it  was  the  general  impression 
of  every  one  that  they  had  all  perished  by  famine  or  the  hands  of  the 
Indians. 

The  following  account  of  the  siege  of  Camp  McLemore  by  Dr.  Laiorence, 
surgeon  thereat  the  time,  shall  be  given  in  his  own  words: — "We  had  just 
completed  building  the  block-house,  and  dug  out  a  spring  near  the  edge  of  the 
fort,  when,  on  the  morning  of  the  9th  of  April,  at  a  little  before  dawn  of  day, 
we  were  attacked  by  the  Indijxns,  who  had  encompassed  us  on  three  sides,  and 
were  in  number  about  150  or  200.  The  engagement  lusted  one  hour  and 
three  quarters,  when  they  found  out,  to  their  sorrow,  that  our  reception  was 
not  only  too  warm,  but  that  they  had  ventured  too  near  us  without  due  reflec- 
tion. On  the  next  day,  we  hud  one  man  killed  on  his  jiost  by  an  Indian  rifle, 
tired  from  the  opposite  side  of  the  river.  On  the  15  April,  we  were  attacked 
by  a  body  of  the  savages  who  had  completely  surrounded  us,  and  whose  num- 
ber wo  computed  at  4  to  500,  tliough  we  have  since  heard  that  Powell  had 
1000  to  1500  of  them.  This  was  the  hottest  engagement  we  had  during  our 
stay  on  the  Ouithlacoochee.  They  fired  their  guns  by  hundreds  ut  the  same 
moment  at  our  block-house,  and  succeeded  in  taking  our  only  means  of 
escafie,  our  boat — which  they  took  down  the  river  and  destroyed  after  the 
battle.  The  engagement  continued  two  hours  and  45  minutus,  and  we  had 
three  men  slightly  wounded. 

"On  the  24th,  we  had  a  very  severe  battle,  in  which  they  disjilayed  their 


W  ^^-- 


•  -t- 


■M 


■-.  .-.rs*' 


!ii 

ff'  ■.'■ 

h-'' 

Jt'' 

'4 

'•'•If 

w 

.J- 

i't 

■■■*:. 

03 


DEATH  OF  MAD  WOLF. 


fnooK  IV. 


|K1:" 

^^p;:'  •;•!': 

^^fel;  ■":'■.:, 

^^^"'^  ■•'  " 

Uriyl^^' '    '       ' 

^M'^^'- 

^B'5-"'' 

^m^^^'-  ' .  / 

^^^  .''^^.-;  / 

^^^^-'•-  '■ 

iHsCT^^"  ■'  '' '  ''  ''^ 

»'-■' 

Hw|.  ;■  ■"■  ■■ 

Kvri 


^-::^^ 


li  {.. . 
-'1 ' 


1.4^; 


ing(;iiuity  l»y  shooting  fire-nrrowH  on  fioi  iipon  the  roof  of  the  house,  which 
<le8troye«l  tho  roof  and  left  iih  cxpoHcti  to  the  incliniioncy  of  th«  w«!(ilh('r. 
This  arrow-firing  was  iH'rforincd  by  )Hi  of  tUv'ir  men,  whilut  about  .'{ lo  ."iOU 
used  thiMr  ^(UIH.  VVt!  had,  on  thiH  oocaNion,  two  or  tiin>c  of  otir  men  woniided. 
Wo  probalily  killed  40  or  50  of  tho  IniliatiH.  Tlio  nigiit  at\cr  tho  batdo,  wh 
iioard  tiifir  cliicf  hail  iih,  and  wiy,  "that  ho  was  going  away  in  the  iiHirning, 
and  would  trouble  UN  no  more."  He  kept  IiIh  promise  very  well,  though  lib 
did  give  us  about  100  guns  the  next  niornitig,  ere  he  left.  Our  captain,  llollo- 
man,  was  killed  on  the  '.i  May,  whilst  endeavoring  to  fortify  and  stniigthcii 
our  po,sition.  Tho  Indians  continued  to  give  us  a  passing  shot,  from  50  to 
iOO  guns,  every  five  or  six  days,  though  he  kept  a  spy  upon  us  at  other  tiinrs. 
'J'lie  otticoi-rt  wcire  21  days  living  on  corn,  without  salt  or  meat,  and  the  iiieii 
about  28  <lays." 

It  appears  that  the  great  danger  of  ascending  the  Ouilhlacoorheo,  together 
with  th(!  known  circiim.stances  of  the  garrison,  had  fi.xed  in  the  minds  of  nil 
those  who  were  able  to  lend  them  aid,  that  they  had  been  cut  off;  and  there- 
fore, to  hazard  any  thing  to  clear  up  this  extremely  doubtful  ca.se,  was  con- 
sidered next  to  crime  itself.  At  length,  the  poor  distressed  handful  at  Camp 
McLemore,  found  among  their  number,  three  that  would  venture  out  for 
succor,  and  they  arrived  at  Tallahassee  in  a  canoe,  about  tho  16  Ajjril.  This 
circumstance,  in  all  probability,  proved  the  safety  of  their  fellows,  as  well  as 
themselves.  A  company  was  made  u[)  at  St.  Marks,  and  un«lor  C«|)tain  I^ei^h 
Read,  proceeded  in  u  steam-bout  for  tho  Oiiithlacoochee  on  the  22  May,  and 
on  the  24  took  oft"  the  garrison  without  the  loss  of  a  man. 

While  these  aiiairs  were  being  transacted  on  the  Oiiithlacoochee,  a  consid- 
erable force  marched  from  Volusia  to  a  |)oint  on  the  Oklawaha  River,  distant 
;J0  miles,  on  their  way  to  Fort  JJrooke.  The  river  being  higher  than  usual, 
the  force  was  obliged  to  halt  to  build  a  bridge  for  the  passage  of  their  cannon 
and  baggage  wagons.  On  the  opposite  side  of  a  lake,  on  the  left  of  the 
detachment,  two  fires  were  soon  discovered,  which  it  was  supposed  were 
made  as  signals  by  two  parties  of  Indians.  Colonel  BuUer  immediately  pro- 
ceeded to  cross  over  the  river  with  his  battalion,  and  when  he  had  niurcht-d 
about  three  miles,  some  Indians  were  discovered  and  |)ursued  by  the  advancerl 
guard.  General  Joseph  Shelton  was  o(  Bviler's  party,  who,  being  aheail  of  the 
advanced  guard,  charged  upon  one  of  the  Indians,  who  was  in  the  rear  of  the 
retreating  party.  At  about  25  paces  from  him,  the  Indian  turned,  and  they 
both  levelled  their  rifles — Shelton  fired  first,  and  mortally  wounded  the  Indian 
in  the  neck,  who  then  endeavored  to  make  his  escape.  Shelton  dropped  his 
gun,  and  rushed  on  him  with  his  pistol,  which  missed  fire  at  five  or  six 
paces  from  him.  The  Indian  now  turned  and  shot  Shelton  in  the  hip,  and 
at  the  same  moment  another  white  came  up  and  shot  the  Indian  in  the  back, 
and  he  was  immediately  despatched.  The  ball  which  entered  SMton's  hip 
passed  round  near  the  spine,  and  was  cut  out,  and  he  was  recovering. 

I  have  been  particular  in  detailing  this  affair,  as  the  Indian  who  fell  in  it, 
proved  to  be  a  chief  of  distinction,  known  among  the  whites  by  the  name  of 
Mad  Woff,  which  was  the  English  signification  of  his  name.  In  Indian  it 
was  KoHAHAJO.  He  was  of  Micanopy'a  tribe,  and  had  under  him  40  or  50 
■warriors,  and  was  probably  one  of  the  leaders  on  the  Ouithlacoochee,  who 
))e8et  General  Gaines  so  long.  His  name  was  given  in  among  them  by  Black 
Dirt,  us  Coaharjo.  It  is  also  to  the  treaty  of  Payne's  Landing,  and  he  was 
one  of  the  Indian  deputation  who  visited  the  country  west  of  the  Mississippi 
afterwards. 

The  next  day  after  Kohahajo  was  killed,  Colonel  Butler  and  Goodmn,  with 
a  battalion  of  mounted  men,  were  sent  to  reconnoitre  Pilaklikaha,  the  resi- 
dence of /umjoer  and  JWicano;7y.  When  they  had  proceeded  about  six  miles, 
their  advanced  guard  received  a  sharp  fire  from  a  hammock  on  the  left,  hut 
were  soon  dislodged  by  a  charge  from  the  main  body.  Two  of  the  whites 
were  badly  wounded,  one  horse  killed,  and  four  wounded.  After  another 
considerable  swamp-fight,  in  which  several  were  wounded,  the  army  pro- 
ceeded to  the  Indian  town,  but  it  had  been  deserted  for  a  long  time.  They 
burnt  it,  and  then  proceeded  to  Fort  Brooke. 

An  officer  in  General  Scotfs  army  at  Tampa  wrote  on  the  15  April: — "All 


■'h';^ 


',■'  ':'.,.  \' 


[Book  IV. 

iiso,  wfiicli 
i«  w«!atli('r. 

Ill  :<  to  rm 

1  wonniled. 
i  Imtllo,  we 
e  inoriiiti^, 

th<)ii|;li  hb 
tain,  Hollo- 

Hlri'ii>,'tht'ii 
J'rotii  50  to 
)tlier  tiinrs. 

lid  tllV  IIIKII 

^p,  topethcr 
iiiiidts  ot'  nil 
and  tlicrc- 
I',  was  roll- 
ill  at  Cain  1 1 
iin;  out  for 
prll.  Tlii.s 
1,  as  well  as 
ptain  Jjeifrh 
!  May,  und 

c,  a  consid- 
ver,  distant 
than  iisiinl, 
leir  oannnii 

left  of  tin* 
[)osed  wen; 
diateiy  pro- 
id  marched 
e  advanced 
lead  of  the 
rear  of  the 

d,  and  they 
the  Indian 

Iropped  his 
five  or  six 
le  hip,  and 
n  the  hack, 
i'.e//on's  liip 
ng. 

o  fell  in  it, 
le  name  of 
u  Indian  it 
im  40  or  50 
ochec,  who 
111  by  Black 
nd  he  was 
Mississippi 

odmn,  with 
I,  the  resi- 

it  six  miles, 

the  left,  hut 
the  whites 

;er  another 
army  [iro- 

me.    They 

pril:— "All 


Chap.  XII  J 


CRP.KK   WAR. 


m 


the  militia  will  leave  tin  liy  the  'iO  MrtV,  ami  the  rexulars  will  go  into  siiiiiiiier 
(|iiartei-s  ut  thiN  place,  Key  Weiit,  Volusia,  MoHi|iiii(),  and  our  or  two  more 
posts  at  the  south.  Withiiiit  the  greatest  good  lurk  nothing  will  Im;  done  thin 
^uiniiier,  and  llie  war  must  he  riMiewed  in  the  autumn." 

Alioiit  the  lime  Uciieral  (htintx  lell  I'ort  Diaiiie,  (jeueral  SciAt  arrived 
tlieri;,  witii  iiistructioim  to  aMsiiuie  the  chief  coriiiiiaiid  of  tiie  foi-c*;H  in  I'loriila. 
Since  that  time  the  operations  have  heen  of  not  much  imiiortance.  Alioiit 
tlie  !JU  .M  .'ch.  Captain  llilchcork  communicated  the  tiiliowin^  valualilo 
iiiliti'iii;Uioii  respecting  the  hostile  Indians,  which  was  given  him  liy  tli(! 
riieiidly  chief,  Ulack  Dirt,  whose  Indian  name  i.s  Tuck-ai,lsti;k  llAaJo.  lit; 
s.iys  that  ill  llu;  tights  with  (ienenil  Gitincs  were  the  following  chiefs  and 
warriors,  \i/..  :^J'mi>kr  with  lU),   Assuhoi.a   [Osrrola]  with  7,    Ai.mukti - 

UARJO  with    ;'.0,    J'  RIIARTO    ClIKE    willl    30,    CaRCIIAK    TOSK.VI'SK    (.MflOSllkti) 

with  170,  INIecamop  (principal  cliief )  witli  HO,  Abram  (.Vpg-ro)  with  HO,  \Vki;a 
K1.0LK0  .Matti;z  with  70,  Yariiarhacjo  witli  KiO,  Toskieijcar  with  TjO, 
I ',(111' A  Mattkz  with  r)0.  Hat  How  I'I.mattk/,  with  ;10,  Ciiari.ks  (a  NCgio) 
with  '.i,  Coaiiarjo  with  1,  and  Toparlauek  with  40. 

There  had  heen  about  400  Semiuoles  collected  at  Tampa,  chiilly  wotneii 
and  children  of  Black  IhrCs  trilx;,  who  were  on  the  1'^  April  shipped  otf  lor 
"  buy 011(1  the  Mi«sis8i|)pi"  by  General  Scott, 


9i00e 


CHAPTER   XII. 

CitEKK  War— .Ifz/rf/fr*  ana  devastations  begin — Elercn  persmis  hilled  near  Coliiin 
bus — Mail  routes  in  possession  of  the  Indians — A  steam-boat  attacked  and  men 
killed — Chiefs  of  the  tear  parties — Mail  stages  destroyed — Tlic  town  of  linanoak 


burnt — Colonel  Lindsay's  Florida  affair — Excessive  dismay  of  the  people  of  (ieor- 
gia — Murder  of  families— Fight  on  the  Chattnhoi 
NEAMAiHr-A — Account  of  the  chiefs — Surrender  ; 


Adjotant-General  Mclntoah  wrote  fVom  Fort  Mttchel,  Alabama,  (on  the 
Cliattahoochie,  15  miles  above  Columbus,)  7  Ma^  last,  as  follows: — "It  has 
just  bKoii  reported  to  me,  that  Col.  Flournoy  was  shot  dead  by  tin;  Indians  on 
tiie  5th  instant,  about  15  iniiud  below  this  post.  I  am  also  informed  that  u 
report  is  currently  circulating  among  the  CrecUs,  that  the  S'jMiiuole  Indians 
have  defeated  the  whites  in  Florida.  This  report  will  no  doubt  imholden 
them  to  many  acts  of  hostility  that  they  would  not  othcj-wise  daro  commit. 
A  constant  communication  must  be  kept  up  betwceu  them,  as  the  Cnseks  an; 
conversant  with  every  transaction  that  occurs  in  Florida.  Marshal,  the  half- 
Iweed,  says  he  is  apprehensive  mischief  will  be  done  by  the  Indians  before 
long.  Other  friendly  Indiana  are  of  this  opinion.  Opothleyohola,  principal 
of  the  upper  Creeks,  says  he  cannot  kci^'p  his  people  together,  or  restrain 
them." 

At  the  3amc  time  Colonel  Flournoy  was  killed,  ten  others  met  a  like  fate, 
some  of  them  within  12  miles  of  Columbus,  at  the  Ochee  Bridge  on  tiie  OKI 
Federal  Road.  "The  Indians  have  entire  possession  of  that  road,  and  all  the 
settlers  have  fled.  A  train  consisting  of  150  wagons,  with  about  150  fugitives, 
on  their  way  to  Columbus,  were  fired  upon,  on  the  10  April." 

Up  to  the  18  May,  at  Augtista,  (Ga.)  it  was  reported  that  all  the  southern 
mail  routes  were  in  possession  of  the  Indians,  except  that  to  Mobile.  The 
day  before,  all  the  mails  were  brought  back.  Colonel  CrotoeWs  plantation, 
and  many  others,  had  been  burnt,  and  a  stage  agent  and  two  drivers  had  been 
killed.  The  governor  of  Georgia  had  ordered  two  regiments  of  volunteers  to 
take  tlie  field.  About  this  time  the  steam-boat  Hyperion  was  attacked  on  her 
passage  up  the  Chattahoochie,  and  two  pilots  and  one  passenger  were  killed. 
She  was  then  run  on  shore  on  the  Georgia  side,  and  after  being  abandoned, 
was  taken  and  destroyed  by  the  Indians. 

The  Creek  towns  and  tribes  which  have  declared  themselves  hostile  arc  a 


'  ■."v?! 

.   ■     ■  *  i.  ■' 

■'M 

■    ,'-  V 

'  :f  «■ 

;.^« 

A- 

''":-^i^ 

f     . 

'  it  >mKJ 

*  ■  • 

'   f^OT 

■••  ■ 

f  >'iHn 

•;. 

jr.-'-     .'•■ 


I:,<-»      -Ur^i:^• 


f'  '«E'"iJf.    V     ''      ■  ' 


94 


CREEK  WAR.— STEAM-BOAT  DESTROYED 


[Book  IV. 


part  of  tfie  Ochees,  the  Hitchetas,  the  Pah-lo-cho-ko-los,  the  So-wok-ko-los, 
tiiid  n  part  ot'tlie  Ulalluys.  The  principal  chiefs  who  have  showed  tlieirmelves 
as  their  leaders,  are  ohl  Neamathla,  of  whom  we  have  already  sevcnd  times 
spoken,  chief  of  the  Ilitchetas,  Jim  Hknrv,  ard  Neo  Mico.  Many  friendly 
Indiai  'mmcdiafeiy  joined  the  whites,  one  of  tiie  principal  leaders  of  whorii 
is  a  chief  called  Jim  Boy.  The  war  party  have  discovered  great  hohlnoss. 
About  the  10  May  a  party  can  'ilini  30  or  40  yards  of  Fort  Mitchc;ll,  a 
Ntroiif^  and  well-defended  jilace,  entorcd  the  hospital,  and  carried  off  what 
tli;'y  pleased,  and  the  garrison  thought  it  not  best  to  disturb  them. 

On  liie  14  following,  the  mail  from  Montgomery  to  Columbus  was  attacked 
about  20  miles  fi'om  the  latter  place.  A  driver  on  that  route  was  ridiiij:  aion<r 
lh(!  road  on  hons-cback,  about  50  yards  ahead  of  the  stage,  when  he  was  fired 
M|ion  Ity  aliout  ;iO  Indians,  yet  be  unaccountably  escaped  injury.  His  horse 
took  fri'.'lit  and  threw  him,  and  he  escaped  into  a  thicket.  When  he  arrived 
at  tlic  next  stage  relay,  the  horses  had  got  there,  but  without  any  carriage,  but 
iiad  about  tlieni  .some  fragments  of  their  harnesses.  Mr.  Mams,  who  was  in 
the  stage,  made  his  escape  by  leaping  into  the  woods  when  the  stage  upset. 
A  driver  and  two  others  were  killed.  There  v/ere  19  horses  belonging  to 
file  line  in  the  com[)any,  of  which  but  three  we'.e  recovered,  and  these  were 
wounded. 

About  this  time  the  old  steam-boat  Georgian  was  burnt  while  lying  nt 
Roanoak,  and  all  on  board,  except  the  engineer,  perished.  The  town  of 
Roanoak  Wt'is  at  the  same  time  laid  in  ashes,  but  the  ^iti^^ns  escaped  to  a 
fort.  Frwinton,  a  flourishing  town  on  the  Georgia  side  of  the  river,  soon  after 
siiarcd  the  same  fate. 

Meanwhile  some  affairs  of  considerable  moment  w  '  transpiring  in  Flori- 
da. Colonel  Lindsay  had  been  despatched,  at  the  head  of  about  750  men,  from 
Fort  Brooke,  with  orders  to  jiroceed  to  T'ort  Alabama,  to  destroy  it,  and  bring 
away  the  sick,  wounded,  and  provis;  ns.  Having  proceeded  there,  and 
efleetcd  their  object,  the  forces  marched  again  for  Fort  Brooke.  Before 
leaving  the  fort,  a  mine  was  prepared,  by  leaving  powder  in  the  magazine, 
whi(rh  should  explode  on  its  being  opened.  They  had  got  but  a  mile  or  two, 
when  the  mine  was  sprung  with  a  fearful  noise,  but  what  effect  it  had  pro- 
duced was  not  known.  The  whites  had  missed  two  of  their  number  the  day 
before,  whom  they  found  on  their  return  march,  about  12  miles  from  Fort 
Alabama,  killed  in  the  way,  and  one  shockingly  mangled.  While  the  army 
was  contem|)lating  this  spectacle,  it  was  fired  U|)on  by  500  Indians,  as  was 
supposed,  from  a  hammock,  no  more  than  30  yards  off.  The  whites  immedi- 
ately formed,  and  fired  in  their  turn,  and  a  regular  fight  ensued.  The  Indians 
could  not  be  dislodged  until  several  rotmds  of  grape  shot  from  the  artillery 
ha(i  been  poured  in  upon  tliem.  This  was  a  bloody  aflray  for  them,  but  their 
loss  was  not  fully  known ;  several  were  found  dead  on  the  field,  and  nimierous 
traces  of  others  who  had  been  dragged  off"  dead  or  severely  wounded  were 
«liscovered.     The  whites  had  3  killed  and  22  wounded. 

A  letter  addressed  to  the  editor  of  the  Richmond  Enqtiirer  gives  a  fearful 
picture  of  the  affairs  in  the  Creek  country.  It  waa  written  at  Talbotton,  (Ga.) 
11  May,  and  is  in  these  words: — "I  wrote  you  yesterday,  informing  you  of 
the  hostile  movements  of  the  Creek  Indians,  and  the  commencement  of  their 
murderous  career.  We  have  full  information  here  to-day  of  the  distressing 
state  of  things  among  the  whites  who  have  settled  over  in  that  territory.  The 
Indians  are  killing  all — men,  women,  and  children.  Vast  numbers  have  been 
butchered  without  doubt ;  and  the  whole  country  on  this  side  of  the  Chatta- 
hoochie  is  in  uproar  and  confusion.  The  population  of  the  territory  had 
boc.:,iiie  considerable,  and  they  who  have  been  fortunate  enough  to  escape  are 
tome  over  in  droves  on  the  Georgia  side;  some  with  a  part  of  their  children  ; 
some  who  have  lost  their  children  ;  some  their  husbands;  and  many  children 
without  father  or  mother;  some  are  found  as  they  were  wandering  about  so 
young  that  they  could  give  no  account  who  their  parents  were.  So  perfect  a 
mixture  and  confusion  as  never  was  witnessed  before.  Many  have  s(?en  a 
part  of  their  families  murdered.  One  gentleman  saw  his  father  shot  down 
near  him,  and  his  mother  and  sisters.  Some  of  the  dead  have  been  brought 
over  shockingly  mangled.    It  is  thought  the  whole  nation  is  in  hostile  array ; 


Chap.  XII] 


MURDER  OP  MANY  FAMILIES. 


93 


their  warriors  arc  coinputed  ut  6  or  7000  strong.  The  general  impression  is, 
thut  a  pan  of  tlie  Seniinoles  iiave  coino  up  among  thetn.  The  town  of  Co- 
lumh'is  is  in  great  danger  of  an  attack,  as  they  have  tiireatened  it  strongly. 
A  I'oriipany  of  40  or  50  men  left  Columbus  yesterday  morning,  and  went  over. 
On  their  return  at  night  they  brought  in  seven  children,  which  t'ley  had  found 
scattcri;d  about." 

Such  nre  the  accounts  wliich  have  been  da'Iy  circulated  for  two  months 
tog<!ther  and  although  they  are  distorted  in  mat  y  particulars,  yet  out  of  them 
we  nio  ai  jjresent  to  collect  all  that  is  known  of  this  war.  The  Colinnhus 
(ycntinci  of  the  13  !May  contains  the  following  facta,  wJiirh  are  contirnied 
troiri  other  cpiartcrs :—"  On  Monday  vve  received  information  that  hostilitiea 
had  (;oiiiinenced  on  the  road  between  Columbjs  and  Montgomerv,  at  the 
ilchi'c  bridge,  and  further  on,  and  in  the  evening  the  bridge  at  this  |)lace,  the 
streets  leading  from  it  were  thronged  with  the  unfortunate  r.-fugees,  who 
were  fh^eiug  belbre  tlicnr  savage  neighbors.  The  pitiable  condition  of  many 
of  them  was  past  the  power  of  de.scription.  Wives  severed  irom  their  hus- 
bands, and  parents  from  their  children  ;  all  dismayed,  all  terror-stricken  ;  pre- 
sent(!(l  a  .scene  which  we  never  again  desire  to  see.  An  interesti.ij.  looking 
t^irl,  just  blooming  into  womanhood,  was  brought  in  on  hors(>back,  beliind  a 
benevolent  stranger,  who  had  found  her  in  the  nation,  making  her  way,  unat- 
tended, to  this  place.  She  started  with  her  parents,  but  before  they  had 
proceedi'd  fin",  they  were  brutally  shot  down  before  her  eyes.  She  fled  to  the 
woods  and  escaped  from  her  savage  pursuers,  and  was  found  and  brought  to 
Columbus  as  above  stated.  A  young  man  arrivisd  at  this  place  also  witiies.sed 
the  savage  muriler  of  his  parents.  Another  young  man,  in  the  act  of  fleeing, 
perceived  the  Indians  dragging  away  his  sLster.  He  returned,  detlaring  he 
would  rescue  her  or  die  in  the  attempt,  and  he  has  not  bee!<  bemd  of.  From 
this  time  their  deeds  of  savage  barbarity  have  been  too  numerous  to  particu- 
larize. A  woman  was  brought  in  on  Tue.«(lay,  wounded  in  the  hand,  wlK)se 
Imsbaiid  had  been  shot  the  preceding  evening  at  the  Uchce  bridge.  Col.  „}.  li. 
Dawson^s  negroes,  who  were  taken  by  the  Indians,  and  made  their  escape, 
state  that  they  saw  threi!  corpses  on  tlu;  road  near  the  Uchee  bridge;  a  man, 
woman  and  child,  who  had  all  been  murdered.  We  leani  that  about  l.^O 
friendly  Indiana  have  reportiul  themselves  at  Fort  Mitcliell,  and  are  ready  to 
ft'^sist  the  whites.  .Accounts  to  the  17  .May  furdier  state  that  the  Indians  had 
entered  the  house  of  one  family,  and  mm-dered  the  vviiole — incluiling  husband, 
wife,  and  six  cliiidren.  All  were  scalped,  and  the  children  beheaded.  The 
liou.se  of  a  Mr.  i^olton  had  been  attack<'d,  and  himself  killed." 

Generals  Sr.c.tt  and  Jessup  were  at  l''ort  .Mitchell  on  the  3  .lune  ;  the  for- 
mer led  that  place  on  that  day  with  an  escort  of  150  men  for  Alabama,  to  take 
the  conunand  of  the  troo|)a  of  that  state.  On  the  4th,  Capt.  Po/rc  re|)orted  to 
(tcneral  Scolt  that  a  parly  of  Indians  was  about  to  cross  the  Chattahoochie  in 
their  way  to  Florida,  and  steps  W(!re  innnediately  made  to  stop  them.  The 
(lay  before  a  party  was  sto|)ped  by  a  company  of  Georgia  militia,  afler  a  sharp 
skirmish,  in  which  one  white  and  several  Indians  were  supposed  to  have  been 
killed.  Two  chiefs  were  woimded,  Enlahayo  in  the  shoulder,  and  Jim  Henry 
in  the  head.  The  action  took  })lace  across  the  river,  which  being  high  ana 
wide,  little  was  effected.  The  Indiana  dared  the  whites  to  come  over,  called 
them  dogs  and  cowards,  and  the  most  the  whites  could  do  was  to  retaliate  in 
tlia  same  sort  of  language. 

About  the  end  of  June,  a  party  of  whites,  who  were  scouting  on  Flint  River, 
accidentally  found  a  young  woman  about  three  mites  from  Cambridge,  who 
had  been  wounded  by  a  shot  in  the  breast.  She  stated  that,  on  the  26  of 
June,  about  300  Indians  killed  ail  the  family  to  which  she  belonged,  13  in 
numbisr,  except  herself,  and  her  father,  who  made  his  escape.  After  being 
shot,  she  feigned  death,  and  as  the  murdered  were  not  scalped,  she  made  her 
escape  after  the  Indians  left  the  scene  of  butchery. 

Up  to  the  IG  June,  all  the  houses  of  the  whites  in  the  Creek  country  had 
been  burned.  On  the  13th,  in  an  attack  on  an  Indian  town  by  some  wiiitea, 
24  persons  were  taken,  among  whom  were  three  chiefs.  Tliese  were  held  as 
hostages  at  Fort  Mitchell,  and  word  was  sent  to  tlie  hostile  party,  that  if  they 
did  not  come  in  and  surrender  they  should  be  put  to  deatli.    The  next  day^ 


5.  ■'  •„   y 


.■■■'■  ^'i 


-'4  '  m 


ilf 


mm 


•7. 


,1T 


Ift-'i 


i^<>:'i 

%: 

Wy 


m 


ii. 


1^"  ' 
It."* .  ' ' 


96 


CAPTURE  OP  JIM  HENRY  AND  NEAMATHLA. 


[Book  IV. 


120  came  in  nrul  dcclurcd  tlieinselvi-a  friendly.  As  late  as  tlie  28tli  of  June, 
it  was  npoiU'd  at  Columbus,  Ga.,  that  the  Creek  war  was  probably  at  an  end, 
"as  far  a.s  figliting  was  concerned.  Jim  Henry's  party  have  iieai'ly  all  been 
taken.  They  were  confined  at  Fort  Mitchell,  and  all  the  smiths  were  at  work 
rnaking  handcuffs  for  them."  These  will  doubtless  be  sent  beyond  the  Mis- 
sis.sij)pi,  "  except  the  chiefs,  five  or  six  in  number,  who  will  .>e  punishecl  with 
death,"  as  was  supposed. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  Jim  Henry  fell  into  the  hands  of  a  band  of  friendly  In- 
dians, under  a  chief  named  Jim  Boy.  For  a  few  days  previous  he  was  snp- 
jjosed  to  have  been  on  his  way  for  the  "  promised  land ; "  but  he  was  found  in 
the  Creek  nation,  a  few  miles  from  Tiiskegee.  About  the  same  time  old 
J^i'eamathla  gave  himself  up  to  the  whites,  and  was,  on  the  day  of  the  rap- 
ture ol'  Jim  Henry,,  with  al)out  1500  others,  sent  oflT  for  Arkansas.  The  circum- 
stance  of  his  falling  in  with  the  wliitts  is  said  to  be  as  follows: — General 
Jcssup  had  left  Tuskegce  with  about  700  men,  intending  to  make  a  direct 
march  for  JS/ta  mat  Ma's  camj),  which  was  on  llatchahubbee  River.  As  Jessup 
marched  along,  his  forces  increased  to  2700  men,  of  which  1500  were  In- 
dians, under  the  chiefs  Hopoithltynhola  and  Jim  Boy.  When  he  had  arrived 
within  about  seven  miles  of  JVeamnthki's  camp,  he  ordered  a  halt,  to  refresh 
his  men  and  horses,  at  the  ex[)ense  of  the  beautiful  oatfields  of  the  IiidianH. 
While  the  army  lay  here,  a  scout  discovered  JVeamathla  on  horseback.  He 
had  concluded  to  surrender,  and  bad  a  white  cloth  tied  about  his  head,  and 
some  whie  garment  for  a  flag,  extended  upon  a  stick,  and  was  approaching 
towards  them.  They  ordered  him  to  halt,  but  he  gave  no  heed  to  them,  until 
within  a  few  paces.  He  was  taken  to  Gen.  Jessup's  camp,  and  made  prisoner. 
With  him  were  bis  son  and  daughter,  and  a  niece  of  JVea  Mico.  The  two 
females  were  released,  but  his  son  was  confined  with  him  at  Fort  Mitchell. 
On  being  asked  where  he  was  going  when  lie  was  taken,  he  said  his  life  had 
been  threatened  by  his  own  people,  and  he  was  hastening  to  Fort  Mitchell,  to 
give  himself  up. 

.Vea  Mico  had  some  days  before  given  himself  up.  He  was  considered  a 
great  chief  David  Hardige,  a  half-breed,  was  taken  by  surprise,  with  about 
a  hundred  of  his  men,  with  their  women  and  children.  By  the  8th  of  Jime, 
there  had  l)een  secured  between  3  and  4000  Indians,  which  were  despatched 
lor  the  west  as  fast  as  circumstances  woidd  admit. 

A  party  of  about  00  warriors,  who  were  endeavoring  to  escape  into  Florida, 
were  overtaken  by  Col.  Beat,  in  Chickasatchie  Swamp,  Baker  county,  Alabama, 
and  a  considerable  skirmish  ensued.  Nine  Indians  were  killed  and  20  wound- 
ed. Of  Col.  BeaVs  men,  two  were  killed  and  seven  wounded.  The  Indians 
were  left  in  possession  of  the  swamp. 

The  following  account  was  published  in  the  Georgia  Herald  of  the  28  June, 
at  Columbus.  It  is  headed,  "Grand  Entree  into  Fort  Mitchell,"  and 
then  proceeds : — "  On  the  22  June,  we  witnessed  the  grand  entree  of  a  drove 
of  savages  into  the  Fort  [Mitchell]  consisting  of  nien,  women  and  children, 
in  all  about  1000 ;  auion^'  them  200  warriors ;  they  were  brought  in  by  a  bat- 
talion of  Alabama  cavalrj,  under  the  command  of  Maj.  Gen.  Patterson.  The 
men  were  placed  within  the  walls  of  the  fort,  while  the  women  and  children 
were  encamped  on  the  outside.  It  was  an  assemblage  of  human  beings,  such 
as  we  had  never  before  witnessed,  and  the  sight  filled  us  with  thoughts  an<l  feel- 
ings to  which  we  shall  not  give  vent  at  this  time.  They  were  of  all  ages,  from  a 
iponth  old  to  a  hundred  yeara, — of  all  sizes,  from  the  little  papoosie  to  the 
gi^it  warrior.  The  old  "  Blind  King"  as  he  is  called,  rode  in  the  centre  of 
tlie  throng,  and  although  it  has  been  many  years  since  he  beheld  the  light  of 
day,  yet  has  the  feelings  of  hostility  continued  to  rankle  at  his  heart.  The 
names  of  the  hostile  chiefs  who  have  been  taken  and  have  come  in,  are  JVea 
E-Mathla,  Oclo  Jlrcho-Ematlda,  [probably  son  of  JVeamathla,]  Miccocholey,  or 
Blhul  King,  Tustee-JVuggcc,  Chopko-  Yar-bar-Hadjo,'" 


Chap.  XIII.] 


•Pomn  enlertii 
which,  in  my 
wore  to  write 
alao  sfty  lliu  I 
not  h:ive  the 


While  tli 
a  few  pages 
conclusion. 

The  situat 
tiiat  heart  c< 
lies  in  about 
I'V  Tennesse 
( 'iuolina,  cor 
the  differenc 

That  couri 
tains  are  like 
iiig  the  supc 
their  loflj  m 
north  it  is  hi 
with  tall  tree 
in  vast  herds 
the  Indians. 
On  their  nav 
Their  spring 
tobacco,  whe 
182.5,  begun 

They  havt 
butter  and  cl 
itants.  Neat 
and  woollen 
scarcely  a  fi 
Their  trade  i 
arts  are  com 
tention  of  th 

In  1819,  t 
creased  to  IS 
in  the  nation 
plain  that  til 
creased  over 
tion  under  si 

By  the  lav 
except  that  0 
of  the  Chen 
become  slav 
into  the  nati 
the  relative 
some  southe 
they  could  n 
by  them  to  1 
will  not  mix 

The  nati  01 
cil,  divided  i 


Chap.  XIII]  HISTORY  OF  TliE  CIIKROKEES.  97 


CHAPTER  XUl. 


HISTORY    OF    THE    EXPATniATION    OF    THE    CHEROKEES. 

•?omn  entertiin,  that  th'!  Iiiatory  of  these  prnspiu  tiriirs  must  not  bn  written  by  nny  one  nlive  ; 
which,  in  my  opinion,  is  diii^'raceful  to  an  bialofi.in,  iind  very  prejudicial  to  poslerily  ;  n.4  if  they 
were  to  write  at  a  distance,  that  obscurity  nii;;ht  protect  their  mistakes  from  discovery,  Othern 
also  say  llie  truih  is  not  lipe  enouiih  to  h';  writ  in  the  a^'e  we  live  in:  So  politiciar.  would 
not  huvo  the  historian  to  trend  on  the  heeU  of  the  times,  lest  the  times  Iread  on  his  heels." 

WiNSTASLV. 

"  Still  to  the  white  man's  wants  there  is  no  end  : 
He  aaiil,  '  b^'yond  those  hills  hv.  would  nut  conic.' 
Out  to  the  western  seas  his  linnils  c.ttend, 
fire  yet  his  promise  dies  upon  bis  tongue." — U.'«publi9hed  Poem. 


'    ■  ■  *''i^lS 

'  ''■['i 

:>'^;K  ■ 

:1 

■^':r: 

'■:-M 

until 


and 


While  the  wtir  i.s  progressing  in  Florida,  we  will  proceed  to  lay  open 
a  lew  pages  of  Cherokee  history,  i)rayiiig,  in  the  mean  time,  I'or  its  speedy 
corichision. 

Tlie  situation  of  the  Cherokee  country  is  most  delightful ;  it  is  every  thing 
that  heart  could  wish,  whether  actuated  by  the  best  or  worst  of  motives.  It 
lies  in  about  thirty-five  degrees  of  northern  latitudo,  bounded  north  and  west 
I  y  Tennessee,  on  the  south  by  Alabama,  and  easterly  by  Georgia  and  North 
Ciiiolina,  comprising  about  8,000  stpiare  miles.  In  IdO'i  it  contained  11,175; 
tlio  difference  having  been  sold  to  the  United  States  lor  the  use  of  (Georgia. 

That  country  is  well  watered  by  living  springs,  in  every  part,  who.se  foun- 
tains arc  like  reservoira  raised  to  a  great  height  by  the  art  of  man ;  they  hav- 
ing the  superior  advantage  of  being  natiu-ai  reservoirs,  rai.sed  by  springs  in 
their  loftj  mnge  of  mountains  which  stretch  across  the  whole  nation.  In  the 
north  it  is  hilly ;  but  in  the  south  are  numerous  fertile  plains,  in  ])ari  covered 
with  tall  trees,  through  which  beuutiful  stnmms  of  water  glijle.  Here  cuttle, 
in  vast  herds,  roam,  and  horses  are  f)k'nty,  and  in  all  the  ordinary  u.ses  among 
the  Indians.  Flocks  of  sheep,  goats,  and  swine,  live  on  the  slopes  of  the  hills. 
On  their  navigable  rivers  the  Cherokees  have  vessels  engaged  in  commerce. 
Their  spring  opens  in  great  beauty;  the  soil  is  excellent  for  corn,  cotton, 
tobacco,  wheat,  oats,  indigo,  sweet  and  Irish  jiotatoes ;  and  the  people  liad,  in 
IS'i.'i,  begun  to  export  cotton  to  New  Orleiuis  in  their  own  vessels. 

They  have  public  roads,  and  taverns  with  good  accommodations,  iuid 
butter  and  cheese  are  common  ui)on  the  ordinary  tables  of  the  Indian  inhab- 
itants. Neat  and  flourishing  villages  have  already  sprung  into  being.  Cotton 
and  woollen  cloths  are  manufactured,  and  by  native  Indian  hands.  There  is 
scarcely  a  family  which  does  not  raise  cotton  sufficient  for  its  own  use. 
Their  trade  is  almost  wholly  carried  on  by  native  Cherokees.  The  mechanic 
fills  are  considerably  cultivated,  although  agriculture  chiefly  engages  the  at- 
tention of  the  inhabitants. 

In  1819,  there  were  about  10,000  inhabitants,  and  in  1825  they  had  in- 
rreased  to  13,563,  all  natives;  there  were,  in  addition,  147  white  men  married 
in  the  nation,  and  73  white  women.  Of  slaves  there  were  1,277.  Htmce  it  is 
plain  that  the  Cherokees  do  not  decrease,  but  have,  in  about  five  years,  in- 
creased over  3,500.  This  is  equal,  at  least,  to  the  increase  of  white  popula- 
tion under  similar  circumstances. 

By  the  laws  of  the  nation,  the  whites  are  allowed  the  privileges  of  natives, 
except  that  of  sufTrage,  together  with  their  ineligibility  to  hold  offices.  Some 
of  the  Cherokees,  following  the  example  of  their  southern  Yieighbors,  ha'-e 
become  slave-holders ;  buying  their  negroes  of  white  men  who  bring  them 
into  tiie  nation.  And  here  the  rellection  naturally  arises  in  the  inquiry  upon 
the  relative  barbarity  of  the  white  and  red  men.  It  was  strongly  urged  by 
some  southern  staiesmen,  that  the  Indians  were  such  barbai-ous  wretches  that 
they  could  not  think  of  living  beside  them  ;  and  yet  poor  Africans  are  sold 
by  them  to  these  barbarians!  But,  imlika  the  whites  in  one  particular,  they 
will  not  mix  with  their  slaves. 

The  nation  was  reorganized  in  1820,  and  by  a  resolve  of  its  national  coun- 
cil, divided  into  eight  districts,  each  of  which  had  the  privilege  of  sending 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CIIEROKEES. 


[Book  IV. 


.  -  v\ 

h'    '-','    .*'' 


l??^'" 

':•■■-■•■  ■' 

I'd.  J', 

!U*'.  . 

W^'i 

'i  :<'/■. 

Dji^^-*  ' 

';     ■  '.;;■ 

ESrw*' 

y  i;*f  ■■ 

m^ 

■'■  l'      ''     '* 

i^' 

J;-':.- 

^: 

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p. 

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four  monibcrs  to  tnc  logiHlaturo.  'Vhv  ])ay  of  Micnibeia  was  cstablislied  at 
one  dollar  per  day ;  that  of  the  speaker  biMiig  fixed  at  one  and  a  half  dollars 
and  the  principal  cbieli^  were  to  receive  150  dollars  a  year.  Some  of  ttu-ir 
principal  laws  and  regulations  wore — a  i)roliiitition  of  spirituous  liipiors  he- 
ing  brought  into  the  nation  by  M'hite  men.  if  n  white  man  took  a  Cheiokoe 
wile,  he  must  marry  her  according  to  their  laws ;  but  her  property  was  not 
alfected  by  such  union.  No  man  was  allowed  but  one  wife.  Ajudge,  niur- 
shal,  sherilf  and  deputy,  and  two  constables,  were  commissioned  in  each  dis- 
trict. Embezzlement,  intercepting  and  opening  sealed  letters,  was  punished 
by  a  fine  of  100  dollars,  and  100  lashes  on  the  bare  back.  No  business  was 
allowed  on  Sundays;  and  fences  were  regulated  by  statute.  They  also  had 
a  statute  oi"  limitations,  which,  however,  did  not  atiect  notes  or  settled  ac- 
counts. A  will  was  valid,  if  found,  on  the  decease  of  its  maker,  to  hav(!  been 
written  by  him,  and  witnesstul  by  two  creditable  persons.  A  man  leaving  jio 
will,  all  his  children  shared  e(|ual,  and  his  wife  as  one  of  them  ;  if  he  left  no 
children,  then  the  v/idow  to  have  a  lijuitli  i)art  of  all  property ;  the  other 
three  fourths  to  go  to  his  nearest  relations.  And  so  if  the  wife  died,  lt!avii!g 
pro[)crty.  Before  the  division  of  the  nation  into  districts,  and  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  above-named  civil  ofiicers,  there  was  an  organized  company  of 
iiglit-horse,  which  ex(!cuted  the  orders  of  the  chiefs,  searched  out  oflendcrs, 
and  brouglit  tliem  to  justice.  It  was  a  fundamental  law,  that  no  land  should 
lac  sold  to  the  white  people,  without  the  authority  of  a  majority  of  the  nation. 
Transgressors  of  this  law  were  punished  with  death. 

The  Cherokees  were  similarly  situated  to  the  Creeks,  in  respect  to  the  Uni- 
ted States.  They  had  been  treated  with  fioni  the  earliest  days  of  the  repub- 
lic, as  an  independent  nation,  with  only  this  diflerence — the  United  States 
regarding  treaty  stipulations  with  them  without  any  regard  to  their  weukiii  ss, 
or  inability  to  defend  themselves  against  unjust  intrusions.  And  thus  were 
they  considered  tlirough  the  early  administrations  of  this  government ;  until 
political  intrigue  had  become  the  order  of  the  day,  and  to  strengthen  a  jiarty 
by  the  accession  of  a  state,  it  was  found  necessary  to  disregai'd  sacred  trea- 
ties, not  at  first  l»y  an  open  denial  of  obligations,  but  by  a  perversion  of  lan- 
guage, authorizing  "  any  means  to  encompass  the  end."  And  like  the  Creek 
nation,  the  Cherokees  were  tampered  w'tli,  and  eventually  divided  and  mined : 
thus  verifying  that  remai-kable  jiassage  of  Scripture,  nani'-ly,  "a  liouse  divided 
against  itself  cannot  stand." 

The  consequences  whi(;h,  by  everj'  thinking  mind,  were  considered  sure  to 
follow,  did  follow ;  but  not  so  immediately  as  had  been  anticipated,  reasoning 
from  the  summary  course  which  the  Creeks  had  pursued  in  executing  ven- 
geance ujjon  the  heads  of  a  similar  faction,  f()r  a  precisely  similar  outrage 
upon  the  will  and  the  laws  of  that  nation.  IJut  the  dey  of  retribution  was 
at  hand,  and  the  heads  of  the  Cherokee  faction  have  met  a  like  fate  in  the 
distant  land  to  which  they  had  forced  their  despairing  executioners.  The 
history  of  the  fiite  of  Ridge  and  his  associates  will  go  down  u|)on  the  same 
page  of  history  with  that  of  Mackintosh  ;  over  which  the  philanthropist  of 
succeeding  ages  will  inoin-n,  and  the  philosopher  will  frown  with  just  indig- 
nation, ns  he  contemplates  the  source  of  guilt  whence  the  stream  flowed. 

But  the  bare  recital  of  the  events  in  the  histoiy  of  the  Cherokees  is  suffi- 
cient to  create  the  deepest  liielings  of  conutiiseration  in  every  breast,  without 
any  reflectioiis  from  tl«e  historian. 

Georgia,  finding  she  could  not  drive  the  United  States  government  into 
her  measures  for  the  forcible  [)ossessiou  of  the  Cherokee  coimtry,  resolved 
to  do  so  on  ler  own  account;  but  not  having  the  courage  to  go  sword  in 
hand,  and  do  it  at  a  blow,  she  resorted  to  the  eciually  condemnable  course  of 
management,  which  was  to  seize  upon  the  country  under  color  of  law.  vViid 
those  laws,  made  for  the  very  occasion,  were  so  exceedingly  oppressive  that 
the  Indians  could  not  live  under  them. 

The  laws  alluded  to  were  passed  on  the  20th  of  Dercmber,  1629,  by  tlie 
legislature  of  the  state  of  Georgia,  and  were  of  this  complexion:  "It  is  here- 
by ordained  that  all  the  laws  of  Georgia  are  extended  over  tlie  Cherokee 
country.  That  after  the  Ist  day  of  June,  1830,  all  Indians  tlien  and  at  that 
time  rcsidLng  in  said  territory,  shall  bo  liable  and  subject  to  such  laws  and 


Chap.  XlII] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES 


99 


regulations  as  the  legislature  may  hereafter  prescribe.  That  all  laws,  usages, 
and  customs,  made  and  established,  and  eidbrce<l  in  the  sjiid  territory,  by  the 
said  Cherokee  Indians,  be,  an<l  the  saiue  are  liereby,  on  and  alter  the  1st  day 
of  June,  18.'{0,  declared  null  and  void;  and  no  Indian,  or  descendant  of  an 
Indian,  residing  witiiin  the  Creek  or  Cherokee  nations  of  Indians,  sliall  be 
deemed  a  competent  witness,  or  party  to  any  suit  in  any  court,  vvlien;  a  white 
nian  is  a  dcsfendant."  8ucli  is  a  specimen  of  the  laws  alluded  to ;  fianu'<l  to 
throw  the  liidians  into  entire  conl'usion,  that  they  might  be  tlie  more  easily 
overcome,  destroyed,  or  Ibrced  irom  the  land  of  their  nativity. 

That  the  Cherokees  could  not  live  under  tho  laws  of  (ieorgia  is  most 
manifest,  and  it  is  ecjually  maniti-st  that  said  laws  were  nev«'r  ma«le  in  expec- 
tation that  they  could  be  sulHuitted  to.  Thus  the  constitution  of  the  United 
States  was  trampled  on  with  impunity,  l»y  im  utter  disrc^fard  of  one  of  its 
express  provisions,  "That  no  stale  shall  pass  any  law  or  laws  going  to  im[)air 
the  obligation  of  contracts."  Now,  how  could  a  Cherokee  cojnpel  a  Ceorgian 
to  ptjrform  a  contract  ?  Thus  was  th(!  a.xe  not  only  laid  at  the  loot  of  tlie 
tree  of  Cherokcie  liberty,  but  it  was  shortly  to  be  wielded  by  tlu;  strong  arm 
of  power  with  dtiadly  effect. 

Alarm  now,  as  well  it  might,  was  seen  perched  U[)on  the  brow  of  every 
true  Cherokee,  and  they  began  to  r>,volve  in  their  minds  the  nature  of  their 
condition,  and  to  intpiire  of  one  another  what  they  were  to  do.  They  rcn.on- 
strated,  but  remonstrance  was  met  with  contumely,  and  all  the  haughtiness 
that  characterizes  the  triumph  of  nnght  over  right 

Though  conscious  of  the  rectitude  of  their  intentions,  the  Cherokees  were 
determined  not  to  persist  in  any  course,  howrsver  just  it  might  appear  to  them, 
without  first  consulting  some  of  the  ablest  jurists  and  best  men,  as  well  as 
the  most  devoted  to  the  good  of  their  country,  among  the  eminent  men  of  the 
United  States.  There  was  but  out!  o|>inion  among  them.  Chief  Justice  Mar- 
siiall,  Chancellor  Kent,  William  Wirt,  iMr.  Justice  M'Lane,  Daniel  Webster, 
and  Henry  Clay,  ive  names  carrying  authority  with  them  ;  an  array  of  talent 
wliicii  other  nationa  may  equal,  but  not  surpass. 

Accordingly  the  Lidians  brought  their  caso  bel<)re  th(!  sujtrcjne  couit  of  the 
Ignited  States,  where  it  was  aigued  w  ith  fuhdity  and  ability  by  Mr.  Sargent 
iuid  Mr.  Wirt,  and  finally  and  clearly  given  in  hivor  of  tho  Cherokees.  Mr. 
Wirt  happily  adverted,  in  his  argument,  to  the  f)ast  and  present  cotiduct  of 
(foorgia;  reminded  her  that,  with  the  other  st^ites,  she  had  coo[)erated  '■iih 
the  most  Christian  assiduity  and  perseverance  to  bring  about  a  change  in  the 
intellectual  and  moral  condition  of  that  people ;  luid  having  completely 
clfected  the  purpose,  she  found  in  this  very  change  a  ground  of  quarrel  with 
tlieru,  as  well  as  with  her  sister  states,  lusr  auxiliaries  in  the  laudable  work; 
iiccusing  these  of  hypocrisy  and  an  affected  benevolence,  by  which  they  were 
violating  Georgia's  sovereignty  in  bringing  up  an  independent  govermnent 
within  her  chartered  limits ;  that  s<)  long  as  they  were  savages  and  barba- 
rians, Georgia  had  no  objection  to  their  gov«!rning  themselves,  but  having  now 
hncome  civilized,  and  consequently  ca|)able  of  governing  themselves,  their 
right  of  self-government  must  cease.  "  Hence  we  ask,"  says  Mr.  Wirt,  "what 
<'aii  this  unfortunate  people  do?" 

"The  existence  of  this  remnant  of  a  once  great  and  mighty  nation,"  added 
Mr.  Wirt,  "  is  at  stjike,  and  it  is  for  this  court  to  say  whether  they  shall  l)e 
blotted  out  from  creation,  iti  utter  disregard  of  all  our  treaties.  They  are 
here  in  the  last  extremity,  and  with  them  must  i»erish  Ibrevisr  the  honor  of 
the  American  name.  The  fiiith  of  our  nation  is  fiitally  liidccd  with  their 
existence,  and  the  blow  which  destroys  them  quenches  forever  our  own 
glory ;  for  what  glory  can  there  be  of  which  a  patriot  can  be  proud,  alter  the 
good  name  of  his  country  shall  have  departed  ?  We  may  gather  laurels  on 
the  field  of  battle,  and  trophies  on  the  ocean,  but  they  will  never  hide  this 
foul  blot  upon  our  escutcheon.  '  Remember  the  Cherokee  nation,'  will  be 
answer  enough  to  tlu!  proudest  boasts  that  we  can  ever  make.  Such,  it  is 
possible,  there  may  be  who  are  willing  to  glory  in  their  own  shame,  but  thank 
Heaven,  they  are  com|)aratively  ll)w.  The  great  majority  of  the  American 
l)eople  see  this  subject  in  its  true  light.  And  I  cannot  believe  tliat  this  honor- 
able court,  possessing  the  power  of  preservation,  will  stand  by  and  see  tlieee 


:a^ 


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100 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHFR0KEE9 


[Book  IV 


people  stnppcd  of  their  property  ami  extirpated  from  the  earth,  while  they 
are  holding  up  to  us  their  treaties  and  claiiiiinj,'  the  fnlfilirient  of  otir  engage- 
nientH.  If  truth,  and  fiiitli,  and  honor,  and  justice,  have  fled  from  every  other 
part  of  our  country,  we  shall  find  them  here.  If  not,  our  sim  has  gone  down 
in  treachery,  blood,  and  crime,  in  the  face  of  the  world;  and  instead  of  heing 
proud  of  our  country,  we  may  wtil  call  upon  the  rocks  and  mountains  to 
hide  our  shame  from  <;arth  and  heaven." 

Such  were  the  opinions  of  the  great  and  good  upon  the  Cherokee  qurstion  • 
but  how  was  he  mistaken  in  respect  to  the  virtue  of  a  government,  of  which 
he  was  a  pillar  and  chief  supporti^r  in  all  its  just  dcnliiigs!  With  what  grief 
must  he  have  seen,  notwithstanding  tlic  sacrifices  and  efforts  lie  had  made 
to  obtain  justice,  and  the  decision  <)f  the  highest  tribunal  of  his  country, 
all  disregarded,  this  decision  set  at  luuiglit,  and  that  country's  svn  go  doicn 
in  treachenf,  blood,  and  crime !  And  it  is  with  deep  melancholy  we  add,  that 
the  great  statesman  and  philanthrojii.^t  saw  the  near  ap[)roach  to  the  horizon 
of  the  once  glowing  star  of  enii)ir(!  of  a  noble  j)eople!  He  saw,  as  his  own 
lamp  flickered  on  the  eve  of  departure  to  another  world,  that  deep  stain  fall 
upon  the  escutcheon  of  his  countiy's  honor,  which  he  had  so  much  feared. 
William  Wirt  descended  to  the  tomb  in  the  beginning  of  the  year  1835. 

The  Cherokees,  like  the  Creeks,  had,  by  designing  and  avaricious  men, 
been  divided  into  two  parties,  whicli  were  distinguislied  from  one  another  by 
very  marked  difl'erences.  The  people  composing  the  first  were  generally 
tem})erate,  industrious,  and  frugal ;  liad  made  great  advancement  in  the  arts 
of  civilized  life,  and  hence  had  become  far  more  attached  to  their  comitry 
than  those  of  an  oi)positc  character.  The  other  i)art  of  the  nation  consisted 
of  a  majority  of  indolent,  intemperate,  roving,  and  ignorant  citizens;  always 
restless,  ever  ready  to  hear  to  any  new  smooth-tongued  miscreant,  who  niiglit 
throw  himself  among  them  upon  any  <lesign.  Yc^  there  were  many  among 
the  second  party  whose  character  was  gonrl,  and  who  were  made  seriously  to 
think  that  it  wotdd  be  for  their  interest  to  sell  out  their  possessions,  and  take 
up  a  new  country  beyond  the  Mississii)])),  Rut  the  talent  and  learning  were 
not  with  them,  and  consequently  they  iwul  not  the  altility  to  judge  of  such  a 
project,  according  to  the  admonitions  of  tlie  true  policy  of  the  nation. 

At  the  period  of  Cherokee  historj-  now  luider  consideration,  that  nation 
contained  a  population  of  18,000  souls.  How  near  it  was  divided  in  respect 
to  numbers  is  not  precisely  known,  but  that  part  I  have  denominated  the  firs^t 
was  by  far  the  most  numerous,  as  well  as  the  most  respectable.  These  two 
parties  had  each  its  head  or  leader,  and  was  known  by  his  name.  Mr.  John 
Ross  led  the  first,  and  Major  Ridge  the  second.  Mr.  Ross  had  become  an 
eminent  citizen,  and  being  possessed  of  a  fine  education,  respectoble  talents. 
and  extensive  and  enlarged  views  iipon  all  subjects,  soon  became  prominent 
without  any  efforts  to  make  himself  so.  On  the  other  hand  Mr.  Ridge,  though 
greatly  beloved  by  his  own  peoph;,  and  highly  respected  among  the  whites, 
had  not  the  moral  courage  to  withstand  tenipations  that  a  true  patriot 
requires. 

Such  was  the  condition  of  things,  when  it  was  decided  by  the  supreme 
court  of  the  United  States,  that  Georgia  must  not  execute  her  pernicious  laws 
in  and  over  the  Cherokee  countiy.  Yet,  as  has  already  been  observed,  she 
did  proceed  to  execute  them,  and  finding  that  many  of  the  Indians  would  not 
at  once  be  forced  away  by  their  cruel  and  o|)pressive  execution,  but  continued 
to  suffer  under  them,  resort  was  had  to  buying  up  such  of  the  chiefs  and 
head  men  of  the  nation  as  money  would  succeed  with.  And,  finally,  a  treaty 
was  made  with  such  men  as  bribery  influenced,  and  on  its  strength,  event- 
ually, tlM!  Cherokees  were  forced  beyond  the  Mississippi. 

The  engagement  entered  into  with  (icorgia  byths  United  States  goveni- 
ment  in  180^,  has,  in  a  former  chapter,*  been  noticed.  In  that  compact  there 
was  no  stipulation  that  the  Cherokees  should,  at  any  time,  be  forced  to  sell 
their  remaining  lands ;  but  when  they  were  »/f?7/mg,  if  any  such  time  should 
etfer  arrive,  and  the  price  should  not  be  an  objection,  then  the  United  States 
had  tlie  power,  and  not  till  then,  to  buy  out  the  Cherokees. 


*  Book  IV.,  page  63,  ante. 


Chap.  XIII] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CIIEROKEES. 


101 


But,  in  1835,  Georgia  had  become  so  clamorous,  that  "the  government" 
thouglit  best  to  make  an  attempt  to  treat  with  tiiese  Iiidiaim  to  go  west,  on 
some  terms  or  otlier.  Accordingly,  the  president  appointed  one  Rev.  J.  F. 
ScJiermerhorn,  of  New  York,  to  proceed  to  tiie  Cherokee  country  lor  that 
jmrpoHo.  He  proceeded  to  the  nation,  and,  with  sonu-  troid)le,  got  the  chiefs 
together,  and  opened  tlie  nature  of  Ills  mission  betbre  tliem.  He  was 
informed  that  they  would  not  treat  lor  the  sale  of  their  country  on  any  con- 
ditions, and  the  commission<'r  gave  up  the  design  and  returncMi  to  Wash- 
ington. But  there  is  no  safety  to  the  imioceut  where  the  cupidity  of  designing 
knaves  can  be  brought  to  bear  upon  them. 

'I'he  plan  immediately  a(lo[)t('d  by  Scliermerhom  was  to  seduce  some  of  the 
cliiefs  by  gratuities  of  money,  and  tliereby  to  got  together  such  as  he  could 
of  the  nation,  and,  if  possible,  make  u  treaty  with  them  which  should  bind  all 
the  rest ;  but  to  the  honor  of  the  secretary  at  war.  Gen.  Cass,  it  will  be  re- 
membered, that  when  sucli  a  project  was  made  known  to  him,  he  rejected  it 
with  disdain.  Whether  tliis  instrument  of  injustice  was  countenanced  by 
men  higher  in  otHce  than  the  secretiu'y  at  war,  1  leave  to  be  determined : 
but  however  that  might  be,  it  is  certain  that  Scherm<!rliorn  was  Ibund  without 
loss  of  time  pursuing  tliat  nefarious  plaij,  which  Gov.  Cass  liad  set  his  seal  of 
unepialilied  disapi)robation  upon.  He  circulated  notices  of  his  design  tluough- 
out  the  Cherokee  nation,  retpiesting  them  to  meet  him  in  council ;  and  tinully 
he  got  a  number  of  the  nation  together,  which  he  called  a  council  of  the  nation, 
and  made  a  treaty  with  them.  l$y  the  stipulations  of  this  treaty,  (ftdsely  so 
called,)  the  whole  country  was  to  be  given  up  to  the  whites  within  two  yeai"s 
from  the  time  it  should  be  ratified  by  the  senate  of  the  United  States. 

The  grea'  majority  of  the  Cherokees,  as  has  been  observed,  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with  Schermerhorn,  and  consequently,  whatever  he  did  iiad 
nothing  to  do  with  them ;  and  when  its  acknowledgment  and  acceptance 
were  urged  at  Wa-shington,  it  was  rebutted  with  the  astoiiudiiig  memorial, 
signed  by  ugvx  fifteen  tliousand  of  the  nation,  protesting  in  the  strongest  terms, 
that  the  instrument  procured  by  Schermerhorn  was  utterly  false,  and  unau- 
thorized by  the  Cherokees.  Yet  after  all  that  those  15,000  [teople  coidd  do, 
that  treaty  was,  with  some  little  variation,  published  to  the  world,  at  the  city 
of  Washington,  on  the  14th  of  March,  1836,  as  the  act  of  that  nation! 

When  the  nation  found  that  the  party  which  had  executed  tlie  treaty  were 
going  to  Washington  to  further  its  ratification,  the  council  of  the  nation  im- 
mediately appointed  a  delegation  of  twenty  of  its  best  men  to  proceed  there 
also,  clothed  with  authority  to  represent  their  countrymen  truly.  It  had  be- 
come now  apparent  that  if  they  would  not  sell  their  country  for  wliat  it  ivas 
Ih".  pleasure  of  tlie  government  to  give,  tliey  would  be  driven  from  it  without  any 
riling  ;  therefore,  all  that  was  left  for  them  to  do,  was  to  get  the  best  terms 
tlicy  could-  And  it  was  finally  agreed  by  the  authorised  delegation,  that  they 
would  abide  by  such  an  award  fus  the  senate  should  make  Ibr  their  lands,  pro- 
vided that  when  it  was  laid  b(!f(>re  the  nation,  it  should  be  consented  to  by  it ; 
accordingly,  a  paper  was  sigiKMl  by  the  Indians,  agreeing  to  abide  the  action 
of  tli(!  senate.  Of  that  action,  Mr.  Ross,  the  principiU  chief,  sayi?,  he  would 
not  have  complained,  if  it  had  been  "fully  and  fairly"  obtaineil ;  but  "a  res- 
olution was  submitted  at  midnight,  on  the  3d  of  ftlarch,  just  :us  the  senate 
wne  about  to  separate,  premising,  that,  in  its  ophiion,  the  president  ought  to 
allow  a  sum  not  exceeding  5,000,000  of  dollars.  This  resolution,  ]:»r<i()osed  in 
u  hurry,  was  carried  in  as  great  a  hiUTV,  juid,  thoug'u  a  viere  opinion,  not 
pitulgiiig  either  the  president  or  the  s(uiate  to  any  consecpient  action,  was 
n^iiresented  to  us  as  an  '■aitard,''  and  we  were  told  we  had  engaged  ourselves 
to  he  boimd  by  it." 

Tiie  delegation  next  proceefled  to  lay  the  mutter  before  the  nation  ;  which 
having  done,  the  "award"  of  the  senate  was  unanimously  rejtM^ed.  But  GeiL 
.Ifickson  had  now  taken  the  matter  into  his  hiuids,  ami  whatever  might  Iw 
said  or  done  by  an  Indian  council,  would  make  no  (lillerence  with  his  deter- 
mination. And  when  he  found  that  they  were  reluctjint  to  submit  to  what 
they  had  never  liad  any  intention  of  agreeing  to,  he  ordered  Mr.  Secretary 
Harris  to  inform  them,  "  that  no  propositions  for  a  treaty  would  hereafter  Ix? 
made,  more  favorable  than  those  now  oftcreA  The  sum  of  fire  millions  of 
9* 


•  ■•it '  ;•■ 
if*  -  ■  '*; 


■  ■  M 


^ij.-' 


102 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHKROKEES. 


[Book  IV. 


li'-i: 


;''*■':" 


<■■■»• 


(*?■?•'= 


dollars  was  fixed  upon  by  the  senutc,  as  an  ample  equivalent  for  the  relin- 
i|uiMhnient  of  all  their  rights  and  posse.Svsions  ;  that  most  assuredly  the  presi- 
dent would  not  sanction  any  expectation,  that  more  liivorable  arranf^emtnts 
would  hereafter  be  held  out  to  them  ;  that  this  was  the  last  proposition  llio 
president  would  make  them  while  /«;  ivaa  j)residenl,  and  they  mifjht  abide  Uie 
(•onise«iueiice8 ;  that  they  need  not  expect  either  brunch  of  the  governiiifiit 
would  ever  do  any  more,  and  that,  therelbrc,  they  need  not  expect  another 
iloUirr* 

'I'hus  all  furth(!r  negotiation  was  cut  oft',  and  the  Indians  had  nothini;  fur- 
ther to  do,  bui  to  submit  to  what  they  liad  long  Ibrestcn  would  probably  be 
their  only  alternative. 

With  regard  to  the  treaty  of  December,  18135,  procured  by  Schermerliorn, 
and  siiivC  ailed  by  his  name,  as  also  "  tiie  treaty  of  New  Echotu,"  we  have 
h\\\  a  remark  or  two  more  to  make;  an«l  firstly,  it  will  he  in(|uired,  who  or 
M !!?>;!■  Jar-  r  the  Cherokee  nation  made  that  treaty?  Accordiu};  to  tiie  nc- 
COi>:!t  of  tioiHtrmerhorn  himself,  the  number  which  he  got  tofretlier  to  treat 
witi.  \'A  not  '••■  Hid  (500  persons,  me  i,  wouieii,  and  ciiildren  ;  of  which  inijii- 
bcr  but  70  Wi ;  ■  iuen,  and  of  these  about  ;50  wen;  Arkansas  emigrants,  or 
Cherokees  enrolled  lor  emigration,  uid  consequt^ntly  had  no  real  interest  in 
the  nation,  and  had  no  right  to  act  ii  mutters  attecting  its  aft'airs.  The  reader 
has  only  to  compare  this  statement  with  the  memorial  before  spoken  of, 
signed  by  15,000  persons,  to  enable  him  to  decide  on  the  nuignitude  of  tin; 
injustice  done  that  people.  Secondly,  of  the  course  "  this  great  and  mighty 
government"  has  pursued  to  disinherit  Indians  in  certain  cases. 

In  May,  183!),  Gen.  Carroll  was  sent  with  instructions  by  our  govermnent, 
to  induce  the  Cherokees  to  remove.  Some  passages  in  those  instructions 
would  never  be  believed,  were  they  not  jiast  contradiction,  and  staring  us  by 
thousands  in  the  face,  lliey  recite,  that,  whereas  nothing  could  probably  be 
effljcted  in  open  council,  by  negotiation,  "he  nnist  go  to  them,  not  as  a  jit^o- 
tialor,  but  as  a  friend  ;  appeal  to  the  chiefs  and  influential  men,  not  togdiier, 
bid  apart ;  make  offers  to  them  of  extensive  reservations  in  lee  simple,  and 
other  rewards ;  secure,  even  from  the  chiefs,  your  ojjicial  character ;  move  upon 
them  in  the  line  of  their  prejudices ;  tell  them,  unless  they  remove,  their  laws 
tinll  be  trodden  under  foot;  enlarge  upon  the  advavia^es  of  their  coiuiition  in  the 
vKst."  Such  is  another  specimen  of  another  state  paper,  which  emanated  lioin 
this  administration. 

The  case  has  changed.  The  whites  have  Iwcome  jjowerful,  and  the  red 
men  have  become  weak.  They  are  able  to  tlestroy,  or  di'ive  them  belbre 
them  to  another  countiy;  and  how  has  it  turned?  The  red  men  have  gone. 
Who  are  the  "cruel  savages?"  In  the  "great  delmte,"  as  it  was  termed,  on 
the  "Indian  bill,"  in  1830,  some  of  its  supporters  pointed  to  the  east,  and  cried 
out,  "Savages!  savages  I"  because  the  voice  of  humanity  had  been  heard  in 
that  direction ;  but  they  might,  with  almost  equal  i)ro[)riety,  have  i)ointcd  to 
the  cai)ital  of  the  state  of  Georgia — even  that,  where  those  most  oppressive 
laws  originated,  contained  philantliropists  loo.  The  votes  in  that  house  stood 
but  little  more  than  equally  divided,  on  the  bill  to  take  forcible  possession  of 
the  Cherokee  country.  But  the  philanthropist  is  derided  and  scorned ;  and 
that  people  have  only  escaped  the  iron  grasp  of  superstition's  hand,  to  die  by 
that  of  avarice.  It  used  to  be  a  j)roverb,  that  Justice  had  leaden  leet,  but  yet 
was  sure  to  overtake  her  enemies  ;  but  where  lier  i'eet  are  clogged  with  gold, 
the  ])roverb  requires  a  new  explication. 

We  have  seen  how  the  Schermerhorn  treaty  was  disposed  of  in  the  senate 
of  the  United  States.  The  house  of  representatives  must  vote  the  appro[)ria- 
tion,  or  it  could  not  be  earned  into  effect.  When  it  came  up  there  lor  action, 
some  gave  as  a  reason  for  voting  for  it,  that  they  hud  no  choice,  but  were 
bound  to  do  so,  because  the  treaty  had  been  mtified  by  the  j)resident  and 
senate,  and  it  was  hence  the  law  of  the  land.     On  the  otlier  hantl,  it  was 

*  Tliis  certainly  was  a  stale  papT  worliiy  of  "  !My  nfovornment,"  "  My  rurroiicy,"  and 
above  all,  "  My  responsibility."  Mr.  Jackson  had  before  told  certain  Indians  that  all  the 
lands  beyond  the  Mississipoi  belonged  to  him!  If  the  Cherokees  believed  he  lold  Uie  trutli, 
no  oue  will  woadcr  they  did  uol  wijih  ta  go  there  I 


[Book  IV. 

r  the  relin- 
/  the  presi- 
ruiiKt'ifients 
position  tlio 
It  abide  the 
foverimicnt 
•ect  another 

lotliiiis,'  f'lir- 
»r<)buhly  b<» 

ermerliorn, 
I,"  we  Imve 
ed,  who  or 

to  tlie  iic- 
iier  to  treat 
k'hich  mim- 
iiigraiitt!,  or 

interest  in 
The  reader 
sjjokeu  of, 
tilde  of  the 
iiid  mighty 

overniuent, 
iiiHtriictioiis 
uring  us  by 
)robabiy  bo 
t  as  u  mf^o- 
not  togdiier, 
simple,  and 
move  upon 
u,  their  laws 
dition  in  the 
jiated  from 

rd  the  red 
lem  before 
have  gone, 
termed,  on 
t,  and  cried 
L!n  heard  in 
pointed  to 
oppressive 
louse  stood 
sscs.sion  of 
)rned ;  and 
[1,  to  die  by 
3et,  but  yet 
1  with  gold, 

I  the  senate 
aj)propria- 
:  Ibr  action, 
;,  but  were 
;sident  and 
md,  it  was 

irroiioy,"  and 
s  that  ail  the 
old  tlie  trulli, 


Chap.  XIV.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE   CllEROKEES. 


108 


argued  that  the  action  of  the  president  and  senate  could  never  make  that  in- 
strument a  treaty  which  wa.s  ftdse,  and  had  not  Ikjou  agreed  to  by  but  one 
[)arty ;  that  this  was  true  abundtuitly  appeared  by  a  protest  then  iMjIbre  the 
loust!,  signed  by  almost  the  entire  Cherokee  nation.  And  besides  this,  the 
most  zealous  advocates  lor  removal  did  not  pretend  that  the  treaty  was  liiirly 
made  by  the  nation,  or  by  any  body  authorized  by  it ;  but  they  argutxl  that 
the  bill  ought  to  pass  from  necessity,  as  it  was  to  benelit  the  Indians  more 
than  any  body  else.  And  with  this  kiud  of  argument  the  bill  passed,  10*^ 
to  !>7. 

'!' bus  we  are  to  be  judges  of  what  is  best  for  our  neighbor,  and  if  he  does 
not  coidbrm  to  our  wishes,  we  will  force  bim  to  do  so.  On  the  same  princi- 
ple we  may  say,  that  it  is  decreed  by  unerring  Itite  that  the  red  men  nnist  In- 
swept from  the  face  ol' the  eiu-th  ;  but  does  it  iollow  that  we  must  hasten  their 
ruin?  With  as  much  reason  all  nmnkind  niiglit  coumiit  suicide,  because  fate 
has  decreed  that  we  nuist  all  die,  sooner  or  later. 

As  soon  as  congress  had  disposed  of  the  Cherokee  (piestioii,  the  executive 
of  the  nation,  apprehensive  that  trouble  wotdd  ai'ise  between  Georgia  and  the 
C'herokees,  ordered  Gen.  Scott  to  repair  thither  without  delay.  lie  was  soon 
on  the  way,  with  about  2,000  men.  This  was  early  in  tiie  y-fij- 1838.  iMean- 
while  Gov.  Gilmer  had  threatened  "collision,"  unless  the  Jik  of  exi)iiiMon 
was  inunediately  begun.  How  much  in  lear  Mr.  Van  Bi  lh  ood  of  this 
and  other  bravadoes,  we  do  not  undertake  to  say;  but  he  pres^ .  '  matters  as 
fast  as  he  could,  more  afraid,  doubtless,  of  the  votes,  than  i  le  sttel  of  Georgia. 

But  what  did  that  excellent  old  general  find  on  his  arrival  in  the  Cherokee 
country  ?  Armed  Indians  behind  every  bush,  prejiared  to  shed  the  last  drop 
of  their  blood  in  defence  of  their  beloved  country  .•*  No.  Not  ti  send)Iauce 
of  opposition  was  tliere;  all  was  (piietness;  all  were  about  their  ordinary 
affairs,  in  their  own  fields,  and  by  their  own  habitatio  Having  established 
his  heail  quarters  in  the  nation,  be  issued  a  proclamat.on,  retpiesting  tiiem  to 
assemble  at  certain  points,  Irom  whence  they  would  be  sent  to  Arkansas. 
They  obeyed  the  summons,  and  thus,  in  due  time,  the  whole  nation  were 
removed. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

EXPATRIATION    OF    THE    C'HEROKEES,    CONTINUED. 

"Where  i»  my  homo — my  for  Bt  home?    the  pruuil  land  of  my  sires? 
Where  stiiiuin  tlie  wiswijtii  of  my  pride?    Wliere  1,'leum  llie  coiini'il  fires? 
Where  lire  my  fathers'  Imllowed  ijrives  ?    my  frieiiila,  so  li^'lit  and  free? 
Gone,  gone, — forever  from  my  view!    Great  Spirit!    can  it  be?" — A.  W.  B. 

It  has  somehow  or  other  happened  that  great  changes  have  taken  place 
in  the  minds  of  our  rulers,  or  some  of  them,  within  a  few  years,  in  regai'd  to 
what  certain  laws  and  treaties  mean.  As  late  as  18;26,  no  (pieslion  was 
raised  about  the  rights  of  the  Indians  ;  nothing  was  attempted  to  be  done,  hy 
government,  on  their  lands,  without  their  consent  being  first  obtained  ;  no  one 
even  dreamed  of  Uiying  out  a  road  tlirough  their  latuls  without  their  permis- 
sion. But,  of  a  sudden,  it  is  discovered  that  the  government  has  been  labor- 
ing tmder  a  great  mistake  all  the  time  of  its  existence  ;  that  during  the  ad- 
ministration of  Andrew  Jackson,  wisdom  had  shed  her  light  so  abundant,  that 
numbers  had  risen  up  in  her  full  armor,  and  unhesittitingly  declared  that  the 
very  men  who  formed  our  constitution  knew  very  little  about  it ;  that  imder 
its  previsions  no  valid  treaty  could  be  mtide  with  Indians ;  that  neither 
Washington,  Jefferson,  nor  John  Adams,  could  make  the  discovery;  but 
it  must  be  reserved  to  add  lustre  to  the  era  of  which  we  are  speaking.    . 

The  compact  between  the  general  government  and  Georgia,  in  1802,  is  the 
principal  theme  of  their  oppressors.  Now  evi  ly  body  knows  that  with  that 
compact  the  Cherokees  had  nothing  to  do  ;  they  had  no  hand  in  forming  it, 
nor  never  consented  to  it.    A  treaty  is  a  compact  of  mutual  concessions  and 


!»■:■■ 


W-l^.' 


m 


•  -^1 


"^■»-«^-*j 


:Vf;  . 


104 


HISTORY  OF  TIIK  CHEROKEES. 


[Book  IV. 


.-1  "■ 
,.<•■■• 


Mfi 


\^i 


agrceiii«>nts  iK-twecn  natinnn.  Tlie  ('liorokeeH  agreed  tliat  if  they  ever  sold 
their  IuikIs,  or  uiiy  pjirt  of  them,  it  hhoiild  he  to  the  Unitt-d  {^tnten.  Now  tliis 
wuH,  nn  times  have  l)eeii,  n  vei-y  importniit  coneeHsioii  on  the  jmrt  of  the  In- 
diaiin;  l)iit  if  tlie  lailii  ol"  the  I'liited  HtiiK's  had  l)eeri  kept  iiiviohite,  it  would 
au  yet  have  amounted  to  Init  little, — a  .small  tract  of  land  here  and  tiiere, — 
hnt  it  has  now  amounted  to  an  entin>  counti-j.  When  the  treaties  were 
lormed,  it  was  8uj>posed  that  af^ainst  this  concession  the  United  States  Imd 
])Ut  one  ot'  much  j.'reater  moment,  namely,  that  {>i'  pmUrlion.  VVhul  liavf  W( 
xcen?  the  whites  in  possession  of  all  the  lands  of  the  Indians,  the  huliuiis 
])rotected?  Not  hy  the  United  States;  lor  it  has  driven  them  where  it  cuii- 
not,  from  the  natiu'e  of  their  situation,  jtrotect  them.  Tlicsc  co/iciusioii> 
inevitably  li)llow,  and  we  challenge  |)i<iot'  in  contradiction. 

That  we  have  <:iven  the  Indians  more  than  their  hrnds  were  worth,  lius 
hei'U  urged  as  an  argument  that  no  wrong  has  l)een  done  them.  That  lias 
nothing  to  do  with  tiit!  point  at  issue.  Uncnviahle  must  the  mind  of  that 
man  he,  who  liolds  nothing  idtove  price,  mere  pecimiary  fomiieiisation. 
What  though  the  government  tliil  stipulate  that  it  would  huy  out  the  Chero- 
kees  as  soon  as  it  couhl  Im;  «lont!,  (a  very  fimlish  bargain,  by  the  way,)  on 
reasonable  and  e(|uitalile  terms;  is  it  to  be  understood  that  they  must  sell 
their  lands  just  when  a  demand  is  made  for  them?  'I'liis  argument  is  too 
liiUacious  to  be  thought  of  by  ratiijual  men.  Ilcnce  th»!  only  way  left  to  dii;- 
possess  u  nation,  too  weak  to  deli'iid  themselves  by  I'orce,  is  to  declare  tlie\ 
iiave  no  right  where  tli((y  are.  And,  to  the  astonisiiirient  of  all  the  worhi, 
such  were  the  grounds  of  argument,  and  such  the  arguments  that  succeeded 
in  an  American  congress  in  ruining  a  nation.  What  though  the  nation  were 
small,  and  consecpiently  weak  ?  So  nnich  the  greater  the  crime.  Are  not 
laws  made  li)r  the  protection  of  the  weak  against  the  strong?  as  well  in 
property  as  jierson  ?  Shall  the  United  States  of  enlightened  America  deal 
worse  with  their  I'ricnds  and  allies  than  ancient  despotic  Rome  :  Even  na- 
tions stiluhied  by  the  Romans,  and  included  in  their  dominions,  were  sufl'ered 
"to  live  under  their  own  laws,  imd  l)e  governed  by  their  own  magistrates."* 

it  has  been  mged  as  a  reason  foi  disinheriting  the  Cherokees,  that  it  is  ab- 
suril  to  allow  a  nation  to  e.xist  imdcr  a  separate  govermnent,  within  another 
govermnent  or  state,  and  henct;  unconstitutional.  Allowing  all  this  to  be 
true,  (whicii  we  do  not,)  what  li.is  it  to  do  with  the  Cherokees?  Had  not  the 
Clierokees  as  good  a  right  to  say  to  a  state  wliich  had  undertaken  to  extend 
a  line  beyond  them,  "Yon  have  no  authority  to  do  this,  and  must  instantly 
desist."  Now  there  can  be  no  question  but  that  a  state  would  be  compelled 
to  desist,  if  the  ]>arty  so  included  were  able  to  defend  itself  against  usurpa- 
tion. This  hapi)ening  not  to  be  the  case  with  the  Cherokeis,  a  cordon  is 
passed  about  them,  at  lirst,  merely  nominal ;  but,  at  length,  like  the  coil  of 
the  serp(!nt,  it  is  drawn  tighter  and  tighter,  until  they  discover,  too  late,  that 
a  death-blow  is  aimed  at  their  veiy  e.\i.stence.  Who,  or  what  is  Georgia, 
that  it  should  claim  priority  to  the  Cherokees?  Were  nut  the  Cherokees  a 
nation  long  before  it  was  heard  of?  Wliich  permitted  the  other  to  grow  up 
by  its  side?  How  long  is  it  since  the  Cherokees  were  able  to  drive  that  hand- 
lul  of  white  intruders  beyond  a  more  formidable  boundary  than  the  Missis- 
sippi? They  did  not  attem[it  it.  Their  "avaj'ice"  was  not  strong  enough  to 
tempt  them  to  so  cruel  an  action.  No.  They  took  them  by  the  hand  at 
Yamacraw  Rlulf,  and  .-it  Holston,  and  said,  "Brothers,  here  is  land  enough 
ibr  us  and  for  you.  Lie  down  upon  our  skins  until  you  can  make  wigwams 
and  mats  for  yourselves."     How  have  tliese  kindnesses  been  returned  ? 

We  will  bear  what  Georgia  herself  said  about  tJie  validity  of  Indian  trea- 
ties, no  longer  ago  than  1825.  In  that  year  a  treaty  was  made  with  the 
Creeks,  by  whicli  a  cession  of  a  ])oi-tion  of  their  territory  in  Georgia  was 
made  ;  and  by  an  article  in  said  tr  aty,  it  was  provided,  that  the  United  States 
should  protect  the  Indians  against  the  encroachments  and  impositions  of  the 
whites,  until  their  removal  should  take  place.  The  governor  of  Georgia, 
G.  J\I.  Troup,  issued  liis  i)roclamation  in  accordance  with  tlie  treaty,  a  passage 
of  which  is  in  these  words : 

*  Vattel,  "Law  of  Nations/'  U.  I.  cli.  i.  sec.  11. 


sons,  citi 


[Book  IV. 
lify  ever  sold 

L'H.  Now  this 
iirt  of  tlic  III. 
Iiiti',  it  Would 
and  llu'n-,— 
Ircalicrt  weiT 
I'd  SiattH  imd 
V'lial  liavi'  We 
tlic  Indians 
wlicic  it  cuii- 
;  ('oiicliisioii.s 

e  worth,  hiis 
III.     'Huit  has 

mind  of  that 
'oiii[ieiisaiioii. 
It  till-  Chcro- 

tlic  way,)  on 
hey  must  sell 
^uiiicnt  i.s  too 
ay  k'll  to  difi- 

dfrlaie  tlii'\ 
ill  the  wor](i. 
ut  siiiTct'drd 
!  nation  were 
nc.    Are  not 


Chap.  XIV.] 


HISTORY  (»F  TIIR  CHEROKEKS. 


105 


OS  we 


ui 


America  deal 
c  ':"  Even  na- 
were  snflered 
igistrates."  * 

that  it  i.s  ah- 
ithin  another 
uU  thii!  to  be 

llati  not  the 
en  to  extend 
Hiist  instuntU 
be  eonipeiled 
ainst  usurpa- 
,  u  eordon  is 

0  the  coil  of 
too  late,  that 

,t  is  Georjiia, 
Cherokees  a 
r  to  grow  uj) 
ve  tliat  liand- 

1  the  Mitisig- 
ng  enongh  te 

the  hand  at 
land  enongh 
ke  wigwaiJii* 
a-ned  ? 

Indian  tren- 
ule  with  the 
Georgia  ^\a!< 
[Jnited  States 
sitions  of  the 

of  Georgia, 
ity,  a  passage 


"  I  have  thoiif^Iit  projier  to  issue  this,  my  proelamntion,  wnrning  nil  per- 
sons, citizens  ot  (Jeorgm,  or  others,  nguinst  trespa.ssing  or  intrinting  npon 
lands  ocenpied  hy  the  Imiiuns  within  the  limits  of  this  state,  either  for  tiu^ 
purpose  of  settlement  or  otherwise;  ns  every  sn<'li  net  will  Im*  in  direct  viola- 
tion of  the  provisions  of //ic /rf«/i/,  a(i>resaid,  Hiid  will  expo.se  the  aggressors 
to  the  most  certain  and  snmmary  pimishment  l)y  the  authorities  of  the  state, 
and  of  the  United  Htatc^s.  All  good  eitizens,  therefore,  pursuing  the  dictates 
of  f!;ood faith,  will  iniite  in  enti>reing  the  ohtlf^ations  of  the  treaty  us  the  sviirtnie 
law." 

Ifow  does  this  neeord  with  n  re.solve  of  the  legislature  of  tliat  state,  Itut  ii 
ti'w  years  alh'rwards,  to  take  forcihie  possession  of  the  coimtry  of  the  Cliero- 
kees?  A  comparative  view  of  these  enactments  led  a  high-nnnded  senator"' 
to  declare,  "that  treaties  were  frn/  lauful  wlien  made  l()r  the  use  of  (Jeorgia." 

In  lrt'24,  the  Georgia  delegation  iti  congress,  in  an  address  to  the  president 
of  the  United  States,  <romplained,  in  no  very  moderate  terms,  ot"  the  injustice 
(lone  to  their  state,  hy  the  delay  of  the  govermnent  in  not  extinguishing  the 
Cherokee  tith;  to  lands  within  its  limits;  therehy  acknowledging  what  they 
deniefl  allerwards,  namely,  that  tli»^  ('herokees  had  any  title.  They  .say,  "  If 
the  Cherokeis  nr('  unwilling  to  remove,  the  raw.w.'!  of  that  unwillingness  aro 
to  he  traced  lo  the  United  Htatt>s.  If  p(!aeeal)le  |)nrehase  cannot  \h\  made  in 
the  ordinary  mode,  nothing  remains  to  he  done  i)ut  to  order  their  removal  to 
n  designatcid  territory  l)eyond  the  limits  of  Georgia."  And,  in  conclusion, 
they  add,  "Our  duty  is  performed  hy  remonstralin^  against  the  policy  hereto- 
fore pursued,  by  which  the  intenwts  of  (ieorgia  have  been  disregarded ;  and 
hy  insisllns;,  as  we  do,  most  earrustlif,  U])(m  an  immediate  fuifdment  of  the 
obligations  of  the  articles  of  cession  of  1802." 

Such  is  a  specimen  of  the  language  of  two  senators  and  six  re[»resentatives 
f,f  Georgia,  to  the  presidetit  of  the  United  States,  upon  this  cpiestion.  And 
we  venture  to  assert  that  the  autocrat  of  all  the  Russias  is  not  more  des[)otie, 
in  his  decrees,  than  tliese  gentlemen  were  on  this  occasion. 

A  few  days  after  the  address  of  the  Georgia  delegates,  the  secretary  of 
WW.  the  Hon,  John  C.  Caf-houn,  issued  his  report  on  our  Indian  rehitions, 
in  which  he  says,  "The  United  States  have  ever  been  solicitous  to  fulfil,  at 
the  earliest  period,  the  obligation  of  the  convention,  by  the  extinguishment 
of  the  Indian  titles  within  the  limits  of  Georgia ;  a  most  sati.slactory  proof 
of  which  may  be  found  in  the  number  of  treaties  which  liave  been  held  lor 
that  purpose,  the  quantity  of  lands  wliich  has  been  acquired,  juid  th(!  i)rice 
paid.  In  fact,  such  has  been  the  solicitude  of  the  government,  that  i)ut  little 
regard  has  been  bad  to  the  price,  whenever  it  has  been  found  possible  to  olituin  a 
cesffion  of  lands  to  the  state.  The  price  given  has  iiu*  exceeded  that  which 
has  ever  been  given  in  other  purchases  from  the  Indians."  Thus  a  mighty 
clashing  of  opinions  is  apparent  on  a  comparison  of  these  two  extracts. 

From  certain  other  fiicts  in  Mr.  Calhoun^s  rej)ort,  it  appears  that,  in  1802, 
the  Cherokees  owned  7,152,110  acres  of  land  in  tin;  limits  of  Georgia.  Since 
the  late  war  with  England,  they  had  held  two  treaties  with  the  United  States, 
by  which  they  had  ceded  iXK^^lO  acres.  Emigration  had  been  nniforirdy 
encouraged,  and  many  had  voluntarily  goni;  to  Arkansjis.  To  this  course 
nobody  objected.  But  in  this  way  matters  progressed  too  slow  ihv  greedy 
speculators,  and  it  was  urged  that,  as  many  Cberokees  had  emigrated,  a  pro- 
portionate quantity  of  the  country  sliould  be  set  off  for  Georgia.  An  enumer- 
ation or  census  had  been  attemjjted,  to  ascertain  what  the  proportion  wouhl 
he,  and  it  was  eventually  concluded  that  one  third  of  the  nation  bad  left  the 
country,  and  a  treaty  was  entered  into  at  Washington,  in  1810,  by  whicli  that 
amount  of  territory  was  ceded.  Between  1811)  and  1824,  two  attempts  to 
treat  with  them  for  further  cessions  of  territory  had  been  made,  and  both 
proved  abortive.  "  It  cannot  be  doubted,"  says  Mr.  Calhoun,  "  that  much  of 
the  difficulty  of  ac(|uiring  additional  cession  from  the  Cherokees,  and  the 
other  southern  tribes,  results  from  their  gTowing  civilization  and  knowledge, 
by  which  they  have  learned  to  j)lace  a  higher  vahie  upon  their  lands  than 
more  rude  and  savage  tribes.    Many  causes  have  contributed  to  place  them 

*  Mr.  Frelinghuyseru,  of  New  Jersey. 


^f 


y     If') 


■m 


m 


Ifv' 


f,   /.J*  •  .    ; 


<  >•■ 


W^i^ 


ill  ■;."'■  ■ 

Ik' 


lOG 


HISTORY  OF  THE   CIIEROKEES. 


[Hooi  IV, 


higher  in  thn  scale  of  civiiizntion  than  other  Iiuli.inti  within  our  hinits  —  the 
gonial  nature  of  their  t-liinate,  wiiicli  unahh-H  tiuwii  to  |)unh  iiioro  n-miily  limn 
the  hiiiilcr  to  the  herilsiiian  .statu;  un«l  the  liirtility  of  their  Hoii,  uiui  tli<!  valiie 
of  tiieir  ;  tapie  articles,  particularly  cotton.  To  tliewts,  however,  must  he  added 
the  liiMiiaiie  and  JK'nevolent  policy  of  the  government,  which  huN  ever  din  rted 
u  tiiNterin;;  care  to  the  hidiaiiH  within  our  liinitH.  ThiM  policy  it*  uh  old  as  the 
goveriinient  itnelf;  ami  han  heen  hahitiiaiiy  and  strongly  t^xtended  to  the 
Cherokee  nation."  Such,  in  lHl:i4,  wtirc  allowed  to  he  the  reasons  \vh\  the 
('herokees  could  not  he  prevailed  upon  to  forsak»!  their  country.  Now,  if 
they  had  no  right  tluire,  hut  that  of  suHerane*-,  why  is  it  that  "this  l()sttriiig 
fMilicy,  as  oUl  as  tlu;  governigent,"  has  heen  ludd  tbrth  and  maintained  towardH 
them  ^  The  reason  is  ohvious  :  no  president  belbre  CJen.  Jackson,  coulil  liring 
his  mind to  do  as  he  has  done. 

At  some  future  day,  ask  some  retiuiant  of  the  Cherokees,  of  the  Creeks,  or 
of  the  Seiuinoles,  if  any  slioidd  remain,  why  they  should  leave;  the  hinds  of 
tiioir  (iithers  to  hecomt!  wanderers  heyond  th«!  Mississippi,  and  their  reply 
eun  he  no  other  than  this:  "We  were  lijrced  away  hy  the  white  men.  Some 
of  oin-  men  were  traitors;  of  theui  they  hought  our  rights,  knomnf^  Ihun  to 
be  J'nisc." 

Compare  the  language  held  hy  Gen.  Jackson,  in  1821,  with  what  he  has 
since  said  and  done.  On  the  18th  of  Jamiary  of  that  year,  he  wrote  from 
JuH  head  (piarters  at  Nashville,  to  Path  Killer,  and  other  Cherokee  chiefs,  us 
follows :  "  I'Viends  and  hrolhers:  1  have  never  told  a  red  hrother  a  lie  nor 
dec(!ived  him.  The  intruders  [on  your  lands,]  if  they  attempt  to  return,  will 
l)c  sent  oft;  But  your  light-horse  should  not  h-t  them  settle  down  on  your 
land.  You  ought  to  drive  the  stock  away  from  your  lands,  and  deliver  the 
iutrudtjrs  to  the  ogent;  hut  if  you  cannot  keep  intruders  from  your  land, 
report  it  to  the  agent,  and  on  his  notice,  I  will  drive  them  from  your  land," 

On  the  (ith  oi"  Jtuie,  IHIJO,  he  intbrms  the  Cherokees,  "that,  having  no 
power  to  intertlTe  and  oppose  the  exercise  of  the  sovereignty  of  any  state, 
over  and  upon  all  who  may  he  within  the  limits  of  any  state,  they  will  prepare 
themselves  to  uhido  the  issue  of  such  new  relations,  without  any  hope  that 
he  will  intertere."  It  must  he  home  in  mind,  that  the  Indians  had  done 
nothing  meanwhile  to  ibrteit  any  one  right,  or  the  protection  p'omiaeil  theni 
hy  all  the  treaties,  sanctioned  hy  all  the  presidents,  includinj.  Juckson  himself! 

In  A|)ril,  18^,  a  deputation  of  Cherokees  was  at  Washington,  and  on  the 
15th  day  of  that  month  they  laid  hefore  congress  a  memorial  "on  matters  of 
vast  importance"  to  them.  In  this  memorial  they  refer  to  the  oppressive 
stand  taken  hy  tlie  governor  of  Georgia,  us  conunimicuted  hy  him  in  a  letter 
to  the  secretaiy  of  war,  and  to  the  acrimonious  and  incongruous  address  of 
the  Georgia  delegation  to  the  president,  already  noticed.  Upon  these  the 
delegation  remark:  "We  cannot  hut  view  the  design  of  those  letters  as  an 
attempt,  bordering  on  a  hostile  disposition  towards  the  Cherokee  nation,  to 
arrest  from  them,  hy  arbitrary  means,  their  just  rights  and  liberties."  And 
this  is  the  harshest  language  they  any  where  comj)lain  in,  in  answer  to  the 
grossest  insults. 

In  regard  to  the  cession  of  more  land,  they  declare  their  sentiments  in  the 
following  words:  "In  relation  to  the  disposition  and  dettrmination  of  the 
nation,  never  a^ain  to  cede  another  fool  of  land  is  positively  the  production  and 
voice  of  the  nation,  and  what  has  been  uttered  by  us,  in  the  comniujiications 
which  we  have  made  to  the  govennnent,  since  our  arrival  in  this  city,  is 
ex[)ressive  of  the  true  sentiments  of  the  nation,  agreeably  to  our  instructions, 
and  not  one  ivord  of  which  has  been  put  into  our  moutlis  by  a  white  man.  Any 
surmises  or  statements  to  the  contrary  are  ill-lbuuded  and  ungenerous."  It 
should  be  rememl)ered,  that  it  had  been  basely  insinuated  by  their  eneniies, 
in  every  i)ublic  way,  that  the  Indians  were  influenced  by  designing  white  jiien 
from  the  north,  in  all  their  opposition  to  the  will  of  Georgia.  This  memorial 
was  signed  by  John  Ross,  George  Low  rev,  the  mark  of  Major  Kidge, 
and  Elijah  Hicks. 

Immediately  after  this.  Gov.  Trmip  writes  from  Milledgeville  a  very  con- 
clusivt  letter  to  Mr.  Calhoun,  secretary  of  war,  so  far  as  sophistry  and  angry 
words  can  be  conclusive  ou  a  subject    As  a  specimen  of  his  logic,  we  will 


[Boog  IV. 

■  limits  —  the 
•  rtiidily  (ioiii 

■'"'"I   lllt^   Vlilui! 

iii.-^l  Iit>  addt'il 

"•vi'rdircctfd 

1 1»*  old  as  till- 

CIldtMl     til    till- 

sons  \vli\  ttu; 
try.  Nd'w,  if 
tliis  liistiriiij; 
liiii'd  towiiidH 
I,  cmdd  liriiig 

Ik;  (Vfcks,  or 

tilt!  lands  of 

(I  tlii'ir  i(.[i|v 

iiii'ii.  Sonic 
nmnfr  Hum  to 

wlmt  1h!  has 
e  wrotii  from 
ikee  cliiufs,  as 
her  u  lie  nor 
o  rt'tiirn,  will 
own  on  your 
<i  deliver  the 
)iii  yovr  land, 
pur  land." 
it,  huvinfr  no 

of  any  state, 
/  will  prepare 
my  liope  tliat 
tiis  had  done 
•oniitied  theru 
ksoii  himself  I 
I,  and  on  the 
on  matters  of 
le  oppressive 
lini  in  a  letter 
us  address  of 
ion  these  the 
letters  as  an 
:ee  nation,  to 
erties."  And 
nswer  to  the 

imcnts  in  the 
lation  of  the 
roducliov  and 
iimunieations 
.  this  city,  is 
instructions, 
e  mail.  Any 
onerous."  It 
leir  enemies, 
g  white  jiicn 
lis  memorial 

AJOR  KiDOE, 

a  very  con- 
y  and  angry 
)gic,  we  will 


(HAP.  XIV.] 


HISTOKY  OF  THE   CIIKKOKKES. 


107 


rite  OB  follows  from  Ium  eommiinieatioii.  Forasmuch  "as  the  PuritauH  of 
.New  Kngiand,  and  (iuaker.^  of  Pennsylvania,  had  never  repaired  the  wrongs 
done  Inuiunu,  why  is  (>eorgiu  to  Imj  called  upon  to  make  propitiatory  uli«;r- 
iMfis?"  And  ♦'  if  tins  principle  of  I'eun'a  treaty  wau  right,  all  otners  that  have 
Ibllowed  are  wrong." 

.\hout  the  same  time  the  Chcrokun  memorial  was  before  the  house  of 
l(•)tr(^sentative•s,  of  which  we  have  s|»oken,  its  authors,  to  counteract  certain 
liilse  reports  of  their  traducers,  puhlislied  in  the  National  Intelligencer  u 
>tutenient  of  their  ca.se,  Irom  which  we  note  the  following  passages:  "Not 
-lUislied  with  wishing  the  executive  of  the  United  SUttes  violently  to  rii|)ture 
ilie  solenm  hond  of  our  rights  to  our  lands,  and  to  put  at  defiance  the  jiledges 
wliii'h  existing  treaties  contain,  ffiiaranttjiag  to  us  our  lands,  it  is  attempted 
It)  take  from  us  the  intellect  wlii(;h  has  directed  us  in  conducting  the  several 
iii>i(()tiations  willi  connnissioners  appointed  to  treat  with  us  tiir  our  lands,  and 
uitli  the  executive  government,  by  the  unliiiinded  charge,  that  ^ tht  litat  Ittlir 
of  Hie  Clierokees  to  the  secretanj  'rt  mar  coiitnins  internal  ividence  that  it  tvas 
never  written  or  dirtitted  by  an  Indian,^  Whilst  we  jiroless  to  be  complimented 
on  the  one  hand  bv  this  blow  at  our  intelligence,  we  cannot,  hi  justice,  allow 
it  to  pass,  upon  the  other,  without  a  flat  contradiction.  That  letter,  and  every 
other  letter,  was  not  only  written,  but  dictated  by  an  Indian." 

We  are  not  surprised  that  the  Cieorgia  statesmt-n  are  not  willing  to  allow 
iliat  they  have  insulted  so  much  intellect  and  intellig(Mice,  awart;,  as  they  must 
have  been,  that  in  point  of  manner  and  matter,  their  own  compositions,  side 
hy  side  with  the  Clierokees,  would  sufl'er  in  no  inconsiderable  deforce  by 
coiiiparison.  In  closing  they  say,  "  It  is  not  for  us  to  vindicate,  or  attempt  to 
vindicate,  our  great  father  tlie  president ;  he  does  not  need  an  Indian's  aid, 
nor  an  Indian's  eulogy;  but,  however  we  are  bound  to  love  him,  yet  it  is  due 
to  justice  to  state,  that  we  have  been  ot\en  pained,  and  especially  of  late,  at 
tlie  earnestness  with  which  he  has  pressed  upon  us  the  subject  of  ceding  our 
lands.  Why  he  lias  acted  thus  we  are  at  a  lo.ss  to  conceive.  We  are  not 
iirnorant  of  the  nature  of  the  convention  of  ItiO'i.  We  know  every  one  of 
its  [iromises.  It"  however,  these  are  to  Iw  violated,  and  the  lell  war-whoop 
should  ever  be  raised  against  us,  to  dispossess  us  of  our  lands,  we  will  gratify 
die  delegation  of  Georgia,  in  their  present  earnestness  to  see  us  removed  or 
destroyed,  b\  adding  additional  lertility  to  our  land,  by  a  dei»osit  of  our  body 
iiiid  our  boDt's ;  for  we  are  resolved  nemr  to  leave  them  but  by  partiiif;  from  them 
and  our  lives  together."  Such  was  the  resolution  of  the  Clierokees  at  this 
period.  But  fitleen  years'  suflfering  overcame  them,  and  they  were  comiielled 
to  submit  to  a  fiite  they  could  not  avert. 

We  have,  in  an  earlier  page,*  stated  the  manner  in  which  the  Creeks  had 
been  divested  of  their  country,  and  the  fiital  catastrojihe  that  fell  upon  the 
lioiuls  of  the  chiefs,  who,  against  the  will  of  the  nation,  had  bargained  it 
away.  The  most  prominent  character  in  that  work  among  the  Creeks  was 
(ieii.  William  M'Intosh.  We  have,  in  the  same  jilace,  stalled  the  attempt 
made  by  that  chief  to  bribe  Mr.  Ro.ss  to  undermine  his  nation,  in  the  same 
cornqit  manner  as  himself  bad  done  in  regard  to  his  own ;  and  the  jiart 
enacted  by  the  Clierokees,  upon  that  occasion,  is  now  neci^ssary  to  be  stated. 

.A  iieeting  of  the  legislative  council  of  the  Cherokees  was  held  in  (Jctober, 
Ifii,  to  bear  what  the  agents  of  our  government  had  to  say  to  tluiiti,  they 
iiaviii-  procured  the  meeting.  The  object,  of  course,  was  well  understood, 
and  the  agents  urged  their  case  in  every  possible  Ibrm ;  but  they  were 
answered  in  the  most  manly  manner,  that  the  nation  would  never  part  with 
another  loot  of  land.  Gen.  3I'Intosh  was  present  at  this  conference,  and  with 
his  son  was  treated  with  every  kindness,  and  during  the  proceedings  were 
seated  by  the  side  of  Mr.  Ros.s,  as  was  customary  with  both  nations  at  tlieir 
councils,  when  any  distinguished  chiefs  were  present,  to  signify  that  good 
correspondence  between  tliein  existed.  At,  or  about  this  time,  M'Intosh  ven- 
tured to  recommend  a  cession  to  some  of  the  chief  men  in  conversations ; 
what  feigned  encouragement  he  met  with,  to  draw  out  his  real  character,  is 
not  upon  our  records,  but  it  is  certain  tliat  a  communication  in  writing  wjia 

*  Of  this  Book,  Chap,  vi.,  p.  52. 


■'■'M 


.■■>j 


«.    '  s.^ 


;  '^  1 


m 

A' 


.vv,.*.-'..*!',., 


)»;'\,  ;■  .'J  .■.•.■■■  .■    ... 

^■;fe?^fe;^o  ■■■■ 

umt^x-  ■  ^  ■ 


US'   '  ■ 


'm- 


>i'-' 


108 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


[Book  IV. 


Ch.^p.  XV. 


tliereupon  made  lo  Mr.  Ross,  wlio,  without  delay,  laid  it  before  the  council, 
when  it  was  decided  tliat  it  sliouhl  be  read  in  M'Intosh's  presence.  He  was 
accordingly  called  in,  and  his  letter  was  read,*  alter  which  Mr.  Ross  made  the 
Ibllowing  address: 

"  My  Iriends :  five  years  hav^  elapsed  since  I  have  been  called  to  preside 
over  the  national  cornniittee,  and  your  approbation  of  my  conduct  in  tiie  dijs. 
charge  of  my  official  duties,  is  manilestr-d  by  the  successive  reajiTJointnit'iitis 
which  you  have  bestow^ .1  on  me.  The  trust  which  you  have  reposed  in  n)° 
has  been  sacredly  maintjiinod,  and  shall  ever  be  })rescrvcd.  A  traitor,  in  all 
nations,  is  looked  ui)on  in  the  darkest  color,  and  is  more  despicable  than  the 
meanest  reptile  that  crawls  upon  the  earth.  An  honorable  and  honest  char- 
acter is  more  valua!)le  liiun  the  filthy  lucre  of  the  whole  world.  Tiierel'ore,  I 
woukl  prefer  to  live  as  jioor  us  the  worm  that  inhabits  the  earth,  than  to  jrjiiu 
the  world's  wealth  and  have  my  reputation  as  an  honest  man  tarnislHd  In 
the  accei)tance  of  a  i)ecui;iary  bribe,  for  self-aggrandizement.  It  has  now 
bei^ome  my  painful  duty  to  inform  you  that  a  gross  contempt  :s  offered  to  my 
character,  as  well  as  to  that  of  the  mend)ers  of  the  general  council.  This 
letter  which  I  hold  in  my  hand  will  speak  for  itselfl  Rut,  fortunately,  tin- 
author  of  it  has  mistukcn  our  character  and  sense  of  honor." 

This  took  place  on  the  24  October,  182;},  and  was  but  the  commencement 
of  the  denunciations  M'Intosli  was  to  receive.  As  chief  speaker  of  the  nation. 
the  duty  of  severely  reprimanding  the  traitor  devolved  on  Major  Ridge.  'J'his 
was  an  exceedingly  jminful  duty  to  him,  especially  as  they  had  been  old 
friends  and  officers  together;  had  fought  under  Jackson,  side  by  side,  at 
Taladega,  Tohopeka,  and  in  numerous  other  battles;  they  had  been  co- 
laborers  in  the  civil  field ;  li-equently  called  together  to  settle  and  adjust 
important  matters  between  their  respective  nations ,  and  they  were,  at  this 
time,  imder  an  ap])ointment  as  connnissioners  to  run  the  boundary  line 
between  the  two  nations.  Rut  all  tiiese  considerations  and  circuniFtances 
did  not  cause  Major  Ridge  to  sl'vink  from  his  duty.  He  said  that  what  he 
was  about  to  say  must  not  only  be  lieurd  by  the  Cherokees,  but  by  others,  tiir 
and  wide.  He  adverted  to  their  acknowledged  maxims  in  reference  to  tin' 
duties  of  those  intrusted  wirK  theii*  govermnent,  who,  if  once  found  astray 
from  their  duty,  were  never  again  to  be  trusted,  M'Intosh,  he  said,  hod  horut 
the  character  ^,1'  high  moral  rectitude  among  his  own  people,  tlie  Creeks,  but 
how  stands  liis  character  now?  "I  cast  him  behind  my  back.  He  may 
depart  in  peace.  I  here  publicly  disgrace  him.  He  now  knows  we  are  not 
to  be  liought  with  money.  We  will  not  exult  over  fallen  greatness.  He  may 
go  to  his  own  nation,  and  in  the  bosom  of  his  family  mourn  the  loss  ol"  a 
good  name."  Such  is  the  substance  of  the  speech  of  Major  Ridge,  who  him- 
self fed  into  the  same  snare  altenvards,  and  suffered  the  same  fate,  with  the 
man  be  novv^  so  pointedly  and  justly  condemned. 

In  1829,  a  society  was  formcjd  in  New  York,  "for  the  emigration,  preserva- 
tion, and  improvement,  of  the  aborigines  of  America,"  an  accovmt  of  whicii 
was  transmitted  to  the  president  of  tlic  United  States,  tlien  at  the  Kin  Uaps*, 
in  Vi'^U'ia.  Tl>e  j)residoiit  refilled  to  a  letter  which  accompanied  tiie  ac- 
count, through  M.'jor  Eaton^  in  a  very  conciliatory  and  gracious  maimer. 
One  passage  is  especially  worthy  of  notice,  from  its  surprising  contrast  witli 
what  was  aflenvards  avowed  by  the  same  authors.  "  I  beg  leave  to  nssiiic 
you,"  says  the  general,  "that  nothing  of  a  compulsory  course,  to  eHi^ct  the 
removal  of  this  unfortunate  race  of  people,  has  ever  been  thought  of  by  the 
president ;  although  it  has  been  so  asserted."  Now,  all  the  world  knows 
what  has  since  l^een  said  and  done.  In  a  sort  of  a  reply  which  Mr.  liailnn 
made  to  Mr.  Clay  in  the  senatt;,  in  1835,  he  said  he  rose  not  for  the  purpose 
of  taking  any  part  in  the  little  discussion,  [about  Indians]  but  of  calliiiir 
up  a  voice  far  more  ))ovverful  than  his  own — that  of  Mr.  Jefferson."  But  as 
he  said  nothing  in  his  lialf  hour's  talk  that  he  attributed  to  ?^r.  Jefferson,  or 
that  Mr.  Jefferson  ever  thought  of,  except  tliat  good  man's  name,  it  is  fiiir  to 
presume  that  that  was  the  extent  of  ins  argument.  We  are  prepared  to  use 
fiomething  more  than  the  nami;  of  Jefferson  against  the  oppressors  of  the  In- 

*  The  same  we  iiave  given,  ante,  page  62. 


[Book  IV, 

re  the  council, 
once.  He  was 
Ross  made  the 


Chap.  XV.] 


IIISTORV  OF  THE  CIIEROKEES. 


109 


lied  to  prctiido 
luct  ill  the  (lis- 
eapTiointrrieiits 
re|)osed  in  w" 
\  traitor,  in  u\\ 
fable  than  the 
d  honest  char- 
Therefore,  I 
h,  than  to  ^mu 
11  tarnislted  In 
it  has  now 
<  offered  to  my 
council.  Tlii's 
jrtuiiately,  the 

onimencemeiit 
r  of  the  iiation, 

Ridfre.  This 
liad  been  old 
de  by  side,  at 
had  hee!i  co- 
tie  aTid  adjust 
y  were,  at  this 
boundary  line 
circuni'tances 
i  that  what  he 
t  by  others,  tar 
(cronce  to  the 
)  fbtaid  astray 
laid,  had  borne 
he  Creeks,  hut 
ack.  He  may 
ws  we  are  not 
less.    He  may 

the  loss  ol"  a 
dge,  who  him- 

late,  with  the 

tion,  presenn- 
oiint  of  which 
the  Kir<  Kaps, 
innied  the  ar- 
Mous  manner, 
contrast  with 
3ave  to  assure 
,  to  elleet  the 
ipht  of  by  the 
world  knows 
:'h  Mr.  Iknton 
r  tli(!  i)urpose 
>ut  of  callinc 
son.^^  \\\\\  as 
r.  Jefferson,  or 
le,  it  is  fiiir  to 
epared  to  use 
)rs  of  the  In- 


dians, and  we  liere  offer  Homo  of  his  sound  and  sober  convictions.  "  I  am  of 
opinion,"  he  says  in  u  letter  to  Haw.  Knor,  of  iO  yVajrust,  17i>l,  "that  liovern- 
nient  should  tirnily  maintain  thin  gnjund ;  that  the  Indians  have  a  right  to 
the  occupation  ot"  tlioir  lands,  indcpvndciit  of  the  stales  within  whost  chartered 
limits  theif  htppen  to  be. ;  that,  imtil  tht-y  cede  then)  by  treaty,  or  other  transac- 
tion (,M|Mivaloiit  to  a  tr- -ity,  no  act  of  a  state  can  give  a  right  to  such  lands; 
that  neither  under  the  p.  jsent  constituti(»n,  nor  the  tincient  contiMleralion,  had 
any  ftate,  or  persons,  a  right  to  treat  with  the  Indians  without  ll  e  con.sent  ol' 
!he  general  government;  that  that  consent  has  never  been  given  to  any  tn;aty 
'iir  tlio  <'e,  sion  of  tlu;  lands  in  cpjestion  ;  that  the  governnu'nt  is  deterniined 
Id  e.xeri  all  its  cnfr^j/Jhr  tlie  patromige  and  prottclion  of  the  rif!:hts  of  the  Indian.:, 
Mid  the  })reservation  of  ])eac(!  between  the  United  Slates  and  them  ;  and  thai 
il'any  settlements  are  niade  on  lands  not  ceded  by  them,  without  the  previous 
consent  of  the  United  States,  the  govermuent  will  think  itself  bound,  tiot  oidy 
to  (hjehu'e  to  the  Indians  that  such  settlemc^n.s  are  ivilhoul  the  authorilj/  or  pro- 
ttdion  of  tlic  United  Stales,  bid  to  remove  them  aiso  bij  the  puldic  force."  Such 
was  the  "voice"  (Jol.  Benton  .said  he  was  to  "call  u|),"  to  drown  thiit  of  the 
iri(!nd  of  the  Iiulians.  Hut  "how  are  the  mighty  iidlen!"  The  helpless  In- 
iliaiis  have  been  ibrccd  to  ffy  belbre  the  steid  of  the  white  man  to  inhospi- 
lalile  regions,  leaving  their  line  fields  and  coml()rtable  houses  to  their  ava- 
ricious oppressors. 

Hut  after  all  that  liaa  .lappened,  ;dl  the  wrong  that  has  been  done  the 
Indian,  all  the  wrong  that  has  been  done  to  every  coinitryman  of  Jetfcirffon, 
we  woui  "lot  change  our  condition  with  u  subject  of  Algiers,  because  we 
iiave  we!  ■■  anded  hopes  that  good  men  will  ere  long  stand  in  the  place 
where  ju&.  emanates ;  yet  it  fills  the  heart  of  the  i)hilanthropist  with  sor- 
row, that  their  coming  cannot  relieve  the  Clierokees. 

Tlie  dey  of  Algisrs  holds  out  no  pretensions  to  Christians  that  they  may 
expect  justice  at  his  hands ;  but  lie  says  to  them,  "  Do  you  not  know  that  my 
people  are  a  band  of  robbers,  and  that  I  am  their  captain  ?"  *  A  ])resident  of 
the  United  States  has  said  that  ae  intended  no  harm  to  the  Clierokees ;  but 
what  has  he  done  7 

It  is  painful  to  bu  compelled  to  reproach  the  government  of  a  l)cloved 
country  with  acts  like  these  ;  but  we  have  no  alternative,  excepting  in  u  der- 
eliction of  duty.  We  would  gladly  have  been  spared  this  part  of  our  under- 
tjiking;  but  Justice  lias  claims  upon  us  now  as  strong  as  she  had  upon  our 
government,  and  we  cannot  so  deliberately  disregard  them. 


Hiies- 


CHAPTER  XV. 

HISTORY    OF    TUE    (  HEROKEES,   CONTINUED. 

"  Tliey  liave  taken  the  rc»lm  which  c  tir  ani-.estora  giive ; 
Tliey  h;ivc  t)iro<vn  thnir  chains  u'ri   the  liml  and  the  wave  ; 
Tho  fiirest  is  waslccl  with  sword  and  with  Hainn  j 
And  what  havo  we  left  hut  our  onoc  iionorcil  name?" — Aloptzo  Lewis. 

We  have  seen  how  Jefferson  viewed  tlie  rights  of  the  Indians,  as  guaran- 
tied to  them  in  the  times  of  Washington  ;  and  what  have  the  Cherokees  since 
•lone,  that  they  are  to  forfeit  those  rights  ?  Have  they  forfeited  them  by  adopt- 
ing the  manners  and  customs  of  a  civilized  ])eople  ?  or  by  fighting  their  bat- 
tles ?  That  a  president  of  this  day  should  say  to  them,  when  they  are  about 
to  be  grossly  tyrannized  over  by  a  state,  "  that  he  has  ao  power  to  interfere 
and  to  oppose  the  exercise  of  the  sovereignty  of  any  state,  over  or  upon  all 
who  may  be  within  the  limits  of  any  state  ;  that,  therefore,  they  must  prepare 
tlienist'lves  to  aliide  the  issue  of  such  new  relaiions,  without  any  hojie  that  he 
will  interfere ; " — thus  did  Gen.  Jackson  speak  to  tlie  insulted  Clierokees,  on 

*  See  Mr.  Blunt' g  Brie'"  Examination,  St.c.,  page  15. 
10 


^ 


Pa  i  •■ ' 


fii;  •   .'i^- 


»•• 


¥m 


l^y^v:  ;^;j^;;^- '^;';^-; 


„-;;-:;,>!..-':f;'cvt 


;■  <•?•. 


':''.'£,"vt' 


'3  ;tJJ  •■'•■•,  ■". 
^^.;';.-'o,-  ;^'<.- 


V: 


|.''.  ■'I.'.':','.'''.'.''''*'-'-,  «■ 


110 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


[Book  IV. 


the  6  June,  1830.  He,  at  the  same  time,  assured  them  "  that  he  loves  thrm ;(!) 
that  lie  is  their  friend ;  that  he  leels  I'or  them  us  a  father  feels  for  his  chil- 
dren." With  whatever  truth  this  might  have  heen  spoken,  we  do  not  hesitate 
to  ju-esmiie  that  such  was  not  the  way  ihe  Cherokees  lelt  "for  thoir  cliildrcn." 
And  in  an  address  to  the  peopii;  of  the  United  Stjites,  whieh  they  pnl  iisluid 
on  the  J7  Julyof  tiie  same  year,  they  say,  "  It  woidd  be  imjiossihle  to  descriljc; 
the  sorrow  wliieh  affects  their  minds,  on  l(!arinng  that  the  ehief  magistrate  of 
the  Uidfed  States  lias  come  to  thi«  conidnsion,  that  all  his  illustrious  prede- 
cessors had  lichl  intercoiM'se  with  them  on  erron(H)Us  j)rineiples;  principles 
that  coidd  not  Ik;  sustained;  tliat  tluiy  had  made  promises  of  vital  importaiirc 
to  tlicni,  which  could  not  he  fulfilled — promises  mauo  hundreds  of  tiiMcs,  in 
almost  every  conceivable  maimer — often  in  the  fbriri  of  solenm  treaties — 
sometimes  in  letters  written  by  the  chief  magistrate  with  his  own  hand — very 
often  ill  letters  written  by  the  secretary  of  war  under  his  direction — these, 
all  tiicsc,  are  now  discovered  to  be  upon  fidse  princii)les," 

TIk;  ( 'herokecs  had  now  become  capable  of  meeting  the  white  people  with 
tlu;  arguments  of  reason,  and  not  with  steel;  and  they  were  capable  of  jiKljr- 
ing  lu'tween  sincerity  and  mere  jjretension.  This  was  well  portrayed  hv 
the  chief  Si'KCKLKO  Snakk,  in  a  spe(v;h  which  he  made  in  a  council  wliicii 
had  been  summoned  to  hear  a  talk  from  President  Jackson  read  to  them.  It 
was  as  f()llows: 

"Brotlwrs!  We  have  heard  the  talk  of  our  great  father;  it  is  very  kind.  lie 
says  he  loves  his  red  children.  Brothers!  When  the  \.'hite  man  first  came  to 
these  shores,  the  Muscogees  gave  him  land,  and  kindled  hiin  a  fire  to  nuike 
him  eomfijrtable ;  and  when  the  pale  faces  of  the  south*  made  war  on  liiin, 
their  young  men  drew  the  tomahawk,  and  jirotticted  his  head  from  the  scalp- 
ing knife.  But  when  the  white  man  had  warmed  himself  before  the  Indian's 
lire,  and  filled  himself  with  the  Indian's  hominy,  he  became  veiy  large ;  he 
stopped  not  for  the  mountain  tops,  and  his  feet  covered  the  plains  and  the 
valleys.  His  hands  grasped  the  eastern  and  the  western  sea.  Then  he  he- 
came  our  great  fiither.  He  loved  his  red  children  ;  but  said,  'You  must  move 
a  little  fiirther,  lest  1  should,  by  accident,  tread  on  you.'  With  one  foot  he 
pushed  the  red  man  over  the  Oconee,  and  with  the  other  lie  tram|)led  down 
the  graves  of  his  fathers.  But  our  great  father  still  loved  liis  red  children, 
and  he  soon  made  them  another  talk.  He  said  much  ;  but  it  all  meant  iir  til- 
ing, but  'move  a  little  fiu-ther;  you  are  too  near  me.'  I  have  heard  a  great 
many  talks  from  our  great  father,  and  they  all  begun  and  ended  the  same. 
Brothers!  When  he  made  us  a  talk  on  a  former  occasion,  he  said,  '(Jet  a  little 
farther ;  go  beyond  the  Oconee  anil  the  Oakmulgee ;  there  is  a  pleasant  coun- 
try.' He  also  said,  '  It  shall  be  yours  forever.'  Now  he  says, '  The  land  j  on 
live  on  is  not  yours ;  go  beyond  the  Mississipjii;  there  is  game;  there  you 
may  remain  while  the  grass  grows  or  the  water  runs.'  Brothers!  Will  not 
our  great  father  come  there  also  ?  He  loves  his  red  children,  and  his  tongue 
is  not  forked." 

The  doctrine  of  a  right  inherent  in  the  government  of  the  United  States  to 
remove  the  Cherok«;es  by  force,  is  com|)aratively  new.  It  was  not  thought  or 
even  dreamed  of  tefbre  1808.  In  that  year  a  deputation  from  that  nation  was 
encouraged  to  visit  the  seat  of  government,  more  for  the  renewal  of  friend- 
ship than  any  thing  else  perhaps,  who,  in  a  conference  they  had  with  Presi- 
<lent  Jetiiu'son,  ^^  declared  their  nn,vio%ts  desire  to  engage  in  the  pursuit  of  ngri- 
cidfnre  and  civilized  life,  mi  the  comdnf  thei/  then  occupied;"  but  said,  "us  all 
their  countrymen  could  not  be  induced  to  exchange  the  hunter's  life  for  an 
agi'icultural  one,  they  requested  that  their  country  might  be  divided  by  a  line 
between  the  upper  and  lower  towns,  so  as  to  include  all  the  waters  of  the 
Highwassee  River  to  the  upper  towns;  that,  by  thus  contracting  their  society 
within  narrower  limits,  they  might  l>rfrin  the  establishment  of  fixed  laws  and  a 
regular  government.  Those  wishing  to  lead  the  hunter's  life,  owing  to  the 
Hcarcity  of  game  in  their  country,  requested  liberty  to  go  over  the  Mississippi, 
and  occupy  some  vacant  lands  belonging  to  the  United  States.     To  these 

*  The  Spaniards  of  Florida  endeavored  to  break  up  the  English  settlement  under  GeD- 
Oglethorpe  in  Georgia. 


Chap. 


[Book  IV. 

loves  thpm;(!) 
Is  for  his  chil- 
io  not  lif.sitatn 
heir  cliildrcn." 
hey  pill  ;i,sh(;(l 
)le  to  (lescribc! 
"iMagistratc!  of 
Btrioiis  prcdc 
es;  priiiciiiles 
lal  irM|)ortiiiire 
Is  of  tildes,  in 
inn  treaties— 
'11  hand — very 
ectioij — tlicse, 

e  people  with 
pahio  of  jiid^r. 
])ort:-ayed  l)y 
:'oiineir\vhicii 
i  to  tlieni.    It 

ery  kind.  He 
I  first  came  to 
a  fire  to  make 
I  war  on  liim, 
om  tlic  sealp- 

0  the  Indian's 
eiy  larjfe ;  he 
lains  and  tlie 

Tlien  he  he- 
)ii  must  move 

1  one  foot  lie 

iniplod  down 

red  eliildren, 

meant  nrtli- 

lieard  a  jrreat 
ed  the  same. 
,  'Get  a  little 
leasant  eoiin- 
fhe  land  you 
->;  there  you 
's!  Will  not 
id  his  tongue 

itcd  States  to 
)t  thought  or 
it  nation  was 
^al  of  friend- 
with  Fn;si- 
rsuit  of  ngri- 
said,  "liH  all 
*'s  life  for  an 
led  by  a  line 
I'aters  of  the 
their  soeiety 
'  laws  and  a 
wing  to  the 
Mississippi, 
.     To  these 


nt  under  Geo- 


Chap.  XV.] 


HISTORV  OF  THE  CHEROKEES, 


111 


pro[)03itions  the  president  gave  his  entire  and  uiuiualified  approbation.  No 
objection  is  heard  of  against  their  erecting  a  governni(;nt  for  themselves,  or 
a  wish  to  restrain  them  in  any  niunner. 

Kveiitiially,  some  lour  or  five  thousand  of  the  lower  town  Chnrokees  did 
emifjrate  to  Arkansas,  and  there  a  wretched  life  many  of  them  worried  out ; 
in.iny  fell  in  war-s  with  the  Usages,  some  liiw  got  back  to  their  own  country, 
and  sickness  swept  off  many  more.  Such  Iriiits  of  emigration  tended  to 
stnMigtiieu  the  upfier  towns  hi  their  rcsolulion  of  cultivating  the  land;  and 
wlieii,  in  IH'i'S,  commi.ssioners  were  a])poiiited  to  treat  with  them  for  their 
country,  and  fi)r  their  removal  west,  they  directly  refused,  and  showed  how 
much  better  off  tlioy  were  for  continuing  in  their  own  iiati<ui  than  tiio.-ie  who 
had  emigrated.  And  here  ended  liir  sonic  years  all  attempts  on  the  |iart  of 
the  I'liiti'd  States  to  treat  with  them  lor  a  removal.  The  seeds  of  avarice, 
although  sown,  had  not  come  to  maturity,  but,  like  a  ))lant  in  an  uncongenial 
soil,  remained  witlioiit  seeming  to  flourish  or  decay;  y(^t  at  length  a  prosper- 
ous cultivator  being  fbimd  in  a  presiih-nt  of  the  Uniterl  States,  its  growth  soon 
a.stoiii.-;lied  all  heliolders,  and  its  hranches  cast  a  deathlike  shade  over  a  pros- 
perous nation,  and  withered  it  away. 

We  have  before  remarked  upon  the  discovery  made  by  the  southern  ])oli- 
ticians,  namely,  that  from  the  time  of  VVasiiingto.n,  there  hiid  been  no  presi- 
dent (including  that  great  man)  who  knew  what  laws  and  treaties  iiK'ant: 
that  all  the  time  and  money  which  had  been  tspent  in  making  treaties,  had 
been  thrown  away  ;  for  it  was  now  discovered  that  Intlians  were  only  ti'iiants 
at  will,  and  had  no  right  on  any  lands  within  certain  state  boundaries,  any 
longer  than  the  charity  of  the  good  jieople  near  them  would  humanely  per- 
mit. In  fiict,  all  these  treaties  wore  now  f()und  out  to  be  vnconstilullonaJ. 
This  doctrine  was  finally  the  hinge  on  which  the  whole  business  turned. 
But  Georgia  herself  could  condescend  to  treat  with  the  Clierokees  in  \7Si, 
and  obtained  from  tliimi  a  considerable  tract  of  country.  Did  that  state  con- 
desccnil  then  to  acknowliMlgc;  the  ('lun'okees  an  independent  nation  to  get 
from  them  by  treaty  that  which  slu;  was  not  strong  enough  to  take  by  f()rce  ? 
J  will  not  aver  that  it  was  so.  One  thing,  however,  there  is,  about  whicl; 
there  can  be  no  miscoiicejitioii ;  the  Cherok(!rs  were  then  pow(;rliil ;  and 
though,  ill  the  war  with  Hiigland,  which  had  Just  terminated,  they  fought 
against  us,  they  now  came  liirwai'd  and  decl.ired  for  us;  and  their  allianci.' 
\«is  considered  of  no  snud!  account,  situated  as  we  thcMi  wi  .e  in  relation  to 
the  Spaniards  in  Florida.  .And,  besides,  it  mu.-;t  lie  considered  that  at  the 
close  of  the  revolution,  our  people  desired  peace  with  the  Clierokees  as  much 
as  they  wiii  us;  and,  in  the  language  of  Chief  Justice  Marsiiall,*  "When  the 
United  States  gave  peace,  did  they  not  also  receive  it  ?  Did  the  Clierokees 
come  to  us,  to  our  seat  of  govc'rnment,  to  solicit  peace  ;  or  did  our  govern- 
ment send  t  inniissioners  to  them  to  ask  it?"  The  result,  however,  was  tlie 
treaty  of  Hopewell,  "Avithiii  the  Cherokee  nation,"  and  not  at  New  York,  that 
that  celebrated  treaty  was  made. 

The  series  of  usurpations  commenced  upon  the  Clierokees  and  other 
Indians,  has  at  length,  in  this  present  year,  1840,  reached  the  climax  of 
op[ir(!ssion  contemplated  by  its  originators.  That  piiople  had  long  viewed 
further  encroachments  ujion  them  as  certain,  inasmuch  as  such  encroach- 
ments bad  never  actually  ceased  from  the  day  of  their  acquaintance  with  the 
white  man ;  but  the  awful  thunder  which  burst  upon  them  in  our  day  had 
never  been  thought  of  by  the  whites,  much  less  by  themselves,  until  within  a 
few  years.  They  had,  indeed,  as  early  as  182.'},  observed  a  dark  cloud  gather- 
ing in  the  north-east,  but  they  rationally  thought  that  the  extent  of  country  it 
must  pass  over,  before  it  should  reach  them,  would  (pialify  its  rage,  and  waste 
its  deadly  effects;  happy  for  them  had  it  proved  as  they  had  hoped,  and  as 
every  friend  of  humanity  and  justice  had  hoped  it  would;  but  it  caine  and 
swept  away  the  Clierokees. 

The  monstrous  project  of  a  removal  of  all  the  Indians  within  our  limits 
beyond  the  Mississippi,  is  not  chargeable  to  any  one  of  our  chief  magistrates, 
but  Mr.  Monroe  is  conspicuous  among  them.    He  proposed  it  with  diffidence 

*  Opinion  in  the  case,  Worcester  vs.  the  Stale  of  Georgia,  p.  14. 


w 

k,'<..':'hii..'':<'''ir-'.<- 


■■ '.I'  /■■■'■■- 


''cVv  V'i-r' 


p  ■ 


112 


HISTORY  or  THE  CHEKOKEr.lb. 


[Cook  IV 


in  his  opening  incssuge  to  congress,  on  tliC  7th  of  Deceii.' er,  i8"4  ;  and  hero 
let  utj  uhyiMve,  that  tlie  suggestion  was  made  ujion  tin,  siirrii'^  month,,  and  nearly 
the  haiiie  (hiy  of  the  month,  tliat  our  fathers  cMne  to  thet-e  siiorc-  ,  and  un  the 
y7tli  ol"  January,  following,  lie  strongly  recommended  the  nieasun;.  He  was 
induced  to  ])ro|)ose  such  a  plan,  he  said,  as  the  only  one  he  could  dcvi^ie  to 
relieve  the  country  liom  the  difhculty  hy  which  its  executive  was  surrounded, 
and  which  every  day  thickened,  Georgia  was  pressing  with  sevtM'e  earnest- 
ness; alleging  that  the  tinuj  had  arrived  when  the  Indian  title  to  hi  ids  within 
its  limits  should  be  extinguished,  and  the  new  states  were  crowding  on  all 
sidi!S  with  undue  iinitortunity,  that  their  claim  for  Indians'  lands  was  as  good 
us  their  neighbors'.  'Y\n'  president,  thereHtre,  like  a  biudirupt,  v.  no,  to  get  rid 
of  a  diirK'uit  demand  to-day,  obligates  iiimsclt' to  pay  a  greater  ojie  to-morrow, 
disr(!gar<ls  the  dictates  of  his  own  judgment.  Jt  was  under  these  circum- 
stances that  a  removal  was  recommended. 

But  with  this  reconnneiidation  of  removal,  Mr.  Monroe,  although  he  sjieaks 
<X  force,  repudiates  in  the  strongest  terms  its  employment.  7\nd  we  cannot 
doubt  his  suggestion  was  dictated  by  the  purest  benevolence.  He  says,  "The 
condition  (jf  the  aborigines  within  our  limits,  and  especially  those  who  arc 
^vithin  the  limits  of  any  of  the  states,  mer.'s  peculiar  attention.  Experience 
has  shown,  that  uidess  tlu;  tribes  be  civilized,  they  can  never  be  incorporated 
into  our  system,  in  any  f()rm  whatever.  It  has  likewise  shown,  that  in  the 
regular  augmentation  of  our  population,  with  the  extension  of  our  settle- 
ments, their  situation  will  become  (U^plorable,  if  tht'ir  extinction  is  not 
menaced,  yoine  well-digested  ])lan,  which  will  rescue  them  from  such 
culannties,  is  due  to  their  rights,  to  the  rights  of  hiunauity.  and  to  the  honor 
of  the  nation.  Their  civilization  is  indisj)ensable  to  the/i  i  nilny,  and  this  can 
be  accomplished  only  by  degrees.  Difficulties  ol"  the  mi)!  t  serious  character 
present  themselves  to  the  attaimnent  of  this  very  desirt  ble  result,  on  the 
ten-itory  on  whi^h  they  now  reside.  To  remove  theni  from  it  by  Jove.,  even 
with  a  view  to  their  own  security  or  ha))piness,  would  be  revolting  to 
humanity,  and  utterly  unjustifiable." 

And  touching  this  matter  we  have  a  very  clear  view  of  the  opinions  of  Mr. 
Monroe,  regarding  Jnilian  rights,  in  another  message,  \n  which  he  expresses 
himself  as  Ibllows :  "  I  have  no  hesitation,  however,  to  declare  it  as  my 
opinion,  that  the  iidian  title  was  not  affecttd  in  the  siigh"est  circumstance 
by  the  compact  w  th  Georgia,  and  that  lliere  is  no  ohl!^-ntion  on  the  United 
States  to  remove  the  fndimis  h\j  force.  The  express  stipulation  of  the  compact, 
that  their  title  shoidd  Ix- c*tiiiguished  at  the  expense  of  the  United  States, 
when  it  may  bo  done  p.<-tii)ihj,  and  on  reasonable  conditions,  is  a  full  proof 
that  it  was  tlie  clear  ana  d;,>;,:i-.'t  "understanding  of  both  parties  to  it,  that  the 
Indians  had  a  right  to  the  t;jrrilory,  in  the  disposal  of  which  they  were  to  be 
regarded  as  Iree  agents.  An  attem[)t  to  remove  them  by  force  would,  in  my 
o})iinon,  be  luijust.  In  the  I'uture  measures  to  be  adopted  in  regard  to  the 
Indians  within  our  limits,  and,  in  consc(|uence,  within  the  limits  of  any  state, 
the  United  rotates  have  duties  to  perlbrin,  and  a  character  to  sustain,  to  which 
they  ought  liot  to  be  indifferent."  But  what  have  the  admonitions  of  all  good 
men  availed  ?  And  the  more  we  meet  with,  the  more  we  are  astonished  at 
the  result  of  things,  and  the  more  severely  do  we  deprecate  and  denounce 
the  advocates  of  the  course  pursued. 

The  president  evidently  had  noi  thought  very  seriously  about  the  removal 
of  the  Indians  at  thip  time,  and  knew  little  of  the  history,  or  actual  state  of 
the  Cherokees ;  they  had  then  become  considerably  <'ivilized,  and  instead  of 
decreasing,  were  increasing.  But  about  two  months  after,  he  again  makes 
the  Indian  subject  the  object  of  a  special  message,  in  the  outset  of  which  he 
holds  this  language:  "Being  deej)ly  impressed  with  the  opitnon,  that  the 
removal  of  the  Indian  tribes  from  the  lands  which  they  now  occupy  within 
tlie  limits  of  the  sev<'ral  states  and  territories,  to  the  coimtry  lying  westward 
and  nort'iward  thereof,  within  our  acknowledged  boundaries,  is  of  very  high 
importnice  to  our  Union,  and  may  be  accomplished  on  conditions  and  in  a 
manner  to  promote  the  interest  and  happiness  of  those  tribes,  the  attention 
of  ifovernment  lias  been  long  drav/n,  with  great  solicitude,  to  the  subjecU" 
First  a  removal  is  1   rely  thought  about,  then  talked  about,  then  proposed, 


CltAP.  XV. 


[Kr)()tt  IV 

•  and  here 
ami  nearly 
auJ  on  the 
B.  He  was 
(i  (levi^ie  to 
lurroimiled, 
re  eariiest- 
1  idts  w  iihin 
flinff  on  all 
uis  as  flood 
),  to  (let  rid 
to-morrow, 
i<e  circum- 

1  lie  f;|K'ak.« 
we  cannot 
says,  "'I'he 
so  who  arc 
Kxperieiice 
icorjiorated 
that  in  thn 
onr  Kcttlf- 
ion  is  not 
from  such 
)  the  honor 
nd  this  can 
s  character 
ult,  on  the 
force,  even 
Bvolting  to 

ions  of  Mr. 

e  ("xjjresses 
'  it  as  my 
cumstance 
ilvE  United 
e  coiii|)act, 
ted  States, 

liill  i)roof 
it,  tliat  the 
were  to  be 
luld,  in  my 
tard  to  the 

my  state, 
1,  to  which 
of  all  (rood 
onished  at 

denounce 

ic  removal 
lal  state  of 

instead  of 
ain  makes 

whicii  he 

that  the 

ipy  within 

westward 
'very  high 

and  in  a 
;  attention 
;  subjecU" 

l>ro{J08ed, 


Chap.  XV.] 


HISTORY  OK  THF,  rilKKOKLKS. 


li;i 


then  strongly  reco  nniended ;  so  ikr  there  must  be  no  compulsion,  bet-uise  it 
would  bo  too  bareliiced  an  outrage  on  the  common  sense  of  the  poople ; 
because  the  Indians  will  remove  without  t()rce;  they  can  be  bougiit  out. 
Time  showed  that  they  could  not  b*;  obliged  to  sell  their  country ;  then  the 
project  of  extending  state  laws  over  them  is  started,  which,  though  unconsti 
tutiotial,  can  be  eniorced  in  spite  of  the  general  government,  to  the  incal- 
rulaitle  mischief  of  the  Indians;  and  besides,  could  it  be  supposed  that  the 
general  government  would  resist  state  laws  unto  a  drop  of  white  blood  in 
defence  of  the  rights  of  Indians  ?  A  preposterous  idea !  A  result  which  co\dd 
not  be  allowed  to  happen  in  these  days  of  light  and  reason  in  abundance. 
While  the  executive  ot  the  general  government  is  pondering  the  matter,  not 
only  Indians,  but  citizens  of  tiie  I'nited  States,  among  them  as  instructors, 
and  by  the  direction  and  under  the  authority  of  the  j)resident  himself,  are 
sciz«!d  by  an  armed  force,  dragged  to  a  distant  region,  mid  thrown  into  jjrison ! 
Months  pass  away,  and  the  governmenL  is  still  pondering  on  what  is  to  be  done. 
Jn  the  mean  time  Georgia  sends  out  an  armed  Ibrce  to  protect  the  Indiiuis, 
and  we  will  hear  how  tl-is  ibrce  perlbrmcd  the  service,  as  set  ibrth  in  u 
memorial  to  congress  I'rom  some  of  the  most  respectable  of  the  Cherokees, 
in  1831. 

"  In  the  name  and  authority  of  G.  R.  Gilmar,  governor  of  Georgia,  a  bill 
ivas  tiled  in  chancery,  in  the  superior  court  of  Hall  counii,,  in  July  last,  (JK'JO,) 
ngainst  certain  Cherokees,  praying  ibr  an  injunction  to  stop  them  from  digging 
and  setu'ching  ibr  gold  within  th(^  limits  of  their  (nvn  nation;  and  the  bill 
l)eing  sworn  to  beto;'<>  Judg(!  Clayton,  he  awarded  an  injunction  against  the 
parties  named  in  the  })ill  as  detendants,  commanding  them,  forthwith,  to 
desist  I'rom  working  on  those  niincs,  under  the  penalty  of  <!0,000  dollars;  at 
the  same  time  and  place  tlusre  were  uiunolestod  several  thousand  intruders 
from  Georgia  and  other  states,  engaged  in  robbing  the  nation  of  gold,  for 
which  the  owners  were  ordered  not  to  work  by  the  said  writ.  Under  the 
authority  of  this  injunction,  the  sheriff'  of  Hall  count}',  with  an  armed  force, 
invaded  the  nation,  consisting  of  a  colonel,  a  captain,  and  MO  or  40  of  the 
militia  of  the  state  of  (ieorgia,  who  arrested  a  number  of  Cherokees  engaged 
in  digging  for  gold,  who  were  at  fust  rescued  by  the  trooj)s  of  the  United 
States,  stationed  near  the  place,  and  the  sherifl  and  his  party  themselves 
made  prisoners,  and  conducted  titleen  miles  to  the  military  camp,  when  a 
council  of  examination  was  held,  and  the  exhibition  of  their  res[)ective 
authorities  made,  which  resulted  in  the  release  of  the  sheriff'  and  his  party, 
and  a  WTitten  order  by  the  commanding  officer  of  the  United  States  troops, 
directing  the  Cherokees  to  submit  to  the  authority  of  (Jeorgiii,  and  that  no 
further  protection  could  be  extended  to  them  at  the  gold  mines,  as  h(^  could 
no  longer  interfere  with  the  laws  of  Georgia,  but  would  afford  aid  in  carrying 
them  into  execution.  On  the  return  of  the  sherilT  and  his  party,  they  passed 
by  the  Cherokees  who  were  still  engaged  in  digging  ibr  gold,  and  ordered 
tliein  to  desist,  under  the  penalty  of  bcsing  committed  to  jan,  and  proceeded 
to  destroy  their  tools  and  nmchinery  ibr  cUianiiig  gold,  and  alter  committing 
some  further  aggression,  they  returned.  Shortly  alh^rvvards,  the  sheriff',  with 
a  guard  of  foin*  men,  and  a  ])rocess  from  the  state  of  Georgiii,  arrested  three 
Cherokees  for  disobeying  the  injunction,  while  ])eaceai)ly  engaged  in  their 
labors,  and  conducted  them  to  Wadkinsville,  a  distsmce  of  75  miles,  bei'ore 
the  same  judge,  A.  S.  Clayton,  who  then  and  there  sentenced  them  to  pay  a 
line  of  1)3  dollars,  costs,  and  to  stand  comm'  ed  to  prison  until  paid;  and 
also  compelled  them  to  give  their  bontl  in  the  m  of  1,000  dollars,  for  their 
personal  appearance  before  his  next  court,  to  a.  wer  the  charges  of  violating 
the  writ  of  injunction  aforesaid.  They  were  retained  in  custody  five  days, 
then  paid  the  costs,  and  gave  the  required  bond.  They  api)earcd  agreeably 
to  the  bonds,  and  Judge  Clayton  dismissed  them,  on  tiie  ground  that  the 
governrr  of  Georgia  could  not  become  a  prosecutor  in  the  case.  For  these 
unwarrantable  outrages,  committed  on  their  persons  and  j)roperty,  no  a;)ology 
'  •■  •  ^ifered,  nor  to  this  day  has  any  of  their  money  been  refunded." 

If  iiiere   are  any   blacker  cases   of  outrage  any  where  committed  in  a 
Ci.ri  Ian  country,  we  are  not  inibrmcd  of  them.     Such  would  not  be  sub- 
'T.-ted  to  in  Turkey  or  China.    The  manner  in  which  aff'airs  were  managed 
10* 


'.^' 


114 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


[Book  IV 


in  Georgia,  under  color  of  law,  is  a  disgrace  to  the  least  civilized  community. 
Gen.  Macomb  marchcsd  ttie  troops  of  the  United  States  into  the  Cherokee 
country,  he  said,  to  guard  against  the  difficulties  wliich  it  was  apprehended 
would  glow  out  of  the  conflicting  operations  of  the  Cherokees  and  the 
latvless  intruders  upon  the  mineral  district,  and  having  fuljilled  the  instructions 
of  the  government,  the  troops  were  directed  to  return  tor  the  v  inter  to  their 
respective  quarters." 

About  the  same  time  Gov.  Gilmar  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  war,  requesting 
the  withdrawal  of  the  troops,  observing  that  Georgia  could  enforce  her  own 
laws.  When  this  notice  was  received  at  Washington,  the  secretary  wrote  to 
Gilmar  that  he  had  "just  ordered  their  withdrawal,  because  the  object  for 
which  they  had  been  sent  was,  in  a  great  measure,  accomplished!"  Now,  if 
'the  Cherokee  country  belonged  to  Georgia,  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  business 
the  general  government  had  to  send  its  troops  into  her  territory,  to  remove 
gold  diggers  or  any  other  kind  of  diggers,  whether  digging  lawfully  in  their 
"own  diggings,"  or  unlawfully  in  those  of  another  It  was  a  new  doctrine, 
but  of  a  tenor  wiiii  all  the  rest,  that  the  United  States  nmst  enforce  the  laws 
of  Georgia.  That  is  to  say,  she  must  enl<)rce  them"  for  (jfeorgia,  if  Georgia 
desired  it,  or  if  not,  there  would  be  no  interference  on  the  part  of  the  general 
government. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 


t/r-tw-'v,  ■■■' 

•'   ^'^     ■'.:?■■  .i 

<:-'f:i  ■:"■■' ' 


'<.'•■.  •.■ 


'  ■:>:  'd- 


HISTORY    OF    THE    CHEROKEES,    CONCLODED. 

"Come,  LcthH,  come!   thy  tide  oblivious  roll 
O'er  all  that  proud  com|iluconey  of  soul, 
That  grneronn  nnlor,  that  enlivening  flame, 
That  ^      :nid  my  boaom,  when  I  honril  the  name 
Of  my  once  honored  country ; — let  thy  wave. 
Dark  as  Avernus,  gloomy  ns  the  grave. 
Drown  every  ventigo  of  that  country's  fame, 
And  shade  the  liglit  that  bursts  upon  her  shame ! " — Pierpottt. 

To  mark  the  progress  of  oppression,  we  here  note  as  follows  from  the 
Cherokee  Fhoeuix,  under  date,  "  Aeto  Echota,  19  February,  1831.  This  week 
we  present  to  our  readers  but  half  a  sheet.  The  reason  is,  one  of  our  printers 
lias  left  us;  and  we  ex])ect  another,  who  is  a  white  man,  to  quit  us  very  soon, 
cither  to  be  dragged  to  tlie  Georgia  penitentiary  for  a  term  not  less  than  four 
years,  or  for  his  personal  safety  to  leave  the  nation,  to  let  us  shift  for  oui- 
selves  as  well  as  we  can.  Thus  is  the  liberty  of  the  press  guarantied  by  the 
constitution  of  Georgia.  But  we  will  not  give  uj)  the  ship  while  she  is  afloat. 
We  have  mtelligeut  youths  enough  in  the  nation,  and  we  hope  before  long  to 
make  up  our  loss.  Let  our  patrons  bear  in  mind  that  we  are  in  the  woods. 
and,  as  is  said  by  many,  in  a  savage  countn/,  where  printers  are  not  plenty : 
and  therefore  they  must  not  expect  to  receive  the  Phcenix  regular  for  a  while, 
hut  we  w!ll  do  the  best  we  can." 

One  month  afler,  namely,  Mmrh  19,  the  Phoenix  says,  "The  law  of  Geor- 
gii ,  making  it  a  high  misdemeanor  for  a  white  man  to  reside  in  the  Cherokee 
nation,  without  talking  the  oath  of  allegiance,  and  obtaining  a  permit  from  the 
go  V »  ntor  of  Georgia,  or  his  agent,  is  now  in  a  course  of  execution.  On  last 
Sabbath,  after  the  usual  time  of  divine  service,  the  Georgia  guard  iirrived,  and 
arrested  three  of  our  citizens,  viz.,  Rev.  Samuel  A.  Worcester,  Mr.  jf.  F. 
Wheeler,  one  of  our  printers,  and  Mr.  Thomas  Gann,  the  two  last  being  citi- 
zens, with  Cherokee  fiimilies.  Mr.  Isaac  Proctor,  assistant  missionary  at  Car- 
mtd,  had  the  evening  before  been  tiUcen,  and  came  with  the  guard  as  a  pris- 
oner. On  Monday  they  w  ere  marched  to  Etahwah,  where,  the  same  evening, 
were  taken  the  Rev.  John  Thompson,  and  Mr.  William  Thompson."  Upon 
this  outrage  the  editor  of  the  Phoenix  meekly  remarks,  that  his  object  was 
simply  to  give  fat  is,  and  not  indulge  in  any  remark  ipon  their  origin.  Wil- 
liam Thompson  was  throvni  into  jail,  but  afterw  .  Is  discharged,  it  being 


quarters, 


forbids 


j''u 


[Book  IV 


Chap.  XVI] 


HISTORY'  OF  THE  CHrUOKEE.S. 


HA 


lommunity. 
3  Cherokee 
)prehended 
ea  aiid  the 
instructions 
ter  to  their 

,  requesting 
CO  her  own 
iry  wrote  to 
;  object  for 
"  Now,  if 
liat  business 
',  to  remove 
uliy  in  tiieir 
2w  doctrine, 
rce  the  laws 
,  if  Georgia 
'the  general 


ws  from  thp 
This  week 
^  our  printers 
U8  very  soon, 
gss  than  four 
iiiift  ibr  our- 
mtied  by  thi' 
slie  is  afloai. 
telbre  long  td 
in  the  woods, 
e  not  plenty : 
r  for  a  while. 

law  of  Geor- 
he  Cherokep 
•mit  from  the 
on.  On  la.st 
arrived,  and 
r,  Mr.  J.  F. 
Bt  being  citi- 
jnary  at  Car- 
ird  as  a  pris- 
ame  evening, 
ison."  Upon 
s  object  was 
)rigin.  Wii- 
;cd,  it  being 


ascertained  that  he  did  not  live  in  the  nation.  The  missionaries  and  two 
others  wore  taken  hefon-  Judge  Clayton,  on  a  writ  of  halnjas  corpus,  and  lib- 
erated by  him  on  the  ground  that  thoy  wen;  agctits  of  the  government ;  they, 
however,  made  no  such  plea.  It  whs  aptly  said  by  the  (Jherokees,  that  if  the 
missionaries  wore  agents  of  the  govcirnment,  the  public  might  rest  a,ssiirc(l 
iliat  Gen.  Jackson  would  reform  tluMii  out. 

They  were  true  pro|)hets;  for  it  sf.'cms  that  Mr.  Worcester,  being  postmas- 
U'\-  at  N(!vv  E'-hota,  was  an  agent  of  government,  and  was  discharged  to  make 
room  for  a  mon;  certain  process  against  him.  'I'iie  next  thing  to  be  dont!  was 
to  drive  him  from  the  [)ost  office,  which  Mr.  IJairy  did  without  delay,  and  put 
anotiier  in  his  ))lace,  who,  besides  pei-forming  liis  duty  of  posttnaster,  per- 
I'onned  another,  of  more  |)rotit  to  himself,  pndiably,  of  selling  liquors  to  the 
Jtulians,  in  violation  of  tlu;  laws  ol'  the  I'nited  Htates, as  well  as  those  of  the 
Cjierokees. 

We  will  produce  another  short  narrative,  exhibiting  the  progress  of  crime 
!'.nd  oppression  against  the  ('lurokee  nation,  before  passing  to  other  details. 
It  is  contained  in  a  letter  from  John  llidge  to  Elias  Boiidinot,  and  is  in  these 
words:  "The  (Jeorgia  gtiard,  under  Col.  Nelson,  an;  now  here  [at  Ougillogy] 
witii  four  prisou(!rs,  Mr.  I'lliott  and  Mr.  Dennis,  white  men,  citizens  of  this 
iiution  by  marriage,  and  the  Rev.  Mr.  Trott,  also  a  white  man,  who  are 
'liarged  with  a  violation  of  the  (Jeorgiti  laws,  in  living  in  this  nation  by  its 
jiilovvance  and  laws.  The  other  is  Mr.  John  West,  a  young  gentleman,  a 
(^herokee,  who  is  charged  with  the  high  crime  of  using  insolent  language  to 
the  guard.  These  four  I  saw  last  niglit  under  guard,  chained  together  in  paim, 
uiid  ("astened  together  with  locks,  ^h.  David  Vaim,  a  member  of  the  Chero- 
kee senate,  and  Thomas  Woodward,  an;  also  arrested,  but  not  chained,  wlio 
are  not  allowed  to  know  the  reason  of  their  arrest  until  they  arrive  at  head 
quarters,  70  or  80  miles  from  their  homes.  Tht;  guard  ;u-e  still  in  pursuit  of' 
otiier  men.  They  have  a  wagon  along,  in  which  they  have  a  drum,  on  which 
they  beat,  and  a  fife,  to  make  martial  music." 

The  above  was  imder  date  of  June  1.  On  the  21  May,  some  of  the  prin- 
cipal Cherokee  citizens  assembled  at  New  Echota.  and  issued  an  appeal  to 
the  people  of  the  United  States,  which,  though  claiming  nothing  but  justice, 
and  asking  for  protection,  time  passed  away,  and  none  were  found  to  step 
forward  to  relieve  them.  We  have  a  heavy  debt  to  pay,  at  some  time  and  in 
sotne  manner,  which  will,  it  is  feared,  be  more  difficult  to  discharge,  than  it 
wotdd  have  been  to  have  supported  the  Cherokees  against  an  insignificant 
rabble  of  self-constituted,  inflated  contemners  of  law  and  justice. 

In  1826,  (reorgia  sent  on  commissioners  to  make  a  topographical  survey 
through  the  Cherokee  nation.  C.  JR^  Hicks  was  then  principal  chief,  who 
forbids  the  proceeding  in  a  friendly  letter  to  Mr.  W.  Lumpkin,  under  whom 
the  survey  was  to  be  prosecuted.  No  attention  being  paid  to  this  notice,  Mr. 
Hicks  sent  his  son  with  two  other  Indians  to  remonstrate  with  the  surveyor 
in  more  pointed  terms.  He  was  told,  that  unless  he  desisted,  his  instruments 
should  be  taken  from  him.  Not  thinking  it  proper  to  incur  further  displeai*- 
lire,  he  accordingly  desisted  for  that  time.  It  was  against  the  express  will  of 
the  Cherokee  council  that  any  survey  should  be  undertaken  without  an  order 
from  the  secretary  of  war,  because  no  state  has  any  authority  '  go  upon  tht 
lands  of  the  Indians  for  any  such  pur[)ose ;  and  even  the  United  States  never 
take  such  liberty  without  a  grant  from  them. 

Affairs  progresncd,  without  much  of  interest  until  the  next  year.  Mean- 
while Georgia  had  been  informed  that  she  was  transcending  her  powen^,  and 
that  she  would  not  be  tolerated  by  the  United  States  in  her  encroachments 
upon  the  Indians.  Whereupon,  Gov.  Troup,  not  finding  any  object  whereon 
to  use  his  sword,  if  he  had  had  one,  seized  that  "  mighty  instrument  of  little 
men,"  his  pen ;  and  had  we  not  known  that  steam  is  harmless  when  there  is 
nothing  to  confine  it,  we  should  have  apprehended  "an  awful  explosion." 
Take,  as  a  specimen,  what  he  says  to  the  Hon.  James  Barbour,  secretary  at 
war :  "  Sir,  you  are  sufficiently  explicit  as  to  the  means  by  which  you  propose 
to  carry  your  resolution  into  effect  Thus  the  military  character  of  the 
inenaoe  is  established,  and  I  am  only  at  liberty  to  give  to  it  the  defiance 
which  it  merits.    From  the  first  decisive  act  of  hostility,  you  will  be  consid- 


]1G 


HISTORY  OF  THK  CHKROKLES, 


{Book  IV. 


■  <.■■■.■  ■'.  ■■ 


ered  and  treated  as  a  puldic  eiioiiiy ;  nnd  with  the  less  repugnance,  hnjcauae 
yon,  to  whom  wo  iiiij^ht  oonstitutionully  havo  uppcalfd  tor  our  own  lietence 
against  iiiva.sion,  are  yoiUHelves  inviuicrH;  and  what  in  more,  the  unblugUing 
allies  of  the  sawtges,  wlioso  cause  you  havt;  adoptt'd." 

Vapor  is  soon  dissolved  in  air,  and  words  tioin  a  southern  furnace  amount 
to  no  niorc!  in  this  case  tlian  (iciioes  from  an  iceberg.  In  181<J8,  a  long  re- 
port was  made  hy  a  committee  of  the  house  of  rejjresentatives  of  (ieorgia. 
seconded  hy  sundiy  resolutions  of  ii  duiracter  with  former  proceedings.  It 
wa;'!  resolved,  that  inasnuich  as  th  >  United  States  had  iiiiled  to  procure  the 
Cheroket;  lands  "  as  early,"  and  upon  as  "  reasonable  terms,"  tis  it  might  have 
done,  they  had  tiiereby  "  jxdpiibly  violated  their  contract  ivith  Georgia^  uuii  are 
now  bound,  at  all  hazards,  and  without  regard  to  terms,  to  procine  said  lands 
for  the  nst!  of  (i(U)rgia ;  t'>at  all  sui«l  lauds  belong  to  her  absolutely,  and  that 
the  Jndians  are  tt^nants  at  Inn-  will."  This,  the  committee  said,  was  tlieir  <<«< 
appeal. 

The  administration  ol'  Mr.  Adiims  being  at  an  end,  (ieorgia  had  no  longer 
any  thing  to  tear,  ])ut  |)ractis(!d  its  abuse's  with  singidar  imf»unity.  Parties 
from  that  stati;  would  go  over  the  Cherokee  line,  steal  and  drive  off  their 
stock;  and  the  Jndians  had  not  the  least  remedy  left.  Some  despairiugiv 
sjiid,  "if  they  could  get  no  redress,  they  could /ee/  deeply  the  injustice  done 
them." 

Had  the  upright  and  consummate  statcsmo;;,  Johis  Quincy  Adams,  been 
continued  in  the  presidential  chair,  the  fiite  of  the  Cherokees  would  have 
Ijeen  different;  at  least,  so  long  as  liis  sage  counsid  had  been  followed,  they 
would  have  been  secure  in  their  rights.  In  his  message  to  congress  on  the 
5  February,  1827,  he  said,  "It  is  my  duty  to  stjy,  that  if  the  legislative  and 
executive  authorities  of  the  stati!  of  (jcorgia  should  persevere  in  acts  of  en- 
croachment upon  the  territory,  secured  by  a  solemn  treaty  to  the  Indians,  and 
the  laws  of  the  Union  remain  unaltered,  a  sriperadded  obligation,  even  higher 
than  that  of  human  jiuthority,  will  com|)el  the  executive  of  the  United  States 
to  eidbrce  the  laws,  and  fiilfil  the  duties  of  the  nation,  by  all  the  force  com- 
mitted for  that  purpose  to  Ids  charge."  It  was  to  such  decisive  language,  held 
by  the  head  of  the  government,  that  the  Clierokees  owed  what  little  quiet 
they  had,  until  1821),  when  u  now  interpretation  given  to  our  laws  changed 
order  into  anarchy. 

On  the  15  Septeml)er,  18.*il,  eleven  ])crsons  were  brought  to  trial  at  Law 
rcnceville,  for  the  crime  of  living  in  the  Cherokee  nation,  without  taking  an 
oath  to  obey  the  laws  o<'  Georgia.  They  were  all  brought  in  guilty  by  a  jury, 
after  being  out  fifteen  ninutes.  Nine  of  the  convicts  were  j)ardoned,  on  giv- 
ing assurances  that  they  would  not  ofl^'end  again.  The  two  missior  iries, 
Worcester  and  Butler  having,  as  ihey  averred,  committed  no  crime  /ould 
accept  no  pardon,  and  ^vera  accordingly  taken  to  the  penitentiary,  if  gov- 
ernor (Gilmar)  of  Georgia,  dreading  the  expression  of  public  opinion,  as  in 
hopes  to  have  got  rid  of  the  nnssionarics  at  a  cheaper  rate  than  was  now 
promised,  writes  to  the  inspectors  of  the  prison,  requesting  that  they  would 
"converse  with  each  convict  alone,  and  ascertain  from  them  whether  they 
are  disposed  to  promise  not  again  to  offend  the  laws,  if  they  should  he  par- 
doned." But  this  overture  amounted  to  nothing,  for  they  were  detcriiiiued 
in  their  course,  and  went  accordingly  to  "hard  laljor"  among  felons!  Prison 
clothes  were  put  on  them,  bearing  about  their  waists  the  initials  of  their 
names  in  large  red  letters. 

In  November  following,  Georgia  was  cited  to  appear  before  the  supreme 
court  of  the  United  States,  to  show  cause  why  the  judgment  of  one  of  her  courts 
should  not  be  set  aside  in  the  case  of  Messrs.  Butler  and  Worcester.  Geor- 
gia, through  her  execvitive,  raised  the  ciy  of  state  rights,  and  said  that  any  at- 
tempt of  the  United  States  to  interfere  with  her  criminal  jurisdiction,  icoidd 
challenge  the  most  determined  resistance,  and,  if  persisted  in,  would  inevitably 
annihilate  the  Union.  When  the  case  came  on,  there  was  no  appearance  on 
the  ])art  of  Georgia ;  thus  showing  its  contem])t  for  that  tribunal.  And  witen 
it  was  decided  that  that  state  had  no  right  to  imprison  any  persons  on  the 
ground  assumed,  and  a  mandamus  was  served  on  the  court  which  had  tried 
the  missionaries,  for  a  habeas  corpus,  it  was  refused,  and  the  mandamus 


{Book  IV. 

incc,  ticcause 
own  defence 
•i*  UTibliigking 

rnace  uiiiount 
!8,  a  loiiff  re- 
8  of  (leorgia. 
tceeUiiifrs.  It 
)  procure  the 
it  uiiglit  have 
rplit^  and  an- 
lire  tiaid  lands 
tely,  and  that 
was  tJieir  lust 

had  no  longer 

nity.     Parties 

Irive  off  tiieir 

doiipairingly 

injustice  done 

Adams,  been 

i  wouhl  have 
Ibllowed,  they 
)MgreB9  on  tlie 
egislative  and 

in  acts  of  en- 
e  Indians,  and 
n,  even  higher 

United  States 
he  force  coni- 
language,  lield 
iat  little  quiet 

laws  changed 

3  trial  at  Law 
lout  taking  an 
uilty  by  a  jury. 
doned,  on  giv- 
>  inisgior  u'ies, 
crimo  ,'ould 
iry.  11  gov- 
)|)inion,  as  in 
than  was  now 
lal  they  would 
1  whether  they 
should  be  par- 
ire  detcnniued 
elons !  Prison 
[Utials  of  their 

e  the  supreme 
le  of  her  courts 
•cester.  Geor- 
lid  that  any  at- 
sdiction,  ivoidd 
ould  inevitablif 
appearance  on 
il.  And  wJteu 
)ersons  on  the 
kfhich  had  tried 
he  niandamus 


Chap.  XVI.] 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKEES. 


117 


disregarded.  Thu.s  stood  matters  in  March,  1832,  and  nothing  wns  exported 
to  be  done  in  favor  of  the  prisoners  for  a  year  to  come,  owing  to  the  delays 
consetpicnt  upon  law  proceedings.  And  here  we  will  remark,  that  laws  are 
excellent  when  they  suit  the  views  of  avaricious  men,  but  when  they  thwart 
their  base  propensities,  they  are  exceedingly  oppressive.  In  the  time  of  Mr. 
Jefferson's  administration,  Pennsylvania  attempted  to  resist  a  mandate  of  the 
.supreme  court,  but  in  due  time  wisely  yielded  to  her  duty;  and  be  it  remem- 
bered, that  (ieorgia  was  among  the  Ibremost  to  declare  that  Peiuisylvania 
.-should  be  coerced  into  sidimission. 

In  September,  IHIJO,  a  detachment  of  United  States  troops  again  scoured 
the  gold  mine  country.  At  the  up[)cr  mines  they  arrested  upwards  of  one 
hutidrcd  persons,  whites  and  tMierokees.  The  latter,  atler  being  kept  uiuh-r 
guard  one  night,  were  dismisst'd  with  the  jieremptory  injunction,  not  to  difi^ 
any  more.  H(!nce  it  fbllow.s,  that  if  tlir  ( -berokees  bad  jiotatoes  in  the  groimd, 
they  bad  no  right  to  dig  them  up,  neither  bad  they  any  right  to  plant  thtMii. 
In  short,  Georgia  having  carried  her  injustice  as  (iir  as  she  could,  the  United 
States  steps  in  and  lends  iier  a  lumd  in  extetuling  it! 

About  the  time  of  this  miViVary  expedition,  the  principal  men  of  Agnoheo 
district  met  in  council,  and,  in  an  affectionate  and  libeling  manner,  thanked 
all  those  citizens  of  the  United  States  who  had  in  any  way  come  forward  and 
raised  their  voices  against  their  o|)prcssors.  They,  at  the  same  time,  issued 
an  address  to  us,  which  wouhl  do  hotior  to  the  head  or  heart  of  any  philan- 
thro|)ist  that  ever  flourished  upon  the  proudest  page  of  history.  And  we 
doubt  if  there  exists  that  nation  under  the  sun,  even  in  this  enlightened  age, 
which  would  have  sufiered  as  the  Cherokees  have  done,  without  taking 
revenge  on  their  inhuman  oppressors.  To  what  then  are  we  to  attribute 
their  noiile  and  philosophic  forbearance:  to  their  civilization  or  degradation? 

As  matters  now  stood,  it  seemed  that  serious  difficulty  must  ensue  between 
the  United  States  and  Georgia,  if  swaggering  and  high-sounding  words  had 
any  meaning,  when  proceeding  from  governors,  ex-goveinors,  and  others. 
liigli  in  oltice  in  that  state.  Hut  while  the  decision  of  tht;  supreme  court  was 
sleeping,  Georgia  was  sweeping  onward  in  full  triumph;  she  parcelled  out 
the  Cherokee  country,  and  drove  the  honest  owners  out  of  doors,  put  her 
own  citizens  in  their  places  from  one  corner  to  the  other  of  their  country; 
every  white  m;m  who  had  moral  courage  enough  to  question  these  nefarious 
proceedings,  was  obliged,  at  the  s  ime  time,  to  exercise  discretion  enough  to 
keep  himself  at  a  safe  distance  from  penitentiary  jurisdiction. 

Hence,  in  about  a  year  from  the  time  the  missionaries  were  thrown  into 
prison,  Georgia  had  got  f(dl  and  luirlisturbed  possession  of  all  the  country  in 
(|iiestion,  and  had  nothing  to  fear  fi-om  missionary  or  any  other  influence.  It 
was  therefore  concluded  that  a  sort  of  a  drawn  game  might  be  played  with 
the  supreme  court;  thinking,  j)robal)Iy,  that  it  was  not  worth  while  to  try 
their  strength  with  it  at  this  time,  for  if  they  should,  it  might  establish  a  ))re- 
cedent  which  would  prevent  a  profitable  use  of  the  same  farce  hereafler, 
when  it  might  be  convenient  for  then)  to  tisin-p  other  powers. 

It  seemed  now  understood,  that  if  (Jeorgia  would  liberate  the  missionaries, 
tlioy  would  not  urge  their  suit  any  further  against  b'T;  and  accordingly.  Gov. 
Lumpkin,  in  n  very  sp-ncious  manner,  proclaimed,  on  the  Hth  of  January, 
\S'\'\  that  "whereas  the  prisoners  h.id  signified  to  him  that  they  bad  in- 
structed liieir  counsel  to  prosecute  their  suit  lu)  further,  ami  shoidd  therefore 
'Imvc  the  qwfition  of  their  contimmnce  in  rmfuicment  tii  the  nuignanimili/  of  the 
.s'l (/(';'  and  taking  into  view  the  trivmphnnt  irroiind  which  the  state  fiiudly 
occupies  ill  relation  to  this  subject  in  the  eyes  of  the  nation,  as  has  b(!(;n 
sufficiently  attested  through  various  channels,  especially  in  the  recent  over- 
whelming reelection  of  President  Jnck,wn,  the  known  defl-nder  of  the  rights 
of  the  stale  throughout  this  controversy;  and  above  all,  the  magnanimity  of 
Georgia  bein<r  app  nled  to,  know  ye,  tb.it  I  have  thouglit  proper  to  remit  the 
further  execution  of  their  sentence,  and  that  they  he  forthwith  discharged." 
Thus  nearly  a  year  bad  passed  since  the  supn  nie  court  had  decided  that  the 
acts  of  Georgia  were  a  violation  of  the  laws  of  the  land.* 

*  The  decision  was  made  by  Judge  Marshall  on  ihc  3d  March,  1832, 


4-- 


i'*         •' 


118 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHKROKEES. 


[Boom  IV. 


/•'■•■t?ft 

mm' 


Mi'B:-- 


i:- 


■.''■.■■.■■^■/.•■■-       . 

■  -^  i  •■■..•■  :  '-  .   " 
■■.A*,V'>...  ,'.,A,     ., 


1    vCi.; '.•■■.,••, 


MN.'-  ■■.'■■> 

''it''-    '  *  " 


No  refloctioriB  vv'.ll  over  be  required  upon  this  jiffiiir  from  tlic  historian,  m 
they  will  naturally  miggesl  thcniseivt'S  to  the  iiiiiiil  of  every  n:ii!tr,  who  hd» 
utily  to  consider,  that  argument  liad  viry  little  to  do  wtiere  Audrew  Jackson 
WU8  concerned. 

In  the  memorial  which  the  chicfk  of  the  Cherokee  nation  enlmnttcd  to 
coiii^'ress  on  the  \M  of  Mnrcli,  18^!),  are  reiiiarUrt  iiiul  rcHsoiiingB  bo  |)ertinriit 
und  cogent,  that  it  is  surpriniiig  to  us  how  it  could  have  hi  en  diHretfunlt  <1  hy 
hoiiorahle  men.  Among  other  things  iiotic(>(l,  they  rcinark  that,  "It  is  with 
no  litth:  surprise  that  we  hav<!  si-cn,  in  a  iiocunit;nt  printed  lor  the  use  of 
congress,  connected  with  the  suhject  of  Indian  emigration,  the  following 
sentiments:  'from  ihe  ascertained  fi'erni;.'s  of  tlm  ihiels  of  the  -i'-'itiurn 
Indians,  there  is  u  fixed  purpost;,  hy  threats  or  otlu!rwise,  to  k«.'ep  th'.';r  [)i..j[)le 
from  emigrating'  And,  'there  is  no  doiilit  hut  these  people  li-ar  their  chielis, 
and  on  that  account  keep  hack.'"  'I'ln  se  ih.-ijinations,  the  memorialists  s«\, 
if  meant  for  them,  are  the  production  of  culpahh;  ignorance  or  williil  fiiisi;. 
hood.  'J'he  idea  tliat  their  |)eople  aie  overawed  and  in  lijar  of  their  chiefs, 
is  as  ridiculous  as  it  would  he  to  suppose  the  |)eople  of  the  United  SStati  s  uie 
afraid  of  their  repnisentatives.  "The  great  Washington,"  they  contiaui', 
"advised  n  plan  and  allbrded  aid  l<jr  the  general  improvement  of  our  natimi. 
President  Jellert^on  followed  the  nohle  <'\ample,  and  in  concluding  an  address 
to  a  delegation,  he  said,  'I  sinctucly  wish  yuu  may  succeed  in  your  lauduliii- 
endeavors  to  save  the  remnant  of  your  nation,  hy  adopting  indiistrirnis  octii- 
l)ations  and  a  govammtnt  of  regvlar  law.  In  this  you  may  always  rdy  on  the 
counsel  and  assistaxce  of  the  United  Slates.''"  But  ot  what  avail  have  heeii  the 
determination  of  Washington  and  the  earnest  desire  of  Jefferson? 

The  "Book  of  the  Troubles  and  iMiseries  of  the  emigrating  Indians,"  hiis 
not  been  piiblitJu'd.  Hundreds  have  been  swept  off  hy  sickness  on  their 
rugged  road;  old  and  infirm  persons  have  fallen  under  the  fatigues  und  hard- 
ships of  their  journey ;  lumdreds  have  been  buried  beneatli  the  waves  of  the 
Mississippi  in  one  uwful  catastrophe  ;  *  wives  led  husbands  m  the  way,  never 
more  to  join  them:  nrnthers  are  hurried  from  tlie  graves  of  their  children. 
Mrs.  Ross,  wife  of  tin'  great  chief  of  that  name,  languished  and  died  before 
reaching  the  imkuow  n  land  to  which  she  was  bound ;  but  I  cannot  go  into 
ihese  particulars. 

On  the  19th  of  July,  1832,  a  fast  was  obsei-ved  in  the  Cherokee  nation. 
President  Ross,  in  his  proclamation  recommending  it,  observes,  that  "whereas 
the  crisis  in  the  atliiirs  of  the  nation  exhibits  the  day  of  tribulation  und 
sorrow,  and  the  time  appears  to  be  fiist  hastening  when  the  dt  stiny  of  this 
peo|)le  must  be  sealed ;  whether  it  has  been  directed  hy  tli.  wonted  depravity 
e.nd  wickedness  of  man,  or  by  the  unsearchable  and  mysterious  will  i»f  un 
all-wise  being,  it  equally  becomes  us,  as  a  ratioiuil  and  Christian  comuitinity, 
humbly  to  bow  in  humiliation,"  &c.  This  is  produced  as  an  ever-standing 
memorial  for  all  such  us  may  desire  to  contrast  the  actions  of  the  Indians 
with  those  of  Georgia;  that  they  may  be  able  to  judge  which  best  deserved 
the  nann'  of  a  Christian  community. 

Thus,  in  the  year  1832,  the  Cherokees  gave  up  all  hope  of  receiving  justice 
at  the  hands  of  our  government,  and  we  see  in  the  Phicnix  of  June,  among 
others,  these  observations:  "The  gigantic  silver  pipe  which  (Jeorge  Wusli- 
ington  placed  in  the  hands  of  the  Cherokees,  as  a  memorial  of  his  warm  and 
abiding  friendship,  has  ceased  to  reciprocate ;  it  lies  in  a  corner  of  the  ex- 
ecutive chamber,  cold,  like  its  author,  to  rise  no  more."  And  in  the  same 
paragraph  they  refer  to  the  value  of  the  gold  mines,  as  follows: 

"The  value  of  the  Cherokee  nation  an  hardly  be  set  down  in  figures.  It 
is  worth  more  than  one  hundred  millions  of  dollars.  Let  us  estimate.  From 
Frogtown,  near  the  source  of  the  Chcstatee,  commences  the  gold  region,  and 
is  termed  the  limit  of  Georgia.  From  this  point  almost  one  hundred  miles 
on  a  straight  line  south,  or  towards  the  western  corner  of  Carroll  county,  is 

*  On  the  31st  of  October,  1837,  \:s  the  steamboat  Moninoulh,  willi  fiOO  emigrating  Indians, 
was  ascending  the  Mississippi,  it  was  run  into  by  another  \essel,  and  311  of  those  miserable 
creatures  drowned!  That  such  a  iiumbor  slmiild  liave  boa  crowded  into  one  boat  is  incred- 
ible, and  we  are  informed  that  the  boat  was  an  old,  condemned  vtssel.  It  was  probably  hired 
cheap  by  the  contractors  for  removing  Indians ! 


b|;-(|'.--:  i?*f 


[IIOOB    IV. 


Chap.  XVI.] 


HISTORY  OF  THR  rilKflOKEFS. 


119 


tiistorian,  n8 
'•••r,  who  haH 
iruw  Jackson 

Rtibiniitcd  to 

K<>  pertiiipiit 

MreKurilcd  \,y 

r,  "  It  is  with 

)r  tlie  iiHf  ^,^' 

11!  *bllovviiijF 

llie  -^'Mtiurn 

<  th";r  f)<..j;)l«; 

■  tii«ir  chii'l^, 

•  irialist.s  m\, 

Wiilill    fiilM!- 

'  tlitir  cliici;-*, 
t'd  l^lati »  ure 
•■y  <'oiitiiiiir, 
our  iiatioij. 
i;ran  udtiro.s 
our  hiiidabli 
stiious  ofcM- 
ys  rdy  on  the 
uvf  been  the 
.? 

Indiana,"  hiis 
ess  on  thtir 
es  and  hard- 
waves  of  iIji; 
le  way,  never 
eir  ciiilih'en. 
1  died  before 
iinut  gu  into 

•okee  nation, 
lat  "  whereas 
biilation  uiid 
stiny  of  this 
ted  depravity 
Uri  will  of  un 
I  coinuitiiiity, 
iver-standing 
'  the  Indians 
est  deserved 

'iviiig  justice 
rune,  a;nong 
eorjife  Wash- 
is  warm  and 
■r  of  the  ex- 
it! the  same 

I  figures.  It 
nate.  From 
I  region,  and 
ndred  miles 
•11  county,  is 

rating  Iniiiaiis, 
hose  miserable 
boat  is  incred- 
probably  hired 


one  continued  bed  of  gold.  Tlio  width  of  tlfm  region  is  int  yet  known,  but 
At  the  southern  part  it  is  noinetiiiiig  like  thirty  miles  broad.  Millions  of 
dollars'  worth  of  g(»l(l  have  been  taktsn  hen;  by  tliousands  of  intruders." 

Let  the  ofipressors  of  the  (JiierokccH  look  well  to  tiieir  inotivi  s  of  atrtion. 
Are  they  ignorant  of  the  acts  of  th(!  Spaniards  in  the  south  ?  or  an;  they 
acting  upon  the  same  principles?  If  tlie  respective  eases  bi'  analyzed,  the 
exciiso  f(»r  (ieorgiu  is  not  half  as  good  as  lor  the  wholesale  nunderers  of  the 
Mexicans  ami  PiM'Uvians;  for  titer*;  eainiot  be  so  strong  a  motive  to  action  as 
when  the  agent  is  acting  umler  tiie  lirni  convictiiJii  that  he  is  executing  ihe 
will  of  (fod.  It  was  a  dark  ami  su|>erstitious  agt;  when  South  America  was 
desolat»;d.  The  Iinliatis  of  that  country  were  in  the  very  depths  of  a  bloody 
superstition  ;  inhumanly  sacrificing  thousands  a  year  of  their  innocent  country- 
men in  their  religions  jierliirmanctts,  and  with  a  cnndty  that  cannot  In;  iina- 
;:ined ;  lor  it  reipiir<;(l  ages  to  find  out  tlie  various  refund  modes  in  which  to 
practise  their  dialiolical  (executions.  They  even  sliock( d  the  Spaniards,  who, 
to  put  an  (!nd  to  iliem,  thought  themselves  juslilied  in  destroying  those  who 
practis«;d  them.  (lold  was,  at  first,  a  secoiuUiry  consideration.  What  has 
Gi  orgia  to  jdeail  at  the  bar  of  (iitiire  history  but  'gold  ?"  With  un|)rincipled 
men  what  will  its  (!orrupting  inlluence  not  do.^     \V'bal  lias  it  done  to  Spain  ? 

The  |)oor  Clieroke(!S  have  said,  •'(Georgia,  beware  of  the,  pits  thine  avarice 
has  made;"  echo  has  ntverlxn'atcd  it  from  every  hill,  and  ehildreii  yet  unborn 
will  hear  it  from  tli'  ir  cradles  to  their  ;;raves.  To  all  wliojii  tlu'se  fiicts  shall 
come,  a  voice  will  speak  which  cannot  be  niisnnderslood.  i\(j  traveller  shall 
thread  the  fertile  valleys  of  the  ancient  Clieroke,  s  without  I'eeling  deep 
emotions  of  sorrow  in  Irs  breast,  that  ht;  had  not  lived  at  a  time  wIhmi  he 
could  have  rendered  that  opjiressed  pecple  assistance.  As  a  peo|)le,  wts  have 
not  done  our  duty  to  those  Indians.  W^hy  did  we  not  rist;  to  a  man,  and 
cause  justice  to  ho.  don*;  thtwri?  Where  is  the  honest  man  who  is  not  now 
sorry  that  Ite  had  not  done  it  ?  y\nd  does  he  not  say  he  loould  do  it,  were  u 
like  case  to  arise  again  ? 

To  the  "Cherokee  I'liu'tiix,"  tin;  first  newspaper  ever  published  by  Indn^ns, 
v.e  have  been  considerably  indebted  for  many  valuable  it  ins  of  intelligence 
in  this  jiart  of  our  work;  and  we  again  notice  it  for  tie-  last  tiiin',  in  all  jirob- 
ability;  tbrastnuch  :is  (Jeorgia  has  laid  her  lawless  hand  ui)on  it,  we  can 
expect  no  other.  In  October,  IK};!,  the  (ilecngia  guard  took  possession  of 
that  newspa|)er  establishment,  and  its  further  i.ssue  stopped,  unless  it  would 
uphold  the  course  of  (Jeorgia  against  the  Indians. 

At  this  time  Mr.  John  Ross  lived  in  Tennessee,  and  was  recognized  as  a 
citizen  of  that  state.  But  for  some  cause  or  other,  that  "guard,"  of  iidlinious 
memory,  then  under  the  connnand  of  >>ne  Capt.  IJisho|>.  jiroceeded  to  the 
residence  of  Mr.  Ross  on  the  7tli  of  November,  made  prisoner  of  him,  seized 
upon  all  his  })aper8  and  records  of  the  nation,  and  marehed  liim  into  Georgia. 
Mr.  John  II.  Paine,  of  New  York,  happening  to  be  then  at  the  residence  of 
Mr.  Ross,  was  treated  in  like  manner.  He  had  been  engaged  in  the  laudable 
pursuit  of  material  for  an  historical  work  on  the  Indian.s,  and  had  many 
papers  containing  memoranda  i()r  that  (diject,  of  great  value  to  hiiiisellj  but 
of  none  whatever  to  others;  these  vv(U"<!  also  seized.  These  individuals, 
hoW(  ver,  were  not  long  detained,  but  tliey  got  no  redress  for  the  injury  and 
insult,  that  has  ever  come  to  my  I  nowledge.  Where  the  "  magnanimity"  of 
Georgia  was  now,  which  was  so  prominent  in  the  case  of  the  missionaries, 
we  leave  to  the  determination  of  others. 

What,  then,  are  the  first  fiiiits  of  this  expatriation  of  the  Cherokees? 
Deadly  feuds  among  them,  exccnti ms  and  murders.  These  have  but  begun, 
and  how  or  where  ibey  will  enrl,  are  events  hidden  in  the  future.  It  is  well 
known  that  the  principal  men  who  sold  their  country,  Major  Ridge,  his  son, 
John  Ridire,  Elias  Roudinot,*  and  others,  have  been  executed  in  pursuance 
of  the  laws  of  the  Cherokees,  fi)r  their  wickedness  in  violating  the  most  vital 
of  their  rights  and  their  constitution.  Who  could  have  expected  any  thing 
different  from  those  Indians  ?    They  had  been  induced  to  form  a  code  of 

*  He,  il  is  believed,  is  ihe  samf!  who  was  eilnrated  at  the  Missionary  school  at  (Cornwall,  in 
Connecticut,  and  who,  about  18?d,  married  a  while  lady,  Harriet  K.  Gold,  of  that  village, 


■■^'. 


IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-S) 


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Pk)tographic 
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Coiporalion 


23  WIST  MAIN  STRUT 

WeBSTH.N.Y.  MSSO 

(716)  S72-4S03 


120 


HISTORY  OF  THE  CHEROKCES. 


[Book  IV. 


laws  inany  ^cars  ago  by  Washingtun  and  Jeiferson,  and  to  live  under  the 
operation  of  iliose  laws  until,  in  1830,  they  were  forced  to  abandon  them  by 
the  inlerferencu  of  Georgia. 

It  had  i)een  an  old  ntjinding  law  among  the  Cherokees,  as  well  as  among 
the  Cruekp,  "that  if  any  persons  or  person  should  sell  any  lands  by  trentv, 
withcMit  the  authority  of  the  nation,  they  should  be  punished  with  deutii." 
In  18;%),  this  law  wns  brought  up  in  tlifir  It-gisluture,  and  confirmed  as  the 
law  of  the  land.  John  Uidge  himself  brought  it  forward,  and  Klias  iloiidinot, 
editor  of  the  Ciierokee  PhoDiiix,  published  it.  It  was  a  law  before  letters 
were  known  among  the  Cherokees,  and  was  first  printed,  we  lielieve,  in  IH'^i). 

Having  senii  the  Cherokees  driven  iK-yond  the  Mississipfn,  if  we  would 
purttue  their  history  we  nuist  follow  thctn  into  that  region;  but  at  best  we 
fan  know  but  little  about  their  affairs  now,  the  intercourse  between  them 
uiul  intelligent  white  men  having,  from  their  remot<;  situation,  become  unfre- 
<)iieiit.  Towards  the  close  of  the  year  IH')8  the  business  of  emigration  was 
I'ompletcd,  and  this  was  no  sooner  effrcted  but  the  white  inhabitants  border- 
ing on  Arkansas  began  to  express  great  alarm,  believing  the  Indians  were 
making  prepanitions  to  spread  destruction  among  them.  But  their  fenrs 
were  without  any  foundation  ;  the  Cherokees  having  found  enough  to  do  for 
scvemi  months  to  prepare  shelters  for  themselves  and  families.  Yet  amidst 
their  busy  prepartitions  of  this  sort,  to  pacify  their  white  neighbors,  they  con- 
vened the  nation  in  a  great  council,  in  which  it  was  solemnly  protested  that 
all  reports  which  had  l>een  circulated  of  their  hostile  intentions  towards  the 
whites  were  without  foundation,  and  utterly  false. 

The  next  matter  of  moment  took  place  in  June  of  last  year,  1839.  This 
was  no  less  than  the  murder  of  the  principal  men  of  the  Ridge,  or  treaty 
party.  Of  the  parties  into  which  the  Cherokees  wera  divid*  d  an  account 
has  been  given.  It  appears  that  from  the  time  the  Ridges,  father  and  son, 
and  their  followers  executed  the  treaty  of  New  Echota  with  Schermerhorn, 
their  lives  were  forfeited  in  the  minds  of  a  certain  part  of  the  nation,  and 
they  only  waited  a  favond)le  time  to  put  their  resolution  in  execution.  It  is 
not  our  intention  to  justify  the  executions  of  which  we  are  now  to  give  a 
narration,  for  be  it  remembered,  that  we  protest  against  taking  human  life 
luuier  any  circumstances  whatever,  and  firmly  tielieve  that  a  community  i;* 
vastly  more  injured  than  benefited  by  the  practice  of  that  law  of  retaliating 
murder  with  murder. 

It  is  matter  of  historical  record,  that  the  Ridges,  Boudinot,  Bell,  Rogers, 
and  others,  who  signed  the  treaty  of  Deceml)er,  1835,  very  suddenly  changed 
their  minds  in  respect  to  the  policy  of  removal.  They  were  as  fbnvard  ns 
Mr.  RosB,  or  any  of  that  |)arty,  in  protesting  ngainst  ti  j  acts  of  Georgia,  and 
as  much  opposed  to  making  any  treaty  of  sale  of  their  country,  up  to  the 
time  of  a  ce.  uAn  mission  of  Schermerhorn,  as  any  of  the  nation.  Therefore 
it  is  not  stn.  1^.!  that  the  Ross  pariy  were  surprised  at  their  suddenly  coming 
out  ami  advocating  an  opposite  cours<;.  They  were  immediately  accused  of 
bril)ery  and  corruption,  and  whether  true  or  not,  the  party  that  remained 
firrji,  Iwlieved  them  guilty ;  and  the  most  we  can  say  concerning  their  con- 
duct is,  there  were  strong  grounds  of  suspicion  against  them. 

Our  information  of  the  massacre  of  Ridge  and  others  is  very  indirect, 
though  circumstantial,  and  is  as  follows:  When  it  became  known  to  Rnss 
that  the  lives  of  certain  chieli*  were  to  Ik?  taken,  he  used  all  the  means  at  his 
eommand  to  prevent  it.  But  a  party  collected,  and  on  Saturday,  the  2yd  of 
June,  the  executioners,  to  the  number  of  about  forty,  went  to  the  house  of 
John  Ridge  early  in  the  morning,  b<;fore  he  was  up,  and  took  him  from  his 
l)cd,  and  murdered  hitn  in  a  maimer  too  savage  to  relate ;  treating  his  lifeless 
body  with  all  the  indignity  of  ancient  barbarians.  They  next  proceeded  in 
pursuit  of  Major  Ridge,  his  fiither,  who  had  the  day  before  set  out  to  visit 
some  friends  in  Van  Hin-en,  Arkansa.s.  He  was  )vertaken  near  the  foot  of 
BoHtnn  Mountain,  about  35  miles  from  his  place  of  destination,  and  there  shot 
from  bis  horse,  and  died  without  hardly  knowing  why  he  had  been  thus 
savagely  dealt  with.  Thus  fell  Major  Ridge  in  the  sixty-fif\h  year  of  his  age, 
and  his  son  at  the  age  of  thirty-seven.  Of  the  circimistances  of  the  death 
of  Boudinot,  Col.  Bell,  and  two  or  three  others,  we  arc  not  informed. 


MajcT 
atrocity  th 
HEAD  was 
treaty,  at 
the  seat  o 
nessee,  all 
Doublehei 
the  tuition 
was  fiiilov 
in  the  eve 
with  a  der 
dwelling, 
Kidge's  en 
cutioii. 
killed  a 
he  siiffiirt 
aware  thai 


Chap.  XVII] 


SEMINOLE  WAR. 


121 


Majcr  Ridge  once  executed  a  chief  for  an  act  of  much  more  doubtful 
atrocity  than  that  for  which  he  now  fell.  In  IbOCS,  the  noted  orator  Docble- 
HEAD  was  charged,  with  others,  with  the  important  buHiness  of  making  a 
treaty,  at  Tellico,  with  the  United  HtutoH,  for  a  tract  of  land  to  acconitnodate 
the  seat  of  government  of  Tennessee,  and  lor  ^  the  first  island  in  the  Ten- 
nessee, above  the  mouth  of  Clinch."  In  this  business,  Chiiquuciittugiie,  or 
Doublehcat'  was  charged  with  bribery;  yet  nothing  was  done  about  it  by 
the  tuition,  and  he  went  unptmislied ;  but  in  1817  he  was  again  guiltv,  and 
was  followed  by  Major  Kidge  and  others,  and  in  the  tavern  of  one  M'lntosli, 
in  the  evening,  was  fallen  xipou  wl  shot  by  the  hand  of  Kidge.  He  escupetl 
with  a  de.Hperate  wound,  and  was  tor  u  short  time  secreted  in  a  neighboring 
dwelling,  but  his  pursuers  found  him,  and  an  Indian  natiit-d  Suunders,  one  of 
Ridge's  company,  sunk  his  tomahawk  into  his  head,  which  finished  the  (exe- 
cution. This  was  near  the  agency  in  Calhoun.  Doubleheud  had  himself 
killed  a  man  in  his  way  thither,  for  charging  him  with  the  crime  for  which 
he  suffered.  This  execution  is  nientioned  to  show  that  Ridge  was  well 
aware  that  he  had  forfeited  his  life  by  what  he  had  done  at  New  Echota. 


SH 

4 

■  "f*  ^^*l 

'••          •- 

'   S  Wm 

"■i^,y'  ' 

't'  ™ 

J-  J .  * .. 

^1   -t^       'Iw 

'*  >.r-. 

;'::';>^M 

~*  i^/m 

il 

'    i  f""? 

^  ■ "      .'    -  . 

.    '•  -  ~  il 

'   V  ^    fvol 

:?  '•i^.-y 

■i^v;  [jvm 

> .  ■ 

- 

'■•  ^^'OT 

,     ' 

■■>-*lm 

-.   .    /  'V* 

'..'■-^■tl't  '*# 

>s^r  •.• 

'■■''  -V  •,    .* 

..'*.- 

:  ,»  ,>\;- 

• 

"»  .»■ ,  •  ■ 

9tfge 


CHAPTER  XVII. 


The  Seminole  War  Resumed — Further  account  of  the  causes  of  the  war — JVu- 
meraus  cases  of  gross  imposition — Bad  conduct  of  government  officers — Jl  new 
treaty  of  removal  urged — A  deputation  visits  the  west — Their  report — Another  treaty 
— Speeches  of  the  chiefs — Examination  of  the  policy  of  the  giiDcrnment,  relutiee  to 
a  removal  of  the  Indiana — Charncter  of  borderers — Review  /f  l!ie  manner  treaties 
of  sale  were  procured — The  president  angry  at  the  Indians'  presainf'uii — Barbarous 
treatment  of  three  Mickasaukies. 

"  Let  them  come  with  thr>  pipn  ;  \ve  will  lrr>ail  it  In  dust, 
And  our  airnwii  of  war  nhiill  ne'er  moulilt^r  wiili  riixi ; 
L<'t  them  comi!  with  thoir  hoiiti ;  tii  tli<!  dHuvit  vvit'ii  Iten, 
And  the  drought  ami  the  fumine  our  holpurs  aliaU  be." — I'ike. 

The  events  of  the  Seminole  war  have  astonished  all  to  whom  the  knowl- 
edge of  them  has  extended.  And  the  astonishment  has  been  as  varied  as 
the  wilds  of  Florida  are  represented,  by  those  whose  misfortune  it  has  been 
to  serve  there  against  their  fellow-men.  As  this  war  ])rogre8sed,  we  wrote 
down  its  events  in  detail,  as  we  have  long  been  wont  to  do  of  all  occurrences 
relating  to  tlie  Indians,  but  from  the  ccmflicting  stntcments,  purporting  to  lie 
Iroiii  the  theatre  of  their  enactment,  great  difliculty  was  experienced  in 
arriving  at  facts  and  dates. 

Nobody  could  have  Inseti  much  surprised  that  a  war  in  Florida  should 
hieak  out,  if  they  were  at  all  acquainted  with  the  circumstances  which  cau.sed 
it,  nor  coidd  they  have  Imjcu  much  surprised,  that  a  hundred  men  in  the  tnidst 
of  the  Indian  country  should  have  been  beset  and  slain,  leaving  none  to  carry 
the  tidings  of  such  disaster.  Our  only  surprise  is,  that  the  work  had  not 
lipcii  done  in  a  more  savage  manner;  that  even  one  coidd  escape  by  feiirning 
death;  and  that  a  monmneiit  only  of  ashes  of  the  slain  had  not  marked  the 
pliicn  where  they  fell.    These  ihiiigs  a.'<toMish  us,  not  the  war  itseit! 

We  had  supposed,  like  even,'  body  else,  that  there  could  be  but  a  single 
ranipaigii,  when  it  was  known  that  the  Indians  had  resisted  in  good  earnest ; 
ami  wluMi  we  consitler  the  power  of  the  United  States  set  against  a  single 
comer  of  a  territor)'  surrounded  with  every  advantage  for  warlike  operations, 
we  could  form  no  other  conclusion  but  that  the  poor  Imlians  would  be 
crushed  almost  at  a  single  blow;  ond  it  was  not  until  two  distinguished 
generals  had  shown  that  the  Beminole  was  not  to  be  despised,  that  liie  war 
with  him  Iwcame  motter  of  serious  consideration  at  the  seat  of  government. 
But  of  these  affairs  we  have  already  said  as  much  as  was  necessary. 

In  bringing  down  the  events  of  this  war  to  its  conclusion,  circiunstances 
make  it  necessary  to  detail  some  affairs  from  the  beginning  of  it,  which  we 


.-  •■(■; 


v'.  /  .•  t\ 


■}^ 


m 


122 


SEMINOLE  WAR.— NO  LAW  FOR  INDIANS. 


[Book  IV. 


i  ■'i^ 


m. 


lit;,' 


have  not  noticed ;  having  closed  our  account  in  the  summer  of  1836,  many 
facts  und  documents  have  since  come  to  hand  which  could  not  then  be 
known,  and  which  throw  much  new  light  on  the  subject,  as  well  as  furnish 
much  new  and  important  matter.* 

Of  the  origin  of  the  late  Seminole  war,  such  facts  only  have  been  given  ns 
were  known  to  the  writer  at  the  caili«;8t  jieriod  of  it  We  huve  now  iiddi- 
tioniil  sources  laid  open,  and  shall  proceed,  in  the  next  place,  to  draw  frotii 
them. 

It  would  be  tedious  to  relate,  and  irksonie  to  read,  the  half  of  what  nii^ht 
be  gutlt(;rud  of  the  rohl)eric8  and  enormities  committed  by  infamuus  wiiite 
villains  in  Indian  borders;  and  it  isetjunlly  insuflerabic  to  read  of  the  nmniier 
that  ju»TicK  is  there  trodden  under  foot  by  Imdies  bearing  the  name  of  court. 
Law  is  all  on  the  side  of  the  white  man,  and  consequently  justice  is  no 
ilweller  in  such  bodies.  Indians  cannot  testify  in  cases  to  which  tliey  ure  a 
party,  and  they  are  obliged  to  submit  to  whatever  decision  their  teamed 
gunrdiniu  proiiounce.f 

One  Col.  Humphra/it  wafl  for  some  time  Indian  agent  in  Florida.  In  con- 
sequence of  this  man's  vocilbrons  avowal  of  the  right  of  territorial  jurisdic- 
tion over  the  Indian.s,  he  wus  elected  a  member  of  the  legislative  council  of 
Florida.  Thus  much  for  urging  that  negro  claims  should  be  settled  in  the 
territory,  in.stead  of  their  being  referred  to  the  decinion  of  the  government  of 
the  United  States.  Now  such  suits  could  Imj  disposed  of  v/itn  perfect  ease, 
because  no  Indian  could  have  a  hearing  except  against  his  oton  people.  Home 
notorious  scoundrel  had  sold  negroes  to  Col.  Hunqjhrcys,  which  belonged  to 
a  Seminole  woman  named  CuleJueckoica.  He  bought  them  after  application 
had  Imhju  made  to  him  as  agent,  by  their  owner,  lor  their  recovery,  of  that 
very  villain !  Nevertheless,  lie  promi.sed  to  exert  himoelf  for  their  restoration. 
He  uflerwtu'ds  said  he  bought  tliem  to  prevent  their  being  sent  to  Charleston. 
Some  of  the  negroes  that  were  young  when  the  transfer  took  place,  having 
grown  old  en«)ugh  to  Ikj  made  to  utulerstand  the  nature  of  the  case,  went 
back  voluntarily  to  their  n^al  mistress;  and  the  double-dealer  Humphreys  had 
the  audacity  to  ai)ply  to  agent  Thompson  for  his  interference  that  he  might 
have  them  again.  Thoitqtson  had  inde|)fcndence  and  honesty  enough  not  td 
comply,  the  liicts  Iwing  so  strong  in  favor  of  Culekeeckowa,  but  referred  Hum- 
phreys, togetiier  witli  the  facts  in  the  case,  to  the  decision  of  government 

Another  man  was  cnq>loyed  by  a  certain  Indian  woman  for  the  recovciy 
of  negroes.  She  gave  him,  as  he  told  her,  a  power  of  attorney  for  that  pur- 
pose. She  soon  found  that,  instead  of  a  i>ower  of  attorney,  she  had  given 
him  a  hill  of  sale  of  all  her  negroes !!!!!!! 

On  another  occasion,  the  chief  Micanopy  requested  an  individual  to  draw  a 
tbrm  of  writing  f()r  him,  which  soon  after  proved  to  be  a  conveyance  of  u 
valuai)le  tract  of  land  ! 

A  black,  named  JJbrahnm,  who  has  figured  largely  in  the  war,  was  basely 
robbed  by  one  of  the  white  Ijorder  fraternity.  The  fellow  owed  Jlbraham  ii 
large  amount  of  money,  got  his  receipt  for  it  under  pretence  thai  it  was  a 
certificate  that  he  owed  him,  which  it  was  nec^.  sary  should  be  sent  to  Wash- 
ington before  he  could  pay  him !  These  are  a  lew  of  the  abominations  daily 
practised  by  indivi-luals ;  and  we  shall  now  pass  to  others,  in  which  the  gov- 
ernmeut  itself  becoi  les  implicated. 

We  have  spokra  plainly  of  the  treaty  of  I  aine's  Landing,  in  the  early  part 
of  our  history  o'  tliis  war ;  but  as  new  facts  have  since  come  to  our  knowl- 
edge, it  will  iHi  necessary  to  extend  the  examination  here.    It  must  be  re- 


*  There  wen;  piibhslipii  in  llie  year  I83<)  ihree  histories  of  ihe  Florida  war.  The  first  was 
hy  Mr.  t  'oiieii,  the  see  mil  by  a  lale  "  staff  oUirer,"  ami  the  third  by  "  a  lieiitciiaiil  of  the  left 
wing;,"  All  three  of  t  lein  seem  to  be  very  well  done,  but  that  by  Mr.  W.  Poller,  ("  a  lale 
staff  officer,'")  if  I  mis  ako  not  the  gentleman,  is  far  ijie  most  vahuibic  to  the  historian.  To 
these  works  l  eladly  li^cur,  and  tender  here  the  anthors  my  arknowlcdgmenis  for  the  nse  I 
have  maile  of  tlie  farts  rontaincd  in  their  pafjes.  Nrne  of  them  had  appeared  when  my  work 
was  published,  and  hence  I  conld  not  profit  dv  thein  in  my  previous  editions.  Rut  for  these 
last  hvc  years  of  the  war  I  have  had  to  gather  my  materials  from  the  "  thousand  and  one'' 
reports  of  the  day. 

t  Since  writing  the  above,  I  have  read  Gen.  Thompson'*  speech  to  the  ladians  at  a  council 
in  Oct.  1834,  in  which  he  plainly  hohls  the  same  language  to  them. 


Chap.  XVII] 


A  NEW   TKEATY. 


123 


IS  at  a  couucil 


membered  that  by  the  treaty  of  Camp  Moultrie,  (18  September,  1833,)  the 
Seniinoles  had  Hccured  to  them  an  unniiity  of  $5,000  lor  'JO  years,  ami  they 
were  to  remove  within  certain  boundaries  descritied  by  the  treaty,  embracing 
a  tract  of  land  of  near  5,000,000  acrex.  No  sooner  hud  they  removed  witliin 
this  tract,  than  wiiite  men  intruded  themselvcH  among  them,  and  committed 
violence  on  the  {Hirsons  of  several  Indians.  Nor  is  this  an  Indian  story ; — it 
was  so  represented  by  the  agent  to  Uov.  Duval,  and  witlioiit  the  least  reason 
for  the  outntge.  What  was  done?  Why,  the  agent  said  he  had  letl  a  notice 
witli  a  magistrate  to  have  the  ottenders  warned  off  of  the  reservation  in  one  day 
from  Uie  ttme  the  notice  should  be  served.  Thus,  instead  of  seizing  at  once 
upon  the  villains,  an<l  bringing  them  to  justice,  they  are  mildly  ordered  off  of 
the  huiians'  lands  in  one  day  !  What  right  hud  such  deprcclators  to  any  iMittcr 
trtiutment  than  is  aiKtrdcd  by  the  tomahawk  and  ^culpiiig-knite?  Yet  we  hear 
of  no  reUdiation  by  the  Indians.  They  had  no  newspa|ier8  in  which  to  circu- 
iute  accounts  of  (Aetr  wrongs  and  sufferings; — these  are  the  mugnilying  glasses 
of  the  Imd  white  men. 

At  the  same  time,  petition  nttor  petition  was  got  up  among  the  white  iu- 
liubit^uits  of  Florida,  and  sent  in  to  the  president  of  the  United  Status,  setting 
tbith  the  wrongs  they  were  daily  sufiering  ti-om  the  Indians  in  various  shapes, 
and  urging  an  earlier  removal  than  the  former  treaty  s|M;ci(ied.  We  do  not 
lircsiune  but  that  Indians  did  sometimes  infringe  upon  their  white  neighlnirs, 
and  were  oflen  found  hunting  and  fishing  lie^ond  the  line  of  the  treaty.  This 
is  not  denied;  and  the  affair  at  Ilogtown  m  Alachua  county,  already  men- 
tioned, is  an  instance.  Wliethcr  these  petitions  Itegan  to  flow  in  lH!fore  (ien. 
Jackson  was  ]>residcnt,  we  are  not  informed ;  but  if  they  did.  President  Adams 
knew  what  to  do  with  them.  De  that  as  it  may,  the  lute  president  had  not 
l)een  long  in  the  chair  of  state,  when  he  made  known  his  willingness  that  an- 
other arrangement  might  be  made  with  the  Indians,  and  appointed  Col.  Gads- 
icn  to  confer  with  them,  to  see  what  could  be  done.  It  hii|)|>ened  that  this 
was  the  most  favorable  time  that  could  have  Ix-on  fixed  upon,  namely,  the 
spring  of  1832,  for  such  conference,  I)ecau8e  the  crops  of  the  Indians  bad  l)een 
cut  off,  and  they  were  in  a  state  bordering  upon  starvati«in  ;  hence  they  were 
ready  to  hear  any  propositions  which  promised  them  immediate  relief  Col. 
Gailsden  visitetl  Micanopjf,  and  on  the  8  April  hud  an  interview  with  him,  in 
which  little  difliculty  was  ex|ierienced  in  pei'suading  him  that  his  condition, 
as  well  as  that  of  his  people,  -"oidd  be  greatly  inifiroved  by  a  removal  to  the 
fruitful  west.  Micanopy  said, ..  /ever,  that  he  would  defer  treating  at  that 
time,  as  bis  mr7i  were  dis|)er8ed  upon  their  yearly  himting  tours,  and  many 
of  ti-  >'n  150  or  200  miles  off;  but  that  he  would  collect  them  as  soon  as  be 
could,  ind  then  they  woidd  consider  the  matter  together,  for  he  wished  them 
all  to  I'oar  what  their  Itither,  the  president,  had  to  say  to  tliem.  Accordiiigl}', 
the  8  itiay  following  >va8  fixed  uimn  for  the  day  of  council,  and  Paine's  Laud- 
ing tl.j  place  of  the  meeting. 

Airre;eubly  to  arrangement,  the  parties  met  on  the  8  of  May,  18.'}2,  and  on 
it)ic  .'bllowing  day,  a  treaty  was  signed  by  such  chiefs  and  head  men  as  were 
assembled,  to  the  numl)er  of  fifteen.  Of  the  small  numlier  of  chiefs  who  ex- 
ecuted this  great  treaty,  we  ha/e  l)efore  remarked,  and  we  have  also  noted  its 
chief  conditions.  It  is  said  that  the  agent  hud  nuich  difficulty  in  Itringing  the 
Indians  to  any  terms,  touching  a  removal ;  and  they  finally  signed  only  a  con- 
ditional treaty,  one  of  the  chief  articles  of  which  stipidated  that  a  deputation 
of  some  competent  ciiiefs  of  their  own  should  visit  the  proposed  coi:ntry  to 
which  they  were  to  remove,  and  it;  when  they  returned,  and  reported  the  re- 
sult of  their  observations  to  the  nation,  it  should  then  i)C  thought  advisable, 
they  would  remove  from  Florida.  The  chiefs  fcent  out  upon  this  important 
embassy,  were  seven  in  number,  and  their  names  were  as  follows:  John 
Hicks,  representing  Sam  Jonks,  (Apiaca,  Ahica,  Arpiucki,  &o.);  Jumpkr,  who 
afterwards  fought  in  the  bloody  battle  at  Okeechulwe  Lake,  in  which  Kfi)  whites 
were  killed  and  wottnded ;  Nehai'thulo,  representing  Black  Dirt  ;  Moi.ata 
Emathla,  Coa  Hadjo,  (Alligator);  Cuarlks  Emathla,  Ya-Ha-Hadjo,  (Mud 
Wolf);  and  Mraham,  a  negro,  who  accompanied  tlie  deputation  us  inter- 
preter. 

What  means  were  token  to  cause  these  chiefs  or  agents  to  express  their 


■i-4=fl 


'i:-' 


mm 


•■«..••'; 


124 


SEMINOLE  WAR.— DECEPTIVE  OBLIGATION. 


[Book  IV. 


entire  approoation  of  the  cniintry  they  liad  examined,  1  will  not  undertake  to 
say,  but  certain  it  is  they  did  Higu  a  writing,  in  which  they  B>iy,  "We,  the  un- 
deraiirned,  Seininule  chielH,  express  ourselves  well  satisfied  with  the  country 
exaJNHied  by  us,  and  we  (Jo  agree  to  remove  as  soon  as  government  will 
make  the  necvssury  arriingements,"  &c.  How  much  they  really  undcTHtood 
of  this  writing,  lieibre  they  signed  it,  is  pretty  clearly  shown  by  what  thoy 
themst^lves  say  to  agent  Thompson,  when  called  upon  to  I'ulHI  their  «-ngHge> 
ment  to  remove;  and  ti'um  the  same  source  it  will  be  likewise  seen  liuw 
much  they  understood  of  the  treaty  of  Moultrie  Creek.  All  that  can  now  be 
said  is,  that  if  they  understood  what  they  were  signing,  when  they  cxproKsed 
their  satistactiun  with  the  country  to  which  the  nation  was  to  remove,  they 
entirely  transcended  the  |)owers  delegated  to  them  by  their  countrymen. 

Allliough  it  cannot  be  denied,  that  at  Paine's  Landing  a  treaty  was  niuilc, 
which  stipulated  that  all  the  Beminoles  should,  in  three  years  thereuticr,  rc- 
liiove  from  the  country,  under  ceitain  conditions,  yet  it  is  well  known  tliut 
it  was  with  very  great  difficulty  that  the  chiefs  could  be  persuaded  to  execute 
it,  even  under  its  expressed  contingencies.  On  this  matter,  we  will  hear  the 
United  States  commissioner,  CoL  Gadsden,  who  procured  the  treaty  to  l)e  ex- 
ec JtetL  In  his  comnnmication  to  the  secretary  of  war,  he  says,  "There  is  a 
comlition  prefixed  to  the  agreement,  without  assenting  to  which,  the  Florida 
Indians  most  positively  refiised  to  negotiate  for  their  removal  west  of  the  Mis- 
sissippi. Even  with  the  condition  annexed,  there  was  a  reluctance,  (which 
with  some  difficulty  was  overcome,)  on  the  fiart  of  the  Indians,  to  bind  them- 
selves by  any  stipulations,  before  a  knowledge  of  facts  and  circumstances 
would  enable  them  to  judge  of  the  advantages  or  disadvantages  of  the  dispo- 
sition the  government  of  tlie  United  States  wished  to  make  of  them.  They 
were  finally  induced,  however,  to  assent  to  the  agreement."  By  "agreement," 
does  CoL  Gadsden  refer  to  the  treaty  itselfj  or  to  a  se()arate  writing,  forwarded 
to  the  war  office  with  tJie  treaty  ? 

We  have  questioned  the  manner  by  which  the  Indian  commissioners'  sig- 
natures were  obtained  to  a  certain  certificate, acknowledging  their  satisfaction 
of  the  country  west  of  the  Mississippi.  By  another  writing,  they  have  been 
made  to  express  appix)bation  oi,  and  even  affection  for,  Maj.  Phagan,  one  of 
the  government  agents  who  accompanied  them  on  that  journey.  It  shall 
now  be  sliown  that  these  papers  speak  a  very  different  language  from  that 
spoken  by  the  chiefs  before  thiir  accusers,  in  open  council,  afterwards.  The 
council  here  alluded  to,  was  held  at  the  Seminole  agency,  immediately  after 
the  ratification  of  the  treaty  of  Paine's  Landing  by  the  United  States  govern- 
ment, viz.,  in  October,  18;i4.*  It  was  opened  by  tfen.  Thompson,  in  whose 
speech  we  find  tliese  words :  "  low  alone  have  the  right  to  decide  tchether  you 
mU  accept  the  invilalionf  or  not ;  it  is  left,  as  U  slvovld  he,  entirely  optional  toiih 
you,  and  no  person  bid  yourselves  has  any  right  to  say  you  shall  or  shall  not  ac- 
cede to  the  proposition,"  Thus  it  is  evident  that,  although  the  chiefs  had  ex- 
pressed their  approbation  of  the  country,  a  matter  of  nuich  greater  moment 
liad  been  lefi  open  to  negotiation.    We  will  now  hear  the  ojiiefs : — 

MicANOPY  rose  and  said,  "When  we  J  were  at  Camp  Moultrie,  we  made  a 
treaty ;  and  v.e  were  to  be  paid  our  annuity  for  twenty  years.  This  is  all  I 
have  to  say." 

Jumper,  bince  so  celebrated  in  the  war,  and  a  leader  in,  it  is  said,  the  mas- 
sacre at  Fort  Mimms,  next  s|)oke:  "At  Camp  Moultrie  we  were  told  that  all 
difficulties  should  be  buried  lor  20  years,  from  the  date  of  the  treaty  tlien  and 

*  By  ihn  iisngps  of  rivilizeH  natinns,  ihe  Indinns  were  under  no  nblio^ation  to  abide  by  tlie 
treaty  of  Paine's  Landiner,  for  it  was  two  years  after  it  was  conrliided  before  congress  ratified 
it ;  and  all  treaties  must  be  ratified  in  a  reasonable  time — but  any  time  mtul  answer  ibr 
Indians. 

t  The  Creeks,  already  removed  to  the  west,  had  invited  the  Seminolcs  to  settle  amonp 
them  promiscuously  :  and  it  seems  the  chiefs  had  given  cncotirat^oment  that  they  would,  when 
all  the  neighix»ring  Indians  had  made  peace  with  them.  It  will  be  necessary  tnai  this  fact 
be  borne  in  mind  by  the  reader. 

t  He  was  among' the  signers  of  that  treaty.  I  have  omitted  to  mention  earlier,  that  Mi- 
CANopv  is  grandson  to  the  distinguished  King  Paine,  and  that  his  father's  tiame  was  Sk- 

iSOfTKK. 


Ch*p. 


[Book  IV. 


Ch»p.  XVII.I 


spnKrnF,.s  op  chirfs. 


m 


llierc  rnnde.  Before  tlic  20  yearH  were  out,  we  iiiiule  a  treaty  at  PaincV  Laiul- 
iiif,'.  Wc  wcnj  told  wtj  iMigtit  go  uihI  hvv  tlic  laiul,  hut  that  wv.  were  not 
<)hhf;e(i  to  remove.  When  we  nuw  the  country,  we  Miid  nothing',  hut  tlie 
whiten  that  went  witli  us  made  u.i  sign  our  hands  io  a  paper,  whieti  you  noio 
snij  si<.'nitied  our  conmiiit  to  n;niov(; ;  hut  we  thou^'lit  tiiu  paper  mu\  oidy  tliat 
iw  liked  the  land,  and  when  we  returned,  our  tiutioii  would  decide  U|K)n 
removal.  We  had  no  authority  to  do  more.  My  peoph;  caimot  nay  they  will 
):o.  We  are  not  willing  to  g<i.  If  their  toiifjue."*  wiy  yes,  their  hearts  cry  no, 
nml  call  them  liars.  'J'he  country  to  which  jou  invite  un  is  Hurrountled  by 
lifistile  neighlH>rr4,  and  although  it  may  produci;  piod  I'riiit^  the  Iruit  of  a  IhuI 
•icighborhood  in  hlood,  tliat  Hpoil.i  the  land,  and  a  tire  that  dries  up  the  brooks. 
When  in  the  west  I  said  to  the  agent,  '  Vou  say  tiie  kSeminoles  are  rogues,  but 
you  wish  to  bring  us  among  worse  rui^ucs,  that  we  may  bj  destroyed  by  them.' 
Did  they  not  steal  our  horses,  and  were  not  some  of  uh  oblig(>d  to  retiini  wilii 
our  packs  ui>on  our  own  Iwcks?" 

Charles  Emathka  was  no  friend  to  a  removal  ut  this  time,  but  subse- 
quently consented  to  go,  and  having,  with  three  daughter «,  gone  to  Camp 
King,  alwut  the  li(i  Novem))er,  ld-')5,  to  make  arrangements  for  bringing  in 
his  cattle,  on  liis  return  was  set  u|>on  and  shot  down  in  the  way,  a  little  in 
advance  of  bis  daughters.  Nine  balls  were  tiiund  in  him,  and  it  is  said  tlie 
deed  was  done  by  Osieola  and  some  others  of  the  Mickasauky  trilx;.*  He 
spoke  as  follows:  "Our  old  speaker  was  Hicks. \  He  is  dead,  but  I  have  not 
forgotten  his  words.  I  was  not  at  the  treaty  of  Moultrip  Creek.  It  was  not 
made  by  children.  Great  men  made  it,  and  it  is  sairred.  By  it  wc  were  to 
receive  the  annuity  lor  20  years,  f  and  to  enjoy  the  lands  therein  defined. 
The  time  has  not  expired;  whe  it  does,  it  is  time  enough  to  make  a  new  bar- 
gain. Our  father  has  ollen  said  to  me  that  he  loves  his  children — they  love 
him.  When  a  man  is  at  home,  and  has  his  things  about  him,  he  sees  that 
himself  and  family  depend  u|)on  them.  He  thinks  of  these  things  when  he 
leaves  home.  My  young  men  and  family  ufc  all  around  me.  r^hould  I  go 
west,  I  should  lose  many  on  the  way.  A  weak  man  cannot  get  there,  the 
fatigue  would  be  so  great.  None  but  strong  people  can  go.  I  am  an  Indian. 
There  is  none  but  Indian  blood  in  mr.  The  agent.  Major  Phagan,  tliat  went 
with  us,  is  a  man  of  violent  passions.  He  quarrelled  with  us  on  the  way,  and  after 
toe  got  there.  If  he  had  done  his  diUif,  all  would  have  ended  well.  If  1  know  my 
heart,  I  speak  true.  If  I  differ  from  the  agent,  he  is  a  free  man,  and  can  talk 
as  he  pleases.  I  hope  his  talk  will  bring  all  things  right,  so  that  wc  may  all 
live  together  hereafler  in  friendship." 

HoLATA  Emathla  Said:  "The  horses  that  were  stolen  from  us  by  the 
Chcrokees,  when  we  were  viewing  the  country  in  the  west,  were  never 
restored  to  us.  We  told  the  agent  the  land  was  good,  but  the  people  were 
bad.  We  saw  them  bring  scalps  to  the  garrison.  We  had  a  meeting  with 
Mlntosh.^  He  told  us  that  among  all  their  neighbors  they  had  |M^acc  ;  that 
he  and  Col.  Arhudde  were  to  send  out  to  have  a  treaty  of  peace  with  all  the 
S|)anish  Indians,  and  when  that  was  done,  a  report  of  it  was  to  be  sent  to 
Washington.  I  am  sick.  I  cannot  say  all  1  want  to  say.  I  want  to  talk 
coolly,  and  tell  the  truth  in  all  things.  They  promised  to  send  word  to  us 
when  peace  was  made  with  all  the  Indians  west  of  the  great  river."  It  liad 
been  now  about  three  years,  and  it  does  not  appear  that  any  news  of  a  treaty 
had  reached  the  Semmoles ;  therefore  could  it  be  expected  they  should  be 

*  Here  is  a  slight  disrrepaiiry  between  this  and  our  fomicr  relation,  (p.  72,)  occasioned  by 
a  compaiison  of  Cohen  ano  Wtlliami.  It  will  also  be  observed,  that  from  the  several  printed 
versions  of  the  speeches  of  the  chiefs  on  this  occasion,  I  have  drawn  these. 

t  He  was  a  signer  of  the  treaty  of  Camp  Moultrie,  and  is  said  to  have  been  destroyed  by 
the  machinations  of  Jumper  in  1825;  and  that  although  Micanopy  was  consii'<>red  the  chief 
of  chiefs,  yet  Hickt  was  much  the  greatest  man.  Hext  he  is  sometimes  called,  and  to  the 
treaty  of  Moultrie  his  name  is  written  Tokose  Mathit. 

\  Mr.  Williams  had  piohably  not  read  that  treaty,  as  he  intimates  that  it  stipulated  that  the 
Indians  were  to  remove  at  the  end  of  20  years.  The  treaty  says  nothing  abnut  a  removRJ, 
(only  on  vo  their  5,000,000  acres,)  but  stipulates  that  an  annuity  shall  be  paid  them  for  20 
years. 

^  Chilly  M'Intosh,  son  of  Gea.  W.  M'IrUosh,  executed  for  treason  by  his  own  people. 
Bee  p.  54  of  this  book. 

n* 


rl 


?€■- 


■•:i?.t 


■  ■%■'■,  S 


•I 


■*■.. 


126 


SEMINOLE  WAR— POLICY  OF  REMOVAL  EXAMINED.    [Book  IV. 


\m[ 


.'«■..■•, 


Iff; 


■f-«* 


willing  to  go  before  peace  wan  established  ?    This  connideratinn  alone  wan 
•'noiif^ii  to  liavR  caiiHcn  n  delay  on  the  part  of  tlie  goveninient. 

The  dgciit  hud  (>|iened  the  conference  with  mild  language,  but  he  now 
waxed  wroth,  and  said  many  hard  things  to  the  chiefs;  accused  one  of  lying 
and  another  of  duplicity,  and  closed  by  threatenings.  Btill  the  chiefs  dis- 
covertHi  but  little  irritation,  and  signified  only  that  they  should  remain  firm  in 
(heir  resolution.  In  one  of  the  speeches  which  Charles  Emathla  mode  nt  this 
«-ouncil,  there  occurs  this  ])nNsage:  "The  agent  told  us  yestenlay  we  did  not 
talk  tr>  th<!  point.  I  have  nothing  to  suy  different  from  what  I  have  said.  At 
PttincV  iMiuWufi  the  whites  forced  us  inlo  the  trtaiy.  I  was  there.  I  agreed  to 
^o  west,  and  »lid  gt).  1  went  in  u  vtissel,  and  it  made  me  sick.  The  Indians 
and  thi!  whites  have  shed  nn  blood.  They  stole  things  from  each  other 
They  agn'c«l  at  I'aine's  Landin^r,  that  if  blood  should  be  seen  iu  the  path,  to 
tiiink  it  wufl  lH>cunse  a  person  had  snagged  his  foot." 

The  policy  atlo|itcd  by  the  srcncral  govertiment  of  a  removal  of  the  Indians 
is  most  unquestionably  the  worst,  both  for  the  whites  as  well  as  the  Indians, 
that  could  have  Iwen  devised.  It  is  next  to  a  system  of  deliberate  murder. 
To  cast  otiC  strange  tril)e  upon  another  is  but  to  put  weapons  into  their 
liunds,  unil  in  the  language  of  Tecumaek,  "to  cry  Bluboy."  Fhtir  pensions 
uiid  other  eflects  draw  among  them  from  the  whites  the  vilest  of  knives, 
many  of  whom  ore  obliged  to  fly  their  own  country  for  crimes  of  the  darkest 
hue.  It  matters  not,  say  many,  so  long  as  it  is  out  of  our  sight  and  hearing. 
Is  this  the  manner  a  parent  should  treat  his  children  ? — Send  them  forth  into 
the  world  before  they  have  been  instnicted  ?n  correct  principles,  and  thus 
aban<lon  them  to  the  haunts  of  crimiiials  and  vile  seducers  ?  Mad  not  the 
authors  of  this  policy  foresight  enough  to  discern,  that  in  a  very  few  years 
tribes  so  removed  would  !)e  again  siuTOunded  by  their  own  peojde  ?  That 
the  cry  would  again  and  again  be  raised  against  their  vicinity — that  in  tlic 
very  nature  of  the  c^se  there  cordd  be  no  other  result,  eo  long  as  a  solitary 
Indian  remained  on  the  continent .'  To  write  essays  in  proof  of  this  result 
is  the  same  as  to  write  on  elaborate  treatise  in  the  winter  to  prove  that 
summer  would  return.  How  much  better  wotdd  it  have  been  to  have  let 
them  remain  in  their  o^vn  country,  where  it  were  easy  to  protect  them,  easy 
to  provide  against  their  contamination,  by  keepuig  out  unprincipled  {Miople 
from  among  them !  how  much  easier  they  coidd  have  been  instructed !  how 
much  easier  that  author  of  all  iniquity,  (spirituous  liquors,)  had  been  kept  from 
among  them !  But  what  are  we  to  ex|)ect  from  a  government,  when  the  heads 
who  compose  it  tliink  nothing  of  so  nnich  importance  os  the  means  by  which 
they  shall  retain  their  places,  and  serve  those  looking  to  them  for  rewards  for 
their  servile  machinations,  who  have  contributed  largest  to  place  them  there  ? 
Washington,  Jefferson,  Adams,  the  elder  and  younger — to  tlieir  eternal 
honor  be  it  remembered — advocated  no  such  policy.  How  can  it  be  but  that 
the  Indians  on  our  borders  should  Ik.  bad  ?  It  is  true  with  legard  to  a  numer- 
ous class  of  them,  but  not  to  the  extent  that  many  honest  people  suppose, 
who  have  never  dwelt  on  a  border.    As  a  fair  illustration  of  this  fact,  I  will 

§ive  in  the  testimony  of  a  gentlemtii  from  New  England,  with  whom  I  met 
welling  upon  an  Indian  border,  and  in  the  midst  of  both  Indiaus  and  whites. 
I  first  questioned  him  with  respect  to  the  general  character  and  conduct  of 
the  white  inhabitants.  His  answers  were  just  what  I  supposed  they  would 
he.  I  inquired  first  about  the  whites,  that  he  might  not  think  me  particularly 
friendly  to  the  Indians.  But  when  I  inquired  concerning  the  latter,  his  answer 
\yaa,  "  They  are  the  only  ctw7  people  here." 

The  complaints  of  the  white  man  are  carried,  ae  it  were,  "  on  the  wings  of 
the  wind,"  while  that  of  the  poor  Indian  is  drowned  in  the  tempest  A  clamor 
is  raised  on  a  frontier,  and  commissioners  are  despatched  to  buy  the  Indian's 
lands.  He  is  bewildered  with  the  parade,  ostentation,  and  false  show  of 
greatness  displayed  before  him.  He  puts  confidence  in  what  the  agents  of 
government  tell  him,  and  accedes  to  their  wiL^hes.  Still  he  occupies  his 
coimtry — ^but  very  soon  learns  that  it  is  not  his, — that  he  has  sold  it, — and 
must  now  leave  it  forever!  He  then,  for  the  first  time,  begins  f>  realize 
what  he  has  done.  He  sees,  too  late,  that  he  has  done  tohat  he  had  no  ifUention 
^  doing. 


Cmf.  XVII] 


REMOVAL  POLlcy— ITS  ABSIIRrMTV, 


107 


.■■<: 


;o  a  iiurner- 


It  18  certainly  tnie  that  the  people  of  Georgia,  South  Carolina,  and  Alabama, 
exproHHvd  great  HatiHfuction  at  the  aiiti<'i|Niu-d  n'Ywf  to  \to  realized  wlion  the 
bidiana  uhould  lie  Hfiit  Ironi  their  Imrden*  bt^yoiid  the  JVliHHiHsippi.  Itut  are 
not  these  very  Indians  set  down  in  the  irnincdiate  vicinity  ot  other  while 

IM!o|)le?  Whence  then  couiea  tlie  Itencfit  to  the  Indiana:  and  whence  the 
M'iK.'fitH  to  the  whiteH,  too,  in  the  ei.  i ?  Look  at  the  case  any  way,  ai:d  I  me 
no  point  of  utility  gained  to  either  |rarty.  But  there  is  a  conHidenitioii  about 
wtiii'h  I  have  heard  very  little  said.  It  is  the  consiii<;r.'<tion  that  tlio  frontier 
.states  and  territories  have  but  few  votes  in  a  presidential  election,  while  those 
front  which  the  Indians  are  removed  have  rnniiy.  Now  how  niwch  this  addi« 
to  tilt!  justice  of  removing  Indians  I  leave  my  readers  to  Judgt;.  is  it  not 
j)rep<isti!rous  in  the  highest  degree  to  relieve  a  thousand  individuals  in 
(icorgia  by  taking  nway  the  Indians  from  among  tlutm,  and  setting  them 
down  in  Arkansas,  where  they  can  ')e  in  the  way  of  but  a  hundred  peoph;  ? 
Thus  because  one  state  can  make  more  noise  than  another,  its  clmnoix  must 
be  husherl  at  the  exjMrnse  of  the  other.  But  cries  of  distress  imve  already 
reached  the  cars  of  the  distant  north,  from  the  si^uth-east  border,  and  it 
requires  no  prophet  to  see,  that  the  time  is  not  far  distant  when  these  crie^ 
will  Im)  redoubled,  and  demand  as  nuicli  *rom  tiie  government,  and  with  as 
much  authority  ns  has  already  Ik-cu  done  by  (Jeorgia,  Sr)Uth  Carolina,  Alissis- 
8ipj)i,  or  Alabama. 

The  general  government  has  anticipated  a  state  of  th'Ugs  upon  the  border, 
which  might  reipiire  no  inconsiderable  militoir  force  to  itistm'n  ;  and  hence 
the  late  attempt  to  provide  a  standing  army.  And  some  have  shrewdiv  said, 
ihat,  as  its  omcer^<  would  all  be  apfiointed  by  the  president  of  the  I'nited 
States,  and  officers  and  men  to  be  voters  too,  he  had  attempted  to  seize  an- 
other leading-string  of  power  to  continue  him  in  office,  or  to  elect  such  suc- 
cessor as  he  should  designate,  "  to  follow  in  his  f()otstepa."  However  this 
■nay  be,  we  decline  any  opinion  on  the  matter,  further  thati  to  obsene,  that  a 
much  less  army,  in  all  probabilit}'^  would  have  protected  the  Indians  in  their 
own  country,  than  will  now  be  required  to  protect  the  white  inhabitants  in 
the  country  to  which  they  have  been  driven. 

If,  in  18^4,  there  was  great  fear  among  the  inhabitants  of  the  south-western 
frontier,  from  the  increased  number  of  Indians  forced  into  their  vicinitv,  what 
must  now  be  their  fears,  with  some  30.000  since  turned  loose  there  ?  llarly  in 
1824,  great  alarm  spread  along  that  region ;  offence  had  l)een  given  by  th«; 
whites,  and  they  were  for  a  while  in  constant  agitation,  expecting  revenge. 
They  said  there  were  not  more  than  3,000  troops  stationed  to  defend  and 
keep  order  0V3r  nearly  5,000  miles,  and  to  keej)  in  check  upwards  ol'  5>(1,000 
Indian  warriors.  If  there  was  need  of  a  standing  army  in  J8iJ4,  surely  Mr. 
Van  Buren  ought  to  have  recommended  one  in  lti,'R). 

It  is  no  less  al>surd  tlian  ridic  uioiis,  to  entertain  tlic  idea  that  we  can  re- 
ino\vj  the  Indians  out  of  the  way  of  the  whites ;  every  citizen  who  knows  any 
thing  of  the  character  and  habits  of  the  kind  of  peojile  hanging  upon  all  Li- 
dian  borders,  will  tell  us  without  a  moment's  hesitation,  that  numlKsrs  of  this 
class  will  be  found  in  the  country  ui  advance  of  the  removing  Indians,  as 
completely  equipped  for  defrauding  them,  as  before  their  deiiarture.  We 
caiuiot  run  away  frotn  this  class  of  hungry  pioneers,  for  the  very  good  reason 
that  we  cannot  get  beyond  them.  They  know  where  the  emigrants  are  to  be 
located,  a  long  time  before  they  set  out,  and  any  law  made  to  bear  on  such 
intruders,  is  none  other  tiian  a  by-word  and  a  jest  with  them.  They  are  &8  fa- 
miliar with  the  woods  as  we  are  with  our  closets ;  and  the  furtlier  we  go  witli 
the  Indians,  with  proj)ortionate  impunity  will  they  set  our  laws  at  defiance.* 

We  have  already  premised  son  v  facts  fi»r  consideration,  touching  the  num' 
her  of  Indian  chiefs  t  in  Florida,  who  executed  the  t>  eaties  for  their  people, 
andl  those  found  in  arms  after  the  war  had  begun.  We  will  now  ask  a  mo- 
ment's attention  to  a  further  consideration  of  this  matter.  In  the  year  1821, 
the  agent  in  Florida  mj'de  a  return  to  government  of  such  villages  or  settle- 

•  Ses  Hon.  Mr.  VirUan's  soeecb,  H.  R.  1828. 

t  When  the  previous  paii  o\  this  fourth  \woV  was  .vriUcn,  I  was  not  correctly  informed  rel- 
ative to  the  chiefs'  standing  in  regard  to  one  another,  and  henr  a  a  slight  discrepancy  between 
the  facts  before  detailed,  ^aA  the  same  now  under  consideratii  a. 


■V  . 


\  ■ 


■n 


198 


OPPOSITION  OF  THE  CHlErM. 


tn«'K  fv, 


v:-',f. 


mrntn  of  Spminnlnii,  an  were  known  to  liiin.  This  number  was  THiRTT-riTr. 
t)ftli»'  HtnliHticH  ofHOMiR  ol'tlmfM)  iownH  the  npent  knew  very  little ;  and  tln-rc 
wcru  <l(inl)ti«>H8  many  oiIutb  of  wliirh  lie  knew  nothing.  The  Mikottaiikiea 
he  r»!ekone(|  ut  1,000  mouIh  ;  and  coneeniin^  HcvemI  other  tribog,  he  mys  they 
eontuiiied  "a  ^mit  many  pouIh."  Now  it  iH  in  no  witM?  prolmble  but  that  cne 
liaif  ot'  tiiene  trilM>H  hutl  at  lenHt  two  ehiefk  or  head  men,  and  thin  woidd  f;ivf 
to  the  wimie  nation  fikty-two  chiutM.  WaH  it  not  neccHHiiry  that  a  chief 
t'riini  eiK-h  trilie  hIiouI*!  have  lM>en  a  party  to  all  treatiets  either  in  Iuh  own 
proper  perHon,  or  by  another  iluly  by  him  authorized  ?  This  Bame  ajjent  rerk- 
one«l  then;  weir  5.000  Koids  in  all.  ('ompare  these  laets  with  the  well-known 
one,  that  nii\yj!fletn  chiefs  and  HulHchiefn  nigned  the  treaty  of  removal,  which 
is  that  of  I'aine'n  liandiiifr.  Not  half  of  the  nation  could  have  l)een  repre- 
Hented.  If  any  would  dispute  thin,  w  ith  the  array  of  evidence  now  adduced, 
1  will  pronounce  him  wilfully  blind,  and  incapable  of  reaconinf,'.  Look  at 
the  treaty  of  Moultrie  Creek ;  there  are  the  names  of  more  tliun  double  the 
nundter  attached,  than  were  obuiined  to  that  of  Painc's  Landing ;  and  one  of 
the  best  Seminoh'  chiefs  bus  said,  "  'Jlie  whiles  foned  ua  into  the  treaty"  h  is 
not  very  strange  that  there  were  but  15  chiefs  at  this  treaty,  or  thut  signed  it, 
for  there  had  lH>cn  but  one  month's  notice  given  that  any  such  treaty  was  on  tiiot. 

Wc  shall  now  show  that  when  u  liillcouncil  of  the  chiefs  was  together, 
nothing  like  a  general  consent  to  u  removal  could  l)e  obtained  from  them.  In 
iMorch,  1K)5,  when  preparations  for  rc^moval  liegun  to  Itc  strongly  urged  by 
Geu.  Thompson,  at  the  solicituiion  of  Jumper,  he  gave  them  until  the  2ii  April, 
to  meet  him  in  council,  when  he  would  hear  what  they  had  to  say  touching 
the  matter.  At  the  time  appointed,  "  several  hundreds  of  the  chiefs  and  war- 
riors had  assembled,"  and  a  talk  was  read  to  them  from  Gen.  Jackson,  en- 
forced niid  illustrated  by  the  agent  and  Gen.  Clinch,  all  of  which  amounte<l  to 
no  more  than  this,  "Go  you  must,  and  go  you  shttU,  v/ithout  further  delay." 
Sijome  of  the  chiefs  were  in  fuvor  of  a  compliance ;  but  the  princi|ml  ones 
were  firm  in  their  opposition,  aiid  expressed  themselves  accordingly.  The«? 
were  Micanopy,  Jumper,  Holata  Mico,  Coa-Hadjo.  and  Jhpiucki.  However,  a 
writing  was  drawn  up,  und  sigue<l  by  Ki  other  chiefs  aixi  sub-chiefs,  expres- 
sive of  their  willingness  to  abide  by  previous  treaties,  und  their  wish  to  re- 
move. This  was  signed  on  the  23  April,  1B35.  It  was  through  the  influence 
of  a  very  influential  chief  (whose  name  was  FSuia  Lusla  Hajo,  or  Black-dirt) 
of  the  removal  party,  that  tnis  last  treaty  was  made.  No  sooner  had  it  been 
efl^ected,  than  Gen.  Thompson  (acting  by  precedent,  of  course)  decreed  that 
the  five  opiiosing  chiefs  should  no  longer  be  considered  or  obeyed  os  chiefs. 
When  this  nigh-handed  act  ha<l  been  reportfid  to  Gen.  Cass,  secretary  at  war, 
he  reproLated  the  proceeding  in  vci-y  strong  terms,  from  reasons  too  obvious 
to  require  detail  in  this  placo. 

It  still  remains  a  question  with  us,  whether  on  accommodation  might  not 
have  been  brought  about,  if  the  ofiiccrs  of  government  had  not  persisted  too 
strongly  in  their  determination  that  tlie  Seminoles  should  settle  Avith  the 
Creeks";  but  the  cry  of  retrenchment  and  reform  was  up,  and  it  was  easy  to 
begin  with  the  Indians.  It  would  cost  the  government  much  less  if  they 
could  be  included  with  the  Creeks, — a  most  absurd  and  blind  policy ! — The 
Seminoles  were  now  a  great  nation.  Were  they  to  be  lost  and  absorbed  in 
another .'  The  very  idea  was  revolting  to  them. 

Matters  remained  in  this  unsettled  state  for  several  months.  At  length  it 
seems  that  the  principal  chiefs,  to  the  number  of  25,  assembled  at  the  agency 
on  the  19  August,  to  try  once  more  what  could  be  done  by  negotiation,  //o- 
lata  Emathla  was  chosen  speaker  for  the  Indians,  and  he  delivered  himself  as 
follows : — 

"  My  friends,  we  have  come  to  see  you  to  talk  with  you  on  a  subject  of 
great  importance  to  us.  Hear  us,  and  tell  our  great  father  what  his  children 
say.  We  made  a  treaty  at  Paine's  landing,  by  which  we  agreed  to  go  west 
of  the  Mississippi :  we  were  told  to  seial  some  of  our  principal  chiefs  to  view 
the  place  to  which  we  were  to  remove.  We  did  so ;  they  found  the  country 
good.  While  there,  our  chiefs  had  a  talk  with  Gen.  Stokes  and  the  commis- 
sioners ;  they  were  told  that  the  Seminoles  and  Creeks  were  of  the  some  fam* 
ily ;  were  to  be  considered  as  the  suine  nation,  and  placed  under  tlie  same 


Ciuf.  XVIII] 


A'    lOCIOJIM   HAIir.AKITY. 


1-29 


agent  Thpy  anHWerud,  tliiit  tlie  S.'tniii  )li>rt  \v«r«>  a  liirfjc  iintioii,  and  xlioiild 
iiavc  their  own  a^rnt,  nH  Ix'lorn;  that  if  our  tiith«!r,  the  proHidcnt,  would  give 
UK  our  own  iiL'i-nt,  our  own  hhu'kMiiiith,  and  our  plou^liH,  wo  wunid  ^'o ;  btd 
if  he  did  nol,  vr  shnuld  he  uniriltini(  i<>  rrnutvt ;  that  wo  should  Im;  nnion^  Htmn- 
^ors ;  thoy  iiiivht  Itir  frioiuliy,  or  tlioy  ini^lit  Ih>  hoslilo,  and  wo  wantod  onr 
iiNvii  iijjfont,  wli'iiii  wo  knew  would  he  our  liiond,  who  woidd  tako  oaro  of  iih, 
wniiM  do  ju.-<lirr  to,  aiul  soo  justirc  done  us  l»y  othors.  'I'lioy  told  Urt  our  ro- 
i|Uc.HtH  woro  rcasiuialtlo,  and  thov  would  do  all  thoy  oould  to  niduoo  tho  |>n'K- 
:,lciit  to  grant  thoiu.  Wo  have  hcon  iintortunato  in  tho  a^fonts  our  tiiihor  has 
sont  UH.  (»on.  Thompimn,  our  prosont  aL'ont,  is  tho  Criond  of  tho  Soniinolos. 
W'f  thought  at  first  tiiat  ho  would  ho  liko  tho  othors ;  l»ut  wo  know  Imttcr 
now.  lit"  has  Itut  ono  talk,  and  what  ho  tolls  us  in  truth.  Wo  want  him  to 
i;o  with  UH.  Ho  told  us  ho  oould  not  go,  hut  ho  at  hint  agroo«l  to  un  so,  if*  our 
groat  futhor  will  porniit  him.  Wo  know  »»ur  fiithor  htvos  his  r«>d  ohildron, 
and  won't  lot  thom  suft'or  for  want  ot"  a  good  agent.  This  is  our  talk,  which 
we  want  y(»u  to  send  to  our  fatlior,  tho  president,  lioping  wo  may  recoivo  nn 
•jnrly  luiswor." 

This  talk  was  dospatchod  to  Wusliingtoii,  and  that  thon^  may  l)c  nogrotnuls 
to  question  tho  truth  of  its  oontonts,  I  will  sidtjoin  an  oxtruot  Irom  u  pupor  by 
Gen.  f ViHcA,  whioli  was  transuiittod  with  it.  i'ho  gonorjd  says,  "In  forward- 
ing you  the  c  iwlosod  doruniont,  I  hog  leave  to  make  a  finv  rornarkc.  Although 
i!ie  subject  to  whioh  it  relates  is  itself  of  no  groat  importance,  yot  it  may  have 
;  II  inipoilant  bcuring  on  tho  present  tjiiiot  and  future  happinoHs  of  these  ehil- 
(iren  of  the  forest.  They  are,  from  peculiar  circumstances  and  long  habit, 
suspicious  of  the  white  man.  It  is  hani  to  induce  them  to  Indiove  that  all  tho 
t'Hi»rfs  and  opi^rations  of  govormnont  are  I  bonded  for  their  own  good.  Thf 
iwslion  of  a  sepnrnic  agency  was  again  and  again  hrm>ght  J'onoard  by  the  chiefs, 
'tat  winter  and  spring,  and  npjH-ared  lo  he  corutidered  by  (hem  of  the  frst  impor- 
tance to  their  future  interests,  prosperity,  ami  happiness." 

Notwithstanding  tho  ])atlietio  u|)p(;al  of  tho  Indians,  and  the  kind  intima- 
lions  of  Gen.  Clinch,  the  president  woidd  give  them  no  lioaring,  and  thoy 
were  informed  tbat  he  was  "I'cn/  angry"  to  think  thoy  should  have  so  much 
jinisumption. 

Meanwhile,  some  circumstances  of  a  very  aggravating  nature  had  taken 
place.  Tla-ec  jwor  Mikasuiikic.s,  from  Long  Swamp,  were  seized  by  a  plant- 
er, and  tied  with  a  rope  l)y  their  hands  and  feet,  and  confined  in  his  bam, 
without  sustenance,  till  tlioy  were  n(»arly  dead.  They,  or  some  other  Indians, 
iiad  been  accused  of  purloining  from  his  plantation  some  of  the  necessaries  of 
life;  the  drought  of  the  prccednig  season  having  ruined  their  crops,  they  were 
reduced  to  extreme  want.  The  friends  of  the  three  Lidians  became  alarmed 
)i"oin  their  long  absence,  and  the  chief  of  the  village  to  which  they  I)elonged, 
sought  them  out  and  demanded  them.  The  inhuman  wretch  would  not  re- 
lease them.  The  chief  then  repaired  to  his  village,  and  taking  several  of  his 
men  with  him,  demanded  them  again,  but  was  again  refused.  They  were  in 
hearing  of  the  distressed  cries  of  their  friends,  and  obeying  the  promptings 
of  a  generous  nature,  proceeded  to  the  bam,  and  lil)erated  them  by  *brce. 
Tliey  were  in  a  pitiful  condition,  could  neither  stand  or  go ;  the  ropes  with 
which  they  were  tied,  had  cut  through  the  flesh  to  the  very  bones !  When 
their  friends  were  canying  them  away,  they  were  fired  uj)on  by  the  owner 
of  the  place,  and  one  was  wounded.  They  retaliated  only  by  burning  his 
barn,  not  sufTering  him  to  remove  aiiy  thing  out  of  it ;  and  whoever  knows 
'he  circumstances,  will  only  wonder  that  he  had  not  l)een  confined  in,  and 
consumed  with  it. 


.f'-, 


K    ■: 


}'-■ 


■■•m 


9fi0e 


CHAPTER  XVm. 


CARRYING  THE   EVENTS   OF    THE    WAR  TO   THE   CLOSE    OF   THE   TEAR   1836. 

Review  of  early  difficulties — The  Hogtown  murder — The  insult  to  Osceola — Micanopt 
—Kino  Pavne— Gen.  Clinch's  expedition — Gen.  Scott  attacked — Massacre  at  Char- 


■ 

■     :\    ■ 

^'■..' 

130 


THK  INSULT  TO  OSCEOLA 


[Book  IV 


K 


N"  , 


'■f-\      ' 


loUf  Ilarlittr — Furl  Miranopy  hmifurd — Drath  of  offirrr* — Li/^ht/umtr.  iiffair— 
Batti.k  ok  Wki.ika — Creeks  and  Cherokee  affuim — fniiiant  sururifetl—MunhTu 
—  Uatti.k  «>»•  Han  Fki.aki'ii — Col.  lAint'n  t'.tpedttion — //w  meianrhnly  ilnith— 
liov.  Call  in  command — Kattlkk  of  tiik  Waiioo  Swamp — (Sen.  Jemip  ruumn 
commiind — His  e/prdilion  to  the  lyithoo. 

The  miirdRr  of  llu^rtdwn,  to  which  wv,  have  iM-fori;  nlhidcMt,  wuh  n  wriniH 
criHiH.  It  vt!i'v  iiiiu'h  liaHt«tiH)«l  hoHtiliticH,  from  the  ontni^coiiH  iintiiiv  nt'  tht- 
caH4.'.  Thr  luhhtioiial  t'artH  to  tliom;  wt;  liavt;  «ln>a<ly  ^nvni  ur<;  \\\vxv.  'I  hrri 
wen;  (;i^'ht  liMliaiiH  hrloii^iii;;  to  tho  party,  and  in  th«>ir  \\an(l«>rin|;H  thry  hml 
killril  ii  cow  whicli  tliii  not  IhsIook  to  thi-ni,  n<-ar  I)«<arnond'H  I'ond.  A  |)art  ol 
thrni,  oil  ih«;  l!lth  ot'  Jnne,  iMiin^  i>n('ain|M><l  at  a  sink-iioie  where  there  wns 
wuter,  ahoiit  li  ukU-h  Iroui  Kenapalia  I'ond,  are  (iiilen  upon  hy  a  pin^r  ot 
whiles,  H-veii  in  nunilM>r,  wlio  nei/ed  aH  many  ol'  the  ^mmih  iMOon^inK  to  the 
Indians  aH  thev  W(!re  uhle,  and  then  eonmieiieed  wliippin^'  them.  Two  ot' 
th*!  Indiana  had  ^one  out  npon  u  limit,  and  retnrneil  whih;  this  hnninesn  was 
in  pro^resti.  They  made  a  Hhot  npon  the  wliiten,  wonndinj;  one  «)l'theiii,  ami 
in  their  turn  they  tired  upon  tht;  two  inihans,  kilhnif  one,  nKnie<l  tvre,  ami 
mortally  wonti<iin^  the  other,  named  Iterhiilich(t.  Here  the  renrontn,'  wvm- 
to  havt!  enih-d. 

A  ^reat  er>  wan  now  raiHcd  nlon^  th(!  Indian  !)ortler,  and  tlie  Run'iviii^ 
ludiauH,  who  had  done  nil  oflh'S  mischief,  were  demanded  of  the  rhietii  hy  the 
agent  They  were  readily  Hurri  njlered,  the  whole  Hurviving  nix,  and  thrown 
into  priHon,  where  they  remuinei^  over  thirty  deys,  while  their  areuHerw  werr 
lefl  at  perfect  lilierty  to  commit  Jther  ontnigen,  and  to  make  ])reparationH  lor 
convicting  the  Indians  ut  tlio  tri^i  which  wi's  HiippoHcd  to  await  tlieni ;  hut  it 
docH  not  appear  that  any  tviul  ever  took  place,  and  my  informant  t<ayH,  that  tin 
bahuice  of  proof  wutt  ::»  much  against  the  whites  that  they  were  glad  to 
"dodge  the  question ;"  nntl  hence  we  siippo^ic  the  Indians  were  set  at  hlH'rty. 
But  could  any  rational  man  KUiipose  that  an  outrage  of  such  a  flagitious  clmr- 
ucter  would  pass  without  retaliation  ?  It  i()llowed,  !)ut  not  immediately.  On 
the  1 1  August,  a  private,  named  Pallon,  ran-j-ing  the  mail  bt;twecn  Fort  Hrook 
and  Kort  King,  was  met  on  his  route  and  kille<l.  Pome  seized  his  lioi-se  h\ 
the  reins,  while  others  dnigged  him  off  and  shot  him.  When  found,  his  hody 
Iwre  evidence  of  savage  vengeance,  heing  nearly  torn  in  pieces.  The  party 
conunitting  this  oct  are  immediately  ilemanded  hy  Cen.  Clinch,  and  the  chiefi. 
promised  they  should  he  siirrende'red,  jjrohahly  without  any  intention  of  no 
doing.  They  were  Mikasuukies,  and  having  fled  among  the  Kedsticks  ot 
the  Oiiithlacoochc,  could  not  l)e  found.  If  the  Indians  did  not  avow  this  iniir- 
der  to  lie  in  revenge  for  that  of  Fure  and  Lfchotichee,  it  was  known  to  he  so. 

The  Indians  were  now,  if  possihic,  treated  with  greater  contumrlv  than 
iMjfore,  and  Osceola,  alwut  this  time,  went  to  the  agent  to  complain  ol  some 
ruthless  villuifi  who  had  been  gtiihy  of  grossly  illtrcating  some  of  his  peojtie. 
It  so  hu]»pcned  that  some  white  person  had,  only  the  preceding  day,  niacle  a 
similar  complaint  against  the  Indians;  which  complaints  were,  it  is  said. 
occasioned  hy  the  afliiir  ut  Ilogtown.  The  general  therefore,  having  j>rr- 
judged  the  case,  as  good  us  told  Osceola  he  lied,  and  that  it  was  his  men  wiio 
were  guilty  of  outrage.  An  altercation  ensued,  and  this  was  the  time,  we  are 
told,  that  thij  chief  was  s(>ized,  manacled,  and  placed  in  the  guard-house  of 
tlic  garrison;  the  circumstiuicesofwfiich  have  already  been  related, agreeahly 
to  the  then  existing  information. 

We  now  pass  to  the  events  of  the  war,  taking  up  the  subject  where  it  had 
been  suspended  in  the  summer  of  ISJf). 

One  of  the  divisions  of  the  army  under  Gen.  Clinch  mairhed  from  Tampa 
for  Fort  Drane  on  the  14th  of  April,  183G.  After  a  march  of  dm^e  days,  they 
came  within  four  miles  of  Fort  Cooper,  where  Major  Cooper  hod  been  lefl 
with  his  Georgia  battalion.  Having  encamped,  Gen.  Clinch  detached  his  two 
mounted  companies  under  Capt.  Mulone  of  the  Washington  corjjs,  with 
wagons,  to  Major  Cooper,  and  instructions  to  join  him.  When  this  detach- 
ment liad  proceeded  about  two  or  three  miles,  it  was  fired  upon  by  Indians 
concealed  in  a  hommock  near  the  road,  and  Mr.  Howard  and  Comet  Dunsan 
of  the  Washington  troops  were  wounded ;  the  fonner  with  three  shot,  and 
the  latter  with  one  in  the  leg.    Both  probably  recovered.    Ci4>t  Malooe 


Thap.  XVIIIJ 


BArri.E  OF  WEI.IKA 


131 


,•■'<; 


vhere  it  had 


immediately  nent  to  0«n.  C'linch  f<ir  ii  rronforrffmonf,  on  the  arrival  of  which 
no  IriiliuiiH  wen;  to  In>  IoiiimI.  'I'lu-  ilriacliiniwit  tlicii  |>nM;t;(Hlcil  to  Fort 
Coofter  whirli  hu«l  iNit'ii  nitackcd  lor  HI  diiyH  to^i>ih«-r,  liiit  with  u  Io!4m  only 
ut'  oiii*  mail,  Mr.  Ziiriirk  Cook,  of  iIk    Mor^'iiii  (•uaniH. 

At  the  Miino  tiiiio  <t«!ii.  <.'linfh  iotii'i*hi><l  11-0111  'ritin|iii,  ('ol.  LiriilHiiy  U't\  aJHO 
ii|)uii  n  w.out,  ainl  while  rrosHiii^  tliv  Ilillr^lHtroiiKli  Kiv<;r,  tho  huliiiiiH  ttn*(|  ii|ioii 
hiiii,  kiiliiiK  Mr.  JaiiicM  Itrurihaoi  of  llii>  AlalHiriia  voliiiitf<>rH.  (t<>ii.  ('liiicli 
iiiado  hut  a  nhort  Mtny  at  Tort  trooper,  wlicit  ho  n-tiiriic<l  to  Fort  Kiiijr,  whrn: 
lit>  arrivfil  on  tho  '^'>tli ;  hnviiii;  hail  omc  iiihii  woiiruii'ti,  a  Mr.  Itostii-k  ot'  tho 
Jt'tt'fCNoii  troop.  At  tho  Haiiif  tiinr  Col.  (looilwin  liiiriiH  a  lari;c  Iniliaii  town 
on  I'uaHCrRRK;  and  only  two  il.iyrt  atlrr,  a  ('oiM|>nny  of  IniliaoH  attiick  Fort 
Dranu,  make  priHoniMH  of  si'vcral  nctn'o<-s,  anil  rarry  otf  a  nntiihiM*  of  ilor^M•H. 

Scarcely  a  day  paHMod  at  ihir*  poriod  without  witnit  tale  of  blood.  (i«;it. 
Scott,  on  liiH  rnarrh  noar  Ocklawaha,  in  attacked  in  his  camp  on  the  '^id  of 
April,  and  two  of  IiIh  men  arc  wounded.  Two  davH  aller,  »hc  ffcneral  mir- 
iiriMeH  a  party  of  Indians  alHiiit  *£i  miles  from  Volusia,  hut  th<>y  ull  eMca|»f, 
ioavin^,  however,  their  horMi-H  and  packs  to  the  victors. 

At  Cliarlottn  llarhor,  on  tlie  ^Htli  of  April,  the  Indians  make  tliorou<.'li  work, 
killing  Dr.  Creus,  tho  collector  of  that  port,  "and  all  the  |icople  residing 
there."  Thoy  next  appear  with  great  boldnesH  iM'fore  St.  Marks,  hut  retire 
without  doing  any  other  damage  than  frightening, the  |>eople.  Alnxit  the 
middle  of  May  depredations  were  conmiitted  within  two  miles  of  Mandarin, 
on  the  Hu  John's.  They  killed  and  scalped  a  Mr.  Molte,  a  highly  respectahle 
j.'entlcman  from  New  York,  and  hurnt  his  house  ami  other  huildings. 

On  the  7th  of  June  the  Indians  hurn  the  extensive  sugar-works  belonging 
ID  (Jen.  Clinch,  together  with  70  hogsheads  of  sugar,  and  a  great  amount  of 
ntlier  pro|terty;  and  at  the  same  time  tiicy  hurn  also  (he  sugar-house  of  Col. 
.M'lntosh,  of  Oakland.  The  next  day  alM)nt  150  warriors  invest  Fort  Micanopy, 
ia  which  waa  Major  lleillman  and  70  or  HO  mi^n.  Atler  some  preparationti, 
ii  sortie  was  made,  and  the  Indians  dispersed.  The  whitea  had  live  men 
wounded  and  one  killed.  Major  lleillman  had  iM'en  an  active  and  valuable 
otficer,  but  hiti  term  of  Hervicc  expired  with  Iuh  death,  which  took  place  at 
Micanopy  on  the  tJ7th  of  the  Harne  month  ;  luid  but  a  tew  days  before,  (June 
I5tli,)  Lieut  Wheelock  had  put  an  end  to  his  own  existence  with  his  rifle. 
His  dutioa  had  l>een  so  arduous  that  he  was  overcome  by  an  aberration  of 
laind,  in  which  coiuiition  he  committed  the  fiital  act 

On  the  23d  of  July  the  Seminoles  attack  and  Inini  the  lighthouse  on  Cape 
Florida;  the  kee|)er,  a  Mr.  J.  W.  R  'J'hompson,  is  most  surprisingly  delivered 
from  death,  though  not  till  he  had  been  tori;ed  to  drink  deep  of  tne  cup  of  its 
iijjonieH.*  On  the  Ist  of  August  the  express  rider  is  cut  off  between  New- 
nunsville  and  Micanopy. 

Some  time  in  June,  tiie  unhealthiness  of  Fort  Dmnc  having  been  repre- 
sented to  Gov,  Call,  an  order  was  given  for  its  evacuation.  About  the  IHth 
of  July,  a  train  of '22  wagons  letl  that  place,  with  stores  and  munitions  for 
Fort  Defiance,  Micanopy,  at  S  o'clock  in  the  morning,  escorted  by  '^d  dragoons, 
under  Capt  Ashby,  and  'Ay  artillerists,  deii;iled  from  ditferent  compatfies;  in 
all  tj'2  men.  They  had  a  five  atid  a  half  inch  howitzer,  under  the  charge  of 
Lieut  Whitly,  On  the  amval  of  the  train  at  VVelika  Pond,  within  a  mile  of 
its  destination,  as  usual,  the  first  noti«-.<5  of  Indians  was  from  a  salute  from 
their  rifles,  by  which  one  man  was  mortally  wounded.  The  place  whence 
tlie  discharge  proceeded  was  scoured,  but  the  Indians  had  gone.  The  three 
moved  on,  and  at  almut  a  quarter  of  a  mile  from  Micanopy,  as  it  was  passing 
a  long  hommock,  a  tremendous  fire  was  poiired  upon  the  whole  column  from 
250  Indians,  as  was  supposed ;  their  line  extending  a  quarter  of  a  mile.  Soon 
after  Capt  Ashby  was  severely  wounded,  but  contitmed  in  action  until  com- 
pelled to  retire  from  loss  of  blood.  The  fusing  brought  out  to  their  relief  two 
companies  from  Micanopy,  31' strong,  imder  Lieuts.  Talcott  and  Temple,  who 
rendered  very  important  service,  Tlie  Indians  stood  their  ground  until  dis- 
lodged by  a  charge,  which  was  not  until  t!>e  fight  had  been  considerably  pro- 

'  I  have  published  Mr.  Thompson's  narrative  of  the  affair  in  my  Collection  of  Indian  Nar- 
ratives—a  very  proper  appendix  lo  this  work. 


A^^n 


«•'., 


133 


CREEKS  ANI>  CHEROKEE  AFFAIRS. 


(Book  IV. 


'./•■■■ 


tractecl.     Of  ttie  whites  11  were  killed  and  wounded ;  of  tlic  Indians'  lose  no 
account  was  obtained. 

On  ilie  morning  of  the  8tli  of  August  fell  Major  Williams,  nenr  St.  Arthur's 
Bridge,  on  his  way  from  Ulack  Creek  to  Noimrdsville.  The.-e  were  200 
Indians,  it  is  said,  who  did  this  single  act,  and  although  Mr.  Williams  had  u 
son-in-law  with  liim,  he  was  suffered  to  escape ;  they  were  so  elated  that  they 
hud  killed  the  man  who  struck  the  first  hlow  in  this  wretched  war,  that  they 
thought  of  no  further  retaliation  at  that  time.  The  reader  will,  doubtless, 
readily  rememlier  the  lUth  of  June,  lA'tt,  and  the  parallel  case  of  Cant. 
Chubh. 

It  is  a  relief,  in  pursuing  general  history,  to  be  able  to  meet  with  some- 
thing besides  scenes  of  blood,  but  in  ;!urticului  history  we  are  confined  to  the 
coiu-se  of  events,  which  when  they  lead  us  to  nothing  but  the  most  dreaded 
scenes,  we  have  no  choice ;  we  do  not  niuke  events,  only  record  them.  For 
a  moment  our  attention  will  be  drawn  to  the  Creek  and  Cherokee  countrieti. 
Much  was  said  about  the  more  northern  In<iians  going  down  into  Florida 
and  joining  the  Seminoles,  and  it  wus  even  suid  that  the  gcminoles  had  sent 
a  messenger  to  the  shores  of  the  •'rcut  lakes  iviiii  nivitations  to  the  Indians  in 
those  regions  to  jiin  them.  It  ini.y  br-  true.  We  are  told  that  Gen.  Guincs 
did  not  disbelieve  it,  but  we  h?.-,e  never  lieard  that  any  came  down  from 
thence.  The  Creeks  weip  adjacent,  find  it  was  easy  for  them  to  effect  such  a 
junction.  Accordingly,  on  the  5th  of  July,  a  considerable  body  of  them  was 
discovered  making  their  way  towards  Florida,  which  the  people  of  Stewurt 
county,  Georgia,  endeavored  to  prevent.  They  followed  them  about  thref 
days,  and  liad  about  as  many  skirmishes  with  tlieni.  The  final  result  was, 
each  party  was  glad  to  be  rid  of  the  other.  One  of  tlie  whites  was  wounded, 
and  three  Indians  were  said  to  have  been  killed ;  the  former  being  satisfied 
to  display  the  remainder  of  their  eoin-agc  on  paper. 

On  the  16th  of  July,  2,400  Cherokees  were  shipped  at  Montgomery,  Ala- 
bama, lor  the  Arkansas.  In  such  a  vast  assemblage  of  people,  forced  from 
the  land  of  their  fiithers,  it  would  be  very  strange  if  there  were  not  some  who 
should  show  an  unwillingness  to  go.  How  such  vmwillingness  had  been 
manifested  we  are  not  informed,  but  at  tiiis  time  "some  12  or  15"  men  were 
"  shackled  with  heavy  irons  to  prevent  their  rising."  One  of  them  was  detei- 
niined  not  to  submit  to  such  felonious  indignity,  and,  wrenching  himself  from 
the  grasp  of  his  tormentors,  seizes  u  club,  and  knocking  down  one  A\ith  a 
blow  on  the  head,  gives  the  wai'-whoop  and  attempts  an  escape.  Alas !  hi» 
struggle  is  fraught  with  ce/tain  death ;  he  is  shot  do>m,  and  instantly  expires. 
Another  is  pierced  with  a  bayonet,  for  what  no  mention  is  made ;  he  dies  in  a 
few  liours  af\er.  On  the  evening  of  the  same  day  'ee  had  escaped  from 
those  who  guarded  them.  Soon  after  one  was  retakei.,  brought  in  in  a  cart, 
and  as  he  was  thus  conveyed  along  the  streets,  he  cut  his  own  throat,  and 
expired  without  a  groan !  To  such  deeds  of  desperation  does  this  work  of 
expulsion  lead. 

About  the  2d  of  August,  a  small  ])arty  of  Indians  struck  a  small  settlement 
on  the  Oscilla  River,  which  flows  mto  Appalachee  Bay,  and  about  40  miles 
fi-om  Tallaliassee,  killed  two  men,  took  n  boy,  and  burnt  a  house.  Collecting 
what  spoil  they  could,  they  decamped ;  but  being  immediately  followed  by 
Capt  Fisher's  company,  they  abandoned  the  boy  and  plunder,  and  secured 
themselves  in  a  hommock,  and  the  whites  marched  back  victorious. 

On  the  16th  of  this  month.  Major  Pierce,  with  110  men,  marched  from 
Gain's  Ferry  to  attack  a  body  of  Indians,  who,  he  had  leorned,  were  in  pos- 
session of  Fort  Drane,  He  "was  fortunate  enough  to  come  upon  them  undis- 
covered, but  such  was  the  alertness  of  the  Indians,  that  they  escaped  with 
small  loss ;  4  or  5,  being  b&dly  wounded,  fell  into  tlie  hands  of  the  whites, 
who,  to  add  lustre  to  their  exploit,  barbarously  put  some  of  them  to  deatli. 
Osceola  was  there,  and  to  his  sagacity  we  may  impute  the  small  succesfa  of 
his  enemies. 

On  the  15th  of  September  wo  meet  with  a  melancholy  account  of  depre- 
dations. At  10  o'clock  in  the  morning  of  this  day,  a  Mr.  Higginbothani 
arrived  at  Jacksonville  from  his  late  residence  at  Cedar  Swamp,  a  distance  of 
7  miles,  without  o  hat  and  almost  exhausted.    His  house  had  been  attacked 


Chaf.  XVIII  ] 


BATTLE  OF  SAN  FELASCO. 


133 


)eeQ  attacked 


at  daybreak  by  a  partj  »f  Indians.  He  had  two  men  and  nine  gunn,  vvitli 
which  before  he  left  tliey  had  been  able  to  silence  the  Indians.  A  number 
of  citizens  immediately  volunteered,  and  marched  for  the  scene  of  action, 
under  Major  Hart  They  found  Mr.  Higgin'  Miani's  family  safe,  and  firing 
having  been  heard  thn  night  before  in  the  ivction  of  a  Mr.  M'Cormick's, 
they  proceeded  there,  and  Ibinid  it  had  been  l»urnt  down  ;  and  its  ruins  were 
yet  smoking.  Among  them  they  found  the  remains  of  a  human  being.  This 
was  18  mifes  from  Jacksonville.  Thence  following  the  Indians'  trail,  they 
came  to  the  house  of  Mr.  Lowder,  7  miles  farther.  It  was  abandoned  by  its 
owners  but  very  recently,  as  fire  was  still  burning  in  the  kitchen.  Here  the 
Indians  had  done  no  niischiefl  Proceeding  thence,  the  detachment,  in  four 
miles,  came  to  Mr.  Sparkman's,  where  a  tragedy  was  opened  to  their  view. 
They  found  Mrs.  Johns,  who  had  lived  in  Mr.  M'Cormick's  house,  her  scalp 
taken  o.T,  and  dreadfully  wounded  with  two  bullets;  yet  she  was  alive,  and 
able  to  communicate  the  particulars  of  the  horrid  tragedy  throi;gh  which  sh(^ 
liad  passed.  She  and  her  husband  were  about  20  yards  from  their  own  door 
when  they  discovered  the  Indians  emerging  from  the  corner  of  a  fence  close 
by  them.  They  ran  for  the  house,  entered  it,  and  closed  the  door;  at  the 
same  moment  the  Indians  fired  on  the  house,  and  shortly  aller  they  hailed  them 
in  English,  and  told  them  if  they  would  come  out  they  should  not  lie  hurt. 
They  not  choosing  to  trust  them,  the  Indians  next  looked  through  between 
the  logs  of  the  house,  and  ordered  them,  in  a  peremptory  manner,  to  come 
out,  but  they  still  refused,  and  begged  for  their  lives.  The  Indians  then 
charged  the  house,  burst  open  the  door,  shot  Mr.  Johns  through  the  head, 
and  Mrs.  Johns  as  betbre  related ;  he  fell  dead,  and  slie  fell  upon  his  body. 
An  Indian  then  seized  her,  and  dragged  her  out  of  the  house,  and  soon  after 
dragged  her  in  again ;  and  after  tearing  the  band  and  comb  from  her  hair, 
applying  his  scalping-knife  to  her  head,  and  fire  to  her  garments,  left  her ;  an(l 
to  make  a  more  sure  mark  of  his  vengeance,  he  next  set  fire  to  the  house, 
and  then  they  all  drew  off.  They  carried  away  a  portmanteau  containing 
100  dollars,  and  every  thing  else  they  thought  of  any  vahie.  As  soon  as  they 
were  out  of  fiearing,  the  wretched  woman  raised  herself  up  and  crept  frotn 
the  burning  building ;  saw  tiie  body  of  her  husband  lying  unscalped.  She 
fainted  and  fell,  again  and  again,  l)ut  finally  reached  the  edge  of  a  swamp  not 
far  distant,  where  she  got  some  watej*,  and  lay  down  with  hopes  no  greater 
than  her  strength.  In  this  situation  she  was  found  by  the  scout  above  men- 
tioned, and  eventually  recovered. 

On  the  morning  of  the  17  September,  a  party  of  about  100  Indians  came 
within  a  mile  of  Fort  Gilleland,  on  the  Picolata  road,  took  a  cart  from  some 
teamsters,  and  carried  it  off  a  piece,  then  set  it  on  fire.  Col.  John  Warreji 
sallied  out  from  the  fort  with  150  men,  in  the  direction  of  San  Fclasco  hom- 
mock,  where  he  had  reason  to  believe  the  Indians  were  postetL  One  hundred 
of  his  men  were  mor.nted,  and  of  his  number  was  a  company  of  artillery, 
with  a  24  pound  howitzer.  He  could  meet  with  none  of  the  Indians  that  day. 
Early  the  next  morning  he  sent  out  spies ;  but  they  soon  returned  with  no 
intelligence  of  the  enemy ;  yet  so  well  convinced  was  he  that  the  Indians 
were  at  Felasco,  that  he  divided  his  inen  into  three  columns,  and  marched  on 
in  order  of  battle.  When  they  came  within  about  three  quarters  of  a  mile  of 
the  hommock,  they  found  the  Indians  in  their  own  peculiar  order  of  battle  ; 
and  they  rose  up  and  poured  upon  the  whites  a  sharp  though  not  a  destructive 
fire.  And  we  have  very  seldom  heard  of  so  much  manoeuvring  and  fighting, 
without  greater  execiiliun,  on  any  former  occasio...  The  battle  having  lasted 
an  hour  and  a  half,  but  one  of  the  whites  was  killed,  and  four  or  five  wound- 
ed ;  the  Indians  lost  none  that  their  enemy  were  certain  of,  though  they  re- 
port that  they  saw  a  gvcat  many  fall.  In  the  first  of  the  onset  the  Indians 
made  an  attempt  to  turn  the  left  flank  of  the  Americans,  "  but  were  charged  on 
with  spirit  and  success  by  Lieut.  Col.  Mills's  command,  and  driven  into  a  thick 
oak  scrub,  who  then  dismounting  and  charging  on  them, drove  through  this  into 
the  border  of  the  hommock,  when  the  artillery  pla\  d  upon  them  with  consid- 
cmble  effect;  after  this  they  retired  to  the  right,  *  id  attempted  to  turn  that 
wing,  but  a  charge  from  Capt.  Walker  and  Lieut  Bruten's  command,  drove 
them  witliia  the  range  of  the  artilleiT  again,  which  opened  upon  them  with 
12 


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134 


BATTLE  OF  SAN   FELASCO. 


[Book  IV. 


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great  effect"  They  made  several  desperate  attempts  to  maintain  tlM-ir  poHJ- 
tion,  and  charged  twice  on  tlie  artillery,  but  were  l)eaten  cff  at  all  points,  and 
began  a  retreat  Tliey  were  pursued  a  mile  and  a  hall'  into  a  dentH^  lioin- 
mock,  and  then  abandoned.  Thus  ended  the  battle  of  San  Felasco  Hum- 
mock, 08  it  was  culled.  The  Indians  were  reckoned  at  300  men.  Several  of 
the  officers  under  Col.  Warren  were  higlily  commended  lor  tlicir  braverj  uiiil 
good  conduct,  in  his  official  account  of  the  buttle;  especially /ulj.  tlilleluiul, 
Capt  D.  D.  Tompkins  of  the  artillery,  Cupts.  Beekman,  Walkei,  and  Ward, 
Lieuts.  Bruteu  and  lliudly. 

AI)out  this  time,  the  distinguished  Creek  chiefs,  I'uddy  Carr  and  Jim  Boy, 
ui-rive  in  Florida,  with  950  of  their  warriors,  to  assist  in  subduing  the  yeini- 
noles. 

On  or  before  the  28  September,  about  50  Indians,  supposed  to  l)e  Creeks, 
attacked  a  house,  near  Orange  Pond,  and  killed  a  Mr.  Uptegrove  and  his  mi',. 
She  at  first  escaped  from  the  house,  but  they  pursued  her,  overtook  and  killed 
her.  A  Mr.  Hunter,  living  in  tlie  same  house,  escaped  to  a  pond,  and  by 
burying  himself  almost  entirely  in  water  lor  24  hours,  tliey  su|)posed  him  to 
be  drowned ;  by  which  artifice  he  presei-ved  his  Hie. 

The  next  day,  namely,  September  21)th,  Col.  Lane  landed  at  Tampa,  with  a 
force  of  whites  and  friendly  Indians,  from  Apulachicolti.  Hearing  that  the 
Indians  were  committing  depredations  in  the  neighborhood,  he  murched  im- 
mediately, with  12  mounted  men  and  100  Indians,  to  Ix' it  up  their  quarters. 
A  rapid  march  of  12  miles  brought  them  to  Lidian  River,  where  they  discov- 
ered the  enemy  on  the  opposite  side.  The  Iriendly  Creeks  had  not  come  up, 
and  though  there  were  near  200  Indians  to  oppose  them,  yet  they  engaged 
them,  and  for  15  minutes  the  skirmish  was  sharp  und  obstinate.  The  Creeks, 
under  Maj.  Watson,  now  arrived,  and  the  Seminoles  began  to  relax :  they, 
however,  maintained  their  order  lor  a  mile  and  a  hallj  when  they  separated 
und  lied  in  eveiy  direction,  and  night  ended  the  pursuit  This  buttle  was  on 
the  30  of  September,  alter  which  the  colonel  returned  with  his  command  to 
Tampa.  An  act  of  self-devotedness  occurred  in  this  fight,  not  of  a  very  com- 
mon character  on  record :  A  Mr.  Kelly  was  standing  near  Col.  Lnne,  when  he 
observed  un  Indian  taking  deliberate  uhn  ut  him  ;  having  just  discharged  his 
own  gun,  he  saw  no  chance  of  saving  the  life  of  his  commander,  but  by  re- 
ceiving the  ball  liimseltj  which  he  did  by  instantly  throwing  himself  between 
him  and  the  Lidiai',  Kelly  received  the  bull  and  lell ;  happily  he  was  not 
mortally  wounded. 

On  the  10  of  October,  Col.  Lane  set  out  on  another  expedition  from  Tam- 
j)a,  und,  on  the  14tli,  alter  a  march  of  50  or  GO  miles,  he  came  in  full  view  of 
Oloklikuna,  or  Sjjotted  Lake,  which  stretched  off'  to  the  north  as  far  as  the 
eye  could  reach,  dotted  here  and  there  with  beautifully-wooded  islands. 
llere  they  lell  upon  a  fresh  trail,  and  soon  alter  a  village,  but  it  was  aban- 
doned. In  another  direction  their  trail  led  then)  to  a  Ibrd,  200  yards  over, 
which  they  passed  by  wuding  und  swinnning, — having  left  their  horses  be- 
hind,— beyond  which  they  came  to  extensive  cornfields,  some  cattle  und 
ponies,  and  a  village ;  but  no  Indians  yet.  Passing  the  village,  the  trail  led 
to  a  mai'sh,  neai*  u  mile  in  extent,  covered  with  soil  mud  unci  water;  but  it 
was  no  barrier  to  the  Creeks,  and  they  dashed  into  it  ut  once,  und  were  Ibl- 
iowcd  by  tlie  whites.  They  were  olten  waist  high  in  mud,  from  which  liuv- 
iug  extricated  themselves,  found  they  hud  reuched  a  fine  island,  und  the  trail 
still  continuing  southerly.  Here  were  u  village,  domestic  uuimals  aud  uten- 
sils, tuid  the  scalps  of  several  white  people.  Not  liu"  from  hence  they  came 
to  another  village,  which,  witii  the  Ibrmer,  contained  ubove  u  hundred  houses. 
Another  half  mile  brought  them  to  the  shore  of  u  pond,  skirted  with  u  thick 
scrub,  of  near  three  fourths  of  u  mile  in  extent  Here  the  Seminoles  had 
made  a  stand,  and  began  the  attack  by  u  volley  of  rifle-balls.  A  fight,  now 
begun,  was  kept  up  for  about  half  an  hour,  when  a  charge  fi-om  the  Creeks 
put  them  to  flight,  and  they  were  soon  covered  by  a  honunock,  and  were 
followed  no  farther.  But  one  of  the  whites  was  wounded,  and  whether  any 
of  the  Creeks  were  kill'id  or  wounded,  we  are  not  told  by  their  white  as- 
sociates. Of  th'i  loss  of  the  enemy,  they  of  course  knew  nothing,  which 
no  doubt  amou.uted  to  the  same,    '.''he  whites  destroyed  about  a  htmdred 


Chap.  XVIII.] 


GOV.  CALL  IN  COMMAND. 


135 


cattle  and  hogs,  and  they  returned  to  Fort  Drane,  with  about  400  more,  on 
the  llhh. 

With  this  expedition  terminated  the  career  of  an  active  and  vuhiable  offi- 
cer. Col.  Lane  coni|>iairied  some  of  a  brain  fever,  and  bcln*;  left  alone  in  the 
tent  of  Ca|>t-  GSoff  for  a  few  minutes,  was  found  by  liini,  on  his  rctin-n,  expir- 
ing on  his  own  swonL  It  was  su|)px>Hed  he  had  ttillen  on  it  acciditntally,  in 
a  fit  ofdi/zincss;  or  that  in  a  moment  of  intellectual  aberration,  arising  from 
tlie  nature  of  his  illness,  he  had  been  his  own  exociition»'r.  This  occuneil 
on  the  ^th,  and  cast  a  deep  gloom  over  the  whole  army. 

A  i(;w  days  previous  to  tliis.  Gov,  Call  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  war,  in- 
forming him  that  he  had  taken  the  general  command  in  Florida,  ai'  .  that 
Gen.  Jesiip  had,  "with  great  magnanimity,"  declined  it;  but  that  he  had  pro- 
jiosiul  to  serve  under  him  as  a  volunteer  Some  entertained  high  expecta- 
tions at  the  present  prosjHiCt,  and  others  expresscti  no  ftivorable  opinion  oi' 
the  result  of  Gov.  Call's  assumption,  lioth  were  cunnnon  gratuities;  audit 
tvould  liave  been  suigular,  indeed,  if  neither  had  eventuated  in  fiivor  of  the 
jtrophcL 

On  the  28th,  Gov.  Call  commenced  active  operations.  lie  marched  from 
the  Suanee,  at  Old  Town,  with  1,375  men,  in  high  hojies  of  speedily  putting 
an  end  to  the  war.  The  route  to  Fort  Drane  was  taken,  on  which  seven  In- 
dians were  killed.  Whether  they  were  warriors,  old  men,  women,  or  chil- 
<ln;n,  no  mention  is  made.  They  reached  B^ort  Drane,  Octolier  1st,  where  the 
tires  of"  the  Lidians  were  still  burning.  Had  it  not  been  for  a  faithful  spy, 
Osi;  F.OLA  and  his  Mikaeaukies  would  have  fallen  into  Gov.  Call's  hands.  Here 
lie  waited  until  the  evening  of  the  (Jth,  to  be  joined  by  Maj.  Pierce,  who  was 
to  supply  him  with  provisions ;  whicli  he  eflected  with  no  ordinary  efibrts, 
having  marched  (kj  miles  in  two  days,  viz.,  from  Black  Creek. 

With  a  8U|>ply  of  8  days'  rations,  a  move  was  made  for  the  "Cove  of  the 
Ouithlacoochee."  On  the  way  they  fell  in  with  an  encampment  of  Mikasau- 
kics,  "  ''illed  13  men,  who  did  not  fire  a  shot,  took  4  women  prisoners,  an<l  8 
ciiildren."  From  these  they  learned  that  the  Negro  Town  was  but  3  miles 
above  them.  Col.  Gill  was  despatched  thence  with  300  Tennessee  volun- 
teei-s,  on  the  morning  of  the  13th,  but  could  not  reach  the  town  from  the 
depth  of  water  in  the  creek  before  it.  He  a L'cordingly  returned  with  loss; 
having  had  3  men  killed,  and  7  wounded.  Amoiijr  the  former  was  Indian 
Billy,  an  interpreter,  in  nnich  esteem  by  the  whites.  He  was  brother-in-law  of 
Charles  Emathla,  of  whose  tragic  (h.'ath  we  have  before  given  an  account. 

The  main  body  marched  to  the  river,  which  was  so  overflowed  that  its  width 
was  yiK)  yards,  and  could  not  be  cros.>-e(l.  The  Indians  ajipeared  on  the  op- 
posite bank,  and  fired  upon  them,  wounding  Maj.  Gordon,  though  slightly. 
Here  the  expedition  was  at  an  en«l ;  the  army  being  obliged  to  retreat  to  Fort 
Drane  for  supplies.  At  Gen.  Gaines's  Iwittle-ground  they  fell  in  with  Col. 
Lane,  as  he  was  returning  from  his  exjiedition,  just  recorded. 

Little  seems  to  have  been  done,  or  attemjited,  after  this,  until  alwut  the 
middle  of  November.  On  the  11th  of  that  month,  the  army,  consisting  of 
'^100  men,  marched  once  more  from  Fort  Drane  f()r  the  Ouithlacoochee.  At 
this  time  the  river  was  ^20  yards  wid(i ;  yet  it  was  |)assi'd  on  the  13tli,  though 
at  great  |)eril,  four  of  the  regulars  being  drowned  in  the  way.  The  army  had 
now  lu-rived  at  the  "Cove,"  where  Indians  were  expected  to  be  flnnid  ;  but 
none  were  visible,  and  it  ap|)eared  that  the  place  hud  been  some  time  abim- 
doned;  yet  trails  were  discovered,  heading  into  Ochlawaha  and  the  Wahoo 
Swamp.  The  left  division,  under  (Jen.  Armstrong,  mot  with  no  opposition  in 
crossing  the  creek  to  the  Negro  Towil  It  was  crossed  by  Col.  Trawsdale's 
rcgitnent.  Instead  of  one  town,  they  foimd  two,  and  burnt  them  both.  Here 
they  fbuml  an  old  ntigro,  who  told  them  the  Indians  had  gone  to  the  Waho<» 
Swani|).  He  said,  also,  that  when  the  Temiess(!e  vohmteers  made  an  attempt 
upon  the  {)lace  the  previous  month,  they  killed  4({  Indians.  This  was  no 
doubt  said  to  flatter  their  vanity,  for  we  have  no  account  that  half  tliat  number 
of  guns  wiire  fired  at  that  time. 

GeiL  Call  now  made  dispositions  to  |)nrBue  the  Seminoles,  with  certainty 
of  success.  Co!.  Pierce,  with  250  regulars,  the  Creek  Indian  right,  and  Col. 
Warren's  mounted  men,  were  to  ))uss  out  of  the  Cove  by  the  only  jiracticaWe 
outlet  in  that  direction,  and,  after  exploring  the  coiuitry  south  and  west  of  the 


...    »...  I 

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196 


BATTLES  OF  THE  WAHOO  SWAMP. 


[Book  IV 


e-f-^.^^'^ 


river,  to  reunite  with  the  main  army,  about  the  Ifhh  or  20tli,  near  Dade's  bat. 
tie-ground ;  tlie  general,  meanwhile,  to  miu-oh  by  the  river  in  the  direction 
of  tiie  Wahoo,  with  the  Tennessee  brigade,  two  companies  of  artillery,  and 
the  Florida  foot.  Both  divi;Mon8  inarched  on  the  16tn.  On  the  17th,'abotit 
noon,  a  large  party  of  the  enemy  was  discovered  by  the  main  body,  encamped 
near  a  hommock.  Col,  Bradford,  with  the  Ist  regiment  of  Tennessee  volun- 
teers, was  inmicdiately  detached  to  attack  them. 

Although  the  Indians  were  surprised,  they  made  good  their  retreat  to  tlie 
lionuiiock,  and  waited  the  approach  of  the  troops,  who,  when  disnioiuitiiig, 
received  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  They  immediately  returned  it ;  but  the  hi- 
diaiis  stood  their  ground  until  a  charge  was  made,  which,  as  usual,  put  them 
to  flight.  They  left  20  of  their  dead,  and  all  their  baggage,  on  the  ground ; 
and,  ii-om  traces  of  blood,  a  far  greater  nundjer  were  supposed  to  have  been 
carrietl  offi  The  number  of  Indians  engaged  were  said  to  amoupt  to  about 
200.  The  wliites  had  two  killed,  and  10  or  12  wounded,  which,  alter  being 
taken  care  of,  the  army  retreated  four  miles  to  a  favorable  site,  and  en- 
camped. 

On  the  18th,  the  general,  having  lefl  his  luiggage-train  under  a  strong 
guard,  marched  again,  with  550  Tennesseeans,  chiefly  foot,  to  the  Wahoo 
Swamp.  At  alwut  8  miles  from  their  camp,  they  fell  upon  a  laigc  Intlian 
trail,  which  led  through  two  dense  honmiocks,  and  over  two  creeks,  into  a 
large  field,  surrounded  on  three  sides  by  hommocks.  The  enemy  were  re- 
treating to  gain  securer  positions  whence  to  ))egin  the  attack,  leaving  their 
houses  in  flames ;  at  Ici 'Tth,  making  a  stand,  the  whites  immediately  formed 
their  line  of  attack.  The  foot,  imder  Col.  Trawsdale,  were  formed  in  open 
order  to  charge  into  the  honnuotk,  while  the  horsemen,  to  the  right  and  lef\. 
were  thrown  back  to  protect  the  flank,  and  to  act  as  a  corps  of  reserve.  The 
columns  had  not  received  tb'  ",voi  J  to  advance,  when  a  tremendous  fire  was 
opened  upon  them,  along  their  wholt,  front,  from  a  hommock.  They  began 
slowly  to  advance,  exchanging  shots  at  short  inter^'als.  The  order  being 
given  to  charge,  it  was  obeyeil  with  impetuosity ;  but  the  Indians  did  not 
break  and  fly  as  in  times  past;  they  stood  and  fought  hand  fo  hand,  exchan- 
ging life  lor  life, — while  at  the  same  time  their  wines  attached  both  flanks  of 
the  army,  and  a  small  body  of  about  50  fell  boldly  on  its  rear.  The  battle 
had  raged  nearly  half  an  hour,  when  a  general  charge  broke  and  dispersed 
them  in  every  direction,  leaving  25  of  their  number  dead  on  the  field ;  while 
the  whites  had  but  three  killed  and  18  wounded.  600  Seminoles  were  said 
to  liave  been  engaged  in  this  battle.  The  hour  being  late,  and  the  men  much 
exliaustcd,  the  army  retreated  to  its  ap])ointed  place  for  tiie  meeting  of  Col. 
Pierce,  near  Dade's  battle-gi'ound. 

On  the  21st,  the  army  marched,  in  three  columns,  into  the  swamp,  the 
Tennessceans  and  regulars,  and  Col.  Warren's  mounted  men  on  the  right, 
the  centre  under  Col.  Pierce,  and  the  Creek  regiment  on  the  lef^.  When 
they  canje  to  the  Imttle-ground  of  the  18th,  they  found  it  in  possession  of  the 
Indians.  As  the  Tennesseeons  and  regulars  advanced,  a  heavy  fire  was 
ojwncd  u|)on  them,  and  they  did  not  answer  it  until  they  got  into  the  midst 
of  the  Indians;  then  cliarging  them,  they  gave  way  and  retreated. 

As  soon  as  the  direction  of  their  retreat  was  observed  by  a  party  in  resene, 
Col.  Pierce,  with  his  division,  and  the  Creek  Indians,  were  ordered  to  pursue  -, 
and  soon  after.  Col.  Trawsdale  with  his  regiment,  and  Col.  Warren  with  the 
Florida  horsemen,  were  sent  to  support  them.  Unfortiniotely,  the  greater 
part  of  the  regulars  and  Tennessceans,  by  taking  a  trail  to  the  right,  became 
involved  in  an  almost  impassable  morass,  where  no  horse  could  move,  and 
where  the  men  were  obliged  to  wade  waist-deep  in  mud  and  water.  A  small 
number  of  Creek  warriors  on  the  lefl,  led  by  Col.  Brown,  taking  a  better  path, 
followed  closely  upon  the  enemy,  and  foimd  them  strongly  posted  in  a  cypress 
swamp.  The  Creeks  charged  them  with  great  spirit,  and  their  gallant  leader, 
Major  Momac,  was  killed,  as  also  were  several  other  Creek  warriors.  It 
was  soon  discovered  that  this  party  would  be  overpowered,  and  the  struggle 
was  momentarily  becoming  more  and  more  desperate,  when  two  companies 
of  Florida  n  'litia  under  Capt.  Groves  and  liieut  Myrick,  three  companies  c'* 
artillery  under  Maj.  Gardner,  Capts.  Tomjjkins,  Porter,  and  Lee,  and  Col. 
Waire  with  his  mounted  men,  coining  successively  into  action,  enabled  tbj 


<■■'  :i 


Chap.  XIX] 


GEN.  JESUP  AT  THE  WAIIOO. 


137 


Creeks  to  maintain  their  ground.  Still  the  fight  wns  animated ;  and  it  was 
not  until  nearly  all  the  force  of  the  whites  was  brought  to  bear  on  this  point, 
that  the  Indians  could  be  dislodged.  Then  it  would  seem  they  retired  more 
to  give  their  adversary  a  chance  to  retreat,  than  because  they  were  beaten 
themselves.  Thus  ended  the  second  battle  of  the  Wahoo  Swamp,  in  which 
'i5  of  Gen.  Call's  army  were  killed  and  wounded,  nine  being  of  tlie  former 
number.  The  Indians  lefl  10  on  the  field ;  but  the  whites  said  they  lost  «  50 
at  least" 

The  army  having  consumed  all  their  provisions,  and  being  very  severely 
handled,  was  glad  to  make  the  best  of  its  way  out  of  this  hostile  region ;  it 
accordingly  returned  to  its  late  encampment  at  10  o'clock  at  night,  and  the 
next  day  marched  for  Volusia. 

Where  Gen.  Jesup  was,  or  what  service  he  was  rendering  at  this  penod, 
and  for  some  time  previous,  I  am  uninformed ;  but,  on  the  24  November,  h*: 
arrived  at  Volusia,  with  400  mounted  Alaliama  volunteers.  He  came  late 
from  Tampa,  and  on  the  way  had  taken  'Jii  negroes,  the  former  property  of 
Col.  Rees,  of  Spring  Garden,  whence  they  had  been  carried  off  by  the  Semi- 
noles.  Here  Gren.  Jesup  received  orders  from  the  secretary  of  war,  again  to 
resume  the  command  of  the  army  of  Florida-  Gov.  Call  had  pretty  confi- 
dently asserted  that,  in  the  cami)aign  now  just  concluded,  he  should  be  able 
to  finish  the  war;  but  he  had  only  showed  the  Seminoles  that  some  of  his 
men  could  fight  as  well  as  Indians,  and  that  others  could  turn  their  backs 
with  equal  dexterity.  On  the  whole,  if  the  Indians  had  been  one  to  a  thou- 
sand against  the  Americans,  it  would  be  no  very  difficidt  question  to  settle, 
which  would  be  sent  beyond  the  Mississij.'pi.  When,  in  October,  the  Creek 
deputation  visited  them,  to  persuade  thetn  to  submit  to  terms,  Osceola  as- 
siu-ed  them  with  firmness,  tliat  "  the  Seminoles  would  never  yield — never,  he 
.said ;  the  land  is  ours ;  we  will  fight  and  die  upon  it."  The  Chief  Harjo  was 
at  the  head  of  the  peace  deputation  of  Creeks,  and  he  found  Osceola  in  a  great 
swamp,  on  the  Ouithlacoochee,  having  then  with  him  about  3,500  jjeople. 

Notwithstanding  the  severe  blows  which  Osceola  had  had  in  the  Wahoo 
Swamp,  it  yet  remained  the  Nairaganset  of  Florida ;  and  such  wore  the  ac- 
counts from  thence,  that  Gen.  Jesup  determined  to  proceed  there  with  a 
large  force.  Accordingly,  w'nli  ten  days'  provision,  he  marched  on  the  12 
of  December  for  that  point ;  but,  on  reaching  it,  no  Indians  were  found.  On 
the  17th,  he  marched  for  Tami)a,  taking  the  course  of  the  Ouithlacoochee  in 
his  route  ;  and  Col.  Foster  purstied  a  parallel  course  on  the  other  side  of  the 
same  river ;  a  single  Indian  was  the  result  of  all  this  business ;  yet  no  blame 
can  be  attached  to  those  who  performed  it,  for  what  can  men  do  where  there 
is  nothing  to  be  done  ?  Something  like  calculation  can  be  made  in  marching 
against  men  in  a  fort  or  city;  buj;  where  it  is  known  that  a  people  remove 
their  cities  and  forts  as  easy  as  themselves,  quite  a  dift'erent  calculation  is 
required.  Cwsar  never  fought  Indians,  or  he  would  have  reversed  his  cele- 
brated saying,  "  'Tis  easier  to  foil  than  find  them." 


r-: 


v.: 


•■:r.»S| 


.K..:;^ 


». 

U 

/ -i" 

i^'--f::. 

**t 

.-■'"  ■" 

f\ 

,  .V.  ■•••     '  I 


j'-'v*'-':-  ■    *, 


J    ■-■    •  } 


Hites" 


CHAPTER  XIX. 


EVENTS    OF   THE    WAR   DURING   THE   YEAR   1837. 


Expedition  to  Aliapopka — Osuchee  killed — Jesup  parleys  with  the  chiefs — Col.  Hen- 
derson's Expedition — Battle  of  Lake  Monroe — treaty  of  Fort  Dade — Unob- 
served— Osceola  at  Fort  Mellon — Kiimhers  of  the  Seminoles — Sudden  abditrtion  nf 
emigrants — Jesup  requests  to  be  relieved  from  command — Western  Indians  applied 
to — Gen.  Hernandez's  Expndition — Capture  of  King  Philip — Surprise  of  the 
Uchces — Surrender  of  chiefs — Mediation  (f  Ross — Capture  of  Osceola  and  others — 
View  of  the  affair— Wild  Cat's  escape — Battle  of  Okechobee. 


"M 


With  this  chapter  we  begin  the  events  of  the  year  1837.    On  the  22  of 
January,  Gen.  Jesup  put  the  main  body  of  the  army  in  motion,  with  the  view 
18  • 


■  ^',. 


138 


BATTLE  OF  HATCHEE-LUSTEE. 


[Book  tV. 


Chap. 


m 


M&' 


of  attacking  another  strong-hold  of  the  Indians,  which  he  had  learned  wm 
upon  the  head  waters  of  the  Oklawaha.  The  next  day  he  detached  Lieut 
Col.  Cawliield  with  his  mounted  battalion  of  Alabama  volunteers,  Cuut.  Har- 
ris's company  of  marines,  and  Maj.  Morris's  Indian  warriors,  wi*h  liis  own  aid, 
Lieut  Chambers,  to  attack  Osuchee,  commonly  called  the  Chief  Cooper, 
whose  rendezvous  was  then  on  the  borders  of  Aliapopka  Lake.  Ohucfiee 
was  surprised,  and,  with  3  of  his  v\ .  "ors,  killed  ;  nine  women  and  ciiililien, 
and  8  negroes  taken.  The  whites  lost  one  Litlian,  who  was  mortally  wound- 
ed. Fro'd  the  captured  it  was  discovered  that  the  main  body  of  the  Scnii 
noles  had  gone  southward. 

Pursuit  was  inmiediately  made,  and,  on  the  24th,  the  army  passed  a  rugged 
range  of  mountains,  hitherto  unknown  to  the  whites,  called,  by  the  Indians, 
Thlmihatkee,  or  White  Mountains.  On  the  27th,  the  Indians  were  discovered 
on  the  Ilatchce-Lustee,  in  and  about  the  "Great  Cypress  Swamp;"  and  a 
successful  charge  was  made  upon  them  by  Lieut  Chambers,  with  I'rice's 
company  of  Alalmma  volunteers,  by  which  25  Indians  and  negroes,  and  their 
horses  and  baggage,  were  taken.  The  captured  were  chiefly  women  and 
children.  Col.  Henderson  pursued  the  fugitive  warriors  into  a  swamp,  and 
across  the  Hatchec-Lustee  River,  and  thence  into  a  more  extensive  swamp, 
where  they  could  not  be  pursued  without  great  difficulty  and  more  men. 
Meanwhile,  a  messenger  had  been  sent  to  the  general,  but  he  was  killed  ui  the 
way ;  and  it  was  not  till  another  had  been  sent,  that  he  was  informed  how 
matter?  wi  -e  progressing  with  Col.  Henderson. 

Gen.  Jesup  sent  a  prisoner  to  Jumper,  on  the  morning  of  tlie  28th,  endeav- 
oring to  get  a  parley,  while  he  moved  on  and  took  a  position  at  Lake  Toho- 
Eikalega,  within  a  few  miles  of  where  it  is  a/proached  by  the  Cypress  Swamp, 
[ere  he  took  some  hundred  head  of  cattle.  '1  ;'<^i  prisoner  sent  out  to  Jiunper, 
returned  the  next  day,  bringing  I'avorable  talks  Irom  Alligator  and  Abraham ; 
and  two  days  alter,  January  31st,  Abraham  visitod  the  general  in  his  camp ; 
immediately  after,  he  returned  to  the  Indians,  and  on  the  3  February,  brought 
along  with  him  Jumper  and  Alligator,  with  two  sub-chiefs,  one  a  ue|)liew  of 
Micanopy.  These  chiefs  agreed  to  meet  the  general  at  Fort  Dade,  with  other 
chiefs,  on  the  18th  following.  Jumper  and  Alligator,  it  is  said,  are  among 
the  last  ol"  the  descendants  of  the  Yamassees. 

To  return  to  Col.  Henderson.  On  receipt  of  his  message.  Gen.  Jesup  or- 
dered the  dinposable  force  of  Gen.  Armistead's  brigade,  Maj.  Gorham's  infan- 
tiy,  and  Tustenugge  Hajo's  Indian  warriors,  to  move  on  to  his  suppoit  They 
soon  captured  two  Indian  women,  and  several  negroes,  in  a  i)ine  wood,  over 
a  hundred  ponies,  some  plunder,  and  several  fire-arms.  The  main  force  of 
the  Indians  had  fled  ;  but  not  having  much  time  in  advance,  were  soon  over- 
taken by  Maj.  Morris  on  the  border  of  a  considerable  stream,  20  or  25  yards 
wide,  in  the  midst  of  a  swamp.  The  Indians  were  in  possession  of  the  op|K)- 
site  side,  and  when  the  warriors  came  up,  they  were  fired  upon,  and  a  con- 
siderable skirmish  ensued.  The  creek  was  difficult  to  ford,  and  the  Indians 
had  i)assed  it  by  two  trees  felled  from  the  opposite  banks.  These  afforded  a 
sure  mark  for  the  Indians'  rifles,  a  very  few  of  which  could  stand  against 
many ;  but  the  whites  and  their  Indian  allies,  being  much  the  more  numer- 
ous, were  able  to  extend  themselves  up  and  down  the  stream,  by  which  dis- 
])lay  the  Indians  were  exposed  to  a  cross  fire,  and  soon  began  to  abandon 
their  position.  The  order  being  now  given  to  cross  the  creek,  Capt  Morris 
(major  of  the  1st  Indian  battalion)  was  the  first  to  advance  on  tlie  log,  fol- 
lowed by  Lieuts.  Searle  and  Chambers,  and  Capt.  Harris ;  Lieut  Lee  swim- 
ming over  at  tiie  same  time.  These  officers  'ed  the  van  throughout  this  ex- 
pedition, and  (u-e  mentioned  with  high  encomiums  on  their  conduct  Having 
all  crossed  tlic  creek,  the  Indians  made  several  stands  against  them,  but  were 
forced  to  fly  afler  a  few  fires.  They  were  followed  for  a  mile  or  two,  and 
then  the  pursuit  was  given  up ;  the  detachments  returning  late  at  night  to  the 
camp  of  the  main  arinv  The  result  of  this  affair  was  tlie  capture  of  28  ne- 
groes, and  Indian  woniv^n  and  children.  How  many  warrors  wc-e  killed,  no 
certain  information  could  be  given  ;  but  some  two  or  three  the/  saw,  lying 
dead,  as  they  marche  J  along.  Of  the  whites,  one  was  killed  at  the  passage 
of  the  creek  in  the  swamp,  and  three  wounded;  and  in  the  pursuit  anotlier 
was  killed.    Thiid  ended  the  afliiirs  of  one  day,  namely,  January  the  27tli. 


Cbaf.  XIX  ] 


BATTLE  OF  LAKE  MONROE. 


139 


limp;"  and  a 


The  next  affair  of  importance,  which  tranHpired  in  Florida,  'vas  tite  Ijattio 
of  Lake  Moiiroo.  Brevet  Col.  A.  C.  W.  Funninu  had  ht-en  tmtioned  at  that 
place,  and  his  camp  there  bore  the  name  of  the  lake.  Early  do  *\ic  morning 
of  the  ti  February,  1837,  about  300  Seminoles  commenced  firing  upon  Col. 
Fnmiing's  camp  with  great  spirit  Their  right  rcHted  on  the  lake  above  the 
tort;  their  lell  on  the  shore  below,  and  another  line  extended  arouiitl  their 
front.  They  were  taken  rather  by  surprise,  many  of  whom,  being  new  recruits, 
scarceiy  knew  what  they  were  about ;  but  after  wa^^ting  a  good  share  of  tlicir 
ammunition,  being  bent  on  making  a  noise  by  some  means,  they  were  got  un- 
Jei'  .^')tnc  sort  of  regular  modus  operandi,  and  the  action  became  sharp.  Mean- 
while, Lieut.  Thomas  received  orders  to  man  a  steamboat,  lying  in  the  lake 
under  cover  of  the  fort,  and  to  serve  a  six-pounder,  which  was  on  board  of 
her,  upon  the  right  of  the  Indians.  Ttiis  he  was  enabled  to  effect,  and  they 
were  innncdiately  driven  from  that  position ;  but  they  hung  upon  the  right 
and  front  for  near  three  hours,  before  they  would  give  up  the  contest.  'I'lie 
brave  Capt  Mellon  was  killed  near  the  begiiuiing  of  the  fight,  and  15  others 
were  wounded,  some  mortally.  Paddy  Carr  was  here  with  his  Creeks,  and 
was  among  the  foremost  in  all  danger ;  and  Col.  Faiming  gives  the  names  of 
many  of  his  officers  who  distinguished  tliemselvcs. 

Thus,  only  ten  days  l)efbre  the  time  assigned  to  treat  with  Gen.  Jtisup,  did 
the  S(!minoles  give  a  demonstration  of  the  value  they  set  upon  a  peace  with 
the  whites ;  but,  jwrhaps,  the  party  which  attacked  Col.  Fanning  were  unac- 
quainted with  the  arrangement.  However,  tlirough  the  mediation  of  the 
Creeks,  the  general  got  a  hearing  with  Holatoochee,  nejihew  of  Micanopy, 
Jumper,  Abraham,  Little  Cloud,  and  several  others,  at  Fort  Dade,  on  the 
5  Man^i.  Micanopy  sent  as  excuse  for  his  non-appearance,  that  he  was  old 
and  infirm.  Jumper  was  inquired  of  respecting  the  time  the  Indians  would 
be  ready  to  remove,  awd  from  his  answer,  all  the  world,  if  they  had  heard  it, 
might  have  known  that  all  the  Indians  were  afler,  was  to  gain  time  ;  for  he 
replied,  that  they  could  not  be  ready  till  fall.  The  general  as  promptly  re- 
plied, that  "  that  was  out  of  the  question,"  insinuating  also,  that  if  they  wished 
to  gain  time  by  such  a  manoeuvre,  they  were  mistaken.  Jumper  showed 
some  indignation  at  being  thus  suspected,  and  afler  considerable  other  talk, 
the  council  was  adjourned  to  the  next  day. 

Accordingly,  they  met  again  on  the  6th,  with  augmented  numbers  on  the 
part  of  the  Indians ;  among  whom  were  representatives  of  Alligator,  Coa- 
chochee  or  Wild  Cat,  (Philip's  son,)  his  nephew,  and  Pease  Creek  John,  and 
a  treaty  v/as  drawn  up  and  signed.  It  purported,  that  hostilities  should 
from  that  time  ceaae ;  all  the  Seminoles  to  remove  immediately  beyond  the 
MiHsissippi ;  to  give  hostages  to  secure  its  observtmce  ;  all  the  Indians  to  go 
immediately  south  of  the  Hilisborough  ;  Micanopy  to  be  one  of  the  hostages ; 
and,  by  the  10  April,  all  were  to  be  ready  to  remove.  To  these  articles  four 
chief's  put  their  marks,  with  Gen.  Jesup ;  and  we  shall  see  how  they  were  ob- 
served. 

To  keep  up  the  deception,  and  make  sure  of  the  promised  rations,  the  In- 
dians began  to  frequent  the  general's  camp,  as  though  in  good  earnest  to 
fiiifil  the  treaty.  By  the  26  March,  there  were  there,  or  had  l)een  there,  the 
chiefs,  Yaholoochie,  (Cloud,)  Jumper,  Abraham,  and  Tigertail;  and  the 
principal  chiefs  on  the  St.  John's,  Tuskinnia  and  Emathla,  (Philip,)  had  sent 
word  that  they  would  emigrate  if  Micanopy  said  so,  and  Abiaca  (Sam  Jones) 
had  been  invited  by  Philip  to  go  to  Micanopy  to  arrange  for  a  removal.  Abi- 
aca being  chief  of  the  Mikasaukies,  his  acquiescence  was  thought  of  no  little 
consequence.  About  this  time,  it  was  reported  that  Yaholouchie  was  com- 
mander-in-chief at  the  battle  of  the  Wahoo  Swamp,  and  that  Osceola  had 
been  deposed  tor  cowardice  in  that  action.  On  the  18  March,  Micanopy 
signed  a  written  acknowledgment  of,  and  acquiescence  in,  the  treaty  of  the 
6th  ;  and  Gen.  Jesup  seemed  quite  sure  the  war  was  at  an  end.  Neverthe- 
less, about  this  time  a  circumstance  occurred  which  much  alarmed  the  In- 
dians, and  whether  feigned  or  real,  answered  the  same  end.  A  report  was 
circulated  among  them,  that  as  soon  as  Gen.  Jesup  had  got  a  eufficieut  num- 
ber into  his  power,  he  would  handcuff  and  ship  them  for  Arkansas.  Thus 
matters  were  retarded  and  moved  slow.    And,  besides,  Philip,  chief  of  the 


. 

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■.     1..      V 

.' :  T 


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140 


OSCEOLA   BREAKS   UP  GEN.  JESUP'S   PROSPECTS.      [Booi  IV. 


'iff'  ■r*'- ■ 


TohoplvolikiPP,  hud  bnf.Min  to  hIiow  Iiim8?lf  ngnin,  and  rpiTiaine<I  in  his  Htmnp- 
hold  with  400  it>en.  'I'hiH  miicli  ioBNcned  tiic  contidnnce  of  the  generiii,  und 
he  l)cgaii  to  tnakf?  prep  . rations  tor  uggrcsNiona.  Murders  were  nbo  ulniost 
daily  coininitted  \i\  Homo  direction. 

However,  by  the  1  May,  Osceolu*  had  come  in  to  Fort  Mellon,  Lake  Mon- 
roe ;  und,  by  the  8th  of  thut  month,  there  were  assembled  tliere,  and  in  tiie 
imnuHliute  ncighlH>rhood,  not  lesa  tliun  3,500  men,  women,  and  children,  to 
whom  ubout  1,000  rations  hud  been  iNsued.  Many,  if  not  all  the  chictis,  jnul 
lilN;rty  to  come  und  go  us  they  pleused,  and  this  could  not  lie  objected  to ;  in 
the  first  |)luce,  because  they  were  to  bring  in  their  people,  and  horses  und 
cuttle,  to  l)c  ready  to  remove  ;  and,  in  the  next  place,  had  an  attempt  Immmi 
made  to  detain  them,  all  that  could  woidd  have  run  away,  a'ld  it  would  have 
been  very  difficult  ever  to  have  got  them  again.  Hence,  in  this  view  of  the 
matter, — and  we  can  take  no  other  of  it, — a  difTerent  course  would  have  led  ut 
once  to  a  ruin  of  what  appeared  to  have  been  so  well  be^un  ;  whereiis,  bv 
that  adopted,  there  was  some  prospect  of  success.  Therefore,  it  is  pluiu  tintt 
those  who  condenm  Gen.  Jesup  for  his  policy,  speak  unadvisedly. 

While  the  Indians  were  ut  Fort  Melloa,  much  information  was  gathered 
from  them,  relative  to  their  numbers  and  condition.  Maj.  Gardner  suid  lie 
was  nssiued  there  were  '2,,50o  Seminoles  tlien  able  to  bear  arms,  and  Col. 
Harney's  inf  jrniation  confirmed  thut  conclusion. 

All  things  seemed  to  promise  success  to  Gen.  Jesup's  efforts,  nnd  lie 
became  by  the  end  of  May  cpiite  confident  that  the  war  was  at  an  end. 
Osceola  had  slept  in  the  tent  of  Col.  Harney,  and  great  confidence  seems  to 
have  tnken  the  place  of  mutiuil  di^^trust.  The  general  felt  quite  assured  tlmt 
Osce-ilu  would  be  of  great  service  in  b.-inging  in  his  countrymen,  and  lK»lbrc 
the  middle  of  May  he  had  lying  ut  Tumpa  24  transports  to  take  off  the 
Indians ;  but  to  his  great  astonishment,  on  the  morning  of  the  2d  of  June, 
he  found  that  nearly  all  of  them  had  fled  into  their  own  wilds  and  fustnessej*. 
And  thus  the  edifice  that  had  been  so  long  in  building  had  been  swept  away 
in  one  night.  Osceola  had  l>een  some  time  absent,  and  had  returuc'd  <vitii 
5200  Mikusaukies,  nnd  compelled  such  as  were  not  willing  to  leave,  to  go  'tff 
with  him.  Micanopy  said  he  had  agreed  to  emigrate,  and  would  do  so,  und 
being  told  that  he  might  cho«jse  between  compliance  and  death,  he  said, "Kill 
me  here  then — kill  me  quickly,"  but  he  was  forced  upon  his  horse  and  driven 
off.    J(nn])er  hud  sold  all  of  his  horses,  and  was  forced  to  march  on  foot. 

Thus  stood  the  affairs  of  Florida  in  tlie  beginning  of  June,  18(J7.  Tlie 
Indians  were  sure  of  a  truce  till  fall,  when  they  would  be  again  in  a  condition 
to  fight  with  a  better  prospect  of  success  than  ever.  Many  of  the  forces  of 
the  whites  hud  gone  home,  and  many  were  quite  as  inefficient  as  though  they 
were  there  also ;  as  sickness  had  begun  to  prevail,  and  terror  and  dismay 
were  fast  spreading  in  every  direction  of  that  ill-fated  land.  The  general  had 
done  every  thing  he  could  do,  or  tliat  any  other  man  in  like  circumstances 
could  have  done,  but  that  did  not  save  him  from  slanderous  tongues ;  and  on 
the  5tli  of  the  same  month  he  wrote  to  the  secretary  of  war,  requesting  to  be 
relieved  from  the  command  in  Flori<ltt ;  but  his  request  was  not  granted. 

An  account  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  Florida  having  reached  Washington, 
the  secretary  of  war,  on  the  22d  of  July,  issued  orders  for  enlisting  the  western 
Indians  to  fight  the  Seminoles ;  namely,  400  Shawanese,  200  Delawares  and 
100  KikapooB,  which  were  soon  afler  carried  into  effect;  and  in  Septetnber 
following,  there  had  ai'rived  in  Florida  upwards  of  1,000  southern  and  western 
Indians,  prepared  to  act  in  conjunction  with  their  white  allies  against  the 
Seminoles. 

The  first  affuu*  of  importance  in  the  fall  campaign  of  1837,  was  the  expe- 
dition to  Dunlawton,  Tomokn,  and  the  Uchees,  under  Gen.  Hernandez.  That 
officer  was  at  Fort  Peyton,  seven  miles  south  of  St  Augustine,  on  the  4th  of 
Septembei-,  when  four  negroes,  which  had  belonged  to  Major  Heriot,  came 
in  and  delivered  tliemselves  up,  and  informed  that  many  Indians  were  en- 

faged  south  of  Tomoka,  and  etist  of  the  St  John's,  preparing  coonti,  (zamia.) 
reparations  were  immediately  made  for  an  expedition  in  that  direction,  and 


Some  wrote  Os'Sin-yali-holo,  oiliers  Asisinyohola,  but  Osrco'a  has  obtained. 


9-     [Book  IV. 

in  hifl  strorifr- 
i  geiieriil,  uiid 
e  al«o  almost 

n,  Lake  Man- 
C)  and  in  i)|,. 
i  «^liil(Jr(!n,  to 
ic  i;lii«;ls,  Imd 
•jected  to ;  in 
(I  liorses  and 
attempt  t)<>en 
t  would  have 
«  view  of  the 
d  liave  led  ut 
wliereiis,  by 
t  is  ])laiu  tlin't 

y- 

was  gathered 
•dner  said  lie 
ins,  and  Col. 

brts,  nnd  lie 
s  at  ai!  end. 
nee  seems  to 

assuretl  iliat 
1,  and  Itetbro 

take  off  tiie 
i  2d  of  June, 
id  fastnesses. 
I  swept  dway 
eturudd  'vitii 
ive,  to  fro  off 
Id  do  so,  and 
lie  said, "Kill 
!e  and  driven 
1  on  foot. 
,  18,37.  The 
n  a  condition 
the  forces  of 

though  they 

and  dismay 
I  general  hud 
ircumstances 
[ues ;  and  on 
nesting  to  be 
srranted. 
VVashington, 

tlie  western 
ilawares  and 
I  September 
and  western 

against  the 

as  the  expe- 
idez.  That 
1  the  4th  of 
leriot,  came 
lis  were  en- 
nti,  (zamia.) 
rection,  and 

btained. 


Chap.  XIX. ] 

Q  force  1 


nosss  .Mi:i)i.vTio,\. 

the  7tli,  luider 


141 


rhed  front  tlienre  on  the  7tli,  inider  Mi-iit.  Peyton,  wh 
teered  to  take  the  lead  uii  this  occaHion.  It  c(Mmistiil  of  I7U  men,  and  the 
same  eveninjr  they  reached  Bulow'.x,  .J;}  miles  from  Fort  I'eyton.  Here,  on 
the  8lh,  at  daylig'  t,  .'our  other  negroes  gave  tli"ins<-lv*-s  up,  who  Imd  !M;lui<ged 
to  the  aanie  muster,  nnd  at  the  same  timt^  tliert-  came  along  with  them  nii 
Indiaii  negro,  named  John,  a  sliive  of  King  I'iiilip,  who  had  rim  away,  on 
accoimc  of  an  attachment  tn  his  miiHterV  s<|iiaw.  lie  was  made  to  act  iis  :i 
guide.  Spies  were  s<;iit  r>iit,  who  soon  reiiirned  with  the  iiilbrmatioii  that 
there  was  an  encainpment  of  Indiums  at  Dimhtwiuii.  This  it  was  determined 
to  beat  up,  and  Lieiits.  I'eyton  and  Whitchenst  were  detached  lor  the  pur- 
pose, and  at  midnight  they  fell  upon  them  with  complete  success;  capturing 
the  whole  party,  e.xci  pt  u  hoii  of  I'hilip,  a  lad  of  IH,  who  made  liis  cscnpc. 
None  were  killed  or  woimded  on  either  side.  The  whites  were  much  elated 
at  this  capture,  having  found  that  they  had  taken  the  arch  King  Philip, — who 
had  laid  waste  this  part  of  the  c</untry  in  tliir  lieginniiig  of  the  war, — Tomoka 
John,  and  several  others,  women  a'  '  children. 

On  examining  Tomoka  John,  tlitj  gen<ml  learned  that  at  altnnt  10  miles 
from  thenco  was  a  company  of  some  8  or  10  Uchees,  under  Uchee  Itilly,  and 
Philip  confirmed  his  statement  It  was  resolved,  without  loss  of  time,  to  sur- 
prise this  encampment  also.  Accordingly,  40  men  marched  out,  with  John 
lor  a  guide,  and  here  also  the  8iir()rise  was  complete,  with  the  exception  of 
one  tnan,  who  escaped  under  cover  of  night.  Uiit  they  did  not  find  the 
Uchees  entirely  unprepareil,  and  in  their  n-sistance  they  mortally  wounded 
LieuL  M'Neill,  a  promising  young  offcer.  Two  Indians  were  killed,  three 
wounded,  ai'd  IG  captured.  Among  the  latter  was  Uchee  Itilly,  whose  cap- 
ture was  viewed  of  no  small  consequence.  In  all  5  chiefs  were  captured 
during  the  expedition,  making  a  total  of  J>4  Indians  and  negroes. 

Before  the  month  expired,  a  son  if  Philip  (probably  he  who  escaped  at 
Dunlawton)  came  with  four  others  to  St  Augustine,  with  a  flag ;  but  they 
were  no  sooner  come  than  (iim.  Hernandez  ordered  them  into  confinement. 
We  have  no  other  particulars,  and  v/hether  the  general  had  good  reasons  for 
such  a  step,  take  not  upon  us  to  say.  It  appears  that  the  whites  in  general 
were  determined  to  have  the  Indians,  some  how  or  other,  and  this  seems  to 
have  been  an  earnest  of  what  was  afterwards  enacted.  John  Hix,  or  Ilext, 
(Tuckebatche  Hajo,)  who  was  s  •;  ,»o8ed  to  have  lieen  killed  in  an  encounter 
near  a  year  ago,  came  into  Fort  King  on  the  3d  of  August,  and  on  the  7tli 
there  arrived  at  Black  Creek,  Coahajo,  Yaliajo,  (brother-in-law  of  Osceola,) 
and  Honeae  Tustunnuggee.  These  captures  and  surrenders  gave  great  en- 
couragement to  the  people,  and  they  again  counted  on  a  total  emigration  in 
a  short  time. 

On  the  20th  of  October,  as  Lieut  T.  B.  Adams  was  escorting  an  express 
from  Tampa  to  Fort  Foster,  he  f -ll  in  with  and  took  three  Indiatis.  One  was 
a  prominent  chief  of  Pease  Creek,  named  Holachta-Mico-chee,  Hac-te-hal- 
chee,  a  sub-chief,  and  one  warrior. 

At  the  same  time  was  prepared  at  Washington  a  very  sensible  talk,  by  the 
chief  of  the  Cherokees,  Joh."*  Ross,  which  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Seminoles; 
in  which  he  ardently  expressed  liimself  for  their  welfare,  and  strongly  urged 
•apon  them  the  necessity  of  coming  to  a  settlement  with  the  whites,  and  the 
utter  impracticability  of  continuing  in  war,  with  the  least  prospect  of  success. 
This  Mr.  Ross  undertook,  by  the  consent  and  with  the  advice  of  President 
Jackson,  and  four  trusty  Cherokees  were  soon  afler  despatched  with  it  to 
Florida.  It  was  addressed  to  Micanopy.  Philip,  Coacoochee,  (Wild  Cat,) 
Osceola,  and  other  chiefs  and  warriors,'  .  id  signed  KOOWESKOOWE, 
alias  John  Ross,  and  a  commendatory  article,  by  seven  of  his  head  men. 

This  deputation  met  the  Seminoles  in  their  country,  and  held  a  talk  with 
Sam  Jones,  at  the  head  of  300  Mikasaukies.  Nothing  seems  to  have  been 
finally  settled,  but  Abiaca  (Jones)  said  he  would  treat  with  the  whites  if  they 
would  not  use  him  ill.  However,  before  this  negotiation  began,  the  Semi- 
noles had  met  with  the  saddest  blow  of  any,  before  or  dnce ;  eight  more  of 
their  principal  men  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  Gen.  Jesup,  among  whom 
was  Osceola  himself.    This  came  about  as  follows: — 

About  the  18  October,  Osceola  sent  a  message  to  Fort  Peyton,  that  he 


■   .'.  •  I 


*.,•.•' 4 


fe-- 


■M 


142 


CAPTURE  OF  OSCEOLA. 


[Book  IV. 


Tim  p.  ? 


lA 


mm 

lip 


>viHhc<I  to  Imvn  a  talk  with  Goii.  Ilrnintuie?.,  and  Htatud  tlmt  lin  wait  but  a  few 
milcH  t'roin  there.  Il«>  liud  not  f>n  vtuitiinHl  thiifl  tiir,  had  not  the  Hiiurc  Inien 
lai<l  by  the  oiniimnder-iii-rh  ♦'  the  whiteH,  who,  it  niUHt  ever  hereatler 

he  allowed,  diH|>layed  as  iiiiich  Indian  in  the  matter,  aH  Coacoochee  hud 

done  hetbre,  in  the  alHliiotion  oi  Mieanopy  and  others,  when  the  ^'lueral 

liad  them  nwirly  rea»ly  ibr  Arkanwin.  For  th'H  act  of  Coarooehee,  tlie  gen- 
eral lu;d  dttermined  fo  l>e  rt  vended  ;  and  he  declared,  "  if  he  (Coaeoocliee) 
liiid  \n'vi\,  a  white  man,  he  woidd  have  execnted  him  the  moment  he  cnnie 
into  his  huinls."  Now  wv  have  Hcen  that  he  did,  wome  time  Iwlbre  this,  Itill 
into  iiis,  or  (ten.  Hcrnande/V  handH.  He  waH  the  one  sent  out,  or,  »h  the 
ueneml  says,  aUowed  to  ;ro  out,  at  the  request  of  old  Philip,  hiH  fiither.  He  it 
Was  tliiit  linxight  alMMit  this  overtuiiMif  Osceola,  which  pmved  so  fatal  to  him, 
»'s  in  the  scrpiel  will  be  seen. 

'I'll!'  In<lian,s,  having,'  come  us  near  I''ort  Peyton  as  tlicy  dared.  Bent  word  for 
(■en.  Ji  ^up  to  come  tint  and  talk  with  them;  he  niturned  tiicm  no  answer, 
but  onleretl  Lieut.  Peyton  to  get  them  into  the  fbrt  if  he  could,  and  then  to 
sei/.e  tlieni.  Dnt  in  this  he  could  not  succeed,  and  (Jen.  Herimnde'/  was  sent 
ttiit  vviih  200  men,  and  commenctui  a  parley  with  them.  Cji>ii.  Jesiip  re- 
mained in  tlu!  vicinity  of  Fort  Peyton,  and  onlered  the  lieutenant  of  the  Ibrt 
tr)  pnx-eed  to  the  treaty-groimd,  to  learn  whether  the  Indians  "onswcTed  (Jen. 
Hi;rnandez's  questions  satisfiictorily  or  not."  Ho  soon  n>turned,  and  reported 
that  the  answers  wen;  "eviusive  aiid  unsatisfactory;"  whereupon  he  ordered 
Maj.  Ashhy  to  cai»tiirc  then),  whi«'h,  with  the  aid  of  Hernandez.,  was  clone, 
without  the  discharge  of  a  gun  on  either  side.  Seventy-five  Indians  Wkre,  by 
this  mannnivre,  taken  with  loaded  rifles  in  their  hands,  diHarmed,  and  con- 
fine«l  in  the  Ibrt;  and  thus  ended  this  "brilliant"  adiiir,  which  took  place  on 
the  yi  (Jctober,  ISi?. 

The  namer  of  the  principal  cliiefs  "grabbed"  in  tliis  "haul,"  were,  as  the 
interpr«'ters  gave  them,  Yoso-va-hola  (Osceola,)  Coahajo  (Alligator,)  Pow- 
AS-HAJo,  John  Cavallo,  who  had  been  u  hostage  with  Cren.  Jeeun,  No-co- 
so-siA-noi.A,  Ematiila-Chamy,  Co-hi-lo-lue-hajo  (Doctor,)  and  HAHToiyo- 

MICO. 

Severe  anit»ia<lversions  have  been  indulged  in,  upon  the  conduct  of  Gen. 
Jesup,  in  thus  seizing  Osceola  and  his  compaiuons.  We  have  not  time  nor 
space  tor  an  e.xamination  of  what  has  and  may  be  urged  ibr  and  against  the 
measure.  We  have  Ibllowed  the  general's  own  account  of  the  affair,  and 
mnst  leave  our  readers  to  judge  tor  themselves  upon  its  justness.  One  re- 
mark, however,  may  not  l)c  unim|)ortant,  ns  it  may  assist  in  a  just  decision  of 
the  question.  The  g<;nerul  has  said,  that,  inastnuch  as  the  Indians  had  gross- 
ly det'eived  him  on  a  Ibrmer  occasion,  he  would  use  any  means  to  get  the 
chief  actors  in  that  deception  into  his  hands ;  and  we  have  seen  how  the  mat- 
ter was  managed  to  effect  that  object.  Now,  when  Indians  fight  Indians, 
whatever  advantage  is  gained  by  circumvention,  of  one  party  over  another, 
is  jihst,  according  to  t!ie  laws  which  govern  their  modes  of  warfare  ;  but  it  is 
a  rare  circumstance  that  a  party  is  attacked  when  coming  to  another  with 
the  offer  of  jieace.  We  are  now  considering  the  whites  on  equal  footing  witli 
the  Seminoles  ;  for  we  see  no  otlier  ground  that  this  act  of  seizure  can,  in  any 
way,  be  justified.  The  general  asserts,  what  we  do  not  clearly  discover,  that 
Osceola  did  not  come  to  treat  of  peace,  but  came  under  that  pretence,  "  f iilse- 
ly,"  ex[)ecting  thereby  to  get  some  white  officer  into  his  power,  with  whom 
he  might  purchase  the  liberation  of  Philip.  But,  as  has  been  observed,  we 
do  not  see  sufficient  evidence  of  such  a  plot,  to  autliorize  the  "  grab  game," 
as  some  of  the  classical  editors  termed  it,  which  was  played  by  the  general. 
Much,  however,  might  be  added  in  extenuation  of  his  conduct ;  iie  had  been 
a  long  time  in  Florida,  exerting  himself  to  the  utmost  to  accomplish  the 
Avretched  business  forced  upon  him ;  he  had  been  baffled  and  foiled  by  the 
Indians,  and  derided  and  shamefully  treated  by  some  of  his  own  countrymen. 
He  was  now  determined  to  do  something,  and  he  performed  this  signal  act 
when  nobody  expected  it,  and  his  enemies  were  at  once  out  upon  him, 
because  he  had  acted  like  the  people  he  was  among.  No  blood  was 
shed ;  but  a  very  important  service  was  performed.  On  the  whole,  we  can- 
not condemn  Oen.  Jesup,  but  rather  the  policy  that  placed  faim  where  he 


[Book  IV. 

'OH  but  a  few 
e  Hiiuru  lM!«n 
n^r  licri-utler 
cooclii-i;  hud 
1  the  ffti.frMi 

H'«!,  thl^    L'lill- 

('•mroorhfi!) 
'lit  he  ciiriH' 
Ion;  this,  liill 
t,  or,  IIS  the 
ithiT.  Il(>  it 
liitui  to  him, 

Riit  won!  for 
no  answer, 
nnd  then  to 
lez  wiiH  Hcnt 
II.  J<<NU|i  re- 
It  of  the  Ibrt 
sw«'r«'<l  (Jen. 
ind  reported 
I  he  ordered 
{,  wjis  done, 
1118  WHO,  hy 
^d,  und  eon- 
ok  jthice  on 

were,  iis  the 
;ator,)  I'ow- 
3UI),  No-co- 
i  Hastono- 

luct  of  Gen. 
ot  time  nor 
against  the 
affair,  and 
One  re- 
deeision  of 
i  had  grogg> 
to  get  the 
)w  the  mat- 
ht  Indians, 
er  anothier, 
;  but  it  is 
lother  with 
boting  wit}i 
can,  in  any 
3Cover,  that 
ice,  "  fiilKC- 
vith  wliom 
•served,  we 
rah  game," 
le  general. 
B  had  been 
nplish  the 
led  by  the 
(untryinen. 
Hignal  act 
ipon   him, 
ilood  waa 
B,  we  can- 
where  be 


<;h4p.  XIX] 


BATTLE  OF  OKF.RCIIor.Kn  LAKE. 


143 


WON.     Of  thin  wo  liavn  diHtinrtly  H|K>k«>n  in  an  earlier  page,  and  iniiHt  waive  a 
fiirtiier  exaiiiiriation. 

On  the  '£i  Oftolwr,  'Jii  "  IndiuiiH,  MtpiaWH,  and  iiegnM'N,"  were  eap(iir«>d  near 
Tort  I'cvion;  and,  on  the  Q.")!}!,  a  tiiiiiily  of  5  more  were  taken.  They  were 
coiivejed  to  St.  AuguHtine,  and  iinpriHoned,  wliere  there  now  wen  1 17  in  all. 
ill  foiiliiieiiieiit.  (ireat  pnipanitioiiH  ha<i  Inhmi  iiiiide  to  piii-Hiie  the  IndiiiiiH 
witli  vigor,  and  toreuH  had  eoinu  in  from  varioim  qiiarterN,  so  that  hy  the  first 
ol  iK:eeiiilii!r,  there  were  ut  the  varioiiH  poot.s  in  Florida,  H,!KK)  men,  of  wlioiri 
4,(i:<7  vveri!  regulars,  'J,()7ri  volunteerH,  lUU  Heamcn,  and  i7H  friendly  IndiaiiH. 

Viiiid  all  these  preparatioim  and  wiitehings,  the  noted  ehief  Coacoi>cliee 
(Wild  ('at)  made  his  esea|M)  from  8t.  AiigiiHtiiM>,  with  17  warriors  and  two 
si|iiaw.-<.  fhiis  the  fidlow  whom  (it;n.  Jeriiip  looketl  upon  with  hucIi  distrust, 
had,  Homehow  or  oth<;r,  outwitted  bin  keeperH,  and  joined  Ham  Jones  in  his 
unknown  retreat. 

The  next  eviMit  whieh  eomes  within  the  line  of  our  design,  waH  one  of  the 
most  Hanguinary  whieh  has  happened  sineu  this  war  liegan,  with  the  e.xeep- 
tion  of  that  in  wliicli  Maj.  Dade  and  Win  eommand  were  <'ut  ofK  This  was 
till!  hittle  of  Okei-eiiobee  I^ake,  between  a  huge  Indian  fbrre  under  .\liiaeu 
and  Alligator,  and  Col.  Z.  'l\vlor  at  the  head  of  about  (>00  men ;  the  particU' 
larH  of  whieh  are  as  follows: — 

(/ol.  Taylor  marehed  from  Fort  (iardner  on  the  1!)  DeeemlH-r,  1H.'{7,  ariil, 
following  the  meandcrings  of  the  Kissiminee  Uivor,  arrived  on  the  third  day 
at  a  noint  on  its  banks,  15  miles  alntve  its  (iiitraiicu  into  Lake  OkeeeholMje, 
which  name  is  said  to  mean  liig-  Wj/er.  Here  he  learned  from  a  prisoner, 
who  bad  fallen  into  bis  bands,  that  Alligator,  "with  all  the  war  spirits  of'  tin; 
Seminoles,  Rum  Jones,  und  175  Mikasankies,"  was  eiirain|)ed  uboiit  tOi  miles 
ofl',  on  the  east  side  of  Lake  Kiss'  miiee.  Crossing  the  river,  the  colonel  lelt 
Cupt.  Monroe,  with  bis  company,  the  pioneers,  poiitooncers,  und  u  large  por- 
tion of  bis  Delaware  warriors,  who  declined  itroeeeding,  from  himeness,  oc- 
easioned  by  their  feet  and  legs  Iv^ing  badly  cut  with  the  saw-palmetto.  The 
next  day,  taking  the  captured  Indian  as  a  pilot,  bo  moved  on  with  the  rest  of 
his  force.  After  passing  several  cypress  swamps  and  dense  bomnioeks,  bi> 
reached  the  vicinity  of  the  Indians'  en(;am|)m(!nt,  on  the  morning  e*'  the  '^.^tli. 
Here  they  were  found  iu  one  of  the  strongijst  jilaces,  as  well  us  in  .  difficult 
of  access,  of  any  before  known  in  Fhiritia ;  but  between  12  am  1  o'clock 
the  conflict  commenced.  The  main  Ixidy  of  the  Indians  were  posted  in  a 
hommock,  from  which  they  poured  such  a  destructive  fire  upon  the  vf)liHi- 
teers,  that  they  were  obliged  to  fiill  buck.  They  formed  in  the  rear  of  th*^ 
infantry,  who,  coming  now  into  action,  "  sustained  one  of  the  most  destruc- 
tive fires  ever  experienced  from  Indians."  But  they  presse<l  forwani,  und 
gained  the  hommock;  the  struggle  continuing  more  than  an  hour,  which  was 
sustained  with  difHcnlty  on  the  part  of  the  whites,  the  Indians  at  one  time 
nearly  breaking  their  line  ;  they  were,  however,  finally  routed  and  driven  at 
every  point,  leaving  10  of  their  dead  on  the  field,  and  numerous  traces  of 
blood  where  others  had  l:»een  dragged  away.  It  was  reported  afterwards,  by 
the  Indians  themselves,  that  they  lost  20  in  all ;  and  yet  this  story  of  blood  is 
not  half  told.  Col.  Taylor  had  28  killed- and  111  wounded!  Every  officer 
of  four  companies,  with  one  exception,  aid  every  orderly  sergeant  of  the 
same  companies,  were  killed,  and  the  sergei  Jit  major  was  mortally  wounded. 
Col.  A.  R.  Thompson,  of  the  6th  U.  S.  infan  iry,  received  three  mortal  wounds 
nearly  at  the  same  time ;  Adjutant  J.  P.  Center,  Capt.  Vanswearingen,  and 
Lieut  F.  J.  Brooke,  of  the  same  corps,  were  killed  outright ;  Col.  Gentry,  of 
the  Missouri  volunteers,  was  killed  by  a  shot  through  the  boidy,  the  same  ball 
wounding  his  son  iu  the  arm.  Such  was  the  issue  of  the  disastrous  battle  of 
Lake  Okeechobee,  which  i,  "rvcd  two  ends  ;  one  of  which  was  to  reduce  the 
number  of  Indians  in  opposition,  and  to  teach  the  survivors  that  the  whites 
could  and  would  fight  No  prisoners  were  taken,  but  some  200  horses  and 
cattle  were  found. 

Skirmishes  on  a  smaller  scale  continued.  Gen.  Nelson,  of  the  Georgia 
volutiteers,  fell  in  with  a  few  Indians  on  the  Suanee,  on  the  26  Decemlier,  at 
a  place  called  Wacusape,  and  we  presume,  judging  from  indirect  informa- 
tion, came  off  second  best    His  horse  was  killed  under  him,  and  he  lost  his 


ft 


y-  it 


h-:- 


■ :  '-41 


'■'if' 


I  1^-i   J. 

Jit  A 

'» ■   •  # 


144 


rnjiiT  AT  juriTKii  im.kt. 


[D<ioK    IV. 


Kfel;-  v- 


•tV^  ";'•■. 

ft,..;/.  _• . 

Ss.-i- •'■;•■  •■■: 
*■..>,.'■'■• 

!';/.•".;."„•.. 
■1^  Is',-;-    . 

[  nttji  ^Mf    i '  •  ^  •   '  ■ 

htswi'  ;  ,t  ■■!'>(■■ 


liciitciiniit,  iiikI  tliron  liorxeH,  uiiil  a  mnti  or  t\vo  wounded.  Ho  took  one  In- 
dian iind  a  nc^'ro  jiriNonirs,  and  oni;  Indian  was  rijiorti'd  to  iiavf  lH>«-n  killi-d. 
Alioiil  liin  Ham*'  tini*',  tli«'i°<'  was  u  tifdit  at  Cliari-.ttto  llarlHir,  in  wliich  livp 
Indians  wen-  killrd,  and  nint;  tak*;n.  I^init.  Ilardin(>:  was  dangerously  wound- 
ed. And  a  day  or  two  alter,  Capt.  Winder,  with  '.Hi  dragoons,  Hur|irised  and 
took  seven  men  and  'Si  vvonien  and  eliildren,  alxiut  tU  miles  sontii  ot'  Fort 
.Me Lane,  and  near  Fort  MeNiell;  and  Ui)  niileM  ttouth-west  of  Fort  Harney, 
lie  took  ''ill  more,  amon^  whom  was  a  sister  of  (\>uliaju.  Siicii  wero  the 
im|)ortunt  opcrutiuiiH  iu  Fioridu,  during  tliu  yvur  ltS\7, 


CHAPTKH  XX. 

r.MBRACINU    THE    EVENTS    OF    1838   AND    18,*^). 

Hatti.k  ok  Wacasa  Swamp — Drfriit  of  l.ieul.  Powell — Battle  ok  I.itma 
llAirni-: — Grn.  Jesuu  voundcd — Uk.mm  >>k  Osckoi.a — Ilia  character — (Jm.  .hsup 
desires  to  give,  vp  the.  war,  and  allow  the  Indium  to  lite  in  Florida — jWit  ollmnd 
by  the  frovcrnmcnt — lliit  talk  witU  To'kkokk — Indians  seized  at  Fort  Jupiter — 
lien.  Jatup  lenvea  Florida — Death  of  I'iiii.if  and  Jusiprii — Capt.  Ellia's  aulvil — 
Indians  stirpiise  Capt.  Beull — Families  murdered — t'reirs  of  vessels  murderrd — 
Heath  of  Musiialatubkk — Camp  Forbes  attacked — J^umerous  murders — Ciipt. 
Russell  and  Maj.  JYoel  killed — Capt.  Howell  defeated-^Gen.  Macomb  talus  com- 
mand in  Florida — Endeavors  to  wake  a  treaty — Lieut.  Ilulbert  killed — lieward  for 
Indians — Massacre  at  Col ooshatchie^ Indians  surprised  at  Fort  Mellon — Murdirs 
on  the  lyuriWa — bloodhounds  to  be  employed  against  the  Seminoles — Depredations 
riintinue. 

.\kw  year  has  come,  but  not  a  "happy  new  year"  to  Florida;  for  its  first 
day  liiid  only  passed,  when  tiie  sound  of  the  rifle  it)  heurd  in  its  desolate 
coast  3,  Ibllowcd  b^  the  grouns  of  the  wounded  and  dying.  Bri^.  Gen.  Charles 
Nelson,  witli  a  brigade  of  (leorgia  volunteers,  l)eing  charged  with  the  defence 
of  Middle  Florida,  was,  on  the  2  January,  scouting  in  the  vicinity  of  Wacasii 
Swamp,  near  Fort  Fanning,  when  he  discovered  Indiiui  signs  leading  to  said 
swamp :  following  them  up,  he  was  fiercely  attacked  as  he  approached  it, 
and  inunediately  the  fight  became  obstinate,  and  lasted  near  three  Iioiuh.  At 
.5  o'clock,  P.  M.,  the  Indians  dispersed,  carrying  ofl'  their  killed  and  wounded. 
The  whites  suflered  severely ;  but  they  claimed  a  large  victory,  having  cap- 
tured "  15  men  and  children,"  and  a  chief  named  Chickachoo.  Col.  Foster, 
who  commanded  the  left  wing,  was  shot  down,  but  his  wound  proved  slight- 
Lieut  Jennings  was  killed.  Among  the  wounded  were  Col.  Ambrister, 
slightly ;  Serg.  Maj.  Jones,  badly ;  Dr.  Shoi\all  of  Savannah,  badly ;  with 
several  privates. 

We  now  proceed  with  an  account  of  a  sharp  action,  near  Jupiter  Inlet, 
lietween  a  force  of  about  80  men  under  Lieut.  L.  M.  Powell,  of  the  navy,  tuid 
a  body  of  Indians  under  Toskeoee,  in  which  the  whites  were  defeated,  and 
suffered  severely  in  killed  ond  wounded.  The  action  commenced  about  4 
in  the  P.  M.,  and  continued  till  half  past  seven  at  night,  of  tlie  15  Januiuy. 

On  proceeding  upon  a  trail,  after  landing  at  Jupiter  River,  Lieut  Powell 
captured  a  squaw,  whom  he  made  pilot  him  to  the  Indian  camp,  which  he 
reached  after  a  march  of  about  five  miles.  He  fotmd  them  prejjared  for  him, 
and  the  war-whoop  was  inunediately  raised.  The  whites  "charged  them 
through  a  deep  swamp,"  and  the  fire  became  general.  Lieut  Harrison,  of 
the  navy,  was  soon  shot  down  at  the  head  of  his  men,  who  were  left  without 
an  officer.  Lieut  Fowler,  of  the  artillery,  was  directed  to  jjenctratc  the 
swamp  to  the  right,  while  the  remaining  two  companies,  under  Lieut  M'Ar- 
thur,  of  the  navy,  advanced  in  line.  By  these  mancEUvres  the  Indians  were 
driven,  or  retreated,  to  a  large  cypress  swamp,  700  or  800  yands  in  the  rear. 
Here  they  made  a  determined  stand,  and  here  Lieut  M'Arthur  was  badly 
wounded,  and  Dr.  Leitner  was  killed  while  in  the  discharge  of  his  duty  as 


t 


1l 


'^^ 


-iJ  i6;  \.y; 


:A 


/    '^.'  '/"///■ 


,,'/ 


'/,,,/. 


///I     '/'///.;    1/  ////. I// ///<//// ^/i- 


.''l 


1^:  '     m 


■  1.     .^  ■ 


Chap.  XX]       GEN.  JESUP  WOUNDED.— DEATH  OF  OSCEOLA. 


145 


surgeon.  Night  was  approaching,  and  the  men  were  felling  fast,  when  Lieut 
Powell  ordered  a  retreat.  Lieut.  Fowler  was  shot  down  in  the  successful 
attempt  which  he  made  to  cover  the  retreat,  and  hut  three  officers  remained 
upon  their  feet  at  the  close  of  the  action.  The  whites  made  what  haste  they 
could  to  their  boats,  all  of  which  they  got  oft"  except  one,  which  the  Indians 
took,  containing  ammunition.  In  this  affair  the  whites  had  5  killed,  and  90 
wounded,  many  of  them  severely,  and  some  three  several  times.  The  Indians 
lost  4  or  5.  The  commander-in-chief  in  this  expedition  makes  no  charges 
against  any  engaged  in  it,  in  his  official  account ;  but  an  officer,  who  was 
twice  wounded  in  the  fight,  said  the  sailors  were  great  cowards,  and  had  it 
not  been  for  the  company  of  artillery  under  Lieut.  Fowler,  who  covered  tiieir 
retreat,  nearly  all  of  them  would  have  been  scalped.  As  it  was,  ab(  u*  half 
the  wounded  were  of  that  class.  This  fight  was  on  Lucha  Hatche,  c  Tur- 
tle River. 

Gen.  Jesup,  thinking  the  Indians  had  prolwibly  made  their  head-ijuarters  on 
the  Lucha  Hatche,  mnrrhed  with  the  force  under  his  immediate  command 
from  Fort  Lloyd,  near  the  head  of  the  St.  John,  on  the  20  January,  to  see 
whether  Lieut.  Powell  had  just  cause  for  leaving  them  in  full  possession 
there,  or  not  He  came  upon  them  on  the  24th,  between  11  and  12  o'clock, 
A.  M.,  and  if  he  had  had  no  more  men  than  the  lieutenant  had,  it  is  doubtful 
whether  he  would  have  given  as  good  an  account,  or  fared  as  well ;  though 
the  general  himself  says,  "  that  the  strength  of  their  poshion  was  such,  that 
they  ought  to  have  held  it  much  longer  than  they  did ; "  yet,  in  forcing  them 
out  of  it,  he  was  pretty  severely  wounded,  with  30  of  his  men,  and  10  were 
killed  or  mortally  wounded.  Thus  had  Toskegee  handled  two  considerable 
forces  under  separate  commanders,  and  was  doubtless  as  well  prepared  for  a 
third,  as  either  of  those  for  a  second ;  for  he  and  his  men  were  able  to  make 
?ood  their  retreat  without  loss  of  time,  with  their  all,  leaving  conjecture  only 
to  their  enemies  of  their  next  locality. 

We  must  now  turn  our  attention,  for  the  last  time,  to  the  once  feared,  and 
iiuich  dreaded,  and  now  no  less  regretted,  chief,  Osceola.  We  left  him  in 
prison  at  St  Augustine,  in  November  last,  from  which  plar*<  he  was,  soon 
alter  the  escape  of  Coacoochef  from  thence,  sent  to  Charleston,  and  con- 
fined to  the  fort  in  that  harlior  lor  safe  keeping,  until  he  should  be,  wii.i  oth- 
ers, shipped  for  the  west  But  that  time  never  came  for  him !  Death  came 
with  that  aid  which  the  white  man  refused !  He  died  in  confinement  at  F'ort 
Moultrie,  of  a  catarrhal  fever,  on  the  30  January,  1838.  The  portrait  of  Os- 
ceola is  difficult  to  be  drawn ;  some  have  made  him  a  coward,  and  others  a 
knave ;  some  have  averred  that  he  w^as  but  a  sub-chief,  and  without  respect 
among  his  own  people  ;  others  have  indignantly  added,  that  he  was  the  son 
of  a  white  man,  as  though  their  own  blood  had  degraded  him  in  the  scale  of 
heing.  It  might  be  so.  How  then  ought  they  to  look  upon  tliemselves  ?  Dou- 
bly degraded  in  that  scale.  Othere  portray  his  character  in  unmeasured 
tpnns  of  admiration ;  making  him  the  gi-eatest  of  chiefs,  ablest  of  counsellors, 
and  bravest  of  warriors.  We  affirm  to  neither.  The  circumstance  of  his 
Iwiiig  better  known  when  the  war  began,  than  other  chiefs,  gave  him  a  ce- 
lobrity  or  notoriety  which  his  deeds  did  not  claim.  He  had  lived  more  among 
the  white  people,  and  hence  was  better  known  to  them ;  and  when  a  depre- 
ilation  was  committed,  or  a  battle  fought,  Osceola  was  the  supposed  leader  of 
the  Indians ;  and  as  the  report  of  such  occurrences  spread,  tne  supposition 
\anished,  and  thus  arose  much  of  the  celebrity  of  Osceola.  Hence  it  in 
onsy  to  see  how  he  came  so  prominently  into  the  van  of  notoriety.  Thus,  in 
our  account  of  the  defeat  of  Major  Dade,  the  authorities  then  relied  upon 
made  us  say  he  was  the  leader  in  that  wretched  disaster ;  but  we  are  now  as- 
sured that  he  was  at  Camp  King  that  same  day,  and  was  the  chief  actor  in 
that  tragedy,  and  hence  could  not  have  been  in  the  fight  with  Maj.  Dnde.  He 
lived  near  Camp  King  when  the  war  began,  afler  which  he  removed  to  Long 
Swamp,  12  miles  to  the  south-west  of  it 

But  we  detract  nothing  from  the  just  fame  of  Osceola.  He  was  a  groat 
man,  and  his  name  will  go  down  to  the  latest  posterity,  with  as  much  renown 
as  that  of  Philip  of  Pokanoket  Both,  by  fiit<il  errors,  were  brought  prema- 
turely into  the  hands  of  their  enemies ;  Philip,  by  the  rash  murder  of  one  of 
13 


'?.,^ 


'•:'>.:■ 


m^ 


■*■ 


^•^V?" 

■  '-f^r 

■■v^ 

..   ''■''■H 

^V^f 

•^■1 

146 


SEVERITY  OF  GOVERNMENT. 


[Book  IV. 


fe 


W. 


men,  and  Osceola  by  a  mistaken  estimate  of  the  character  of  faig 


his  own 
foes. 

We  return  to  Gen.  Jesup,  whom  we  left  wounded,  though  safely  through 
the  battle  of  Lucha  Hatche.  The  next  day,  January  25th,  he  crossed  the 
river,  and  encamped  on  Jupiter  Bay,  where  he  erected  a  stockade,  wliich  he 
named  Fort  Jupiter.  Here  he  remained  until  the  5  February,  his  men  being 
destitute  of  shoes  and  other  supplies.  At  this  period  he  marched  southward, 
about  12  ;;iiles,  when  he  encamped  again ;  and  here  an  interview  was  sought 
with  the  Indians.  It  was  now  looked  upon  by  the  general,  as  well  as  all  lils 
principal  officers,  as  a  matter  past  accouiplishment,  to  subdue  the  Seminolcs, 
"  for  years  to  come."  It  was,  therelbre,  concluded  that  it  would  be  best  to 
effect  an  accommodation  with  them,  and  to  allow  them  to  retain  and  live  U|)oii 
that  part  of  Florida  "  w  here  nobody  else  could  live."  Accordingly,  he  wrote 
to  the  secretary  of  war,  on  the  11  February,  recommendinij  that  meusurc. 
In  answer,  the  secretary  said,  that  it  was  not  a  question  now  to  be  considered 
by  the  president,  whether  it  would  be  better  to  let  the  Indians  remain  in  tlie 
country  or  not,  but  that,  as  a  treaty  had  been  ratified,  by  which  the  IndiaiiH 
had  agreed  to  remove,  it  was  his  duty  to  see  it  executed  ;  that,  therefore,  no 
arrangements  with  the  Seniinoles  would  be  allowed,  having  for  its  object 
their  future  residence  in  Florida.  Thus  a  "veto"  was  set  to  the  huiriune 
object  of  Generals  Jesup,  Eustace,  and  others,  though  they  were  allowed  to 
make  a  kind  of  a  truce  with  them  for  the  ensuing  summer,  or  until  the  seu&on 
would  allow  the  whites  to  fight  them  again  to  advantage. 

Metmwhile,  Gen.  Jesup  had  moved  on  slowly,  and  on  tlie  7th,  by  meaus  of 
messengers  which  he  sent  out,  got  a  parley  with  a  young  chief,  named  llal- 
lec  Ilajo.  This  chief  told  the  general  that  the  Indians  were  in  a  wretclied 
condition,  that  they  were  unwilling  to  leave  the  countrj-,  but  W'  uld  be  con- 
tented with  any  small  portion  of  it,  if  they  might  be  allowed  to  continue  in  it. 
At  this  stage  of  the  conference,  the  general  (very  abruptly  we  think)  demanded 
hostages,  or  a  surrender  of  tlie  arms  of  the  Indians ;  but  the  chief  gave  him 
to  understand  that  neither  would  be  done.  He  then  requested  a  conference 
widi  Toskegee,  the  principal  chief  of  the  baud.  The  next  day  Toskegcc 
came,  and  the  interview  resulted  in  an  agreement  for  a  meeting  at  Fort  Jupiter, 
in  ten  days  from  that  time.  What  was  done  at  that  fort,  or  whetlier  the  gen- 
eral ever  got  tiie  Indians  there  or  not,  he  has  not  told  us ;  but  he  says,  in  liis 
communication  to  the  secretary  of  war,  that  "  the  measure  which  he  adopted 
had  resulted  in  the  i)eaceable  surrender  of  about  1,200  Indians  and  negroeg, 
of  whom  319  were  warriors.  Had  any  other  course  been  adopted,  it  is  ques- 
tionable," he  says,  "  whether  20  warriors  could  have  been  killed  or  taken." 

Hence  we  are  to  infer,  that  without  gross  deception,  now-a-days  culled 
stratagem,  nothing  could  be  effected,  of  any  account,  against  the  Indians  of 
Florida ;  and  what  it  is  probable  will  be  remarked  upon  hereafter,  as  worthy 
of  admiration,  is  the  curious  fact,  that  it  had  taken  the  government  of  tlie 
counti-y,  and  all  its  officers  who  had  been  engaged  in  Florida,  three  years  to 
find  it  out.  An  army  could  march  from  one  end  of  that  country  to  another, 
if  they  avoided  its  lakes  and  swamj)s ;  and  dogs  could,  with  equal  ease,  drive 
all  the  birds  fron*.  a  rye-field,  if  there  were  no  brambles  in  their  course ;  and 
the  latter  of  these  experiments  would  be  of  about  as  much  consecjueuce  to 
the  owner  of  the  rye-field,  as  the  former  to  the  iidiabitants  of  Florida. 

TosKEOEE  had  been  prevailed  upon  to  lay  down  his  arms,  and  come  into 
the  strong-holds  of  the  white  men,  to  hold  a  treaty  with  them,  und»  •  the  as- 
surance that  he  and  his  people  would  be  allowed  to  retain  sotm.  li  part  of 
their  oum  country.  But  we  are  told,  as  the  Indians  probably  were  a  .erwards, 
that  they  would  be  permitted  to  remain  in  Florida,  provided  the  ])resident 
would  consent  to  it.  They  had  become  quite  confident  that  such  would  be 
the  fact,  for  the  x  ery  good  reason,  that  the  officers  who  njade  them  this  proin- 
ise,  were  very  confident  themselves,  that  it  would  be  acceded  to  by  hiui.  No 
other  conclusion  can  be  drawn  from  Gen.  Josup's  language,  in  his  conununi- 
cation  to  the  secretary  of  war,  before  alluded  to.  Speaking  of  his  overtures 
for  a  reservation,  he  says,  "  I  believed  then,  and  I  believe  now,  that,  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  army  in  the  field,  I  had  a  right  to  adopt  those  measures, 
either  of  direct  hostility,  or  of  policy,  which  promised  to  be  most  useful  in 


I 


[Book  IV. 

haracter  of  hig 

I  safely  through 
he  crossed  the 
kude,  wliich  he 
,  his  men  being 
bed  southwurci, 
iew  was  sought 
i  well  as  all  his 
the  Seniinoles, 
'ould  be  best  to 
n  and  live  upon 
ingly,  he  wrote 
J  that  measure. 
0  be  considered 
IS  remain  in  llie 
iich  the  Indians 
at,  therefore,  no 
g  for  its  object 
to  the  humane 
/ere  allowed  to 
until  the  season 

th,  by  means  of 
lief,  named  Ilal- 
e  in  a  wretclied 
t  W'  uld  be  eon- 

0  continue  in  it. 
hink)  demanded 

1  chief  gave  him 
;ed  a  conference 
t  day  Toskegce 
;  at  Fort  Jupiter, 
'hetlier  the  gen- 
t  he  says,  in  ins 
hich  he  adopted 
ns  and  negroes. 
pted,  it  is  ques- 
id  or  taken." 
w-a-days  called 

the  Indians  of 
iafter,  as  worthy 
ernment  of  tiic 
I,  three  years  to 
ntry  to  another, 
!qual  ease,  drive 
eir  course ;  and 
conse(juence  to 
Florida. 

and  come  into 

I,  und<  •  the  as- 
me  li  pari  of 
rere  a  .erwards, 
d  the  ])resideut 

such  would  be 
;hein  this  proin- 

to  by  him.  No 
n  his  communi- 
jf  Ids  overtures 
w,  that,  as  coni- 
those  measures, 

must  useful  in 


CuiP.  XX.] 


CAPTAIN  ELLIS'S  EXPLOIT. 


147 


the  end,  taking  care  not  to  place  the  ultimate  decision  of  them  beyond  the 
control  of  my  official  superiors." 

Some  time  bad  now  intervened  since  proposals  had  been  made,  and  it  is 
probable  the  chiefs  had  begun  to  think  all  was  not  right ;  for  wiien,  on  the 
17tli  March,  the  general  bati  got  his  answer  from  Washington,  he  notified 
them  to  meet  him  on  the  20th,  at  Fort  Jupiter;  they  did  not  appear;  where- 
upon Col.  Twiggs,  by  his  order,  surrounded  and  captured  the  whole  party, 
ani'iunting  to  513.  In  a  day  or  two  after,  negroes  enough  were  taken  to  make 
up  ti7S ;  but  in  the  mean  time  Passac-raico,  a  chief,  witli  14  others,  made  their 
escape. 

On  the  24  March,  Gen.  Jesup  detached  Halatoochee,  Tustenuc-cocho-conee, 
and  the  negro  chief  Abraham,  to  Gen.  Taylor.  These  were  sent  out  with 
messages  to  their  countrymen  west  of  Okeechobee  and  Pahaiokee,  and  tliey 
prevailed  upon  Alligator,  with  360  Indians  and  negroes,  of  whom  a  hundred 
were  warriors,  to  surrender  to  Col.  Smith  and  Gen.  Taylor;  and  soon  after 
Lieut.  Anderson  captured  Pahose-mico,  a  sub-chief  of  Toskegee,  with  his 
band  of  47  persons.  Major  Laudeidale  and  Lieut.  Powell  pursued  Appiacca. 
(Sam  Jones,)  as  Gen.  Jesup  writes  the  name,  into  the  everglades,  and  came 
up  with  him  on  an  island,  and  dispersed  his  party. 

We  have  now  traced  events  to  the  month  of  April,  1838,  in  which  month 
Gen.  Jesup  was  ordered  to  proceed  to  the  Cherokee  country,  and  leave  Gen. 
Taylor  in  command  of  the  forces  in  Florida.  He  began  operations  there  in 
De(eml)er,  18-36,  from  which  time  to  that  now  arrived  at,  there  had  been 
taken,  with  those  who  surrendered,  about  2,400  Indians,  above  700  of  whom 
were  warriors.  Many  of  the  principal  chiefs  ha«l  already  been  sent  out  of 
the  country.  King  Philip,  Cloud,  and  Coahajo,  arrived  at  New  Orleans  on 
the  12th  of  March,  but  the  former  never  reached  his  plucc  of  destination. 
King  Philip  died  on  board  his  transport  boat  in  July,  40  miles  below  Fort 
Gibson.  He  was  buried  on  shore  with  the  honors  of  war;  100  guns  being 
discharged  over  hia  grave.  Jumper  had  preceded  him.  This  chief  lan- 
guished for  about  two  months,  at  the  "  Barracks  "  in  New  Orleans,  when,  on 
a  day  memorable  in  our  annals,  April  the  19th,  his  spirit  took  its  flight,  lie 
was  buried  under  arms  with  much  ceremony.  Into  his  coffin  were  put  his 
rifle,  pipe,  tobacco,  and  other  equipments,  agreeable  to  the  custom  of  his 
people.  \Ve  now  return  to  inquire  what  is  doing  in  the  land  whence  they 
came. 

A  scouting  party  of  volunteers,  under  Capt.  Ellis,  found  five  Indians  in  a 
hoinmock  near  Santa  Fee  bridge,  all  of  whom  are  killed,  without  injury  to  his 
own  party.  This  was  on  the  10th  of  May.  On  the  17th  of  Jime,  as  a  detach- 
ment of  about  30  United  States  dragoons,  under  Capt.  Beall,  were  seeking 
Indians  in  the  neighborhood  of  San  Felasco,  near  Newnansville,  they  fell 
into  an  ambush,  and  seven  of  their  number  were  killed  and  wounded.  Among 
the  former  was  Capt  Walker.  They  immediately  retreated,  and  were  fol- 
lowed some  distance  by  tne  Indians.  On  the  19  July,  the  family  of  a  Mr. 
Guynn  was  cut  off  on  the  Santa  Fee  ;  himself,  wife,  and  infant  child  were  mur- 
dtred.  On  the  25th  of  the  same  month,  a  family  of  the  name  of  Lasley  was 
broken  up  on  the  Oc  "oknee,  15  or  20  miles  from  Tallahassee.  Mr.  Lasley 
and  a  daughter  were  killed.  In  Middle  Florida,  on  the  last  day  of  the  month, 
a  Mr.  Singletary,  his  wife,  and  two  children  were  cut  offi  On  the  19th  of 
August,  a  severe  blow  was  struck  on  the  family  of  a  Mr.  Baker,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Oscilln.  Himself,  wife,  and  a  grandchild  were  killed.  And  thus 
we  might  fill  out  page  after  page  with  such  awful  details — consequences  of  a 
war  to  be  rememl)ered  only  to  be  lamented. 

Many  had  supposed,  that  when  so  many  Indians  had  been  sent  out  of 
Florida,  but  few  could  be  left  to  trouble  their  expatriators,  but  it  proved  far 
otherwise.  The  poor  mariner,  who  had  never  had  any  hand  in  the  war,  if 
cast  away  on  any  part  of  that  coast,  immediately  found  himself  in  the  midst 
of  Indians.  In  a  terrible  tempest,  which  happened  about  the  7th  ofSeptem 
her,  near  40  vessel  were  wrecked  or  stranded  on  its  extensive  shores.  One 
only  we  shall  particularly  name.  This  was  the  brig  Alna,  Capt.  Thomas,  of 
Portlaml.  After  being  wrecked,  the  crew  all  got  safe  on  shore,  except  one 
man,  who  was  washed  overboard.    The  captain,  A.  J.  Plummer,  and  Wm 


m 


»     i     ■         .* 

0 


.>'■<■- 


>i;V 


P' 


I«rt?'. 


,y  ^. 


148 


CAPTAIN  ROWELL'a  DEFEAT. 


[Boob  IV. 


Reed,  were  killed.  S.  Cammett  and  E.  Wyer,  Jr.,  though  wounded,  almost 
miraculously  escaped. 

Amidst  theHC  events  we  will  pause  to  notice  the  death  of  the  great  Chok- 
taw  chief)  Mcshalatubee.  He  died  at  the  agency  in  Arkansas,  September 
the  80th,  of  small-pox.  He  had  led  his  warriors  against  the  Creeks,  under 
Jackson,  during  the  war  of  1812. 

On  tl>e  6th  of  September,  Adj.  Gen.  R.  Jones  issued  orders  for  the  re- 
assembling of  such  otiicers  and  others,  in  Florida  and  the  Cherokee  country, 
as  had  been  detached  to  the  north-west,  or  elsewhere,  to  be  ready  for  active 
service.  On  the  11th,  as  Capt.  Rowell's  company  of  Florida  volunteerB, 
about  16,  were  scouting  near  the  mouth  of  the  Oscilia,  they  fall  upon  a  camp 
of  Indians  under  Tigertail.  Most  of  them  escape  on  ponies,  but  two  women 
were  killed. 

We  meet  with  very  little  of  importance  until  the  close  of  this  year.  On 
the  28th  December  an  attack  was  made  on  Camp  Forbes,  by  a  sumll  party 
of  In«lians,  but  they  were  obliged  to  retire,  leaving  two  of  their  numt)er  dea^ 
behind.  The  next  morning  Lieut  Thomas  went  in  pursuit  of  the  party,  and 
came  up  with  them  on  the  Chattahoohee ;  here  again  they  were  dispersed 
with  loss,  but  how  great  is  not  mentioned.  On  the  4th  of  January,  1839, 
gome  cit'zens  of  Magnolia,  learning  that  Indians  were  in  their  neighborhood, 
searched  them  out,  and  killed  the  whole  party,  six  in  number.  Capt.  L.  J. 
Beall,  scouting  with  a  company  of  dragoons  near  Ahapopka  Lake,  captured 
16  Indians,  of  which  immbor  but  two  were  men.  The  two  men  were  near 
relations  of  Wild  Cat  and  Sam  Jones.  The  latter  had  given  out  word  that 
he  would  hang  any  Indian  who  should  attempt  to  surrender. 

A  party  of  10  or  12  Indians  went  within  about  12  miles  of  Tallahassee,  and 
cut  off  the  family  of  a  Mr.  Pf-ndarvis;  killing  him,  his  wife,  and  two  children. 
This  was  on  the  15th  of  February,  and  on  the  18th  they  cut  off  the  family  of 
a  Mr.  White,  four  miles  nearer  the  same  place.  Here  they  killed  two  persons, 
and  «lespei-ately  wounded  Mr.  and  Mrs.  White.  On  the  Thursday  previous, 
the  same,  or  perhaps  another  party  of  Indians  attacked  the  house  of  a  Mr. 
Stokeiis,  of  Jefferson  county,  and  though  the  family  escaped,  they  plundered 
it  of  1,000  dollars  in  hank  notes,  and  burnt  it. 

On  the  23(1  of  February,  about  15  or  20  Indians  attack  three  M-agons  on  the 
Magnolia  road,  loaded  with  provisions  for  Camp  Wacasa,  and  about  9  miles 
from  that  place.  Four  persons  were  killed.  As  CapL  S.  L.  Russell  was 
ascending  the  Miami  Kiver,  in  open  boats,  from  Fort  Dallas,  with  a  part  of 
his  men,  they  were  fired  on  by  Indians  conceded,  and  Capt.  RHS.sell  is  killed, 
and  Major  Nf»el  is  mortally  wounded.  This  was  on  the  last  day  of  February, 
viz.,  the  28th. 

On  the  1st  of  March,  th<>  Indians  which  had  been  collected  at  St.  Augus- 
tine were  shipped  for  the  west  There  were  2.50  in  all,  65  of  whom  were 
men.  At  this  time  went  the  long  noted  negro  chief,  Abrrhz/n.  Yet  murders 
>  ontintied  to  be  every  where  commi  ted.  On  the  8th,  the  house  of  Edmund 
Gray,  in  Jefferson  coimty,  9  miles  ,*i-om  Monticello,  is  beset,  Mr.  Gray  and 
two  children  killed  and  one  badly  wcunded,  and  the  house  burned. 

In  pursuing  his  business  of  scoiiti.ig,  Capt.  Rowell  came  upon  '0  or  60 
Indians  near  Patterson's  Hommock,  5  miles  east  of  the  Oscilia.  They  engaged 
him,  and  obliged  him  tc  retreat  with  the  loss  of  two  killed  and  two  woimded. 
This  happened  on  the  1 8th  of  March,  and  on  the  3d  of  April  son)e  10  or  15 
Indians  went  to  the  residence  of  Capt.  Scott,  in  Jefferson  county,  about  two 
miles  from  Bailey's  mills,  where  they  killed  one  person  and  wounded  two  or 
three  more.  About  the  same  time  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Rollins  is  attacked  at 
the  head  of  the  St.  Mary's,  on  the  edge  of  the  Okefeenoke  Swamp.  Mrs. 
Rollins  was  killed,  and  he  made  a  very  narrow  escape. 

Meanwhile  Gen.  Macoridi  had  been  appointed  commander-in-chief  of  the 
army  in  Florida,  and  on  the  5th  of  April  he  arrived  at  its  head-quarters  on 
Black  Creek.  His  main  instructions  appear  to  have  been,  to  pacify  the  In- 
dians again,  until  the  return  of  anotlier  season  fnr  campaigning.  But  his 
prospects  were  discouraging,  for  "they  were  dividing  themselves  into  small 
parties,  penetrating  the  settlements,  committing  some  murders,  and  firing 
from  their  coverts  on  the  expresses  and  passengers  going  from  post  to  post." 


CHAP.  XX.] 


MA.SS.VC11E    OF    COL.  HAllNEVS    MEN. 


149 


And  it  wag  believed  that  no  coiTimitnication  could  be  opened  witli  tlietn. 
However  the  general  was  detiuniined  to  make  the  attempt,  and  finding  some 
prisoners  at  Gary's  Ferry,  he  treated  thetn  kindly  for  a  while,  then  set  them 
at  liberty,  with  the  request  that  they  would  proceed  to  the  hostiles  and  invite 
them  to  a  parley.  At  or  about  the  same  time  Gen.  Taylor  sent  out  some  of 
'his  Indians,  in  whose  sincerity  and  hone.sty  he  had  great  confidence;"  but 
tliese  joined  the  enemy  and  never  returned,  and  the  prisoners  returned  afler 
some  time,  and  said  they  could  not  find  their  people.  In  the  mean  time, 
on  the  22  April,  about  100  Talhdiassies,  undt  r  tin;  chief  Nea  Stoco  Matia, 
marched  to  Tampa  in  the  night,  ai.d  forced  away  about  30  of  their  country- 
men, who  were  waiting  there  to  bi;  shipped  to  the  west. 

At  length,  on  the  17th  of  May,  the  general  got  a  number  of  chiefs  together, 
frotM  the  southern  part  of  the  ))eninHulfi,  by  the  negotiation  of  Col.  Harney, 
and  an  amicable  arrang<;ment  was  made,  by  whicii  tiiey  were  to  remain  in 
the  country  for  the  present,  or  until  they  could  be  assured  of  the  prosf>erou9 
condition  of  their  friends  who  had  emigrated.     The  general  then  left  FloridiL 

On  tiie  3  May,  five  persons  were  killed  on  the  Santa  Fee.  On  the  same 
day  Lieut.  Hulbcrt  and  a  man  named  O'Driscoll  were  killnd  at  Fourteen- 
mile  Creek.  The  express  lider  between  Fort  Frank  Brooke  and  Fort  An- 
drews not  arriving  as  usual,  Lieut  Hulbert  went  out  with  ten  men  to  learn 
the  cause.  Heing  in  advance  of  his  men,  he  fell  into  an  ambush,  and  was  thus 
cut  off.    He  belonged  to  New  York,  and  had  graduated  at  West  Point. 

About  sunset  on  the  28  May,  a  body  of  Indians  .surround  the  dwelling  of 
Mr.  James  Osteen,  of  Alligator,  shoot  him  near  iiis  stable,  badly  wound  a  Mr. 
Dell,  and  al.-so  a  sister  of  Mr.  Osteen.  Mrs.  Osteen  and  tier  children  escape 
to  the  nearest  house.  These  and  numerous  other  equally  horrid  affairs  hap- 
pening immediately  after  the  treaty  just  made,  destroyed  all  confidence  in  its 
utility.  The  people  of  Florida  declared  they  would  bike  the  management  of 
tiie  war  info  their  own  hands,  and  early  in  June  the  government  of  the  terri- 
tory offered  a  reward  of  200  dollars  for  every  Indian  killed  or  taken.  And 
soon  afler,  Tiqkrtail,  the  chief  of  the  Taliahassies,  issued  a  proclamation 
declaring  the  treaty  made  between  Gen.  Macomb  and  Chitto  Tustenuggee 
null  and  void.  It  does  not  appear  that  the  two  principal  chiefs  of  the  Semi- 
noles,  Tigertail  and  Sam  Jones,  had  any  thing  to  do  with  Gen.  Macomb's 
treaty. 

On  the  13  July,  between  9  and  10  at  night,  a  small  party  of  Indians  at- 
tack the  family  of  Mr.  G.  Chaii-s,  10  miles  fi-oni  Tallahassee,  and  kill  Mrs. 
Chairs  and  two  children.  On  the  23d,  Col.  Hai  ley  was  attacked  on  the  Co- 
looshatchie  or  Synebal  River,  and  had  13  out  of  18  of  Ins  men  killed.  The 
colonel  had  gone  to  this  place  to  es'ablish  a  trading  house,  agreeably  to  the 
treaty  made  at  Fort  King  between  some  of  the  Sennnoles  and  Gen.  Macomb, 
before  spoken  of.  Thus  that  treaty  (which  was  only  verbal)  was  either  made 
on  the  part  of  the  Indians  to  deceive  the  general,  or  some  Indians  made  it 
Mrithout  any  autliority  from  their  nation  ;  the  latter  was  doubtless  the  fact. 

When  the  news  of  Col.  Harney's  surprise  reached  Fort  Mellon,  on  the  31st, 
some  50  Indians,  who  had  come  into  that  neighborhood,  were  alarmed  for 
their  safety,  and  fled  ;  but  soon  after,  about  45  of  them  came  in  to  talk  with 
Lieut  Hanson,  and  were  surrounded  and  taken ;  two  men,  in  attempting  to 
escape,  were  shot  down  and  killed.  About  tliis  time,  as  a  company  of  sol- 
diers were  building  a  bridge  in  Middle  Florida,  about  two  miles  from  a  post 
on  the  Suanee,  they  were  surprised  by  the  Indians,  and  6  of  their  number 
killed.  At  Fort  Wheelock,  two  or  three  soldiers  are  killed  while  bathing  in 
Orange  Lake.  On  the  27  September,  a  party  fiill  upon  the  family  of  a  Mr. 
Bunch,  on  the  Wakulla,  murder  Mrs.  Bunch  and  one  child,  and  bum  the 
house,    Mr.  Whitaker,  a  near  neighbor,  is  severely  wounded. 

Early  in  October,  it  was  announced  that  7,000  regular  troops  were  to  be 
sent  to  Florida,  and  that  Gen.  Taylor  had  been  authorized  to  send  to  Cuba 
for  a  large  number  of  biv^odhounds,  to  enable  them  to  scent  out  the  Indians. 
When  it  was  known  throughout  the  country  that  dogs  were  to  be  em[)loyed 
against  them,  there  was  a  general  burst  of  indignation ;  but  though  it  is  a  fact 
that  the  dogs  were  procured  and  brought  to  Florida,  with  Spaniards  to  di- 
rect them,  yet  we  believe  they  entirely  failed  in  the  experiment ;  there  being 
13* 


-  ■     .  V- 


M 

■  '■  .4k| 


•I'ra 


150 


DOG3    EMPLOYED    IN    FLORIDA. 


[Book  IV. 


.4  4'^-^' 


•*;;'■-'' 


but  here  and  tliere  a  solitary  instance  of  their  performing  the  service  for 
which  they  were  intended.  If  the  originators  of  tliis  dog-scheme  had  in  view 
the  destruction  of  the  Indians  in  the  manner  they  were  destroyed  by  the  Ibl- 
lowers  of  Columbus,  they  deserve  not  the  rigtits  of  humanity,  but  should 
rather  be  hunted  out  of  society  by  beasts  as  savage  as  themselves,  if  such 
could  be  found.  How  much  was  effected  by  the  hounds,  it  is  difficult  to  tell, 
for  long  before  their  arrival  in  tlie  country,  the  editors  of  papers  in  that  re 
gion  had  probably  concluded  upon  what  course  they  would  pursue,  when 
ufficial  (tcamnta  from  dogs  should  be  offered  for  publication ;  but  occasionally 
.1  reckless  fellow  dropped  a  paragraph  like  the  following:  "The  Cuba  dogs 
liavc  proved  quite  l)eneficial.  They  caught  five  Indians  the  other  day,  in 
kliddle  Florida,  handsomely."  In  March,  (1840,)  "Col.  Twiggs  made  a  15 
days'  scout  up  the  St  Johns  River  with  the  bloodhounds.  On  his  return,  it 
'.vas  stated  that  they  were  found  to  be  perfectly  iiseless ;  all  attempts  to  induce 
thoin  to  take  the  trail  of  the  Indians  proving  unsuccessful.  These  and  other 
Trials  are  evidences  sufficient  to  put  an  end  to  all  further  anxiety  on  the  part 
of  the  northern  sentimentalists."  From  such  statements  we  are  left  to  make 
up  such  accounts  as  we  may,  of  what  was  effected  by  the  bloodhounds 
They  will  be  noticed  in  the  order  of  time  as  we  proceed. 

During  this  expedition,  two  Indians  Avere  discovered  in  a  boat  and  shot ; 
one  of  whom  was  said  to  be  a  brother  of  Sam  Jones. 

On  the  19  October,  a  party  of  dragoons  were  fired  upon  while  crossing  the 
Oscilla,  and  had  7  of  their  number  killed.  Some  Indians,  pretending  Iriend- 
ship,  had  encamped  about  two  miles  from  the  fort,  on  New  River ;  and  hav- 
ing become  familiar  with  the  soldiers,  invited  them  all  to  a  dance,  which  they 
were  to  have  on  the  night  of  the  27  September ;  but  three,  however,  had  the 
temerity  to  go,  and  they  were  all  killed.  It  was  supposed  they  intended,  or 
were  in  hopes  of  drawing  out  the  whole  garrison,  which  if  they  had,  their 
fate  would  have  been  the  same.  This  was  but  a  retaliation.  A  baggage- 
wagon  passing  between  Micanopy  and  Fort  Wheelock,  with  an  escort  of 
seven  men,  was  taken  by  the  Indians  on  the  3  November ;  the  driver  was 
mortally  wounded,  and  anotbar  man  severely ;  killing  and  wounding  some  6 
or  7  mules  and  horses ;  50  Indians  were  said  to  have  done  thij  mischief;  but 
if  there  had  been  half  that  numlier,  it  is  exceeding  doubtful  whether  either 
of  the  seven  men  would  have  escaped. 

The  climate,  as  well  as  the  Seminoles,  continued  to  do  its  work  also.  On 
the  5  November,  Lieut  Rodney  died  at  St  Augustine,  and  the  next  day, 
Quartermaster  M'Crabb  died  at  the  san»e  place. 

On  the  9  November,  the  house  of  Mr.  John  Johnson  was  attacked,  on  the 
Oscilla,  in  which  four  negroes  and  one  white  boy  were  killed.  Four  days 
after,  a  party  took  Alfred  Oliver's  house,  on  the  Ocloknee,  12  miles  to  the 
westward  of  Tallahassee,  and  killed  his  son.  On  the  25th,  as  Capt  Searle  is 
proceeding  in  a  carriage  from  St  Augustine  to  Picolata,  he  was  fired  upon, 
when  about  6  miles  out,  and  mortally  wounded ;  a  young  man,  a  Polander. 
who  was  riding  on  horseback  behind  him,  was  killed  upcn  the  spot  On  the 
same  day,  a  Mr.  Weedman,  with  his  son,  proceeded  to  visit  his  fann,  three 
and  a  half  miles  only  from  St  Augustine,  on  the  same  road.  It  was  the  first 
time  he  had  made  the  attempt  since  the  war  began,  and  by  it  he  now  lost  his 
life,  being  shot  dead  by  some  concealed  Indians;  and  his  son  was  badly 
wounded. 

During  this  month.  Gov.  Call,  with  some  200  or  300  men,  scoured  Middle 
Florida,  and  "  drove  up  all  the  Indians  "  in  their  lines  of  march.  They  pre- 
sumed they  would  not  "  light  down  again "  for  some  time.  However,  in  a 
few  days  after,  the  house  of  Maj.  J.  S.  Taylor,  about  6  miles  from  Monticello, 
was  burnt  down,  but  the  family  escaped.  This  act  was  laid  to  the  Indiana, 
and  we  cannot  undertake  to  say  they  did  not  do  it,  for  they  certainly  were 
the  possessors  of  tVu^  oonntrv. 


CH*r.  XXI] 


DOG  EXPLOITS. 


CHAPTER  XXL 


EVENTS    OF    THE    YEiiR   1840. 


151 


»"  ■  '»J 

..1     I.      ^•j 

■  v'i 


oat  aud  shot ; 


J  Iriiin  of  wagons  taken — Lieut.  JVhcdan  killed — Doir  exploits — Families  destroyed — 
Defeat  of  Capt.  Rains — Lieut.  Sandtrsons  defeat — Col.  Riley's  exploit — Col. 
Green  s — Col.  Harney's — .1  comp'iny  of  players  attarked — Cow  Creek  skirmish — 
Indian  Key  deslroijrd — Lieut.  .Arthur's  exploit — Eletiin  families  destroyed — 
Cipt.  Beull's  fiuht — Lieut.  Hanson's  battle — Indian  hansrd — Pacijication  attempted 
through  a  deputation  of  Seminoles  from  Jirkansas — It  fails — Whites  taken  in  aid- 
ing Indians — IVild  Cat's  exploit — ilad  accident — Ueut.  J  add.  ambushed — Fort  Han- 
.<!nn  burnt — Col.  Harney's  voyage  to  the  Everglades — Hangs  nine  Indians — The 
rhief  CifiAKiKA  killed — Fort  IVtitker  attacked — Capt.  Davidson  dies — Lieul.  Sher- 
leuad's  ambush,  and  death  of  Mrs.  Muntgomkky. 

"  You  plongh  the  Indian'*  grave  ;  you  till  his  l.ind— 
Ta  there  no  hluod,  whit«  iniin,  upon  your  hand? 
Rernll  the  time  when  first  your  fiithers  npreuiJ 
IJlion  thciie  icy  nhon^d  their  » intry  beil ; — 
Wheel,  powerli'iis  exiles  cii  the  desert  aea. 
Their  only  stren;;th — the  spirit  to  Se  free." 

We  have  now  arrived  ut  the  beginning  of  the  year  1840.  On  the  fii*st  day 
of  February  of  this  year,  a  detachment  of  men,  sent  in  pursuit  of  deserters, 
\vere  fired  on  near  Fort  Brool^e,  by  whic[i  three  of  the  detachment  were 
woimded.  A  sergeant,  whose  horse  was  sliot  from  imdcr  him,  was  supposed 
to  have  been  killed.  Four  days  aller,  some  10  or  15  Indians  captured  a  train 
of  12  wagons,  about  10  miles  from  Gai7'8  Ferry,  as  they  were  returning  to 
that  place  with  provisions  and  stores  from  the  interior.  They  killed  one 
man,  and  wounded  four  or  five  mules,  and  inade  oif  with  the  property. 

On  the  22  February,  as  Lieut.  VVhedan,  with  a  detachment  of  volunteers, 
was  in  pursuit  of  Indians  upon  a  fresh  trail  nem-  the  Calico  Hills,  in  the  vicin- 
ity of  Magnolia,  he  fell  into  an  ambush,  and  was  killed ;  his  men  ran  away 
and  left  him  to  the  Indians. 

About  a  month  after,  namely,  March  18,  the  Indians  made  a  spirited  at- 
tempt to  add  to  their  stock  of  provisions.  They  attacked  another  train  of 
wagons  on  its  way  from  Post  No.  2  to  Micanopy,  killed  three  men  and 
wounded  others ;  but  found  no  booty,  as  the  wagons  were  only  going  aiter 
stores.  This  was  done  in  s\nte  of  wliat  a  company  of  soldiers  could  do,  who 
were  present  as  an  escort  But  a  few  days  previous,  (March  8th,)  two  men 
are  killed  between  " Cliarles  Old  Town "  and  Micanopy;  and,  on  the  10th, 
a  Methodist  minister,  named  M'Rea,  was  killed  at "  Suggs  Old  Place,"  between 
Wahcahota  and  Micanopy,  On  the  26  March,  some  Indians  crawled  up 
within  200  yards  of  the  pickets  at  Fort  King,  and  killed  two  soldiers. 

About  the  beginning  of  March,  somewhere  in  Middle  Florida,  two  blood- 
hounds captured  an  Indian ;  one  seized  him  by  the  throat,  while  the  whites 
rame  up  and  took  him.  He  was  greatly  terrified,  and  pointed  out  where 
others  might  be  found;  and  soon  after  they  captured  four  more.  On  13 
March,  nine  dogs  were  announced  as  having  arrived  at  Gary's  Feny,  and 
that  they  were  to  be  employed  by  Col.  Twiggs,  of  the  2d  dragoons,  on  a  con- 
templated expedition  to  the  Ocklawalia.  The  officers  under  whom  they  were 
to  strve,  were  probably  desirous  to  know  how  much  they  might  depend  upon 
them,  and,  therefore,  on  the  next  Sunday,  made  the  following  experiment  in 
their  tactics.  An  Indian  prisoner  was  sent  out,  (without  the  knowledge  of  the 
dogs,)  with  orders  to  climb  a  tree  at  some  five  miles'  distance.  He  did  so ; 
and  the  hounds  were  put  upon  his  trail.  The  dog  captain,  or  leader,  went 
directly  to  the  tree,  and  attempted  to  climb  it,  and  had  actually  got  up  six 
feet,  when  the  others  arrived.  Such  was  the  report  of  the  afiair;  which  re- 
port, whether  from  the  principal  officer  under  whose  conduct  it  was  per- 
formed, or  from  the  chief^  leader  of  the  dogs,  we  are  uninformed. 

Towards  the  end  of  April,  a  small  band  of  Indians  attacked  a  guard  of  six 
men,  who  were  cop^oj'in,^  a  wagon  from  Fort  Fanning  to  Deadman's  Bay. 


■■•■li 


■i.K'----'-'--' 


■-:l 


:'\:M 

i/!ifi 

-  -^('^'^ 

152 


BATTLE  NEAR  FORT  KING. 


[Book  IV, 


Th«  officer  cominamling  was  badly  woiiiulcd ;  !)Ht  tin;  figlit  was  cominued 
Hevoral  hours,  until  all  tlicir  ainiiniiiitiuu  wats  Hpoiit,  wiieii  they  cliargcd  the 
liuliaiis,  and  made  good  their  retreat.  Th«^  attai-kiiig  party  lout  one  mau  and 
"a  hig  negro." 

Ahout  the  same  time,  tlie  family  of  a  Mr.  M'Lane,  on  the  Togolce,  was  u.s- 
Haidtcd,  and  Mrs.  M'Lane  and  three  of  her  children  were  harhmousiy  nnir- 
dered.  AlH)ut  8  miles  from  Blount's  Town,  the  family  of  a  Mr.  Lamb  was 
destroyed ;  and  before  the  end  of  tiie  nn)nth  three  others  met  the  same  fiitc. 
On  the  26  April,  as  Capt.  Ilains  was  returning  from  a  scout,  with  18  men,  he 
was  liretl  upon  from  an  ambush  by  a  large  body  of  Indians,  within  two  miles 
of  Fort  King,  and  had  4  men  killed,  and  5  wounded  ;  amoig  the  latter  wus 
the  ca|)tain,  severely.  The  whites  reported  that  they  killed  three  of  the  hi- 
dians.  From  another  source,  the  affiiir  of  Capt.  Rains  is  related  as  follows : — 
Home  of  his  men  had  been  lately  killed  by  the  Indians,  "as  they  left  the  gar- 
rison" of  Fort  King,  and  he  was  deti;rnnn(!d  to  show  tliem  the  same  kind  of 
play;  accordingly,  he  placed  some  siiells  under  a  blanket,  within  hearing  dis- 
tance, and  in  the  night  he  beard  an  I'xplosion.  Next  morning,  he  took  18 
men,  and  marched  to  the  place  where  the  shells  had  been  deposited.  Ih 
found  no  Indians,  either  dead  or  alive,  but  traces  of  blood,  jiony  trarks,  ami 
fragments  of  garments.  Wliile  examining  these,  all  at  once  the  Indians  ro.-f 
up,  as  it  were,  out  of  the  ground,  and  nearly  surrounded  him  and  his  littlf 
band ;  the  terrible  Halec  'J'vstenuook  was  at  their  head,  and  with  the  most 
deafening  yells  rushed  to  the  light.  The  whites  charged,  and  the  ludiuiis 
took  to  the  trees,  and  thus  prolonged  the  battle.  At  length,  Halec,  ailer  des- 
perately wounding  Capt  Kains,  loll  himself,  and  was  borne  off  by  his  war- 
riors. The  captain  would  doubtless  have  been  despatched  by  the  mighty  aim 
of  the  chief,  had  not  Serg.  Jackson,  too,  badly  wounded,  rushed  to  his  rescue, 
and  shot  Tustenugge.  At  this  stage  ol'all'airs,  the  light  seems  to  have  eiidrd, 
and,  as  usual,  the  whites  lii'.stened  away  to  re])ort  a  victoi-y.  They  rated  tlie 
Indians  at  iX3;  but  how  they  came  by  this  miinite  inibrmation,  we  are  not  in- 
formed. But  their  braveiy  and  <!ounige  are,  probably,  far  less  questionable 
than  their  statement  of  the  number  of  tlieir  ecpudly  brave  enemy.  The  sanic 
night,  or  the  next,  some  Indians  went  to  i^tanley's  plantation,  within  three 
miles  of  Newnansville,  where  they  killeil  12  hogs,  cut  down  the  fruit-Uecs, 
and  burnt  the  buildings,  by  which  800  bushels  ot  corn  were  consumed. 

About  the  same  time,  a  volunteer,  named  Slanders,  was  killed,  about  four 
miles  from  Newnansville;  and  another  man,  in  company  with  hhn,  was 
badly  wounded. 

On  the  19  May,  as  Lieut.  Martin  and  three  other  men  were  proceeding 
from  Micanopy  to  Wakalioota,  in  (iharge  ol"  a  government  wagon,  they  were 
all  cut  off.  The  wagoner  escaped,  and  carrying  the  intelligence  to  3Iicaaojn, 
Lieut.  Sanderson  sallied  out  witli  17  men,  and  ])m-sued  the  Indians.  He  soon 
fell  in  with  them,  but  was  defeated,  and  himself,  with  9  men,  killed,  besides 
three  bloodhounds  and  their  keepers ;   four  other  men  were  missing. 

Some  time  in  June,  Col.  Riley  surprised  an  Indian  camp  on  the  Ouidila- 
cnochee,  killed  two  warriors,  and  took  a  man,  woman,  and  child,  prisoners. 
'I'iie  man  soon  after  escaped,  and  in  pursuit  of  him,  Capt  Mason  was  acci- 
dentally shot  by  his  own  men.  Ahout  the  same  time.  Col.  Greene  fell  upon 
a  small  party  of  Indians  in  Middle  Florida,  killed  three,  and  a  white  man 
with  them.  Towards  the  end  of  the  month,  Col.  Harney  returned  from  a 
long  expedition,  in  which  he  captured  Wild  Cat's  mother  and  daughter,  lib- 
erated a  negro,  who  had  been  a  jirisoner  near  two  years,  and  was  the  only 
survivor  of  the  crew  of  a  vessel  wrecked  at  New  Smyrna.  He  also  destroyed 
27  cornfields  of  the  Indians. 

When  Dr.  Cotton  Mather  was  about  to  write  the  histoiy  of  a  sanguinary 
massacre,  which  happened  at  Durham  in  New  Hampshire,  he  began  with  the 
ominous  expression  of  "  Bloody  fishing  at  Oyster  River ! "  We  have  now  to 
record  a  bloody  tragedy  among  tragediana.  A  Mr.  Forbes,  it  appears,  was 
not  satisfied  with  wliat  tragedies  he  could  manufacture  elsewhere,  but  must 
needs  go  to  that  country  of  tragedies,  Florida,  with  his  theatrical  corps,  as 
though  the  people  there  would  prefer  counterfeit  to  the  real  ones,  or  had  not 
enough  of  twtb ;  doubtless  the  whites  much  preferred  the  fonner ;  but  not  so 


'  -M 


[Book  IV 

was  coni'mued 
iy  ciiurgL'il  the 
It  one  inuu  uiiil 

ogolec,  WU8  us- 
I  l)iu*ously  iiiiir- 
Mr.  Liuiil)  \\us 

the  Hanic  lute, 
ith  18  men,  he 
ithiu  two  luileh 
;  the  latter  wuh 
liree  of  the  Iii- 
J  as  follows : — 
ey  leit  the  gar- 
e  same  kiiul  ot° 
till  hearing  il\^- 
ing,  he  took  If 
(Upotiitcd.  \U 
ouy  trurks,  ami 
lie  Iiu'.iuiis  rose 
I  and  his  littl>' 

with  tiie  most 
nd  the  ludiuii.- 
[alec,  after  de;-- 
off  l)y  his  war- 
the  mighty  aim 
d  to  his  rescue, 

to  have  ended, 
They  rated  the 
,  we  are  not  iu- 
ss  questiouubie 
iiy.  The  saiiic 
n,  witliin  three 

the  iruit-tiees, 
oiisumed. 
lied,  about  four 
with  him,  was 

ere  proceeding 
igon,  they  were 
;e  to  Micanopj, 
lians.  He  soon 
,  killed,  besides 
lissiug. 

in  the  Ouitlila- 
;hild,  prisoners, 
lasou  was  acci- 
•eene  fell  upon 
d  a  wliite  man 
"turned  from  a 
J  daughter,  lib- 
d  was  the  only 
!  also  destroyed 

tf  a  sanguinary 
began  with  the 
e  have  now  to 
t  appears,  was 
'here,  but  must 
itrical  corps,  as 
tnes,  or  had  not 
Qer ;  but  not  so 


Chap.  XXI. 


MASSACRE  AT  INUiA.N   1C:;V. 


153 


■m 


with  the  Indians,  where  they  could  have  a  hand  in  tlieiii.  This  cnmpniiy  of 
players  was  in  two  wagons,  passing  ti-«>iii  I'iciilnia  lo  >St.  Angiistiiie,  uii  the  28 
May,  and  when  within  5  or  (i  miles  of  tiie  latter  place,  were  attacked  by  a 
large  number  of  Indians  under  Wild  (^'at,  and  tour  of  them  killed.  How 
many  were  in  the  company  we  are  not  told ;  but  I'\)rlH;s  and  the  females 
escaped.  The  Indians,  immediately  after,  surrounded  l-'ort  Searle,  danced 
about  it  in  defiance,  and  dared  the  soldiers  to  come  out  and  tight;  but  the 
garrison  was  too  weak  to  make  a  sortie.  We  have  to  close  the  relation  of 
liiis  tragedy  with  a  comedy.  The  Indians  had  Irtuiid  time,  l>etbre  appearing 
at  Fort  riearle,  to  dress  themsfdves  in  such  of  the  actors'  clothes  as  they  had 
taken.  Wild  Cat  had  got  on  the  turban  of  Othello ;  and  others  had  siislH.s 
and  spangles,  which  tiiey  took  care  to  display  to  advantage.  Wild  Cat 
showed  a  rich  velvet  dress  to  some  negroes  who  allerwards  came  in,  and  told 
them  he  would  not  take  a  hundred  head  of  cattle  for  it 

At  Cow  Creek  liommock,  near  Fort  White,  there  was  a  skirmish,  on  the 
12  July,  between  Serg.  Zeigler  and  three  or  lour  men,  and  21  Indians.  A 
corporal  and  two  soldiers  were  killed,  and  the  others  were  wounded. 

On  the  7  August,  there  happened  a  most  horrid  massacre  at  Indian  Key. 
Six  persons  were  killed  by  the  Indians  in  their  barbarou8«  manner ;  among 
whom  was  Dr.  Henry  Perrine,  formerly  of  Connecticut,  a  scientific  gentle- 
man, who  had  located  himself  there  for  the  piirjiose  of  cultivating  some  rare 
plants  which  he  had  obtained  in  South  America,  while  residing  there  as  con- 
sul. There  were  upo: ,  Indian  Key,  at  the  time  of  this  massacre,  44  people, 
all  of  whom  had  the  good  fortune  to  escape,  except  the  six  belbre  named. 
All  the  houses  were  btirned  exce|)t  one.  Tlie  number  of  Indians  was  said  to 
be  100  or  150. 

On  *he  10  August,  word  was  brought  to  Fort  Barkee,  that  an  encampment 
of  Indi  ms  was  discovered,  about  seven  miles  from  thence,  on  the  road  to 
Fort  Mitchell.  Lieut  B.  H.  Arthur  immediately  marched  out,  with  "  a  com- 
pany of  soldiers,"  to  suriirise  them.  The  object  was  efferted  ;  two  Indians 
were  killed,  one  wounded,  and  3  rifles  taken.  JOai'ly  in  the  morning  of  the 
same  day,  the  house  of  Mr.  Wyley  Jones,  on  the  Econlina,  alwut  (3  miles 
north  of  the  St  Joseph's,  was  attacked  and  burnt;  the  Indians  shot  Mrs. 
Jones  and  one  of  her  cliiidren  ;  a  little  daughter  of  13  conveyed  away  four  of 
her  younger  brothers  and  sisters  to  a  sate  place,  and  then  returned  to  see 
what  had  become  of  her  mother.  She  found  her  only  time  enough  to  see 
her  expire !  and  then  made  a  second  escape ! 

About  the  middle  of  August,  eleven  families  are  said  to  have  been  broken 
up,  on  the  Suanee  River,  and  a  great  number  of  people  killed.  Among  them 
was  the  family  of  a  Mr.  Courcy.  He  was  from  home  at  the  time,  and  on  his 
return,  found  his  wife  and  six  children  murdered,  and  left  in  the  most  bar- 
barous manner,  here  and  there  lying  about  the  fields  where  they  fell.  Of 
Mr.  Howell's  family,  his  wife  and  one  child  were  killed,  and  three  other  chil- 
dren escaped.  A  Mrs.  Green  and  one  child  were  also  murdered.  A  Mrs, 
Patrick  was  shot  in  her  house  while  preparing  a  bed  for  her  children !  Mr. 
Thomas  Davis  and  two  children,  and  Mr.  Patrick's  daughter,  all  murdered. 

On  the  4  September,  as  Capt  B.  L.  Beall,  with  10  or  12  men,  was  upon  a 
scout,  he  came  suddenly  upon  about  30  Indians,  who  all  escaped  but  four ; 
the  rest  secured  themselves  in  a  swamp  on  Wacoosasa  River.  One  of  the 
prisoners  was  said  to  be  Holatoochee,  a  sub-chief  of  the  Mikasaukies.  With 
these  prisoners  several  gims  were  taken  "  in  good  order,"  and  "  a  large  deer- 
skin full  of  honey." 

But  two  days  after,  Lieut  N.  K,  Hanson  had  a  smart  battle  with  some 
Seminoles,  near  Fort  Wekahoota,  Word  being  brought  to  the  lieutenant 
then  at  that  post,  that  Indians  were  in  the  vicinity,  he  immediately  marched 
out  with  35  regulars ;  and  when  one  and  a  half  miles  from  the  fort,  was  fired 
upon  from  a  gloomy  hommock,  which  oblicred  him  to  retreat  about  300  yards 
to  an  open  wood,  closely  pursued  by  the  Indians.  Here  he  made  a  standi 
and  continued  the  fight  about  half  an  hour,  at  which  time  the  Indians,  to  de- 
wyy  him,  retreated  again  to  the  hommock ;  but  Lieut  Hanson,  having  now 
five  of  his  men  killed  and  woimded,  concluded  to  retreat  while  he  was  at  lib- 
erty to  do  so.    The  firing  had  brought  out  a  reenforcement  mider  Capt  Haw- 


'■*.' 


-S-    -  -  :■, 


':'!',::::•*'.  ;!-^ 


■-<'.. 


;«,■'.■ 


':^-- 


.*.  " 

M' 

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^M 

^%}) 

^  -'-ri 

^ 

154 


ARKANSAS  DELEGATION  FAILS. 


[Boom  IV. 


I. 


kins,  who  not  long  after  charged  the  hommock,  hut  he  found  no  Indiann. 
Tlie  iiuinl)er  of  LidianH  liiippowMl  to  have  fought  in  thiH  HkirmiHh,  wan  Htated 
to  ho  UUk  On  the  niorning  of  the  Hanie  (lay,  the  wiirio  IndiaiiH,  it  in  Haiti,  killed 
and  horribly  mutilated  a  young  man  named  (jeiger;  hid  head  was  Hevered 
and  carried  off. 

On  tJie  7  8e[)teinber,  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Dorwiy  w  plundered  and  hurnt ; — 
fortunately,  ho  had  lately  removed  liiri  liirnily  to  Alalmma.  Aliout  ten  daya 
aOer,  l<ieut.  Haunderu,  Mcoiiting  with  a  party  of  dragoouH  in  the  neighl)orhood 
of  Fort  Mellon,  captured  a  Kingle  Indian.  VUis  brave  company  tirst  uhot  their 
prisoner,  and  ai'terwardH  hung  him  on  a  tr(.>e. 

A  more  pacific  jtolicy,  on  tlie  part  of  the  government,  had  l)cen  instigated, 
in  a  mnmier  not  to  he  |taHHed  unhee<led,  hy  the  puhlic  expression ;  and,  con- 
KCipHMitly,  (Jen.  Armistead  was  directed  t(»  act  on  tlie  protective  system ;  at 
the  sjiine  time,  to  endeavor  hy  every  possihle  means  to  influence  the  Serni- 
Jioles  to  go  quietly  from  the  land  of  their  liithers.  More  eflectually  to  carrj- 
these  views  into  etlect,  a  deputation  of  their  countrymen  had  been  sent  for, 
beyond  the  Mississipiii,  and  treated  with  to  visit  Florida,  and  intercede  with 
their  friends  and  brothers  to  give  up  the  country,  and  end  the  controversy. 
Accordingly,  this  pro|K>sition  was  acceded  to  ;  and  iburteen  chiefs  and  others 
lell  Arkansas  on  this  embassy,  and  arrived  at  Tampa,  in  Florida,  on  the  2 
November.  They  came  prepared  to  assure  their  countrymen  that  they  would 
be  liir  better  off  in  Arkansas ;  and  as  they  had  been  known  to  have  been 
exceedingly  opposed  to  emigration,  and  had  lieen  forced  away  from  Florida 
themselves,  great  reliance  was  [tlaced  upon  their  endeavors  to  end  the  trou- 
bl««8.  And  to  satit^fy  tlie  whites  of  their  good  intentions,  they  left  all  their 
wives  and  children  behind.  Among  them  were  the  noted  chiefs,  Alligator, 
HoLAToocHF.K,  and  MicANOPY ;  and  on  the  morning  of  the  3d,  they  com- 
menced their  mwch  of  100  miles  for  Fort  King,  where  they  were  to  have  an 
interview  with  some  of  the  hostile  chiefs. 

The  deputation  arrived  at  Fort  King  in  about  4  days,  viz.,  on  the  Gth,  and 
Gen.  Armistead  on  the  7th.  Every  eflbrt  was  now  made  to  discuss  matters 
with  freedom;  and  Halec  Tustenugge,  Tiger-tail,  and  many  others,  were 
waiting  in  the  woods,  not  far  off,  when  tlie  before-named  functionaries  ar- 
rived. S  (iidry  conferences  and  talks  were  had  during  the  following  six  days ; 
but  what  was  said  and  done  we  are  not  informed;  though,  judging  from  what 
I  ap[)ened  immediately  after,  it  could  not  have  been  very  satisfactory  to  the 
hidians,  whatever  they  may  have  pretendc-d  ;  for,  on  the  night  of  the  14  No- 
vember, they  all  took  leave  vei-y  unceremoniously,  and  retired  into  their  old 
fastnesses,  as  was  conjectured,  for  tiiey  said  nothnig  about  that,  nor  did  the 
whites  have  an  opjjortunity  of  guessing  where  they  had  gone  until  the  next 
morning.  At  this  conduct  of  tlie  hostiles,  those  from  Arkansas  expressed 
themselves  "  utterly  astonished."  As  soon  as  the  general  was  informed  of 
the  escape  of  the  Indians,  which  was  "  early  the  next  morning,"  he  wrote  to 
the  secretary  of  war,  Mr.  Poinsett,  in  the  following  desponding  strain : — 
"  Thus  have  ended  all  our  well-grounded  hopes  of  bringing  the  war  to  a  close 
by  pacific  measures ;  confident  in  the  resources  of  tlie  country,  the  enemy 
will  hold  out  to  the  last,  and  can  never  be  induced  to  come  in  again.  Imme- 
diately upon  the  withdrawal  of  the  Indians,  orders  were  transmitted  to  com- 
manders of  regiments,  to  put  their  troops  in  motion ;  and  before  this  reaches 
you,  they  will  be  scouting  in  every  direction." 

Notwithstanding  tliese  efforts  at  ])eace~making  on  the  part  of  the  whites, 
hostilities  did  not  entirely  cease  on  the  side  of  the  Indians.  On  the  17  Oc- 
tober, a  party  went  to  Cok  Camble's  plantation,  at  Welaune,  in  Jefferson 
county,  wliere  they  fired  upon  and  wounded  a  negro  man,  and  took  a  woman, 
with  whom  tliey  made  oft ;  but,  in  their  flight,  meeting  with  a  company  of 
whites,  they  left  her,  and  she  escaped.  On  the  24th,  some  bloodhounds  led 
a  company  of  soldiers  to  a  house,  in  Middle  Florida,  in  which  three  lohiie  men 
were  captured,  charged  with  aiding  and  abetting  the  Indians. 

At  Col.  Hanson's  plantation,  about  20  Indians  made  quite  a  "  business  op> 
eration,"  on  the  28  October,  which,  without  any  other  insurance  than  their 
own  peculiar  tactics,  was,  to  say  the  least  of  it,  a  very  "  risky  transaction." 
Such  is  our  judgment  upon  it,  inasmuch  as  the  place  where  it  was  done  was 


IV. 


CuAr.  XX1 1    HARNEY'S  EXPEDITION  TO  TIIK  EVERGLADES. 


Wt 


only  two  miUt  from  St  Augustine.  Although  th«^  did  not  micccnd  to  the 
extont  ofthoir  wiohcH,  yet  they  took  and  curried  oti  tdl  tii»  hlunketit  and  other 
clothing  which  liud  heen  provided  tor  ii  "large  Htuck  of  ne^n>ets"  tor  the  en* 
Huing  winter;  and  nlien  uIkjiiI  to  tire  the  buildingH,  I  cume  ulurnied  by  the 
approach  of  tsotnc  neighl)orill^'  whiteH,  wlioin  a  negro  iiad  intbrined  of  what 
\vu8  going  on,  and  tied  witiiout  (hiing  further  niiHchietl  They  had  intended 
to  have  carried  otY  ail  the  Hlaven,  but  were  prevented  by  thia  circuniHtiuice. 
Wild  Cat  is  said  to  have  led  tla;  IndiaiiH  in  this  expe<lition. 

People  tlocked  in  and  garrisoned  the  place,  and  watched  all  night  for  the 
return  of  the  Indians,  wlio  doubtledd  hud  not  the  nio8t  distant  idea  of  repeat- 
ii!g  their  visit.  Tliis  led  to  one  of  those  nielaii(;liuly  events,  accounts  of 
many  of  which  are  already  upon  our  records.  'J'lie  news  of  the  descent  upon 
("ol.  llansun'M  farm  was  carried  iniuiediately  to  I'icolata,  which  caused  Lieut, 
(irahain  to  march  with  a  small  Ibrce  tor  that  place,  hoping  to  surprise  the 
Indians  there,  or  in  it.s  vicinity.  Accordingly,  he  approaciied  it  with  great 
caution  about  U  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  next  day,  not  knowing  that 
guards  had  been  set  to  receive  tin;  Indians,  should  they  return ;  and,  untbr' 
tunatcly,  being  himself  and  com)mny  taken  tor  Indians,  were  tired  upon,  and 
Serg.  VVolcott  was  mortally,  and  Lieut,  (jraham  severely  wounded. 

On  the  same  day,  the  post  rider  lietween  Forts  Funning  and  Ma<-onib  was 
found  murdered,  quartered,  tuid  thrown  into  a  pond. 

Every  day  adds  new  scenes  to  the  tragedy.  On  the  Isi  day  of  Novemlier, 
as  Lieut.  Judd,  with  Mr.  Fulany  and  three  dragoons,  was  proceeding  from 
Fort  Searle  tor  St.  Augustine,  they  were  fired  upon  when  near  tiie  eight- 
mile-post,  by  Indians  concealed  in  bushes  along  the  road,  by  which  a  sergeant 
and  one  private  were  killed,  and  Mr.  Falany  aiul  another  private  severely 
wounded.  Lieut.  Judd  escaped,  as  it  were,  by  a  miracle.  He  rode  with  the 
wounded  soldier  till  he  fell  from  his  horse,  then  dismounting,  dragged  him 
from  the  path,  and  the  Indians  being  just  upon  him,  concealed  himself  in 
the  bushes  until  they  gave  up  the  chase. 

About  the  same  time  Col.  Harney  captured  12  Indians  (women  and  chil- 
dren) near  Fort  Reid,  on  the  St.  John's.  He  found  them  in  possession  of  50 
blankets,  mostly  new,  pieces  of  calico,  &c.,  supposed  to  have  been  token 
from  Indian  Key,  when  it  was  destroyed  in  August  lust. 

Fort  Hanson,  15  miles  from  St.  Augustine,  was  abandoned  about  the  5 
Noveinl)er,  and  iti  two  «>r  three  hours  alter  was  burnt  by  the  Indians. 

Early  in  December,  Col.  Harney,  as  truich  now  the  terror  of  the  Seminoles 
as  Col.  Church  was  to  the  Waiupanoags,  or  Daniel  Boone  to  the  Kikapoos, 
undertakes  an  expedition  into  the  everglades.  These  nuich  heard  of  and 
little  known  retreats  extend  over  perhaps  100  s(piare  miles.  They  are  an 
expanse  of  shoal  water,  varying  in  depth  from  one  to  five  feet,  dotted  with 
innumerable  low  and  flat  islatids,  generally  covered  with  trees  or  shrubs. 
Much  of  the  water  is  shaded  by  an  ulmost  impenetrable  saw-grass,  as  high 
as  a  man's  head,  but  the  little  chaimels  in  every  direction  are  free  from  it. 
It  had  been  long  supposed,  that  upon  the  islands  in  some  part  of  this  district 
the  Indians  had  their  head-quarters,  from  whence  they  had  issued  upon  their 
destructive  expeditions.  This  suspicion  amounted  to  a  certainty  a  little  be- 
fore this,  from  the  testimony  of  a  negro  named  John,  who  had  escaped  from 
a  clan  in  that  region  and  come  in  at  Cape  Florida.  He  had  been  with  the 
Indians  since  \&i5,  at  which  time  he  was  captured  by  them  from  Dr.  Grew. 
Therefore  it  was  determined  by  Col.  Harney  to  take  John  as  a  guide,  and 
endeavor  to  strike  an  effectual  blow  ujmn  them  in  their  own  fastness.  Ac- 
cordingly, with  90  men  in  boats,  he  set  out  to  traverse  that  monotonous 
world,  the  everglades.  John  faithfully  performed  his  promise,  and  led  the 
armament  directly  to  the  island  where  the  Indians  were,  which  was  at  once 
surrounded,  and  Ii8  prisoners  taken  and  2  killed.  It  proved  to  be  the  band 
of  Chai-ki-ka,  as  "noted  a  rogue"  as  Tatoson  of  old.  He  it  was,  it  is  said, 
who  led  the  party  that  destroyed  Indian  Key,  and  traitorously  massacred  Col. 
Harney's  men  at  the  Synebal.  As  direct  evidence  of  the  fact,  upwards  of 
2,000  dollars'  worth  of  the  goods  taken  from  Dr.  Perrine's  settlement  were 
identified,  and  13  Colt's  rifles  lost  at  the  Synebal  were  found ;  therefore,  as 
an  offset  to  those  affairs,  nine  of  the  "warriors"  were  forthwith  executed  by 
banging,  and  the  tenth  was  preserved  for  a  future  guide. 


I       ^7 

'  v.'lf 


|. 


l.)0 


MRS.  MONTGOMERY   KILLED. 


fBooK  IV. 


When  Cnl.  Harney  came  upon  Chaikiku'a  band,  the  chief  was  at  a  nhort 
il'iKtancc  Ironi  hiH  people,  chopping  wood,  and  on  discovering  that  the  foe  waa 
upon  tlieni,  tied  with  nil  hi8  might  for  the  high  graaa.  Several  soldiere 
Htarted  in  purauit,  but  he  outran  thttm  all  except  n  private  named  AaW. 
When  he  found  he  could  n«>t  escape  from  him,  and  l)eing  unarmed,  lie  faced 
about,  und  with  a  smile  of  aubniinaion  on  his  lure,  threw  un  \m  ami!*,  in 
token  of  surrender.  This  availed  him  nothing,  llnll  levelled  Iuh  rifle,  which 
N(;iit  n  bullet  through  his  skull  into  his  brninn,  and  he  tell  litelens  into  thc 
water  but  a  little  distance  from  the  shore  of  the  island!  IIow  like  the  fall 
of  the  great  Wnm|iunoag  chief!  Col.  Harney  hud  one  man  killed  and  five 
wounded,  of  whom  negro  John,  the  pilot,  wos  one. 

There  was  great  rejoicing  ut  the  success  of  Col.  Harney  all  over  Florida: 
und  although  his  summary  vengeance  upon  some  of  the  (irisonerK  culled 
forth  imprecutions  from  many,  those  wen*  «lrowned  by  the  general  burst  of 
approbation ;  but  this  wus  lunipud  in  some  degree  by  the  loss  of  a  very 
vuluuble  und  meritorious  ofHcer,  who  died  imniediutely  after  the  expedition 
returned  from  the  everglades.  This  was  ("aju.  W.  B.  Davidson,  who  tiled  ut 
Indian  Key  on  the  'Mth  of  the  sntiie  month,  from  disease  engendered  while 
upon  tliut  service. 

About  this  time,  or  previous  to  2n  Dccend)er,  Tiger-tail's  son  and  brother, 
with  several  others,  caiuo  in  to  Fort  King  and  surrendered.  The  old  chief 
himself  wns  daily  expected  in  ulso,  but  that  expectation  only  amounted  to  a 
disappointment.  Not  long  after  these  Indians  came  in,  a  party  went  to  Fort 
Walker,  between  Micanopy  and  Newnansville,  where  they  killed  three  negroes 
und  wounded  one  white  woman,  without  l)eing  molested. 

On  the  morning  of  the  '29  December,  a  wagon  was  ordered  to  proceed 
from  Fort  Micanopy  to  Fort  Wacuhoota,  and  notwithstanding  "  positive  orders 
had  been  given  by  the  connnanding  general,  forbidding  any  escort  from  post 
to  post  to  consist  of  less  than  30  men,"  but  11  went  on  this  occasion.  Tliey 
were  under  the  command  of  Lieuts.  Sherwood  and  Hopson,  and  "as  the 
morning  wus  fine,  a  Mrs.  Montgomery,  wifi^  of  Lieut.  Montgomery,  roile  out 
with  them."  This  conyiany  hud  got  scarcely  three  miles  on  the  way  when 
it  fell  into  an  ambush,  and  Mrs.  Montgomery,  Lieut.  Sherwood,  u  sergeuiit' 
major,  and  two  privates  were  immediately  killed.  Lieut  Sherwood  and  u  sol' 
dier  sucrificed  themselves  to  suve  Mrs.  Montgomery,  but  it  availed  her  nothing. 
Her  husband  arrived  on  the  ground  soon  afler,  but  she  was  dead,  und  a 
soldier  was  lying  by  her  side  in  the  agonies  of  death,  but  had  strength  enough 
to  say  to  her  husband,  "  Lieutenant,  I  fought  for  your  wife  as  long  as  I  could," 
and  then  expired  !  Mrs.  Montgomery  was  an  accomplished  lady  from  Cin- 
cinnati, and  hud  not  been  married  but  about  three  weeks. 

About  the  same  time  two  wagoners  w^re  killed  on  the  way  from  Pilatka 
to  Fort  Russell.  They  started  in  advance  of  the  escort. — Such  are  some  of 
the  most  prominent  events  of  Florida  warfare,  which  brings  our  account  of 
it  to  the  cloee  of  the  year  1840. 


'-.',"'5 


-•^^i 


BIOGRAPHY   AND   HISTORY 


OF   THE 


INDIANS  OF  NORTH  AMERICA, 


BOOK  V. 


.-.ym 


'•  .■■:! 


tUh; 


0 


mv 


^■i^: 


BOOK   V. 

BIOGRAPHY  AND  HISTORY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS 
OR  FIVE  NATIONS,  AND  OTHER  NEIGHBORING 
TRIBES  OF  THE  WEST. 


W 


\  .1. » 

-■1  f...  *• 


a! 


■•^i■^• 


Nortlingf  of  natuie,  I  mark  your  bold  bearing, 

Pride  in  each  aipect  and  strength  in  each  form, 

Heart!  of  warm  impulie,  and  louU  of  high  daring, 

Born  in  the  battle  and  reared  in  the  stoim. 

The  red  levin  flaih  and  the  thander''i  drtad  rattle. 

The  rock-riven  wave  and  the  war  tinmpet'i  breath, 

The  din  of  the  tempest,  the  yell  of  the  battle, 

Nerve  your  steeled  bosoms  to  danger  and  death. — J.  B.  Drabi. 


CHAPTER  L 


Particulars  in  the  history  of  the  Iro(Idois  or  Five  Nations — Extent  of  thtir  Aomin- 
ions — Antiquities  and  traditions — Destroy  the  Eries — War  with  the  Adirondaks 
— Specimen  of  their  language — Account  of  the  chiefs — Granousle — Black- 
kettle — His  blor.dy  tears  with  the  French — Adario — His  singular  stratagem  to 
unite  his  countrymen  against  the  French — Destroys  Montreal  and  near  a  thousand 
inhabitants — Dies  in  peace  with  the  French — Dekamsora  a  renowned  orator — 
Peiskaret — The  miraculous  stories  concerning  him.  History  of  the  journey  of 
Five  Iroquois  chiefs  to  England. 

The  great  western  confederacy  of  Indian  nations  has  commonlj^  been  styled 
by  the  French,  Iroquois,*  but  generally  by  the  English,  the  Five  MtHoru  t 
and  sometimes  the  Six  Nationa;  but  either  of  the  two  latter  appellations 
must  be  considered  only  as  such,  because  we  shall  show,  as  we  proceed,  that 
they  are  not  numerically  true  now,  if  they  ever  were.  Five  may  have  been 
the  number  which  originally  leagued  together,  but  when  that  happened,  if 
indeed  it  ever  did,  can  never  be  Known.  It  is  a  tradition  that  these  people 
came  from  beyond  the  lakes,  a  great  while  ago,  and  subdued  or  exterminated 
the  inhabitants  of  the  country  on  this  side.    Even  if  ttiis  were  the  case,  it 

*  "  Le  nom  d'lroquois  est  piirement  Fran9ots,  et  a  ^t^  forin^  du  terme  Hiro,  qui  si^ific, 
I'ai  dit :  et  par  quel  ces  sauvagcs  finissent  (ous  leurs  discours,  comme  les  Latins  faisoient 
autrefois  par  leur  Dixi;  et  de  Kou6,  qui  est  un  cri,  Ianl6t  de  tristesse,  lorsqu'on  le  prononce 
en  irainant,  et  tant6t  de  joye,  quand  on  le  prononce  plus  court.  Leur  nom  propre  est  Agon- 
npruionni,  qui  veul  dire  Faiseurs  de  Cabannts ;  parce  qu'ils  les  batissent  beaucoup  plus 
Rolides,  que  la  piApart  des  autres  sauvares."  Charlevoix,  i.  270—1,  (sub  anno  1646,)  also 
Loskiel,  I.  i.—Heclceweldet^-and  Forsters  Northern  Voyages. 

t  "  Ces  barbares  ne  sont  qu'une  seule  nalion,  el  qu'nn  sew.  inUrtl  public.  On  pourroti  Us 
nommer  pour  la  distribution  du  teirain,  Us  Suisses  de  ce  continent.  Les  Iroquois  sont  par- 
fatfcr  en  cinq  cantons,  sQavoir  les  TsononlMans,  Us  Goyogoans,  Us  Onnotagues,  Us  Onoyouts, 
ttiet  Agnidt."    (Lahontau,  i.  35.)    By  (he  AgnUs  we  are  to  understand  Mohtueki. 


:^  ••,.■.»••.. 

■:.:,-'. 

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';■•'■■.>'■ 

'•ki<-.-^ 

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a-    -'■ 

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■|.^-;P"'V 


.. '"lip 


:.«-.:j;.^^-^ 


COUNTRY  OF  THE  IROQUOIS. 


[Book  V. 


brf'W: ; 


rm:- 


m 


proves  nothing  of  their  origin ;  for  there  may  have  been  a  time  when  their 
ancestors  went  from  this  side  to  the  country  beyond,  and  so  on.  The  Mo- 
hawks, sometimes  called  fVabingi,  are  said  to  have  been  the  oldest  of  the 
confederacy,  and  that  the  "  Onayauts  "  (Oneidas)  were  the  first  that  joined 
them  by  putting  themselves  under  their  protection.  The  Onondagos  were 
the  next,  then  the  "  Teuontowanos,  or  Sinikers,"  (Senecas,)  then  the  "  Cuiuk 
guos,"  (Cayugas.)  The  Tuscaroras,  from  Carolina,  joined  them  about  1712, 
but  were  not  formally  admitted  into  the  confederacy  until  about  10  years 
after  that  The  addition  of  this  new  tribe  gftiaed  them  the  name  of  the  Six 
Nations,  according  to  most  writers,  but  it  will  appear  that  they  were  called 
the  Six  Nations  long  before  the  last-named  period.* 

The  Shawanese  were  not  of  the  confederacy,  but  were  called  brothers  by 
them.  This  nation  came  from  the  south,  et  no  very  remote  period,  and  the 
Iroquois  assigned  them  lands  on  the  west  branch  of  the  Susquehannah,  but 
looked  upon  them  as  inferiors. 

The  dominions  of  this  "  United  People  "  cannot  be  particularly  described, 
for  they  were  never  stationary  ;  at  one  time  they  extended  beyond  the  St. 
Lawrence  and  the  Mississijjpi,  and  at  anotlier  they  were  circumscribed 
between  them.  Smith,  the  historian  of  New  York,  says,  "  Our  Lidians 
universally  concur  in  the  claim  of  all  the  lands  [in  175()]  not  sold  to  the 
English,  from  the  mouth  of  Sorel  River,  on  the  south  side  of  Lakes  Erie  and 
Ontario,  on  both  sides  of  the  Ohio,  till  it  falls  into  the  Mississippi ;  and  on 
the  north  side  of  those  lakes,  ihat  whole  territory  between  the  Outawais 
River,  and  the  Lake  Huron,  and  even  beyond  the  straits  between  that  and 
Lake  Erie." 

"  When  the  Dutch  began  the  settlement  of  New  York,  all  the  Indians  on 
Long  Island,  and  the  northern  shore  of  the  sound,  on  the  banks  of  Connecticut, 
Hudson,  Delaware,  and  Susquehaimah  Rivers,  were  in  subjection  to  the  Five 
Nations ;  and  within  the  memory  of  persons  now  living,  acknowledged  it 
by  the  payment  of  an  annual  tribute."  As  a  proof  of  this  it  is  mentioned  that 
"  a  little  tribe,  settled  at  the  Sugar-loaf  mountain,  in  Orange  county,  to  this 
day,  [175(5,]  make  a  yearly  payment  of  about  £20  to  the  Mohawks."! 

Among  the  many  tribes  or  nations  which  they  wholly  or  partially  destroyetl 
were  the  Eries^  a  powerful  tribe  on  the  soutLem  shore  of  the  great  lake 
whose  name  they  bore.  Jn  the  year  1653  they  wer<j  entirely  extirpated,  and 
no  remnant  of  them  has  since  been  heard  of  in  existence.:^ 

Wlien  the  French  settled  in  Canada  in  1611,  it  was  upon  the  lands  of  the 
Adirondaks,  above  Three  Rivers.  They  £iund  them  at  war  with  the  Iro- 
quois, then  mainly  seated  along  the  southern  side  of  Lake  Ontario.  The 
Adirondaks,  by  the  assistance  of  the  French,  were  able  to  defeat  their 
enemies  in  every  battle,  who  at  length  were  in  danger  of  a  total  extermina- 
tion. Meanwhile  the  Dutch  had  begun  their  trade  in  the  Hudson  River, 
which  they  profitably  carried  on  in  arms  with  the  Iroquois.  Being  now  able 
to  meet  the  Adirondaks  on  more  equal  footing,  they  continued  the  war,  and 
with  such  success,  that  the  Adirondaks,  in  their  turn,  tecame  almost  de- 
Btroyed. 

The  Six  Nations  did  not  know  themselves  by  such  names  as  the  English 
apply  to  them,  but  the  name  AquanuBchioni,§  which  signified  united  people, 
was  used  by  them.J|    This  term,  as  is  the  case  with  most  Indian  wordn,  is 
defined  by  a  knowledge  of  its  etymology.    A  knowledge  of  the  Indian  Ian 
guages  would  enable  us  to  know  what  almost  every  place  in  the  country  has 


fJ' 


*  In  the  British  Empire,  iii.  56,  it  is  said,  "The  Cowelas  also,  or  Creek  Indians,  are  in  the 
tame  friendship  with  them." 

t  Selected  from  the  ux/Z-selected  notes  to  Sear»'$  Poem,  entitled  Mineral  Wattrt. 

X  Charlevoix. 

\  Loskiel,  Hist.  Mis.  i.  2.  "  They  say  themselves,  that  they  have  sprung  and  grown  up  in 
lhat  very  place,  like  the  very  trees  of  the  wilderness."  WiUiatn'a  Key.  Another  name  tney 
oAen  save  themselves  was,  Ongite-homce,  which  signified,  a  people  surpassing  a''  others. 
Hi*t.  Brit.  Dominions  in  A^.  America.    Book  iii.  65,  fed.  4to.  Lend.  1773.) 

H  At  a  great  assemblage  of  chiefs  and  warriors  at  Albany,  in  August,  1746,  the  chief  speaker 
of  the  Six  Nations  informed  the  English  commissioners  that  they  had  talcen  in  the  Messe* 
■agues  as  a  seventh  nation.     Colden,  Hist.  F.  Nations,  ii.  175. 


[Book  V. 


Chap.  I] 


GRANGULA.— DE  LA  BARRE'S  EXPEDITION. 


5 


l)een  noted  for ;  whether  hill  or  mountain,  brook  or  river.  Jt  is  said  by 
Colden,*  that  New  England  was  called  Kinshon^  by  the  Indians,  which,  he 
8a\s,  means  a  fish  ;  f  and  that  the  New  England  Indians  sent  to  the  Iro(}uoia 
a 'model  of  a  fish,  as  a  token  of  their  adhering  to  the  general  covenant." 
The  waters  of  New  Eiigland  arc  certainly  abtmdantly  stored  with  fish ; 
hence  the  name  of  "the  Fishing  People." 

Wc  will  here  present  a  s|tecinieii  of  the  language  of  the  Six  Nations,  in 
the  Lord's  Prayer,  all  of  whom,  except  the  Tuscaroras,  "  speak  a  language 
radically  the  same."  So-ung'toau-ne-ha  cau-ro-unk-yaw-ga,  teh-ste-la-ro-an, 
S(tuh-';oii  £-you-sta,  esa,  saw-nn-e-you,  o-ket-tnuh-se-la,  eh-ne-au-ivong,  no,  cau' 
ronunJc-yaioga,  naugh-ioou-slumga,  ne-at-te-u-eh-ne-sa-lauga,  taitg-ivau-nau-to- 
ro-no-an-tough-sick^  to-an-tatig-tve-lee-iche-you-staung,  che-nee-yeut,  clut-qua- 
tau-ta-leh-toht-you-stmin-na,  tough-sau,  taugh-icans-sa-re-neh,  tn-waiil-ot-ten-au- 
gal-ough-toung-ga,  nas-aw-ne,  sa-che-au-taug-was,  co-an-teh-sal-oh-aun-za- 
kk-aw,  csa,  saw-au-ne-you,  esa,  sitsh-autz-ta,  esa,  soung-tva-soxmg,  chen-ne- 
nuh-a-ang-toa,  au  loen.l 

Perhaps  we  cannot  present  the  reader  with  a  greater  orator  than  Garangula, 
or,  as  he  was  called  by  the  F>ench,  Grand'Gueule  ;  though  LaliorUan,  who 
knew  him,  wrote  it  Grangula.  He  was  by  nation  an  Onondaga,  and  is 
brought  to  our  notice  by  the  manly  and  magnanimous  speech  which  he 
made  to  a  French  general,  who  marched  into  the  country  of  the  Iroquois  to 
i^iihdue  them. 

In  the  year  1684,  Mr.  de  la  Barre,  governor-general  of  Canada,  com- 
plained to  the  English,  at  Albany,  that  the  Senecas  were  infringing  upon 
their  rights  of  trade  with  some  of  the  other  more  remote  nations.  Governor 
Dtmgan  acquainted  the  Senecas  with  the  ciiarge  made  by  the  French  gov- 
ernor. They  admitted  the  fact,  but  justified  their  course,  alleging  that  the 
French  supplied  their  enemies  with  arms  and  ammunition,  with  whom  they 
were  then  at  war.  About  the  same  time,  the  French  governor  raised  an 
firmy  of  1700  men,  and  made  other  "  mighty  prepai'ations "  lor  the  final 
destruction  of  the  Five  Nations.  But  before  he  had  progressed  far  in  his 
qrcat  undertaking,  a  mortal  sickness  broke  out  in  his  army,  which  finally 
caused  him  to  give  over  the  expedition.  In  the  mean  time,  the  governor  of 
New  York  was  ordered  to  lay  no  obstacles  in  the  way  of  the  French  expedi- 
tion. Instead  of  regarding  this  order,  which  was  from  his  master,  the  Duke 
of  York,  he  sent  interpreters  to  the  Five  Nations  to  encourage  them,  with 
offers  to  assist  them. 

De  la  Barre,  in  hopes  to  effect  something  by  this  expensive  undertaking, 
rrossed  Lake  Ontario,  and  held  a  talk  with  such  of  the  Five  Nations  as  would 
meet  him.'J  To  keep  up  the  appearance  of  jjower,  he  made  a  high-toned 
speech  to  Grangvla,  in  which  he  observed,  that  the  nations  had  oflen  infringed 
upon  the  peace  ;  that  he  wished  now  for  peace ;  but  on  the  condition  that  they 
should  make  full  satisfaction  for  all  the  injuries  they  had  done  the  French, 
and  for  the  future  never  to  disturb  tnem.  That  they,  the  Senecas,  Cayuga«, 
Onondagos,  Oneidas,  and  Mohawks,  had  abused  and  robbed  all  their  traders, 
■Old  unless  they  gave  satisfaction,  he  should  declare  war.  That  they  had 
conducted  the  English  into  their  country  to  get  away  their  trade  heretofore, 
but  the  past  he  would  overlook,  if  they  would  offend  no  more  ;  yet,  if  ever 
the  like  should  happen  again,  he  had  express  orders  from  the  king,  his  master, 
to  declare  war. 


■.r-r: 


>:  .,.C.«' 


y^t 


'■■ '  *J 


■'Pm 


'  .T':' : 


"  1   ■: 


■;•'■»; 


*  Hisl.  Five  Nations,  i.  109. 

■f  Kickons,  in  Aln>nkin  ;  Kegonce,  in  Chippeway.    Long's  Voyages,  &c.  202,  4lo. 

{  Smith's  Hist.  N.  York,  40.  (ed.  4lo.)  Tlie  above  differs  somewhat  from  a  copy  in 
Proud'sPa.  ii.  301. 

§  As  it  will  gratify  most  of  our  readers,  we  believe,  to  hear  the  general  in  his  own  words, 
we  will  present  them  with  a  paragraph  of  his  speech  to  Grangida  in  his  own  languairo  :— 

"  Le  roi  mon  maltre  informe  que  les  cinq  Nations,  Iroquoises  contrevenoient  depuis  lony- 
;em3  k  la  paix,  m'aordonnfe  de  me  transporter  ici  avec  une  escorte,  ct  d'envoier  Akouessan  au 
village  (les  Oimatagues,  pour  inviter  les  principaux  chefs  4  me  venir  voir.  L'intention  de  ee 
grand  monarque  est  que  nous  fumions  toi  et  moi  ensemble  dans  Ic  grand  calumet  de  paix ; 
pourvA  que  tu  me  promelles  au  nom  des  TsonontoOans,  Goyogoans,  Onnotagues,  Onoyouts 
<t  Agni^s,  de  donner  une  entiere  satisfaction  et  didommagemcnt  a  ses  sujets,  ct  de  dp  rien 
faire  i  I'aveoir,  qui  puisse  cauaer  «ue  facheuse  rapture."  £c.    Lahontan,  i.  58, 59. 


1* 


^m 


rft\ 


'■!^f''-m 


S    I 


'•t   iff' 
■If-' 


6 


GRANGULA.— HIS  SPEECH  TO  DE  LA  BARRE. 


[Book  V. 


Grangvla  listened  to  these  words,  and  many  more  in  the  like  strain,  with 
that  contemjH  which  a  real  knowledge  ol"  the  situation  oi"  the  l-'rencl)  army, 
and  the  rectitude  of  his  own  course,  were  calculated  to  inspire ;  luid  atler 
walkhig  several  times  round  the  circle,  formed  by  his  jieople  and  tin;  French. 
addressing  himself  to  the  governor,  seated  in  his  elbow  chair,  he  began  as 
follows: — • 

^^  Yonnondio  ;\  I  honor  you,  and  the  wairiors  that  are  with  me  likf^wise 
honor  you.  Your  interpreter  has  finished  your  speech.  I  now  begin  mine. 
My  words  make  haste  to  reach  your  ears.    liarkeu  to  them. 

"  Yonnondio ;  You  must  have  believed,  when  you  left  Quebeek,  that  the 
sun  had  burnt  up  all  the  forests,  which  render  our  country  inaccessible  to  the 
French,  or  that  the  lakes  had  so  far  overflown  the  banks,  that  they  had  sur- 
rounded our  castles,  and  that  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  get  out  of  them. 
Yes,  surely,  you  must  have  dreamt  so,  and  the  curiosity  of  seeing  so  great 
a  wonder  has  brought  you  so  far.  Now  you  are  tmdeceived,  since  that  I,  and 
the  warriors  here  present,  are  come  to  assure  you,  that  the  Scnecas,  Caytigus, 
Onondagas,  Oneidas  and  Mohawks  are  yet  alive.  I  thank  you,  in  their  name, 
for  bringing  back  into  their  country  the  calumet,  which  your  predecessor 
received  from  their  hands.  It  was  happy  for  you,  that  you  lell  under  ground 
that  murdering  hatchet  that  has  been  so  oiten  dyed  in  the  blood  of  the 
French. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio  ;  I  do  not  sleep ;  I  have  my  eyes  open ;  and  the  sun, 
which  enlightens  me,  discovers  to  me  a  great  captain  at  the  head  of  a  company 
of  soldiers,  who  speaks  as  if  he  were  dreaming.  He  says,  that  he  only  came 
to  the  lake  to  smoke  on  the  great  calumet  with  the  Onondagas.  But  Gran- 
^a  says,  that  he  sees  the  contrary ;  that  it  was  to  knock  them  on  the  head, 
if  sickness  had  not  weakened  the  arms  of  the  French.  I  see  Yonnondio 
raving  in  a  camp  of  sick  men,  whose  lives  the  Great  Spirit  has  saved,  by 
inflicting  this  sickness  on  them. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  our  women  had  taken  their  clubs,  our  children  and  old 
men  had  carried  their  bows  and  arrows  into  the  heart  of  your  cauij),  if  our 
warriors  had  not  disarmed  them,  and  kept  them  back,  when  your  messenger 
JlkoutssanX  came  to  our  castles.    It  is  done,  and  I  have  said  it. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio ;  we  |)lundered  none  of  the  French,  but  those  that  car- 
ried guns,  powder  and  balls  to  the  Twightwies  §  and  Chictaghicks,  because 
those  arms  might  have  cost  us  our  lives.  Herein  we  follow  the  example  of 
the  Jesuits,  who  break  all  the  kegs  of  rum  brought  to  our  castles,  lest  the 
drimkcn  Indians  should  knock  them  on  the  head.  Our  warriors  have  not 
beaver  enough  to  pay  for  all  those  arms  that  they  have  taken,  and  our  old 
men  are  iiot  afraid  of  the  war.     This  belt  preserves  my  words. 

"  We  carried  the  English  into  our  lakes,  to  trade  there  with  the  Utawawas 
and  Quatoghies,  j|  as  the  Adirondaks  brought  the  French  to  our  castles,  to 
carry  on  a  trade,  which  the  English  say  is  theirs.  AVe  are  born  free.  We 
neither  dej)end  on  Yonnondio  nor  Corlear.  If  We  may  go  where  we  please, 
and  carry  with  us  whom  we  please,  and  buy  and  sell  what  we  please.  If 
your  allies  be  your  slaves,  use  them  as  such,  command  them  to  receive  no 
other  but  your  people.     Tliis  belt  preserves  my  words. 

"  We  knock  the  Twightwies  and  Chictaghicks  on  the  head,  because  they 
had  cut  down  the  trees  of  peace,  which  were  the  limits  of  our  country. 
They  have  hunted  beaver  on  our  lands.  They  have  acted  contrary  to  the 
customs  of  all  Indians,  for  they  left  none  of  the  beavers  alive,  they  killed  both 
male  and  female.  They  brought  the  Satanas  into  their  country,  to  take  part 
with  them,  after  they  had  concerted  ill  designs  against  us.    We  have  done 

*  "  Grangtda,  qui  pendant  tout  le  descoura  avoit  eu  les  yeux  fixament  attachez  sur  le  boo* 
ete  sa  pipe,  ^e  leve,  et  soit  par  une  civilite  bisarrc,  ou  pour  se  donner  sans  fa^on  le  terns 
de  mediter  sa  rrponse  il  fail  cinq  ou  six  tours  dans  n6tre  cercle  compost  de  sauvages  et  d<» 
Fran9ois.  Kevenu  en  sa  place  il  resta  dehout  devant  le  g^n^ra)  assis  dans  un  bou  fauteOiJ, 
el  le  regarant  il  lui  dit."     Lahontan,  (i.  61,  62.)  who  was  one  of  ihose  present. 

t  The  name  they  gave  the  governors  of  Canada.    Spelt  in  Lahontan,  OnnotUio. 

X  The  name  thev  gave  Mr.  Le  Maine,  which  signified  a  partridge. 

6  Iwiklies,  Colaen.  ||  Chictaghicks,  CMen, 

i  The  name  they  gave  the  governors  of  New  York. 


1---^, 


)loo(l  of  tlie 


Chap.  I]      BLACK-KETTLE.— HIS  WARS  WITH  THE  FRENCH.  7 

1p89  than  either  the  English  or  French,  that  have  usurped  the  lands  of  so  many 
fndiun  nations,  and  chused  them  from  their  own  country.  This  belt  preserves 
my  words. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio  ;  what  I  say  is  the  "oice  of  all  the  Five  Nations.  Hear 
what  tliey  answrr.  Open  your  ears  i  what  they  speak.  The  Senecae, 
Ciiyiiiras,  Onoridi^rn.s,  Oneidas  and  Mc  awks  say,  that  when  they  buried  the 
iMtchet  at  Cadarackui,  in  die  presencf  rtf  your  i)redeces3or,  in  the  middle  of 
tlifi  fort,  they  planted  the  tree  of  peac  in  the  same  place;  to  be  there  care- 
fully prcsened:  that,  in  the  place  of  retreat  for  soldiers,  that  fort  might  be 
ii  roiidezvoua  lor  merchants :  that,  ir  place  of  arms  and  ammunition  of  war, 
beavors  and  inercliandise  should  on .  /  enter  there. 

"  Hear,  Yonnondio  ;  take  care  for  tlie  future,  that  so  great  a  number  of  sol- 
diers as  appear  there  do  not  choke  the  tree  of  peace  planted  in  so  small  a 
fort,  it  will  |je  a  great  loss,  \t',  after  it  had  so  easily  Uiken  root,  you  should 
stop  its  growth,  and  prevent  its  covering  your  country  and  '"  .a  with  its 
liiyiiches.  I  assure  you,  in  the  name  of  the  Five  Nations,  that  our  warriors 
.sliiill  (lance  to  the  c;iiumct  of  j)eace  under  its  leaves ;  .-md  shall  remain  quiet 
on  their  mats,  and  shall  never  dig  up  the  hatchet,  till  tlicir  brother  Yonnondio 
or  Corlear  shall,  eitiier  jointly  or  separately,  endeavor  to  attack  the  country 
which  the  Great  Spirit  has  given  to  our  ancestors.  This  belt  preserves  my 
words,  and  this  other,  the  authority  which  the  Five  Nations  have  given  me." 

Tiien,  addressing  himself  to  the  interpreter,  he  said,  "Take  courage,  you 
liiive  spirit,  speak,  explain  my  worus,  tbr^et  nothing,  tell  all  that  your  brethren 
{Hid  friends  say  to  Yonnondio,  your  governor,  by  the  mouth  of  Grangula,  who 
Irivia  you,  and  desires  you  to  accept  of  tliis present  of  beaver,  and  take  part 
with  me  in  my  feast,  to  which  I  invite  you.  This  present  of  boavcr  is  sent 
to  Yonnondio,  on  the  part  of  the  Five  Nations." 

De  la  Barre  was  struck  with  surprise  at  the  wisdom  of  this  chief,  and  equal 
chagrin  at  the  plain  refutation  of  his  own.  He  immediately  returned  to 
Montreal,  and  thus  finished  this  inglorious  expedition  of  the  Frpiich  against 
the  Five  Nations. 

Grangula  was  at  this  time  a  vei-y  old  man,  and  from  this  valuable  speech 
\vc  became  acquainted  with  him;  a  very  .Vestor  of  his  nation,  whose  powers 
of  mind  would  not  suffer  in  comparison  with  those  of  a  Roman,  or  a  more 
modern  senator.  He  treated  the  French  with  great  civility,  and  feasted  them 
with  the  best  his  country  would  afford,  on  their  departure.  We  next  proceed 
to  notice 

BL.\CK-KETTLE,  whom  the  French  called  La  Chaudiere  Noire.  A 
war  with  France,  in  1690,  brought  this  chief  upon  the  records  of  history.  In 
rlin  summer  of  that  year,  Major  Schuifler,  of  Albany,  with  a  conijiany  of  Mo- 
hawks, fell  upon  the  French  settlements  at  the  north  end  of  Lake  Champlain. 
De  Callieres,  governor  of  Montreal,  hastily  collected  about  800  men,  and 
opposed  them,  but,  notwithstanding  his  force  was  vastly  superior,  yet  they 
were  repulsed  with  great  loss.  About  300  of  the  enemy  were  killed  in  this 
expedition.  The  French  now  took  every  measure  in  their  power  to  retaliate. 
They  sent  presents  to  many  tribes  of  Iiitlians,  to  engage  them  in  their  cause, 
and  in  the  following  winter  a  party  of  about  300  men,  under  an  accomplished 
young  gentleman,  rnarched  to  attack  the  confederate  Indian  nations  at  Niag- 
ara. Their  march  was  long,  and  rendered  almost  insupportable ;  being 
obliged  to  carry  their  provisions  on  their  backs  through  dee[)  snow.  Black- 
kettle  met  them  with  about  80  men,  and  maintained  an  unequal  fight  until 
liis  men  were  nearly  all  cut  off;  but  it  was  more  fatil  to  the  French,  \vho,  iiu 
from  home,  hod  no  means  of  recruiting.  Black-kettle,  in  his  turn,  carried  tht 
war  into  Canada  during  the  whole  summer  following,  with  immense  loss  and 
damage  to  the  French  inhabitants.  The  governor  was  so  enraged  at  his 
successes,  that  he  caused  a  prisoner,  which  had  been  taken  from  the  Five 
Nations,  to  be  burnt  alive.  This  captive  withstood  the  tortures  with  as  much 
firmness  as  his  enemies  showed  cruelty.  He  sung  his  achievemenfe  while 
tiiey  broiled  his  feet,  burnt  his  hands  with  red  hot  irons,  cut  and  wrung  off 
his  joints,  and  pulled  out  the  sinews.  To  close  the  horrid  scene,  his  scalp 
was  torn  off,  and  red  hot  sand  poured  upon  his  head. 

But  this  was  a  day  in  which  that  people  were  able  to  contend  successfully 


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.  "1     4 


8 


BLACK-KETTLE.— HIS  WARS  WITH  THE  FRE  .    H.      [Book  V. 


.V,  rt. 


1' 


ng&inst  even  European  oiieinies.  They  had,  in  1691,  laid  a  plan  to  prevent 
the  French  from  extoiiding  their  settleuiuuts  westward,  for  surprising  those 
already  fbrnjcd,  and  for  intercepting  the  western  Indians  as  they  brought 
down  their  peltries  to  tlieni. 

Two  armies,  of  350  men  each,  were  to  march  out  on  this  business  about 
November;  the  first  were  to  attack  the  fort  at  the  Falls  of  St  Louis,  and  the 
other  to  proceed  by  way  of  Lake  Champiaiii  against  the  settlements.  Before 
they  set  out,  two  Indian  women,  who  hud  been  captives  among  them,  made 
their  escape,  and  gave  notice  of  their  olyect.  This,  in  a  great  measure,  de- 
feated the  enterprise.  Governor  De  Calliercs  raised  troops,  and  strengthened 
every  place  he  was  able.  The  first  ]j;ii  ty  was  discovered  as  they  approached 
St.  Louis,  who,  after  skirmisliing  some  time  with  the  parties  detached  against 
them,  retired  without  gaining  any  material  advantage.  The  second  did  little 
more,  and  retired,  after  destroying  some  houses,  and  canning  with  them  some 
prisoners. 

About  the  end  of  November,  34  Mohawks  surprised  some  of  the  French 
Indians  of  St.  Louis,  who  were  carelessly  hunting  about  Mount  Chanibly, 
killing  4  and  capturing  8  others.  Some  escajjed,  and  informed  their  friends 
of  what  had  happened,  and  a  cornjiany  immediately  went  in  pursuit.  They 
overtook  them  near  Lake  Champlain,  and  a  hai-d  light  followed.  The  Catiio- 
lic  Indians  rushed  upon  them  Avith  great  fury,  tomahawk  in  hand,  andalthongli 
the  Mohawks  hi.d  taken  post  behind  rocks,  they  were  routed,  6  being  killed, 
and  five  taken.     They  also  liberated  all  their  friends  taken  at  Mount  Chambiy. 

In  the  beginning  of  February,  l()iJ2,  De  Calliercs  ordered  M.  De  Orvillieren 
to  march,  with  300  men,  into  the  peninsula,  which  terminates  at  the  conflu- 
ence of  the  Ottoway  and  St.  Lawrence  Rivers,  to  surprise  a  company  of 
Iroquois  he  had  been  informed  was  there.  It  was  their  hunting-ground 
during  the  winter,  and  the  pretext  lor  attat^king  them  was,  that  they  were  now 
there  to  surprise  the  settlements,  and  interce})t  such  as  passed  up  and  down 
said  rivers.  While  on  his  marcli,  De  Orvilliers  met  with  an  accident  which 
obliged  him  to  return  to  Montreal,  and  the  connnand  devolved  upon  Captain 
De  Beaucourt.  This  officer  marched  to  Isle  Tonihata,  not  far  from  Cataro- 
couy  or  Katarokkui,  where  he  surprised  50  Senecas  in  their  cabins,  killed  24, 
and  took  6  of  them  prisoners. 

Enough  had  passed  before  this  to  arouse  the  spirit  of  vengeance  in  the 
great  chief  of  Onondaga,  Black-kettle  ;  but  this  last  act  could  not  be  passed 
without,  at  least,  an  attempt  at  retaliation.  About  100  Senecas  were  near 
the  Sault  de  la  Chaudiere,  on  Ottowav  River,  at  this  time,  and  Black-kettk 
soon  after  joined  them  with  a  band  of  fiis  Onondagos  ;  and  they  immediately 
put  themselves  into  an  attitude  for  intercepting  their  enemies. 

Governor  De  Calliercs  had  supposed  that  by  the  affair  at  Toniliata,  the  L'oquois 
were  sufficiently  humbled  for  the  present,  and  that  they  were  not  to  be  re- 
garded as  capable  of  any  considerable  tmdertaking ;  but  he  soon  discovered 
the  error  of  his  judgment ;  for  60  friendly  Indians,  having  arrived  at  Montreal 
to  trade,  reported  that  the  way  was  clear,  but  requested  a  guard  when  they 
returned.  This  was  granted  them.  S.  Micliel  volunteered  upon  this  service, 
and  put  under  the  command  of  Lieutenant  De  la  Gemerai/e,  30  men.  He  had  for 
his  two  ensigns,  M.  Le  FVesniere,  oldest  son  of  the  Sieur  Hertel,  and  his  broth- 
er. Having  arrived  at  a  place  called  the  Long  Falls,  on  Ottoway  River, 
some  marched  upon  the  side  of  the  river,  while  others  endeavored  to  effect 
the  passage  of  the  falls  in  the  boats.  They  had  no  sooner  entered  upon  this 
business,  when  the  warriors  of  Black-kettle,  from  an  ambush,  fired  upon  them, 
put  the  60  Indians  to  flight,  killing  and  wounding  many  of  the  French.  They 
then  rushed  upon  them  with  such  fury  that  little  time  was  allowed  for  resist- 
ance, and  they  fled  to  their  boats  for  safety ;  but  in  their  hurry  they  over- 
turned them,  and  many  were  made  prisoners.  Among  ;he8e  were  S.  Michel 
and  the  two  Hertels,  La  Gemeraye  and  a  few  soldiers  oi  ly  escaped.*  Black- 
kettle^s  force  on  this  occasion  was  computed  at  140  men. 

Some  time  now  passed  without  hearing  from  Black-kettle,  but  on  15  July, 
1692,  he  fell  upon  the  Island  of  Montreal,  as  has  already  been  recorded. 


Colden  says,  (t.  134,)  that  but  four  escaped  in  all.^ 


H.      [Book  V. 

an  to  prevent 

•prising  those 

they  brought 

usiness  about 
-lOuis,  and  tlie 
ents.  Before 
5  them,  made 
measure,  de- 
Btrengtlieueci 
'.y  approached 
nched  against 
cond  did  little 
th  them  some 

jf  the  French 
unt  Chambly, 
I  their  iriends 
ursuit  Thfv 
,  The  Catho- 
,  and  althongli 
!  being  killed, 
>unt  Chambly. 
De  Orvillieres 
at  the  conflu- 
i  company  of 
imting-ground 
hey  were  now 
up  and  down 
ccident  which 
upon  Captain 
from  Cataro- 
sins,  killed  24, 

the 

not  be  passed 
as  were  near 
id  Black-kettk 
y  immediately 

a,theL'oquois 
not  to  be  re- 
on  discovered 
d  at  Montreal 
rd  when  they 
n  this  service, 
He  had  for 
md  his  broth- 
ttoway  River, 
ored  to  effect 
red  upon  this 
!d  upon  them, 
rench.  They 
ved  forresist- 
rry  they  over- 
rere  S.  Michel 
ped.*  Black- 
It  on  15  July, 
!en  recorded 


Chaf.  I] 


DEKANISORA. 


Parties  of  soldiers  collected  and  went  in  pursuit,  overtook  the  rear  of  the 
Indiaus,  killed  10  men,  and  retook  many  j)risoncrs. 

Some  days  after  this,  as  the  Sieur  De  Lusignan  was  passing  near  the  Isles 
of  Richelieu,  Black-kettle  fell  upon  his  party.  Killed  him,  and  put  his  men  to 
flight.  We  hear  nothing  more  of  groat  moment  of  this  famous  chief,  luitil 
till!  year  l(iU7,  in  which  lie  was  treacherously  murdered.  He  apjiears  at  this 
period  to  have  concluded  upon  making  peace  with  the  French,  and  messen- 
gers had  been  desjjatched  to  Quebec  upon  that  design.  In  the  mean  tiiiit! 
he  was  hunting  in  the  neighborhood  of  Catarocouy,  where  the  French  had 
a  garrison,  which  was  then  commanded  by  Captain  Gemeraye,  before  men- 
tioned, to  whom  he  ^ave  notice  that  negotiations  were  on  foot  Notwith- 
standing, 34  Algonquins,  in  the  French  interest,  were  suffered  to  go  and 
surprise  Black-kettle  and  his  40  hunters,  Avho  were  not  far  from  Catarocouy, 
at  a  place  named  Qiiinte.  They  were  fallen  upon  at  a  time  when  they 
thought  not  of  an  enemy,  and  about  half  of  them  were  slain,  among  whom 
was  Black-kettle  ;  his  wife  and  many  others  were  taken  prisoners.  * 

Adario,Kondiaronk,Sastaretsi,  and  The  Rat,  were  names  of  a  chief  of 
great  renown  among  the  Hiirons.  The  tribe  to  which  he  originally  l)elonged 
was  called  the  Dinondadies  or  Tioimontat^s.  His  character,  as  drawn  by 
Charlevoix,  is  as  follows :  "  A  man  of  a  great  mind,  the  bravest  of  the  brave, 
and  possessing  altogether  the  best  {jualities  of  any  known  to  the  French  in 
Canada."  Of  what  we  are  about  to  relate  concerning  him,  we  have  already 
given  a  sketch,  which  being  defective  in  some  of  the  main  particulars,  it  was 
thought  best  to  add  another  version  of  it  in  this  place. 

It  was  with  no  small  difficulty  that  the  French  had  engaged  him  in  their 
cause.  While  on  a  visit  to  the  governor,  in  1688,  he  had  passed  his  word 
that  he  would  make  war  on  his  detested  enemies,  the  Iroquois,  and  soon 
after  departed  for  Michilimakinak,  with  a  chosen  band  of  his  Hurons,  resolv- 
ed to  distinguish  himself  by  some  signal  exploit.  In  his  way  he  passed  by 
Catarocouy.  At  this  place,  he  learned,  to  his  surprise,  that  a  negotiation 
was  already  on  foot  between  the  French  and  Iroquois,  and  was  at  the  same 
time  informed  by  the  officer  in  command  there,  that  he  would  infinitely  dis- 
oblige M.  De  Denonville,  if  he  should  commit  the  least  hostility  upon  any  of 
the  Iroquois,  who  was  immediately  to  receive  their  ambassadors  at  Montreal, 
together  with  hostages  from  all  the  cantons. 

KonditJonk  concealed  his  surprise,  and  although  now  convinced  that  the 
French  would  sacrifice  him  and  his  allies,  yet  he  made  no  complaint,  and 
left  the  place  as  though  to  return  to  his  own  country.  But  he  had  no  sooner 
conceived  the  design  of  intercepting  the  Iroquois  ambassadors  and  hostages, 
than  he  set  out  upon  it.  Having  jilaced  his  men  in  ambush  ot  Famine 
Creek,  he  had  waited  but  few  days  when  they  arrived.  As  they  were 
descending  the  creek  in  their  canoes,  Mario's  warriors  fired  upon  them, 
killed  several,  and  took  the  rest  prisoners. 

The  celebrated  Dekanisora,  or,  as  the  French  called  him,  Teganisoreru, 
of  Onondago,  wa.s  at  the  head  of  this  embassy,  and  was  among  the  prisoners. 
He  demanded  of  Mario,  how  it  happened  that  he  could  be  ignorant  that  he 
was  an  ambassador  to  their  common  father,  and  of  his  endeavor  to  bring 
about  a  Listing  peace.  The  subtle  chief  completely  subdued  his  irritable 
and  indignant  passions,  by  expressing  far  greater  surprise  than  Dekanisora 
himself;  protesting  that  the  French  were  the  whole  cause  of  what  had 
hapiiened,  tor  that  they  had  sent  him  to  surprise  his  party,  and  had  assured 
him  that  he  could  do  it  ^vith  ease,  as  their  numbers  were  small ;  and,  to  drive 
suspicions  from  the  mind  of  Dekanisora  and  his  people,  set  them  all  at 
lilterty,  but  one,  who  was  to  supply  the  place  of  one  of  the  Hurons  that  was 
killed.    At  parting,  Mario  spoke  to  them  as  follows  : — 

"  Go,  my  brethren,  I  untie  your  bonds,  and  send  you  home  again,  though 
our  nations  be  at  war.  T»he  French  governor  has  made  me  commit  so  black 
an  action,  that  I  shall  never  be  easy  afler  it,  till  the  Five  Nations  have  taken 
full  revenge." 

Some  report  that,  after  capturing  Dekanisora,  Adario  returned  to  Kadarak* 

•  This  is  according  to  the  text  of  Charlevoix. 


'  ■■■\'M 
^-^  ■  t;  ■. 

'*   '  ■   *     * 

■     '-    'Vf 

':'  ■■■■! 
,•    '  •r-'i-l 


^^^^'■iim 


V'f. 


10 


DEKANISORA.— ADARIO. 


[Book  V. 


m:- 


:!fe''H   ., 


m:. 


mm' 


kui,  or  Cataiocouy,  and  that,  being  anked  by  tlic  Freiirh  from  whence  he 
came,  said,  ^^  From  preventing  peace."*  They  did  not  at  first  romprelicnd  lils 
meaning,  but  soon  after,  one  of  his  prisoners,  that  escaped,  gave  tiitm  the 
history  of  the  affair. 

But  for  what  followed,  the  character  of  Mario  would  stand  well  uinoni: 
warriors.  lie  sacrificed  his  only  prisoner,  which  completed  this  act  of  t'le 
tragedy ;  and  it  seemed  necessary  to  carry  out  his  deep-laid  stratugein. 

That  the  Iroquois  should  have  no  chance  to  believe  tlie  French  innocent 
of  the  blood  at  the  River  Famine,  which  they  had  used  great  endeavors  to 
(,'ffect,  by  sending  emissaries  among  them,  Jldario  went  witli  Jiis  prisoner 
immediately  to  Michilimakinak,  and  delivered  him  to  M.  De  la  Diirantniic, 
the  connnander  of  that  post,  who  as  yet  had  had  no  knowledge  of  any  ne^'o- 
tiation  between  the  Iroquois  and  his  superiors.  Whereupon  he  fortliwitli 
caused  the  poor  prisoner  to  be  put  to  deatii.  The  news  of  this  afiuir,  tiic 
cunning  chief  caused  to  be  made  known  among  the  cantons,  by  an  old 
captive  he  had  hehl  a  long  time  in  bondage  at  his  village,  whom  he  now  m  t 
at  liberty  for  this  purpose. 

The  catastrophes  that  befell  the  French  not  long  after,  and  the  sufl'eriiij: 
they  endured,  are  almost  without  a  parallel,  f 

About  1200  of  the  chief  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations  landed  upon  tiii> 
Island  of  Montreal,  25  August,  1G81),  while  the  French  were  in  perlect  secu- 
rity, burnt  their  houses,  sacked  their  plantations,  and  sU;w  a  vast  number  ot 
the  inhabitants.  The  English  accounts  say  a  thousand  persons  jHrislied, 
but  this  number  was  no  doubt  far  greater  than  the  truth.  In  October  lol- 
lowing  they  attacked  the  island  again  with  nearly  equal  success.  Tlioe 
horrid  disasters  threw  the  whole  country  into  the  utmost  consternation,  iu 
which  the  fort  at  Lake  Ontario  was  abandoned  by  the  garrison,  and  as  soim 
possessed  by  the  Indians.  Here,  among  other  things  of  great  value  to  tlieni. 
28  barrels  of  gunpowder  fell  into  th«'ir  hands.  Nothing  now  sjivrd  tin- 
French  from  an  entire  extermination  but  the  ignorance  of  their  enemies  in 
the  art  of  attacking  fortified  places. 

Jidario  finally  died  at  peace  with  the  French,  and  almost  in  the  act  of  con- 
cluding  it.  He  had  accompanied  the  heads  of  several  tribes  to  ^lontreul,  in 
1701,  to  hold  a  treaty,  and,  on  the  1  August,  (that  being  the  first  day  of  |)iiliiic 
councils,)  Adario  found  himself  seized  by  sickness.  Every  thing  was  done 
to  relieve  him,  ("as  the  governor  general,"  says  Charlevoix,  "rested  his  prin- 
cipal hope  of  success  in  the  treaty,  upon  him,")  but  without  avail;  iiei',:: 
carried  to  I'Hotel  Dieu,  he  died  at  two  o'clock  on  tiie  Ibllowiug  nigiit.  Az 
his  funeral  I  the  greatest  display  was  made,  and  nothing  was  omitted  wliicli 
could  inspire  the  Indians  present  with  a  conviction  of  the  great  respect  in 
which  he  was  held.     On  his  tomb-stone  were  engraved  these  words. 


*  "  11  r^pondit  qu'il  venoit  de  tear  la  pair ;  et  qu'il  ajokta,  nous  verroits  comment  Ononthic 
se  tirera  de  cette  affaire." 

t  Few  would  wish  lo  read,  in  Eii^lisli,  die  cruelties  at  die  sack'niEf  of  Moiiireal:  theai- 
counl  oflliem,  we  agree  widj  Dr.  Holmes,  "  is  too  horrid  to  translate." — ''  Us  trmtvem.: 
tout  le  mond  endormi,  et  Us  commencerent  par  massacrer  lous  les  liommes ;  e?is-mte  ils  mirtnl 
lefeu  aux  maisons.  Par-lh  tmts  cettx,  qui  y  ^toient  restis,  tombereiU  entre  mains  de  cc^  nan- 
vages,  et  essuyerent  taut  ce  que  la/ureur  peut  irispirer  a  des  barbares.  Us  la  pousserenl  mnnf 
it  des  exces,  dont  on  ne  les  avoit  pas  encore  cm  capables.  Us  ourrirent  le  sein  des  femmn 
enceintes,  pour  en  arracher  le  fruit,  qu'elles  portoient,  ils  mirent  des  enj'ans  tout  virans  ()  A' 
broche,  et  coiiraiirnirenl  les  meres  de  les  toumer  pour  les  /aire  rotir.  lis  ivreitierent  iiiuintile 
d'autres  supplices  inouis,  et  200  personnes  de  tout  age  el  de  tout  scxe  perirent  uiu.si  en  moins 
d'une  lieure  dans  les  plus  affreitx  tourmens.  Cela  fait,  I'ennemi  s'aprocha  jnsqu'cl  uve  liiii'  </'• 
la  ville,faisant  par  twit  les  monies  ravages,  et  exerqant  les  memes  cruautes,  et  qnaud  ils  f ureal 
las  de  ces  horreurs ;  ils  firent  200  prisonniers,  qu'ils  emmenerait  dans  leur  villages,  oil  Hi 
les  brdierent." 

X  "  Le  lendemain  on  fit  ses  funerailles,  qui  eurent  quelque  chose  de  magnifiquc  et  de  siii- 
guiier.  M.  de  St.  Ours,  premier  capitaine,  marchoil  d'abord  a  la  tMe  de  (jO  soldats  sous  les 
arme.s.  Seize  gu^rriers  Hurons,  vfitus  de  longiies  robes  de  castor,  le  visage  peint  cii  noir, 
et  le  fusil  sous  le  bras,  suivoienl,  marchant  quatre  a  quatre.  Le  clergy  venoit  apri^s,  et  six 
chefs  de  guerre  portoient  le  cercueil,  qui  6toit  couvert  d'uii  poSle  seine  de  fleurs,  sur  lequel 
il  y  avoit  un  chapeau  avec  un  plumel,  un  hausse-col  el  una  cpee.  Les  freres  et  les  enfans 
du  defunl  ^toient  derriere,  accompagnes  de  lous  les  chefs  des  nations,  el  M.  de  Vaudr«uU, 
goiiverneur  de  la  ville,  qui  menoit  madamc  de  Champigny,  ferinoit  la  marche." 


[Book  V. 

Jill  whence  he 
:omprelieiul  liis 
gave  tliLiii  tlie 

1(1  well  unionif 
this  act  ol'  I'lc 
itratajieiii. 
reach  imiocent 
It  endeavors  to 
li  his  prisoner 
e  la  Durantiijir. 
;i;  of  any  ncfro- 
n  he  fortiiwitli 
thid  afluir,  tiic 
Ills,  hy  an  old 
loiii  he  now  M  t 

d  the  siifrcriiif 

uled  upon  tin' 
n  i)eriect  .sccu- 
ist  nuuiher  o|' 
sons  prrished, 
III  Octoher  Col- 

ICCObS.      TIlOC 

insternatioii,  in 
1,  uiid  as  sooi. 
value  to  tlifiii, 
low  siivcd  tjif 
eir  eueuiies  in 

the  act  of  cen- 
to Montreal,  in 
It  day  of  piililic 
ling  was  done 
•ested  his  prin- 
it  avail ;  hei'v:; 
ing  night.  Ai 
aniitted  which 
eat  respect  in 
words, 


■ommeiil  Oumitliic 

Wontreal:  ilie  ac- 

— "  lis  trmirereii'. 
ensuite  ih  mirtni 
mains  de  ccs  saii- 
I  }wuss)'riiit  mi'mf 
Sfin  des  J'enunn 
s  tout  vivaiis  li  A' 
vetilireitt  ((tiantile 
lit  ain.si  en  iiwiiis 

l.'!{fH'(l  uve  till?  (!'• 
t  qiiaiid  Us  furent 
■  xnllages,  ok  Hi 

lifique  et  de  sin- 
)  sulJats  sous  los 
je  peinl  fii  noir. 
loit  aprt^s,  et  six 
fleurs,  sur  lequel 
!res  et  les  enfans 
M.  de  Vaudreuii, 


Obap.  I.] 


PEISKARET. 


II 


«'CY  GIT  LE   RAT,  CHEF  HURON." 

Wliich  in  English  is,  "  Hert  lies  the  Rat,  Chief  of  the  Hurons."  The  encomi- 
ums jiassed  by  the  French  upon  him  that  was  once  their  most  dreaded 
enemy,  are  only  ccpiaPed  by  those  of  their  countrymen,  Funtcnelle  and  La- 
harpe,  ujion  their  favorite  characters. 

His  body  waa  a  short  time  exposed  Iwjfore  it  was  interred,  dressed  in  the 
uiiilbrm  of  an  officer,  with  his  arms  by  iiis  side,  liecause  lie  ranked  as  a 
ca)itaiii,  at  the  time  of  his  death,  in  the  French  service. 

The  intercourse  of  Dekanisora  with  the  French  und  English  was  long,  and 
from  the  liict  he  was  able,  lor  much  of  the  time  during  their  wars,  to  be  on 
good  terms  with  both  nations,  wo  are  to  sup|i08e  that  ho  possessed  some 
skill  in  the  arts  of  duplicity.  He  is  first  mentioned  by  Charlevoix  in  l(j8',', 
at  which  time  he,  with  four  other  ambassadors,  visited  Montreal  upon  a 
jieace  exficdition.  lie  was  suspected  of  insincerity  by  the  French,  and  no 
reliance  appears  to  have  been  put  upon  his  pretensions.  Twelve  years  aAer. 
Coldtnauw  liim,  and  thus  s])caks  of  him:  ^^ Decanesora  had  for  niiiiiy  years 
the  greatest  reputation  among  the  Five  Nations  for  speaking,  and  was  gener- 
ally employed  as  their  speaker,  in  their  negotiations  with  both  French  luid 
English :  he  was  grown  old  when  I  saw  him,  and  lieaid  him  sji'-k  ;  he  had 
a  gnat  lluency  in  speaking,  and  a  graceful  elocution,  that  would  have  ph;ased 
ill  any  part  of  the  world.  His  person  was  tidl  and  well  made,  and  his  tealures, 
to  my  thinking,  resembled  much  the  biistos  of  Ciciro."  * 

It"  he  were  an  old  sachem  in  1()})4,  he  must  lia-e  been  very  old  in  172(5,  f  >r 
in  this  year  he  was  at  Albany  with  six  other  ambassadors,  where,  on  the  14 
Sc[)lt;inber,  they  executed  an  agreenn-nt  with  the  English  ;  the  condilions  of 
which  were  that  they  should  surrender  all  their  liuiiting-grounds  into  the 
hands  of  Coorakhoo,  as  they  called  the  King  of  Englaiicl,  "  to  be  jirotected 
and  delended  by  his  said  majesty,  his  heirs  and  successors,  to  and  for  the 
USE  of  us,  our  heirs,  and  the  said  three  Nations."  These  had  before  been 
eniimerdted,  as  follows:  ^- Kanakarii^hton  and  Shanintsarunwe,  Sk>.\eke 
Hachems  ;  Ottsoghkoree,  Dekanisoree  and  Aenjcucralt,  Cavouge  sachems ;  Racly- 
akalovodon  and  Sailageenaghtie,  Onondago  sachems." f 

Charltvoix  was  unable  to  ascertain  the  time  of  Dekanisora^s  death,  although 
he  learned  that  it  hajipened  at  the  Falls  of  St.  Louis.  Under  date  IW-i,  he 
speaks  in  high  terms  of  him,  Ourcoiihari  mid  GantAoTi/Aie,  Iro(juois  Christians, 
whom  Dekanisora  had  employed  secretly  to  bring  about  a  peace  with  that 
nation  ;  but  knew  not,  as  to  his  Christianity,  he  said,  at  tliat  time  ;  but  was 
certain  that  he  had  professed  it.     H  ^  probably  died  about  1730. 

We  will  go  a  little  back  in  fhis  ;)lace,  to  notice  u  chief  of  the  Adiroiidnks, 
of  whom  the  most  extraordinary  stories  are  told  ;  even  those  of  Jatk-thegiant- 
killer  are  but  little  more  incredible.  And  even  though  Father  Charlevoix 
was  faniiliur  with  them,  yet  he  deemed  them  as  fiction,  it  will  be  imagined, 
from  his  not  relating  them  in  his  minute  history.  The  name  of  PEISKARET 
was,  lor  sundry  years  previous  to  lt)46,  terrible  to  the  enemies  of  the  Adiron- 
daks.  This  nation,  when  Canada  was  settled  by  the  French,  in  1(J03,  resided 
about  300  miles  to  the  westward  of  Three  Rivers.  How  long  they  had  been 
at  war  with  the  Iromiois  at  this  time,  is  not  mentioned,  but  it  was  coniinued 
until  the  death  of  Peiskaret  in  1(54(),  though  with  interru|)tion  and  various 
success;  but  with  this  chief  perished  all  opposition,  and  the  Adironduks 
figurid  no  more  as  a  nation. 

As  we  have  put  the  reader  upon  his  guard,  about  receiving  the  huge  stories 
about  Peiskaret  with  too  much  confidence,  it  will  be  expected  at  our  hands, 
perhaps,  that  we  give  a  sample  of  them,  as  it  may  be  said,  "  possibly  they 
are  true."  We  might  have  done  this  without  thus  premising,  as  others  have 
done,  upon  the  authority  of  Colden,  (an  author  of  small  value,  comparatively 
epeakiim.)     Ilis  relation  proceeds  : — 

"  An  Indian  named  Piskarel  was  at  this  time  %  one  of  the  captains  of 

»  Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  156. 

t  Governor  Thomas  Pownal,  Administrati'jii  of  the  Dritlsh  Colonies,  i.  238,  239. 
X  He  mentions  no  particular  time,  but  thai  of  the  selllemcnt  of  Canada,  in  1603  j  but  sonx) 
time  during  tlie  war  of  which  ive  have  spoken  aiusl  be  uuderstood. 


-M 


N.'J 


'^ 


-.')' 


M 


■^■-■:-3 


i"» 


n 


PEISKARET. 


[Booi  V. 


Chap.  I. 


i0 


If.'" 


grcaU'Ht  faiiK!  ariioii^  tlio  Adiroiulacks ;  tliia  bold  man,  with  four  other  cap. 
tains,  Hct  out  tor  'IroiH  llivit^rt-s  in  onu  canoe,  each  of  tliuin  being  pro- 
vid(;(l  vvilli  tlirco  niUHkels,  wliicii  tiiey  hiadud  witii  two  bullets  a|)iece,  joined 
witli  a  small  cliaiii  ten  inches  long,  'riiey  mot  with  fivo  ranoes  in  Sorel 
Kiver,  (;acli  having  10  men  of  the  Five  Nations  on  board.  Piskant  and  iiis 
1  aptains,  a."  soon  an  those  of  the  Five  Nations  drew  luuir,  pretended  to  give 
themselves  nj)  (or  lost,  and  sung  iheir  death-song,  then  suddenly  fired  upon 
the  canoes,  uhich  they  repeattul  with  the  arms  that  lay  ready  loaded,  and 
tore  tiiose  hireh  vessels  luitwixt  wind  and  water.*  The  men  of  the  Fiv(; 
Nations  were  so  surprised,  that  they  tumbled  out  of  their  canoes,  and  g;iV(> 
J'ialiitrd  and  his  eomi)anions  the  opportunity  of  knocking  as  many  of  tiiem 
on  the  head  as  tiiey  piciased,  and  saving  the  others,  to  H-ed  their  revenge, 
which  tliey  did  by  burning  them  alive  with  tiie  most  cruel  torments.  This, 
however,  was  so  li\r  lioni  glutting  PiakareVs  revenge,  that  it  seemed  rather  to 
give  a  keener  edge  to  it ;  lor  he  soon  aller  undertook  another  enterjirise,  in 
which  none  of  his  countrymen  durst  accompany  him.  He  was  well  aicpiainted 
with  the  country  of  the  Five  Nations,  and  set  out  about  the  time  the  snow  be- 
gun to  melt,  with  the  ju'ecaution  of  putting  the  hinder  part  of  his  snow-shoes 
lorward,  that  if  any  shoidd  happen  upon  his  Ibotstcps,  they  might  think  he  was 
gone  tilt!  contrary  way  ;  and  tor  further  security,  went  along  the  ridges  and 
high  grounds,  wnert!  tlie  snow  was  melted,  that  his  track  might  be  olten  lost. 
When  he  cazne  near  one  of  the  villages  of  the  Five  Nations,  he  hid  himself 
till  night,  and  then  entered  a  cabin,  while  every  body  was  fast  asleep  murdered 
the  wliole  liimily,  and  carried  their  scalps  into  his  lurking-place.  Tlie  next  day 
the  people  of  the  village  searched  tor  the  murderer  in  vain.  The  Ibllowiug 
night  he  munlereduU  he  Ibund  in  another  cabin.  The  iidiabitunts  next  day 
searched  likewise  in  vain  lor  the  murderer:  but  the  third  night  u  watch  was 
kept  in  every  house.  Piskaret,  iu  the  night,  bundled  up  the  scalps  he  had 
taken  the  two  Ibrmer  nights,  to  carry,  as  the  proof  of  his  victory,  and  then 
.stole  privately  from  house  to  house,  till  at  last  he  found  un  Indian  nodding, 
who  was  upon  the  watch  in  one  of  the  houses :  he  knocked  this  man  on  the 
head;  l)Ut  as  this  alarmed  the  rest,  he  wastbrced  immediately  to  fly.  Ho  was, 
however,  under  no  great  concern  from  the  pursuit,  being  more  swift  of  foot 
tlian  any  Indian  then  living.  He  let  his  i)ursuers  come  near  him  froai  time 
to  lime,  and  then  would  dart  from  them.  This  he  did  with  design  to  tire  them 
out,  with  the  hopes  of  overtaking  him.  As  it  began  to  grow  dark,  he  hid  him- 
sell,  and  his  pursuers  stopped  to  rest.  They  not  being  apprehensive  of  any 
danger  from  a  single  man,  soon  tell  aslee|) ;  and  the  bold  Piskaret  observing 
this,  knocked  them  all  on  the  head,  and  carried  away  their  scalps  with  the 
rest.  Such  stories  iis  these,"  continues  Colden,  "  are  told  among  the  Indians, 
as  extraordinary  instances  of  the  courage  and  conduct  of  their  captains." 

Belore  this,  as  we  aj)prehend,  though  related  afterwards  by  this  autiior, 
were  the  great  expeditions  of  the  Iroquois  against  the  Adirondaks.  The 
French  took  part  with  the  latter  from  the  beginning,  and  when  Champlain 
visited  the  country,  he  joined  a  party  of  them,  and  went  against  the  Iroquois, 
and,  with  the  aid  of  his  lii'c-arnjs,  overcame  them  in  a  battle  near  Lake  Cor- 
lar,  which  was  hencelbrth  called  Lake  Champlain.  Two  hundred  Iroquois 
were  in  this  tight,  and  the  French  kept  themselves  concealed,  until  it  began, 
then  rushed  forward,  and  innnediately  put  the  Iroquois  to  flight.  This  was 
the  first  time  they  had  seen  the  eltects  of  guns.    This  affair  was  in  IGII. 

Finally,  the  Lotjuois,  having  grown  conscious  of  their  strength,  telt  con- 
Ikl  lit  that,  if  they  could  prevent  the  French  from  assisting  them,  they  could 
withstand  them.  Therefore,  tiiey  pretended  to  be  well  affected  towards 
their  religion,  and  requested  that  missionai-ies  should  be  sent  among  them. 
This  was  done  without  delay.  Their  real  object  was  soon  apparent;  for 
they  treated  the  Jesuit  nnssionarics  only  as  hostages,  and  tliis  was  the  means 
of  making  tiiem  stand  neutral  while  they  cai-ried  on  their  war  with  the  Adi- 
rondaks and  Quatoghies  or  Ilurons,  whom  they  soon  afler  defeated  "in  a 
dreadful  battle  fought  within  two  leagues  of  Quebeck." 

This  expedition  tui-ned  out  so  nmch  to  their  advantage,  "  the  Five  Nations 

*  The  autlior  of  Indian  Tales  has  copied  this  closely,  but  gives  no  credit.  TaUs,  ii. 
36,  &c. 


c^ave  ou 
these  vi 
gather 
iSicolet 
as  their 
two  bod 
Wubma 
iioon  aa 
with  hi 
bodies : 
in  piece 
This 
we  hav 
He  statt 
that  all 
sent  out 
scouts 
would 
fore  act 
him  to 
But 
all  the 
they  kn( 
came  tl 
country 
We>\ 
chiefs 
could  c4 
tnother 
lluence 
vailed  u 
the  year 
names  c 
them, 
visited  ] 
says  it  ii 
Empire 
land,  al 
We  thir 


CHAr.  I.] 


FIVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS  VISIT  ENGLAND. 


13 


(ifave  out,  that  they  iutended  next  winter  •  to  visit  the  governor  of  Canada 
theBC  visits  are  always  made  wi'h  much  show.  Under  this  pnfteiico  tlipy 
gathered  togetiiur  1000  or  liiOO  men.  Tlieir  outscouts  met  witii  Piskaret  near 
Nicolut  River,  and  still  pretenchng  a  friendly  visit  to  the  |,")vernor  ot"  C'anadH, 
as  tlieir  only  design,  he  told  them,  that  the  Adiroiidacks  wt!re  divided  into 
two  bodies,  one  of  which  hunted  on  the  north  side  of  St.  Lav  rence  Itiver  at 
Wubnmke,  three  leagues  above  Trois  Rivieres,  and  the  other  at  Nicolet.  As 
soon  as  they  had  gained  this  information,  tliey  killed  him,  and  returned 
witii  his  head  to  the  army.  The  Five  Nations  divided  likewise  into  two 
bodies :  they  surprised  the  Adirondacks,  in  both  places,  and  in  both  cut  them 
in  pieces." 

Til  is  account  is  more  circumstantial  than  that  given  by  Charlevoix,  but,  as 
we  have  seen,  would  have  been  without  any  value,  but  for  his  chronology. 
He  states  that,  by  their  previous  conduct,  the  Mohawks  had  reason  to  expect, 
that  all  the  neighboring  nations  would  join  to  oppose  them,  and  that  they 
stilt  out  parties  to  observe  what  was  pitssing  among  them  ;  that  one  of  these 
scouts  met  Peiskard  alone,  but  dand  not  attack  him  ;  being  persuaded  he 
would  kill  at  least  half  of  them,  us  he  had  otlen  done  before.  They  there- 
fore accosted  him  as  a  friend,  wliile  some  came  up  behind  him,  and  stubbed 
him  to  the  heart. 

But  for  the  French,  the  Iroquois  hud  now  been  complete  musters  of 
all  the  northern  and  western  rejjions ;  and  some  have  observed,  that  hud 
they  known  the  weakness  of  those  white  neighbors,  at  the  titne  they  over- 
came the  Algonquins,  near  Quebec,  they  might  easily  have  cleared  the 
country  of  them  also. 

We  will  close  this  chapter  with  an  account  of  the  visit  of  five  Iroquois 
chiefs  to  England.  The  English  in  America  had  supposed  that  if  they 
could  convince  the  Indian  nations  of  the  power  and  greatness  of  their 
mother  country,  they  should  be  able  to  detach  them  forever  from  the  in- 
fluence of  the  French.  To  accomplish  this  object,  these  chiefs  were  pr.;- 
vailed  upon  to  make  the  voyage.  They  visited  the  court  of  Queen  Anne  in 
the  year  1710.  None  of  the  American  historians  seem  to  have  known  the 
names  of  these  chiefs,  or,  if  they  did,  have  not  thought  it  proper  to  transmit 
them.  Smith,  in  his  history  of  New  York,  mentions  the  fact  of  tlieir  having 
visited  England,  and  gives  the  speech  which  they  made  to  tl.e  queen,  and 
says  it  is  preserved  "  in  Oldmixon,"  perhaps  in  the  2d  edition  of  his  RaiTisn 
Empire  in  AMERicA,t  as  nothing  of  the  kind  is  tbund  in  his  histoid  of  Eng- 
land, although  he  records  the  circumstance,  and  ill-naturedly  enough  too. 
We  think  he  would  hardly  have  done  even  this,  but  for  the  purpose  of  ridi- 
culing the  friends  of  the  queen.  The  following  is  all  that  he  says  of  them  4 
''  Three  weeks  after  the  battle  of  Sarragossu  was  fought  by  General  Stanhope, 
whose  victory  mude  wuy  for  the  march  to  Ma  h-id,  the  news  of  the  victory 
was  brought  to  the  queen  by  Colonel  Harrison,  the  15  September,  O.  S.,  at 
which  time  the  High-church  rabble  were  pelting  General  Stanhope^s  proxy, 
and  knocking  down  his  friends  at  the  Westminster  election.  However,  for 
the  successes  in  Spain,  and  for  tiie  taking  of  Doway,  Bethune  and  Aire,  by 
the  duke  of  Marlborough  in  Flanders,  there  was  a  thanksgiving-day  appointed, 
which  the  queen  solemnized  in  St.  JamesV^  chapel.  To  have  gone  as  usual 
to  St.  Paul's,  and  there  to  have  had  Te  De  im  smig  on  that  occasion,  would 
liave  shown  too  much  countenance  to  those  brave  and  victorious  English 
generals,  who  were  fighting  her  battles  abroad,  while  High-church  was  plot- 
ting, and  railing,  and  addressing  against  them  at  home.  The  carrying  of 
four  §  Indian  Cusnques  about  in  the  queen's  coaches,  was  all  the  triumph  of 
the  Harleian  administration;  they  were  called  kings,  and  clothed,  by  the 

'  No  one  can  tell  when  7iext  winter  was,  thai  is,  what  year  it  was  in,  by  any  connection  in 
Golden' s  text ;  lie  is  so  exceedingly  loose  with  regard  to  dates  ;  but,  according  lo  Cluirlevoir, 
it  was  in  Ki'K). 

t  The  first  edition  (which  I  possess)  was  printed  in  1708. 

t  Hist.  England,  ii.  452.    (Fol.  London,  1735.) 

\  He  ia.y%  five,  a  few  lines  onward,  in  his  usual  random  mode  of  expression,  supposing  it  all 
the  same,  doubtiess,  as  he  was  only  considering  Indians !  It  will  be  seen  Itiat  five  was  the  real 
iiomber. 


.   -Jti 


-  J!-'. 


14 


nvE  mcxiuois  chiefs  visit  England. 


[Book  V. 


il-lf 


mi  ? 


play-houHo  tnilor,  like  other  kiiiffs  of  the  theutro ;  they  were  comhirtod  to 
Hiuiii'iKM;  by  Sir  Charles  CoUerel ;  tliere  was  u  Hpeech  luailo  lor  thi-in,  iind 
iiotliiii;;  omitted  to  do  jioiior  to  themt  tivo  iiionnrchH,  wlio.so  prextMitM;  did  ho 
much  honor  to  tho  new  miniHtry ;  which  tlie  luttcr  cteemod  to  he  extn!iiit;ly 
fond  of,  and  (hdVayed  all  their  eX|icnm;H  during  their  Htay  liere.  They  were 
the  captains  of  the  four  natiouH,  [Five  Nationn,]  in  league  with  the  Kn<;lish 
at  New  Vork  and  New  Englaiui,  and  came  in  perHOU  to  treat  of  nmtierw 
concerning  trade  with  the  lords  commiHsioners  of  plantatiouH  ;  as  also  of  an 
enterprisit  against  the  l<V<;nch,  and  their  confederate  IndianH  in  those  p:irts." 

Sir  Hicfutrd  Stctte  mentions  thesn  chicjfii  in  IiIh  Tatler  of  May  IM,  1710, 
and  jhUison  makcH  them  the  suliject  of  a  number  of  the  S|)eftator  the 
next  year,  at  a  suggestion  of  Dean  Swi/l.*  Neither  of  these  papers,  how- 
ever, contain  many  tacts  respecting  them.  In  the  former  it  is  nientiimcd 
that  one  of  then«  was  taken  sickf  at  the  house  wliere  they  were  accoimno- 
date<l  during  their  stav  in  London,  and  they  all  received  great  kindness  and 
attention  from  their  liost,  which,  on  their  departure,  was  the  cause  of  their 
honoring  him  with  a  name  of  distinction  ;  which  was  Cadaroque,  and  sig- 
nilied  "  the  atroriffest  fort  in  their  country."  In  speaking  of  their  residence, 
Mr.  Steele  says,  "  They  were  placed  in  a  handsome  apartment  at  an  nphol- 
ster's  in  King-street,  Covent-garden."  There  were  fine  portraits  of  each  of 
them  painted  at  the  time,  and  are  still  to  be  tteen  in  the  Hritish  Musituni.  ( 

The  best  and  most  methodical  account  of  these  clut^fs  was  ]>ubrislied  in 
the  great  anmial  history  by  Mr.  Bouer,  §  and  from  which  we  extract  as  follows : 
"On  the  1!>  A[)ril  Te  Yee  Men  Ho  Ga  Prow,  and  Sa  Ga  Yean  Oua  Prah 
Ton,  of  tiic  JNlacpias  ;  Elow  Oh  Koam,  and  Oh  JVee  Yeiilh  Ton  M  Prow,  |j  of 
thi;  river  sachem,1I  and  the  Ganajoh>|iore  8ach«;m,**  four  kings,  or  chiefs  ot  the 
Six  Nations  t+  in  the  West  Lidies,  ^|  which  lie  between  New  England,  and 
New  France,  or  Canada :  who  lately  came  over  with  the  West  India  fleet, 
and  Wire  doathed  and  entertained  at  the  queen's  expense,  had  a  |)uhlio 
fiudience  of  her  majesty  at  the  palace  of  St.  James,  being  conducted  thither 
in  two  of  her  majesty's  coaches,  by  Sir  Charles  Cotterel,  itiaster  of  tiie  cere- 
monies, and  introduced  by  the  duke  of  Shrewsbury,  lord  chand)erlain.  They 
made  a  speech  by  their  intrcpreter,  which  Major  Pidgeon,  who  was  one  of 
the  oHicers  that  came  with  them,  read  in  English  to  her  majesty,  hiing  as 
follows  : — 

"  (irtiat  Queen — We  have  undertaken  a  long  and  tedious  voyage,  which 
none  of  oin-  predecessors  §§  could  be  [)revailed  upon  to  undertake.  The 
motive  that  induced  us  was,  that  we  might  see  our  great  queen,  and  relate 
to  her  those  things  we  thought  absolutely  necessary,  ibr  the  good  of  her,  and 
us,  her  allies,  on  the  otlier  side  the  great  water.     We  doubt  not  but  our  great 


•  "  1  iiiionded  to  have  written  a  book  on  that  subject.  I  believe  he  [Addison^has  spent  it 
■ill  in  one  |)a|jer,  and  all  the  under  hints  there  are  mine  too."  Swift's  Letter  to  Mrs.  Johnson, 
u<iVrf  Lont/on,  i.'8  April,  1711. 

t  This  was  probal)ly  the  one  that  died,  of  whom  Kalm,  in  his  travels  in  America,  i.  210, 
makes  muniion  ;  though  I  do  not  tind  a  record  of  it  in  any  periodical  of  that  day. 

;  Notes  to  the  Spectator,  ed.  in  8  vols.  Bvo.     London,  1789. 

I  "  The  Annals  of  Queen  Anne's  Uei^n,  Year  the  IX.  for  1710,"  189—191.  This  is  a 
work  conlaininfT  a  most  valuable  fund  of  information,  and  is,  with  its  continuation,  a  lastin? 
monument  to  lis  learned  publisher ;  his  being  dragged  into  the  Dunciad  in  one  of  Pope  s 
freaks  notwidistanding. 

I|  We  have  these  names  in  the  Tatler,  spelt  Tee  Yee  Neen  Ho  Ga  Row,  Sa  Ga  Yeath  Rua 
Gkk  Ton,  E  Tow  Gh  Koam,  and  Ho  Nee  Yeth  Taw  No  Row. 

IF  It  is  ditficull  to  conceive  what  is  meant  by  River  Indians  from  many  of  our  auliiors.  In 
the  Appendix  to  Jefferson's  Notes,  308,  they  are  called  River  Indians,  or  Mohickanders, 
"  who  had  ihcir  dwellings  between  the  west  branch  of  Delaware  and  Hudson's  river,  from  ihe 
Kiitatinny  ridge  down  to  the  Rariton."  The  "  Mohiccons  "  were  another  tribe  about  the 
islands  and  mouth  of  the  Hudson. 

**  Probably  the  chief  of  Canajohara. 

tt  Qiipry.  If,  according  to  Golden  and  others,  the  Tuscaroras  did  not  join  the  Iroquois 
until  1712,  and  until  that  time  these  were  called  the  Five  Nations,  how  comes  it  that  they  were 
known  ill  England  by  the  name  of  Six  Nations  in  1710? 

\X  No  Olio  ran  be  misled  by  this  error,  any  more  than  an  Englisbmau  would  be  by  being 
toid  llial  London  is  situated  at  the  foot  of  the  Rocky  Mountains. 

^^  None  of  the  Six  Nations,  must  be  understood. 


Chap.  I] 


FIVE  IROQUOIS  CHIEFS   VISIT  ENGLAND, 


15 


Id  be  by  being 


queen  him  heoii  uc(|imint(ul  with  our  long  uiid  ttMiious  war,  in  ronjinirtioii 
witli  hnr  cliil(ir«n,  ii^'uinHt  hor  (inuinicii  the  Fn^iifh :  nnd  tliat  wo  Imvc  li  on 
08  a  Mtroiig  wall  tor  tlicir  suciirity,  mvimi  to  tlio  Iosh  ot'  our  bent  tncn.  Tliu 
truth  of  whii!ii  our  broiluir  ({ueder,  Colonel  [Peter]  Srhuifler,  and  Jlntuliiffnr- 
jaux,  (JoloncI  .Yicfudson,  can  toHtit'y  ;  tliey  havin^^allour  proposalH  in  writin<(. 
VV«  wtMc  tiiixlitily  n'joic«)d  whon  wo  hoard  by  ,'huulafrarjaiu:,  tliat  oiu-  fjroat 
qu(!i>n  had  roHolvod  to  Mend  an  arruy  to  nMhico  Canada;  t'rotn  whoH(^  nioutli 
w«  readily  ouibracod  our  ^nvtt  (|U(m:ii's  iuHtrnctionH :  and  in  token  of  our 
triondHiii|i,  w<!  hung  up  thu  kettli^  and  took  up  th(;  hatchet;  nnd  willi  one 
oonHunt  joined  oiu'  brother  (^uedtr,  and  AmuUtgarjaiu,  in  making'  prepara- 
tions on  thiH  Hide  the  lake,  by  building  forts,  Htore-houees,  canoes  and  bat- 
teaux  ;  whilst  ^?)(n(/uM(a,  (Jolonel  Fe/c/i,  at  the  same  ti'oe,  raired  ati  iirniy  at 
llostun,  of  which  we  were  informed  by  our  andxissadors,  whom  \»e  neut 
thither  for  that  purp«)S'.  We  waited  long  in  expectation  of  the  fleet  from 
England,  to  Join  Anadiaaia,  to  go  against  Ciiieljcc  by  sea,  whilst  Annddjjcar- 
jaux,  (^tieikr,  and  wo,  went  to  Fort  Koyal  by  land  ;  but  at  last  wo  wer.-  tol  I, 
tliat  our  great  ({uecn,  by  some  important  atiair,  was  prevented  in  her  design 
for  that  season.  This  made  us  extreme  sorrowful,  hsst  the  French,  who 
iiidierto  had  dreaded  us,  should  now  tiiink  us  unable  to  make  war  against 
tiiem.  The  reduction  of  Canada  is  of  such  weight,  that  atler  the  etfecting 
th  ireof,  wo  should  have  free  hunli  .g,  and  a  great  trade  with  our  great 
queen's  children  ;  anil  as  a  token  of  ilie  sincerity  of  tho  Six  Nations,  we  do 
liere,  in  the  name  of  all,  [)resent  our  great  (pieeu  with  the  belts  of  wampufu. 
We  need  not  urge  to  our  great  i|ueen,  more  than  tho  necessity  we  really  labor 
mider  obliges  us,  that  in  case  our  great  queen  should  not  be  mindful  of  us, 
we  must,  with  our  families,  Ibrsake  our  country,  and  seek  other  habitations, 
or  stand  neuter;  either  of  which  will  be  much  against  our  inclinations. 
Sine;;  we  have  been  in  allii  >  e  with  our  great  (jueen's  children,  we  have  had 
some  knowledge  of  the  Savior  of  the  world ;  and  have  otk'U  been  impor- 
tim:d  by  the  French,  both  by  the  insinuations  of  their  priests,  and  by 
presents,  to  come  over  to  their  mtorest,  but  have  always  esteemed  them  men 
of  talsehood ;  but  if  our  great  queen  will  be  pleased  to  send  over  some 
jjorsons  to  instruct  us,  they  shall  find  a  most  hearty  welcome.  We  now 
close,  with  ho[ies  of  our  great  queen's  favor,  and  leave  it  to  her  most  gracious 
consideration." 

We  cannot  but  respond  amen  to  Mr.  Oldmixon's  opinion  of  this  speech, 
namely,  that  it  was  made /or  instead  of  by  the  chieis ;  still  we  thouy;lit  it 
pro[)er  to  print  it,  and  that  by  so  doing  we  should  give  satisfaction  to  more 
than  by  withholding  it.  Our  account  next  proceeds:  "On  Friday,  tho  21 
April,  the  four  Indian  princes  went  to  see  Dr.  Flamsterurs  house,  and  mathe- 
matical instruments,  in  Greenwich  Park  ;  atler  which  they  were  nobly 
treated  l)y  some  of  the  lords  coumiissioners  of  the  admiralty,  in  one  of  her 
majesty's  yachts.  They  staid  about  a  fortnight  longer  in  London,  where  they 
were  entertained  by  several  persons  of  distinction,  particularly  by  the  duke 
of  Ormond,  who  regaled  them  likewise  with  a  review  *  of  the  foiu-  troops  of 
life-guards  ;  and  having  seen  all  the  curiosities  in  and  aI)out  this  metro|)i)lis, 
liny  went  down  to  Portsiiioutii,  through  Hairq)ton  ('ourt  and  Windsor,  and 
(embarked  on  board  the  Dragon,  one  of  her  majesty's  ships,  Captain  Ahtriin, 
commodore,  together  with  Colonel  Francis  JVicholson,  conunander-in-chief 
of  the  forces  designed  for  an  expedition  in  America.  On  the  8  May, 
the  Dragon  and  Falmouth  sailed  from  Spithead,  having  under  convoy  about 
18  sail,  consisting  of  merchantmen,  a  bomb-ship  and  tender,  and  several 
transports,  with  British  officers,  a  regiment  of  marines,  provisions  and  stores 
of  war :  and  on  the  15  July  arrived  at  Boston  in  New  England." 

Little  is  to  be  gathered  from  Smith's  history  of  New  York  relative  to 
those  sachems.  He  gives  a  speech  which  they  made  to  the  queen,  but 
it  is  a  meagre  abridgment  of  less  than  half  of  the    one   above,  and  the 


*  And  the  chiefs  made  a  speech  in  return,  hut  our  author  makes  this  note  iinoii  it : 
'•  N.  B.  Tlie  speech  which  was  said  to  have  been  made  by  ihvm,  on  liiiii  occasion,  tu  iiio 
Juke  of  Ormond,  ii  spurious. ' 


l; 


Vt 


*  #• 

S.'-Q 

v'l 

.-■r 

■  I, 

■'\ 

Vi- 

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i  ? 

Uf 

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fe 


m 


16 


TAM4NY. 


[Book  V. 


CUAP. 


I 


J 
J 


ti^i 


m. 


til  ■•-! 


sit?  ■•'>  ■ 


rest  is  omitted  entirely.  "The  arrival  of  the  five  sachems  in  England 
made  a  great  bruit  throughout  the  whole  kingdom.  The  mob  followed 
wherever  they  went,  and  s.nall  cuts  of  them  were  sold  among  the  people."* 

The  main  object  of  their  visit  to  England  was  not,  nor,  in  the  nature  of 
things,  could  it  be  efRicted.  I  mean  the  introduction  of  Christianity  among 
them.  Even  these  very  sachems,  who,  according  to  the  stories  of  that  day, 
requested  to  have  missionaries  settled  with  them,  were  among  the  first  to 
neglect  them  when  settled  among  them.t  "  It  might  have  been  imagined," 
Hays  the  author  just  cited,  "  the  sachems,  those  petty  kings,  who  were  in 
iCngiand  in  th„  late  Queen's  time,  should  have  been  so  strongly  affected  with 
seeing  the  grandeur,  pleasure,  and  plenty  of  this  nation,  that  when  they  came 
to  their  own  countries,  they  would  have  tried  to  reduce  their  peojjje  to  a 
polite  life ;  would  have  employed  their  whole  power  to  expel  that  rude  bar- 
barism, and  introduce  arts,  manners,  and  religion :  but  the  contrary  hap|)en- 
ed  ;  they  sunk  themselves  into  their  old  brutal  lile,  and  though  they  had 
seen  this  great  city,  [London,]  when  they  came  to  their  own  woods,  tlicy 
were  all  savages  again." 

There  cannot  be  a  wder  difference  than  the  two  nations,  English  and 
French,  make  in  their  accounts  of  the  original  condition,  manners  and  cus- 
toms of  tht  Iroquois.  While  the  writers  of  the  former  described  them  a.s 
the  most  h  'ibarous,  cruel,  and  bloody,  thc^e  of  the  latter  portray  them  iu 
enviable  colors.  This  differeire  seems  to  have  entirely  arisen  from  the 
differei  t  relation  of  the  two  nations  to  them.  That  they  were  cruel  and 
bai'ba:otis  to  their  enemies  is  agreed  by  both,  and  it  unfortunately  happened 
that  the  English  were  generally  tlieir  enemies,  until  the  reduction  of  Canada, 
in  IVtiO. 

CHAPTER  IL 

TA.Tti.sv, a  famous  aTifient  Dilaware — His  history — Shikellimus — Favors  the  Moravi- 
an Brethren — Hi-,  leception  of  Count  Zinzendorf — Hisdeuth — Canassatego—  Visits 
Philudeiph'ji.—  'tis  speech  to  the  Delawares — Anecdotes  of  him — Glikhikan — His 
speech  to  Half  king — His  attachment  to  the  Christian  Indians — Meets  with  much 
trouble  from  Captain  fipe — Conduct  of  Half-king — Of  Pipe — Glikhikan  perishes 
in  the  massacre  ai  Onadenhvt  ten — Pakamkf. — His  history — Netawatweks — 
Becomes  a  ChrisUm — His  speei/i  to  Pakanke — His  death — Paxnous — Tadeuskund 
— His  history  and  death — white-eves — His  transactions  with  the  missionaries — 
Skenanuo — His  celebrated  speech — Curious  anecdote  of  him — His  death. 

Tamany  was  a  name  much  in  print,  fifty  yt  "s  since,  but  of  what  nation 
or  country,  or  whether  applied  to  an  imaginary  or  real  personage,  by  any  ac- 
count accompanying  it,  no  one  could  determine.  The  truth  respecting  this 
]ms  at  length  come  to  light. 

He  was  a  Delawai-e  chief,  of  similar  renown  to  the  Basheba  of  Kennelieck, 
and  J^anepasliemet  of  Mi^asachusetts ;  and  we  infer  irom  Gabriel  Thomas,\ 
that  possibly  he  might  liave  been  alive  as  late  as  1680  or  1690.  He  wrote 
the  name  Temeny. 

Mr.  Heckewclder,  in  bin  Historical  Account  of  the  Indian  Nations,  de- 
votes a  chai)ter  to  this  chief  and  Tadeuskund.  He  spells  the  name  Tamaned. 
The  ditliculty  of  gaining  ini"  rmation  of  deceas<;d  hidividuals  among  the 
Indians  is  well  known  to  those  conversant  with  their  history.  Mr.  Heche- 
welder  says,  "  No  white  man  who  regards  their  feelings,  will  introduce  »iioh 
subjects  in  conversation  with  them."    This  reluctance  to  speak  of  the  de- 


*  Hist.  Now  York,  12'2.  ed.  4to.  London,  1757.  Dcaulirul  full-lenffih  portraits  o(  rbur  of 
these  cliiofs  were  done  in  mezzolinto  at  the  time  they  were  in  England,  but  they  vcre  lonj: 
since  of  very  rare  ocdirronce.  1  possess  the  best  set  of  thein  which  I  have  ever  see  i.  They 
lire  usually  found  in  black  frames,  and  are  about  20  inches  in  height  by  12  in  breadth.  The 
porlroit  of  the  one  that  died  was  not  probably  taken,  which  accounts  for  our  having  but  four. 

t  HuMFHREv's  Historical  Account  Soc.  for  Prop.  Gospel,  301',  310. 

t  "  Who  resided  there  [in  Pennsylvania]  about  15  years,"  and  who  published  "  An  Historic' 
al  and  Geoj^ntpUical  Accnu7it  of  Pa.  and  \V.  Jersey,-'  12mu.  London,  1G98. 


parted 
most 
came 
gin. 
an  an< 
It  is 
Jersey 
ferred 
ancieii 
that  g( 
as  the 

cated 

from 

revoli 

establi 

His  ni 

first 


Chap.  II.] 


TAMANY— SHIKELI.IMUS. 


17 


parted  he  attributes  to  "the  misfortunes  wliii-h  have  hp()illcn  some  of  the 
most  beloved  and  esteemed  personages  among  tiieni,  since  the  Europeans 
came  among  them."  It  is  believed,  however,  that  it  had  a  mor.;  remote  ori- 
gin. The  same  author  continues,  "All  we  know  of  Tamened  is,  that  he  was 
an  ancient  Delawiire  chief,  who  never  had  liis  equal."  * 

It  is  said  that  when,"  jut  177G,  Colonel  George  Morgan,  of  Princeton,  New 
Jersey,  visited  the  western  Indians  by  direction  of  congress,  the  Delawares  con- 
ferred on  him  the  name  of  Tamany,  "  in  honor  and  remembrance  of  their 
ancient  chiefj  and  as  the  greatest  mark  of  respect  which  they  could  show  to 
that  gentleman,  who  they  said  had  the  same  address,  affability  and  meekness 
as  their  honored  chietl"t 

"  The  IJime  of  this  great  man  extended  even  among  the  whites,  who  fabri- 
cated numerous  legends  respecting  him,  which  I  never  heard,  however, 
from  the  mouth  of  an  Indian,  and  therefore  believe  to  be  fabulous.  In  the 
revolutionary  war,  his  enthusiastic  admirers  dubbed  him  a  saint,  and  he  was 
established  under  the  name  of  St.  Tawmany,  the  patron  saint  of  America. 
His  name  was  inserted  in  some  calendars,  and  his  festival  celebrated  on  the 
first  day  of  May  in  every  year.  On  that  day  a  numerous  society  of  his  vota- 
ries walked  together  in  procession  through  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  their 
hats  decorated  with  bucks'  tails,  and  proceeded  to  a  handsome  rural  place 
out  of  town,  which  they  called  the  wigxoam  ;  where,  after  a  long  talk  or 
Indian  speech  had  been  delivered,  and  the  calumet  of  peace  and  friendship 
had  been  duly  smoked,  tliey  spent  the  day  in  festivity  and  mirth.  After  din- 
ner, Indian  dances  were  performed  on  the  green  in  front  of  the  wigwam,  tlie 
calumet  was  again  smoked,  and  the  company  separated." 

It  was  not  till  some  years  after  the  peace  that  these  yearly  doings  were 
broken  up,  which  would  doubtless  have  lasted  longer  but  for  the  misfortune 
of  the  owner  of  the  ground  where  they  were  held.  Since  that  time  Phila- 
delphia, New  York,  and  perhaps  other  placei3;  have  had  their  Tamany  socie- 
ties, Tamany  halls,  &c.  &c.  In  their  meetings  these  societies  make  b!U 
an  odd  figure  in  imitating  the  Indian  manner  of  doing  business,  as  well  as  in 
appropriating  their  names  upon  one  another. 

Among  the  multitude  of  poems  and  odes  to  Tamany,  the  following  is 
selected  to  give  the  reader  an  idea  of  the  acts  said  to  have  been  achieved  by 
him: — 

"  Immortal  Tamany,  of  Indian  race, 
Great  in  the  field  and  foremost  in  the  chase  ! 
No  puny  saint  was  he,  with  fastins^  pale  ; 
He  climbed  the  mountain,  and  he  swept  the  vale, 
Rushed  through  the  torrent  with  unequalled  might ;     ' 
Your  ancient  sainU  would  tremble  at  the  sight ;      ■ 
Caught  the  swift  boar  and  swifter  deer  with  ease, 
Ana  worked  a  thousand  miracles  like  these. 
To  public  views  he  added  private  ends, 
Ana  loved  his  country  most,  and  next  his  friends  ; 
With  courage  long  he  strove  to  ward  the  blow ; 
(Courage  we  all  respect  ev'n  in  a  foe  ;J 
And  when  each  eftbrt  he  in  vain  had  tried. 
Kindled  the  flame  in  which  he  bravely  died  ! 
To  TaiTiany  let  the  full  horn  go  round ; 
His  fame  let  every  honest  tongue  resound  ; 
With  him  let  pvery  gen'rous  patriot  vie, 
To  live  in  freedom  or  with  honor  die."t 

We  are  next  to  speak  of  a  chief,  concerning  whom  much  inquiry  has  been 
made  from  several  considerations.    We  mean 

Skikellimus,  the  father  of  the  celebrated  Logan.  He  was  a  Cayuga  sachem, 
and  styled  by  Mr.  Loskid,^  "first  magistrate  and  head  chief  of  all  the  Iroquoia 
Indians  living  on  the  banks  of  the  Susquehannah,  as  far  as  Onondago. 

He  is  the  same  often  mentioned  by  Colden,\\  under  the  names  Shickcalamy. 
Shicalamy,  and  Shick  Calamy,  and  occupies  a  place  next  the  famous  Canasso' 


*  Some  will  doubtless  imagine  that  this  was  knowing  a  good  deal. 
t  Heckewelder,  ut  supra.  X  Carey's  Museum,  v.  104.  6  Hist.  Mission*,  ii.  U9. 

II  Hist.  Five  Nations,  ii.  67, 69,  75,  77, 86. 
2# 


,:t'' 


fcvy 


■■:■  m 


18 


CANASSATEGO. 


[Rook  V. 


,'•1,  .A  '.'.■  i  . 


i:^i:i 


tcgo.  His  residence  was  at  Conestoga  in  Pennsylvania.  He  was  present  at  a 
great  council  lield  in  Philadelphia  in  1742,  with  91  other  chiefs,  counsellors 
and  warriors  of  tiie  Six  Nations,  to  consult  about  the  encroachments  of  some 
of  the  Delawares  upon  the  [)eopie  of  Pennsylvania,  as  will  be  found  mentioned 
in  the  history  of  Varmssalego.  That  he  was  a  nian  of  much  conwecpjence 
among  the  Five  Nations  will  appear  from  the  fact,  that  Canassaiteo  repeated  a 
spe(;ch  of  his  to  Governor  Thomas,  when  the  assault  upon  iVUliam  Webb 
was  incpiirt-d  into,  "  whereby  his  [the  said  WebVa]  jaw-bone  was  broke,  and 
his  lile  greatly  endangered  by  an  unknown  Indian."  This  took  place  upon 
the  diwpiiied  lands  in  the  forks  :ii'  the  Delaware.  "  Canassatego  repeating  the 
in(  ssagc  delivered  to  the  Six  Nations  ;y  SMckcalamy,  in  the  year  1740,  with  a 
string  of  wampum,  said  in  answer :  '  The  Six  Nations  liad  niade  diligent 
inquiry  into  the  afiitir,  and  had  found  out  the  Indian  who  had  (-on)mitted  the 
fiict ;  Ik;  livid  near  Asopus,  [vEsopus,]  and  had  been  examined  and  severely 
reproved ;  and  tiiey  hojjed,  as  (Villiam  H'tbb  was  recovered,  the  governor 
would  not  expect  any  further  punishment,  and  therefore  they  returned  the 
string  of  wampum  received  fixtm  their  brethren,  by  the  hand  of  SMckcalamy, 
in  token  that  iluy  had  fully  complied  with  their  recpicst.'  " 

When  Count  Zinzendorf,  founder  of  the  sect  called  Moravians,  visited  this 
country,  in  1742,  he  had  an  interview  with  this  chief  at  Shamokin.  Conrad 
fVeiser  was  present,  and  Shikellimus  inquired  with  great  anxiety  the  cause  of 
the  count's  visit.  fVeicer  told  him  "  that  he  was  a  messenger  of  the  living 
God,  sent  to  ;»reach  grace  and  mercy ; "  to  .vhich  he  answered,  "  he  was  glad 
that  such  a  messenger  came  to  instruct  his  nation." 

While  in  the  exerc^se  of  his  pious  labors,  Zinzendorf  very  narrowly  escaped 
assassination ;  and,  to  illustrate  the  force  of  superstition  upon  untutored  minds, 
it  will  be  proper  to  relate  the  circumstance.  Having  arrived  on  the  banks 
of  the  Wyoming,  the  Indians  could  not  btjlieve  that  he  had  come  solely  for 
their  benefit,  but  had  come  to  the  conclusion  that  his  real  object  was  the  ac- 
quisition of  land  ;  and  they  therefore  resolved  to  put  him  to  death.  On  a  cool 
evening  in  September,  as  he  sat  alone  in  his  tent,  upon  a  bundle  of  weeds, 
which  was  his  b(  d,  the  appointed  assassins  approached  his  frail  mansion. 
He  had  a  small  fire,  and  was  writing  at  the  time  ;  and  nothing  prevented  the 
easy  execution  of  their  comipission.  A  blanket,  suspended  by  the  corners, 
formed  the  door  of  his  tent,  and  as  the  Indians  drew  this  a  little  aside,  they 
beheld  a  large  rattlesnake  which  the  Are  had  driven  from  his  covert,  laying 
near  the  venerable  man,  but  was  not  seen  by  him  ;  being  too  deej)ly  engaged 
m  his  subject  to  notice  him  or  the  more  dangerous  Indians.  The  rattle- 
snake being  an  animal  they  feared  and  respected  as  a  kind  of  Maiiito,  and 
seeing  it  in  company  with  the  stranger,  tliey  doubted  not  of  his  divine  origin 
also,  and  at  once  shrunk  from  their  object,  and  returned  to  report  what  tliey 
had  seen  to  their  brethren  in  their  village.*  He  was  now  received  by  the 
Shawanese,  and  a  mission  was  begun  among  them. 

Shikellimus  was  a  great  friend  of  the  missionaries,  and  his  death  was  a 
severe  loss  to  them.  He  died  at  his  own  residence  in  Shamokin,  in  1749. 
We  have  already  named  the  chief  proper  to  be  proceeded  with,  on  finishing 
our  account  of  Shikellimus. 

CANASSATEGO,  a  chit  T  of  the  Six  Nations,  was  of  the  tribe  of  Onoiidago. 
In  1742,  there  arose  a  dispute  between  the  Delawares  and  the  government 
of  Pennsylvania,  relative  to  a  tract  of  land  in  the  forks  of  the  Delaware.  The 
English  claimed  it  by  right  of  prior  purchase,  and  the  Delawares  persisted  in 
their  claim,  and  threatened  to  use  force  unless  it  should  be  given  up  by  the 
whites.  This  tribe  of  the  Delawares  were  subject  to  the  Six  Nations,  and 
the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  sent  de[)uties  to  them  to  notify  them  of  the 
trouble,  that  they  might  interfere  and  prevent  war.  It  was  on  this  occasion 
that  Canassatego  aj)peared  in  Philadelphia  with  230  warriors.  He  observed 
to  the  governor,  "  that  they  saw  the  Delawares  had  been  an  unruly  people, 
and  were  altogether  in  the  wrong;  that  they  had  concluded  to  remove  them, 
and  oblige  them  to  go  over  the  river  Delaware,  and  quit  all  claim  to  any 
lands  on  this  side  for  the  futui<e,  since  they  had  received  pay  for  them,  and 

«  Cuaphan's  Hist.  Wyoming,  20  to  22. 


fl 


.1.  -^  kj 


[Rook  V. 


Chap.  11.] 


CANASSATEGO. 


19 


it  is  gone  through  their  guts  long  ago.  They  deacrved,  he  said,  to  be  taken 
by  tlie  huir  of  the  head,  and  shaken  severely,  till  they  recovered  their  sinses, 
and  became  sober;  that  he  had  snen  With  hin  u\vn  (^ea  i.  deed  signed  l)y  nine 
of  their  ancestors,  above  fifty  years  ago,  fo.-  this  very  land,  and  a  release 
signed  not  many  years  since,  by  some  of  them-'clvcs,  and  chiefs  yet  living, 
(and  then  present,)  to  the  number  of  15  and  u()\vurdB;  but  how  came  yoix 
(addr'ssing  himself  to  the  Delawarea  present)  lo  take  upon  you  to  sell  land 
at  all?  We  conquered  you;  we  made  womci  of  you;  you  know  you  are 
women  ;  and  can  no  more  sell  land  than  women;  nor  is  it  fit  you  slionid  have 
the  power  of  selling  lands,  since  you  would  a')M8e  it.  This  land  yon  claim 
is  gone  through  your  guts ;  you  have  hien  lurnished  with  clothes,  meat  and 
drink,  by  the  goods  paid  you  for  it,  and  now  you  want  it  again,  like  ciiildnn 
as  yon  are.  But  what  makes  you  sell  lands  in  the  dark  .'  Did  yon  ever  toll 
us  that  you  had  sold  this  land  ?  Did  we  ever  receive  any  jmrt,  even  the  value 
of  a  pipe  shank,  from  you  for  it  ?  You  have  told  us  a  blind  story,  tliat  you 
sent  a  messenger  to  us,  to  inform  us  of  tiie  »aie ;  but  he  never  came  amongst 
us,  nor  did  we  ever  hear  anything  about  it.  This  is  acting  in  the  dark,  and 
very  difterent  from  the  conduct  our  Six  Nations  observe  in  the  sales  of  land. 
On  such  occasions  they  give  public  notice,  and  invite  all  the  Indians  of  their 
united  nations,  and  give  them  all  a  share  of  the  presents  they  receive  ibr 
their  lands. 

"This  is  the  behavior  of  the  wise  united  nations.  But  we  find  you  are 
none  of  our  blood;  you  act  a  disiionest  part,  not  only  in  this,  but  in  other 
matters;  your  ears  are  ever  open  to  slanderous  reports  about  your  brethren. 
For  all  these  reasons,  tve  charge  you  to  remove  inslanUy ;  we  donH  give  you  liberty 
CO  tiJnk  about  it.  You  are  women."  They  dared  not  disobey  tliis  command, 
and  soon  after  removed,  some  to  Wyoming  and  Shamokin,  and  some  to  the 
Ohio.* 

When  Canassatego  was  at  Lancaster,  in  Pennsylvania,  in  1744,  holding  a 
talk  f  about  their  affairs  with  the  governor,  he  was  informed  that  the  English 
had  beaten  the  French  in  some  important  battle.  "Well,"  said  he,  "if  that 
be  the  case,  you  must  have  taken  a  great  deal  of  rum  from  them,  and  can 
afibrd  to  give  us  some,  that  wo  may  rejoice  v/ith  you."  Accordingly,  a  glass 
was  served  round  to  each,  which  they  called  a  fYench  glass.  \ 

Dr.  Franklin  tells  us  a  very  interesting  story  of  Canassatego,  and  at  the  same; 
time  makes  the  old  chief  tell  another.  In  spi^aking  of  the  matmers  and  cus- 
toms of  the  Indians,  the  doctor  says,  "The  same  hospitality,  esteemed  au'ong 
them  as  a  principal  virtue,  is  practised  by  priviite  persons ;  of  which  Conrad 
IVeiser,  our  inter|)reter,  gave  me  the  following  instances.  He  had  been  natu- 
ralized among  the  Six  Nations,  and  spcike  well  the  Mohawk  language.  In 
going  through  the  Indian  country,  to  carry  a  message  from  our  governor  to 
the  council  at  Onondago,  he  called  at  the  habitation  of  Canassatego,  an  old 
acquaintance,  who  embraced  him,  spread  furs  for  him  to  sit  on,  placed  before 
him  some  boiled  beans,  and  venison,  and  mixed  some  rum  and  water  Ibr  his 
drink.  When  he  was  well  refreshed,  and  had  lit  his  pipe,  Canassatego  began 
to  converse  with  him;  asked  how  he  had  fared  the  many  years  since  they 
had  seen  each  other;  whence  he  then  came  ;  what  occasioned  the  journey, 
&c.  Conrad  answered  ail  his  questions ;  and  when  the  discourse  began  to 
flag,  the  Indian,  to  continue  it,  said, '  Conrad,  you  have  lived  long  among  the 
white  people,  and  know  something  of  their  customs:  I  have  been  sometimes 
at  Albany,  and  have  observed,  that  once  in  seven  days  they  shut  up  their 
shops,  and  assemble  in  the  great  house ;  tell  me  what  that  is  for;  what  do 
they  do  there  ? '  '  They  meet  there,'  says  Conrad,  '  to  hear  and  learn  good 
things.'  'I  do  not  doubt,'  says  the  Indian,  'that  they  tell  you  so;  they  have 
told  me  the  same ;  but  I  doubt  the  truth  of  what  they  say,  and  I  will  tell  you 
my  reasons.  I  went  lately  to  Albany,  to  sell  my  skins,  and  buy  blankets, , 
knives,  powder,  rum,  &c.    You  krtow  1  used  generally  to  deal  with  Hans  .■ 

*  Colden  and  Gordon's  Histories. 

t  The  minutes  or  the  conference  taken  at  the  time  by  Witham  Mariht,  OMupiei  30  pages  in 
the  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  vii.  vol. 
t  Colden's  Hist.  Five  Nations,  ii.  142. 


V  >'":]  A 


, '  i 
■  -i-  .  ■■ 


■*.' 


i 


90 


CANASSATEGO. 


[Hook   V 


J-ti, 


Hanson;  but  I  was  a  little  inclined  this  time  to  try  some  otlier  Jiiorclun:! .. 
However,  1  called  first  upon  Hans,  and  asked  him  what  lie  would  {:ivf  \(,r 
beaver.  He  said  he  could  not  give  more  than  four  shillings  u  iiouiid ;  i)ut. 
says  he,  I  cannot  talk  on  business  now ;  this  is  the  day  when  we  meet  togetlur 
to  learn  good  things,  a-id  I  am  going  to  the  meeting. '  So  I  thought  to  myseli; 
since  I  eannot  do  any  business  to-day,  I  may  as  well  go  to  the  iiieeiiiig  too, 
and  I  went  with  him.  There  stood  up  a  man  in  black,  and  begun  to  talk 
to  the  people  very  angrily ;  I  did  not  understand  wii;it  he  said,  but  perceiving 
thnt  he  looked  much  at  mo,  and  at  Hanson,  I  imagined  that  he  was  aiigiy  at 
^tein<?  nu;  there  ;  so  I  went  out,  sat  down  near  tl.e  hoUse,  struck  fire,  und  lit 
my  pipe,  wuiting  till  the  meeting  should  break  uj).  I  thought  too  tliat  the 
man  liad  mentioned  something  of  beaver,  and  suspected  it  might  bo  the  sub- 
ject of  their  meeting.  So  wlicn  they  came  out,  I  ccosted  my  merchant. 
'Well,  Hans,^  says  I,  'I  hope  you  have  agreed  ti-  jive  more  than  is.  a 
pound.'  '  No,'  says  he, '  I  cannot  give  so  much,  1  caimot  give  more  than  tlirer 
shillings  and  sixpence,'  I  then  spoke  to  several  other  dealers,  but  they  all  siuig 
the  sjurie  song,— -<Arce  and  sixpence,  three  and  sixpence.  This  made  it  clear  to 
me  that  my  suspicion  was  right;  and  that  whatever  they  pretended  of  meet- 
ing to  learn  good  things,the  purpose  was  to  consult  how  to  cheat  Indians  in  the 
price  of  beaver.  Consider  but  a  little,  Conrad,  and  you  nmst  he  of  my  ojanion. 
If  they  met  so  often  to  learn  good  things,  they  would  certainly  have  learned 
some  before  this  time.  But  they  are  still  ignorant.  You  know  our  practice. 
If  a  white  ivmn,  in  travelling  through  our  country,  enters  one  of  our  cabins, 
we  all  treat  him  as  I  do  you;  we  di-y  him  if  lie  is  wet;  we  warm  him  if  he  is 
oold,  and  give  him  meat  and  drink,  that  he  may  allay  his  thirst  and  hunger; 
and  we  spread  soft  furs  for  him  to  rest  and  sleep  on;  we  demand  nothing  in 
return.  Hut  if  I  go  into  a  white  man's  house  at  Albany,  and  ask  for  victuals  and 
drink,  they  say.  Get  out,  you  Indian  dog.  You  see  they  have  not  yet  h-arned 
those  little  good  things  that  we  need  no  meetings  to  be  instructed  in,  because 
our  mothers  taught  them  to  us  when  we  were  children ;  and  therefore  it  is 
impossible  their  meetings  should  be,  as  they  say,  for  any  fiuch  purpose,  or  have 
any  such  effect:  they  are  only  to  contrive  the  cheating  of  Indians  in  the  price 
of  beaver.' "  * 

The  missionary  Frederic  Post,  in  his  journal  of  an  embassy  to  the  Indians 
on  the  Ohio,  in  1758,  mentions  a  son  of  Canassatego,  whom  he  calls  Hans 
Jacob. 

We  are  not  to  look  into  the  history  of  Pennsylvania  for  a  succession  of 
Indian  wars,  although  there  have  been  some  horrid  murders  and  enormities 
committed  among  the  whites  and  Indians.    For  about  70  years,  their  historic 

?age  is  very  clear  of  such  records,  namely,  from  1682,  the  arrival  of  William 
enn,  until  the  French  war  of  1755. 

And  we  will  here  record  the  proceedings  of  WiUiam  Penn,  on  his  taking 
possession  of  his  lands  upon  the  Delaware,  so  far  as  they  are  connected  with 
our  Indian  historj'. 

Humanity  being  a  prominent  feature  in  every  Quaker  who  lives  up  to  his 
profession,  we  are  to  expect  a  display  of  it  in  that  of  Penn ;  and  happily  we 
do  not  find  ourselves  disappointed.  The  force  of  his  example  was  such,  that, 
for  many  years,  his  followers  practised  the  art  of  peacemaking  ;  and  hence  no 
wars  occurred,  as  we  have  already  observed ;  but  as  the  enlightened  mind 
of  Penn  carried  his  acts  more  than  one  himdred  and  fifty  years  in  advance 
of  his  ccr.temporaries,  they  acting  without  the  true  principle  which  governed 
him,  soon  forgot  its  importance,  and  pursued  a  different  course,  which  brought 
the  evils  of  war  and  dissolution. 

fVilliam  Penn  bad  confirmed  to  him  the  country  since  bearing  his  name, 
by  a  royal  charter,  and  having  sent  over  a  small  colony  to  take  possession 
of  it  in  1081,  followed  himself  the  next  year.  His  first  care  on  his  arrival  was 
to  establish  a  lasting  friendship  with  the  Indians.  This  he  effected  by  the 
greatest  possible  care  in  rendering  them  strict  justice  and  great  kindness,  and 
above  all  by  purchasing  the  country  of  them,  and  paying  them  to  thiir  con- 


•  TI.e  editors  of  the  valuable  Encyclopedia  Pcrthensis  have  thought  this  anecdote  woicby  a 
place  in  that  work,  (i.  6^.) 


[Hook   V 

•iild  jjivf  lor 
P'»uiiil;  hut, 
c(.'t  tojTftlitr 
it  to  iiijseh; 
ucetiujjf  too, 
egaii  to  tulk 
t  perceiving 
as  ujigi-y  at 
fire,  unci  lit 
^00  tliat  the 
be  tlie  sub- 
y  niercliant. 
tliaii  4s.  a 
e  tliari  three 
liey  all  sung 

0  it  clear  to 
cil  ol'nieet- 
fiians  in  the 
my  ophiion. 
ave  learned 
ur  practice, 
onr  cabins, 
him  if  he  is 
id  hunger; 
nothing  in 
actuals  and 
yet  learned 
ill,  because 
refore  it  is 
3se,  or  have 
in  the  price 

he  Indifins 
calls  Hans 

ccession  of 
enormities 
eir  liistoric 
if  William 

his  taking 
ected  with 

1  up  to  his 
lappily  we 

sucii,  that, 
i  hence  no 
!ned  mind 
n  advance 
1  governed 
in  brought 

his  name, 
possession 
irrival  was 
ted  by  the 
dnesa,  and 
their  con- 


itc  >voiiby  a 


Chap,  ll.l 


PENN'S  TRE.VTY.— fiLlKHIKAN. 


31 


tent  for  it.  Penn  landed  at  vvliat  is  now  Newcastle,  24  October,  and  soon  began 
to  e.xchange  goods  for  lands  with  the  Indians.  By  this  intercourse  he  learned 
their  language,*  and  thus  qualified  himself  to  render  them  justice  in  all  cases. 

The  first  ibrmed  treaty  entered  into  between  Perm  and  the  Indians  was 
made  in  Dec,  1689,  and  took  place  almost  two  miles  above  what  is  now 
Chestnut  Street,  on  tiic  same  side  of  the  Delaware,  in  the  present  township 
of  Kensington,  under  the  wide-spreading  branches  of  an  elm-tree,  aged  at  that 
time  \5^  years,  as  since  ascertained.f  A  small  cubical  marble  monument 
now  marks  the  spot,  which,  with  the  adjacent  neighborhood,  in  the  days  of 
Penn,  was  called  Shakamaxon,  A  street  perpetuates  this  name,  not  far  dis- 
tant, which  runs  at  right  angles  to  the  river.  The  little  monument  of  vviiich 
we  have  made  mention,  was  almost  invisible  from  piles  of  rubbieli,  Avhen 
visited  by  the  writer  in  April,  1834.} 

In  reference  to  Ptnn's  Treaty,  so  often  the  subject  of  prose  in  both  hemi- 
spheres, Voltaire  has  in  his  peculiar  vein  observed,  that  it  was  the  only  one 
made  without  an  oath,  and  tl-e  only  one  which  had  not  been  broken.§ 

An  admirable  painting  of  this  treaty,  by  Sir  Benjamin  fVesl,  has  often  been 
sketched  upon  copper,  and  impressions  circulated  in  various  Works ;  there  is, 
hovv(;ver,  in  all  of  them,  a  very  glaring  want  of  taste  or  judgment,  arising 
prolmbly  frou'  "i  false  notion  (A'  tue  painter,  which  is  the  appearance  of 
jiaiidsouie  hmi»:.  in  the  back-ground.  There  is  one  of  the  best  sketches  of 
an  Indian  treaty  painted  upon  the  sign  of  an  iim  in  Beach  Street,  near  the  old 
treaty  ground,  which  I  have  seen. 

It  is  no  wonder  the  Indians  remembered  Penn  so  long,  and  so  aflTection- 
ately,  for  it  was  not  uncommon  for  him  to  perform  the  engagements  of  others, 
who  purposely  set  out  upon  wronging  them.  In  a  speech  which  a  chief  of 
the  Six  Nations  made  at  a  conference,  at  Lancaster,  in  June,  1744,  he  gives 
the  following  narrative  o<'one  of  Penre's  generous  acts  in  these  words: — 

"  When  our  brother  Onas,  a  great  while  ago,  came  to  Albany  to  buy  the 
Susquehannah  lands  of  us,  our  brother  the  governor  of  N.  York,  wlio,  as  we 
suppose,  had  not  a  good  understanding  with  our  brother  Onas,  advised  us 
not  to  sell  him  any  land,  for  he  would  make  a  bad  use  of  it,  and  pretending 
to  be  our  friend,  he  advised  us,  in  order  to  prevent  Gnoses,  or  any  other  per- 
sons, imposing  on  us,  and  that  we  might  always  have  our  land  when  we 
wanted  it,  to  put  it  into  his  hands  ;  and  he  told  us  he  would  keep  it  for  our 
use,  and  never  open  his  hands,  but  keep  them  close  shut,  and  not  part  with 
any  of  it,  but  at  our  request.  Accordingly  we  trusted  him,  and  put  our  lands 
into  his  hands,  and  charged  him  to  keep  thein  safe  for  our  use.  But  some 
time  after  he  went  to  Englan  I,  and  carried  our  laud  with  him,  and  there  sold 
it  to  our  brother  Onas  for  a  la  'ge  sum  of  money.  And  when  at  the  instance 
of  our  brother  Onas  we  were  ninded  to  sell  him  some  lands,  he  told  us  we  had 
sold  the  Susquehannah  lands  already  to  the  governor  of  N.  York,  and  that 
he  had  bought  them  from  him  in  England ;  though  when  he  came  to  under- 
stand how  the  gorernor  of  N.  York  had  deceived  us,  he  very  generously  paid 
us  for  our  lands  over  again."|| 

There  were  several  chiefs  very  noted  about  this  period,  on  account  of 
their  connection  with  the  Moravian  Brethren.    Among  the  most  noted  was 

GLIKHIKAN,ir  or  Oiikhickan,**  "an  eminent  captain  and  warrior,  counsel- 
lor and  speaker  of  the  Delaware  chief  [Pakanke]  in  Kaskaskunk."  It  is  said 
that  he  had  disputed  with  the  French  Catholic  priests  in  Canada,  and  con- 

*  His  own  letter,  dated  the  year  following,  giving  an  account  of  the  country,  its  products, 
inhabitants,  &c.  &c.  dated  16  August,  1683,  and  printed  in  Blame's  America,  96. 

t  Holmes's  Annals,  i.  405,  The  old  elm  was  blown  down  by  a  tempest  in  1810,  and  was 
then  283  years  old.  lb.  Pieces  of  its  stump  arc  preserved  in  the  cabinets  of  the  curious,  along 
with  fragments  of  the  Plymouth  Rock,  &c. 

\  I  was  lately  informed  bv  Mr.  Diiponceau  of  Philadelphia,  that  some  important  errors  existed 
in  the  printed  accounts  of  fienn's  Treaty,  and  he  showed  me  some  manuscripts  concerning  it 
which  he  had  lately  discovered,  and  was  preparing  to  have  them  printed  in  the  Hist.  Colls,  of 
Pennsylvania. 

^  C'est  le  seu)  traits  entre  ces  peuples  et  lesChrMiens  qui  n'ait  point  £tejur6  et  qui  n'ait 
point  el6  rompu.    CEuvres,  vol.  liv.  416,  ed.  of  1785,  in  91  vols.  12mo. 

I  An  Encruiry  into  the  Causes,  &c.  of  the  Alienation  of  the  Shawanese  and  Delawares,  51. 
Loskku  **  Heckewelder. 


■  m 

■r-.'SJ 


.,  .v-l 


■1;; 


w 


a2 


GLIKHIKAN.— IMS  SIM.ECII  TO  IIALF-KING. 


IBooK  V. 


II 


w- 


.'1  ,■' 


« 

t  •',  •  •  ' 

if*  < 
/•? 

'I 


m 


founded  them,  and  now  (1769)  made' his  appearance  among  the  United 
Brethren  for  the  purpose  of  achieving  a  like  victory;  but  as  the  Brethren's 
account  has  it,  his  heart  failed  him,  and  he  became  a  convict  to  their  doctrines. 
In  1770,  he  quitted  Kaskaskunk,  to  live  with  the  Brethren,  greatlv  against  the 
minds  of  his  friends  and  his  chief.  This  occasioned  great  trouble,  and  some 
endeavored  to  take  his  life.  Pakanke's  speech  to  him  upon  the  occasion  will 
be  seen  when  we  come  to  the  account  of  that  chief  At  the  time  of  his  bap- 
tism, Glikhikart  received  the  name  of  Isaac. 

The  period  of  the  revolutionary  war  was  a  distressing  time  for  the  Bretlircn 
and  those  Indians  who  had  adhered  to  their  cause.     War  parties  ti-oin  tlif> 
hostile  tribes  were  continually  passing  and  repassing  their  settlements,  and 
often  in  the  most  suspicious  manner.    It  was  to  the  famous  chief  Glikhikan 
that  they  owed  their  preservation  on  more  than  one  occasion.     Tlie  Indians 
about  the  lakes  sent  deputi-  s  to  draw  the  Delawares  into  the  war  against  the 
Americans,  but  they  were  not  received  by  them.    Shortly  after,  in  tlie  year 
1777,  200  Huron  warriors,  with  Half-king  at  their  head,  approached  t\m  Mo- 
ravian settlement  of  Lichtenau,  ji  their  way  to  attack  the  settlements  upon 
the  frontiers,  and  caused  great  consternation  among  the  Brethren  ;  but  resolv- 
ing to  show  no  signs  of  fear,  victuals  were  prepared  for  them,  and  sent  out 
by  some  of  the  Christian  Indians  to  meet  them.    The  reception  of  those  sent 
out  was  far  more  promising  than  was  anticipated,  and  soon  aflter  was  «  sent 
a  solemn  embassy  to  the  Half-kins;  and  other  chiefs  of  the  Hurons."     Glikhi- 
kan was  at  the  head  of  this  embassy,  and  the  following  is  his  speech  to 
^af/"-A;ing ;—"  Uncle !     We,  your   cousins,  the   congregation   of  believing 
Ltdians  at  Lichtenau  and  Gnadenhuetten,  rejoice  at  this  opportunity  to  see 
and  s])eak  with  you.    We  cleanse  your  eyes  from  all  the  dust,  and  whatever 
the  wind  may  have  carried  into  them,  tliat  you  may  see  your  cousin  with 
clear  eyes  and  a  serene  countenance.    We  cleanse  your  ears  and  hearts  from 
all  evil  reports  which  an  evil  wind  may  have  conveyed  into  your  ears  and 
even  into  your  hearts  on  the  journey,  that  our  words  may  find  entrance  into 
your^  ears  and  a  [)lace  in  your  hearts.     [Here  a  string  of  tvampum  loas  pre- 
sented  by  Glikhikan.]     Uncle !  hear  the  words  of  the  believing  Indians,  your 
cousins,  at  Lichtenau  and  Gnadenhuetten.    We  woidd  have  you  know,  that 
we  have  received  and  believed  in  the  word  of  God  for  30  years  and  upwards, 
and  meet  daily  to  hear  it,  morning  and  evening.    You  must  also  know,  that 
we  have  our  teachers  dwelling^amongst  us,  who  instruct  us  and  our  children. 
By  this  word  of  God,  preached  to  us  by  our  teachers,  we  are  taught  to  keep 
peace  with  all  men,  and  to  consider  them  as  fi-iends :  for  thus  God  has  com- 
manded us,  and  thcn^fore  we  are  lovers  of  peace.    These  our  treuchei-s  are 
not  only  our  friends,  but  we  consider  and  love  them  as  our  own  flesh  and 
blood.    Now  as  we  are  your  cousin,  we  most  earnestly  beg  of  you,  uncle, 
that  you  also  would  consider  them  as  your  own  body,  and  as  your  cousin. 
We  and  they  make  but  one  body,  and  therefore  cannot  be  separated,  and 
whatever  you  do  unto  them,  you  do  unto  us,  whether  it  be  good  or  evil." 
Then  several  fathoms  of  wampum  were  delivered.    Half-king  received  this 
speech  with  attention,  and  said  it  had  penetrated  his  heart,  and  after  he  had 
consulted  with  his  captains,  he  spoke  as  follows  in  answer : — "  Cousins !    I 
am  very  glad  and  feel  great  satisfaction  that  you  have  cleansed  my  eyes,  ears 
and  heart  from  all  evil,  conveyed  into  me  by  the  wind  on  this  journey.    I  am 
upon  an  expedition  of  an  unusual  kind ;  for  I  am  a  warrior  and  am  going  to 
war,  and  therefore  many  evil  things  and  evil  thoughts  enter  into  my  head, 
and  even  into  my  heart.    But  thanks  to  my  cousin,  my  eyes  are  now  clear, 
so  that  I  can  behold  my  cousin  with  a  serene  countenance.    I  rejoice,  that  I 
can  hear  my  cousins  with  open  ears,  and  take  their  words  to  heart."    He  then 
delivered  a  string  of  wampum,  and  after  repeating  the  part  of  GlikhikarCs 
speech  relating  to  the  missionaries,  proceeded : "  (Jo  on  as  hitherto,  and  suflRr  no 
one  to  molest  you.    Obey  your  teachers,  who  speak  nothing  but  good  unto 
you,  and  instruct  you  in  the  ways  of  God,  and  be  not  afraid  that  any  harm 
shall  be  done  unto  them.    No  creature  shall  hurt  them.    Attend  to  your 
worship,  and  never  mind  other  affairs.    Indeed,  you  see  ns  going  to  war ; 
but  you  may  remoin  easy  and  quiet,  and  need  not  think  much  about  it,  &c." 
Tills  was  rather  odd  talk  for  a  savage  warrior,  and  verily  it  seems  more  like 


M'/'!? 


IBooK  V. 

g  the  United 
the  Brethren's 
heir  doctrines, 
itly  against  the 
il)le,  and  some 
occasion  will 
ne  of  his  bap- 

rthe  Bretliren 
rties  IroMi  tlip 
ttlements,  and 
lief  Glikhiknn 
Tlie  Indians 
ar  against  the 
r,  in  the  year 
Lchod  the  Mo- 
Icinents  upon 
in ;  hut  rcsolv- 
,  and  sent  out 
1  of  tliose  sent 
fler  was  "  sent 
ons."  Glikhi- 
his  speech  to 
of  believinjr 
irtunity  to  see 
and  wiiatever 
■  cousin  with 
id  hearts  from 
i'our  ears  and 
entrance  into 
ipum  was  pre- 
Indians,  your 
ou  know,  that 
and  upwards, 
so  know,  that 
our  children, 
lught  to  keep 
jorl  has  com- 
treachera  are 
wn  flesli  and 
of  you,  uncle, 
5  your  cousin, 
irparated,  and 
food  or  evil." 
received  this 
I  after  he  had 
"  Cousins !  I 
my  eyes,  ears 
»urney.  I  nm 
am  going  to 
into  my  head, 
re  now  clear, 
•pjoice,  that  I 
rt."  lie  then 
if  GlMikan's 
andsufFiTno 
lit  good  unto 
hat  any  harm 
tend  to  your 
oing  to  war ; 
ibout  it,  &c." 
noB  more  like 


Chap.  II.]    GLIKHIKAN —TROUBLES  OF  THE  MISSIONARIES. 


23 


that  of  one  of  the  European  Brethren,  but  the  veracity  of  Loskiel  will  not  be 
(lupstioued. 

Some  time  after  this,  a  circum-stance  occurred  which  threw  Glikhikan  into 
niuch  trouble  and  danger.  A  band  of  Huron  warriors  seized  n|)on  the  mis- 
sionariee  at  Salem  and  Gnadcnhuetten,  and  confined  them,  and  did  much 
mischief.  Michael  Junv,  David  Zeisberger  and  John  Hecketvelder  wore  tin; 
Brethren  confined  at  this  time.  Tlie  savages  next  pillaged  Schoeiibrimn, 
from  whence  tiny  led  captive  the  mirjsionary  Jungman  and  wife,  and  ih<; 
,«;.-.ters  Zeisberger  and  Semtman ;  and,  singing  the  death-song,  arrived  wiili 
tliem  at  Guadenhuctten,  where  were  the  rest  of  the  jirisoners.  This  was 
.September  4, 1781.  It  appears  that  the  famous  Captain  Pipe  was  among  those 
warriore,  from  what  follows.  A  young  Indian  woman,  who  accompanied  the 
warriors,  was  much  moved  by  the  hard  treatment  of  the  Brethren,  and  in  the, 
nif;ht  "found  means  to  get  Capt.  Pipe's  best  horse,  and  rode  off  full  speed  to 
Pittsburgh,  where  she  gave  an  account  of  the  situation  of  the  mi  <sioiiari(-s 
and  their  congregations."  This  woman  was  related  to  Glikhika.;  on  liiiri, 
thcrelbre,  they  determined  to  vent  their  wrath.  A  party  of  warriors  stiized 
him  at  Salem,  and  brought  him  bound  to  Gnadcnhuetten,  singing  the  deatti- 
song.  When  he  was  brought  into  the  presence  of  the  warriors,  great  commo- 
tion followed,  and  many  were  clamorous  that  he  should  be  at  once  cut  to 
pieces ;  especially  the  Delawares,  who  could  not  forget  his  having  renounced 
his  nation  and  manner  of  living ;  hire,  however,  Half-king  interfered,  and 
l)revented  his  being  killed.  They  now  held  an  inquisitorial  examination 
upon  him,  which  terminated  in  a  proof  of  his  innocence,  and,  after  giving 
vent  to  their  spleen  in  loading  him  with  the  worst  of  epithets  and  much  oj)- 
probrioiis  language,  set  him  at  liberty. 

The  missionaries  and  tiieir  congregations  were  soon  at  liberty,  but  were 
obliged  to  emigrate,  as-  they  could  have  no  rest  upon  the  Aluskingum  any 
longer ;  war  parties  continually  hovering  about  them,  robbing  and  troubling 
them  in  various  ways.  They  went  through  the  wilderness  125  miles,  and 
settled  at  Sandusky,  leaving  their  beautiful  cornfields  just  rv  idy  to  harvest 
Their  losses  and  privations  were  immense.  Abovi;  200  cattle  and  400  hogs, 
much  corn  in  store,  beside  300  acres  just  ripening,  were  among  the  spoils. 
"  A  troop  of  savages  commanded  by  English  officers  escorted  them,  enclos- 
ing them  at  the  distance  of  some  miles  on  all  sides."  They  arrived  at  their 
j)lace  of  destination  October  11,  and  here  were  left  by  Half-king  and  his 
warriors  without  any  instructions  or  orders. 

Many  believing  Indians  had  returned  to  Gnadcnhuetten  and  the  adjacent 
places  in  1782.  Here,  on  8th  March  of  this  year,  happened  the  most  dreadful 
massacre,  and  Glikhikan  was  among  the  victims.  Ninety-six  persofis  were 
scalped  and  then  cut  to  pieces.  Besides  women,  there  were  34  children 
murdered  in  cold  blood.*    This  was  done  by  white  men ! 

Of  this  horrid  and  diabolical  murder  it  behoves  us  to  give  the  facts  more 
in  detail.  The  month  of  February  of  tiie  year  1782,  having  been  very  favor- 
able to  war  parties,  it  was  improved  by  some  Sandusky  warriors,  and  some 
murders  were  committed  in  an  unlocked  for  moment  upon  the  frontiers  of  the 
whites.  The  family  of  a  William  Wallace,  consisting  of  his  wife  and  five  or 
six  children,  were  killed,  and  one  John  Carpenter  \  was  taken  prisoner.  These 
early  movements  of  the  Indians  led  the  whites  to  conclude  that  they  were 
either  done  by  the  Moravians  at  Muskingum,  or  that  the  warriors  that  com- 
mitted the  murders  were  quartered  among  them.|  Therefore,  without  further 
information,  a  band  of  al)out  80  or  90  men  suddenly  collected  upon  the  fron- 
tier of  Pennsylvania,  and  each  man  having  provided  himself  with  his  own 
arms,  ammunition  and  provisions,  mostly  mounted  upon  horses,  set  out  under 
one  Colonel  David  Williamson  for  the  devoted  congregation  at  Gnadenhuetten. 
They  rendezvoused  and  encamped  the  first  night  on  the  Mingo  Bottotn,  on 
the  west  side  of  the  Ohio  River.§ 

*  I  have  been  particular  in  noticing  (his  afTair,  as  it  is  not  found  in  such  extensively  circu- 
lated Works  as  (he  American  Annals. 
t  He  afterwards  made  his  esrape  at  great  peril, 
t  Doddridge's  Notes  ou  the  Indian  Wars,  248,  248.  $  Ibid. 


■•'    s..'.^ 


";■■     '•■1% 

;>;■,.'.-. . 

*■  "1.  •  *. 


^::V;^" 


.-•':  v.: 


>^i\r- 


•il 


•It., 


34 


IMASSACKB  AT  GNADENHUETTEN. 


[Book  V 


u^:su 


it; 


Meanwhile  Colonel  Gibaon,  nt  PittHbiirgh,  understanding  the  object  of  the 
crew  who  had  gone  forth  under  Williamson,  dt'sputchi'd  niesseiigcrB  to  alurin 
the  Christian  liidiane,  but  they  arrived  too  late.  However,  they  received 
timely  notice  from  another  quarter,  but  their  trusting  to  their  innocence  to 
protect  them,  did  in  this  case  prove  n  fatal  error :  a  white  man,  \vli&  liad 
narrowly  escaped  from  the  hands  of  some  warriors,  warned  them  with  great 
earnestness  to  fly  for  their  lives.  These  warriors,  wlio  had  "  murdered  and 
impaled  a  woman  and  a  child,  not  fur  from  the  Ohio,  arrived  soon  alter  at 
Gnadenhuetten,"  where  they  expressed  tiieir  well-grounded  fears  to  the  Chris- 
tians, that  a  party  of  white  people,  wiio  were  pursuing  them,  would  surely 
kill  tliem  all.*  All  these  warnings  were  not  enough  to  shake  their  faith  in 
the  protecting  arm  of  their  own  innocence. 

The  second  day's  march  of  the  band  of  murderers,  brought  them  within 
one  mile  of  the  middle  Moravian  town,  wliere  they  agaui  encamped  for  the 
night.  This  was  on  the  6th  day  of  Murdi.  The  next  morning  the  jjurty 
was  divided  into  three  equal  divisions,  "  one  of  which  was  to  cross  the  river 
about  a  mile  above  the  town  ;  their  videttes  having  reported  that  there  were 
Indians  on  both  sides  of  the  river.  The  other  [mrty  was  divided  into  three 
divisions,  one  of  which  was  to  take  a  circuit  in  the  woods,  and  reach  the  river 
a  little  distance  below  the  town,  on  the  west  side.  Another  division  was  to 
fall  into  the  middle  of  the  town,  and  tiie  third  upon  its  upper  end.  Wiien 
the  party  designed  to  make  the  attack  on  the  west  side,  ban  reached  the  river, 
they  found  no  boats  to  take  them  over;  but  something  like  a  canoe  was  seen 
on  the  opposite  bank.  The  river  was  high,  with  some  floating  ice.  A  young 
man  of  the  name  of  Sloiighter  swam  the  river,  and  brought  over,  not  a  canoe,  but 
a  trough  designed  for  holding  sugar  water.  This  trough  could  curry  but  two 
men  at  a  time.  In  order  to  expedite  their  passage,  a  number  of  men  stripped 
off  their  clothes,  put  them  into  the  trough,  together  with  their  guns,  and 
swam  by  its  sides,  holding  its  edges  with  tiiiir  hands.  When  about  l(i  had 
crossed  the  river, the  two  centinels,  who  hud  been  posted  in  advance,"!  "met 
young  Schebosch  in  the  woods,  fired  at  uiid  wounded  him  so  much  that  he 
could  not  escape.  He  then,  according  to  the  account  of  the  murderers 
themselves,  begged  for  his  life,  re[)reseiiting  that  he  was  Schebosch,  the  son  of 
a  white  Christian  man  :  But  they  ])aid  no  attention  to  his  entreaties,  and  cut 
him  in  pieces  with  their  hatchets."  "  One  of  them  broke  one  of  his  arms  by 
a  shot.  A  shot  from  the  other  centinel  killed  him.  These  heroes  \  then  scalped 
and  tomahawked  him. 

"By  this  time,  about  IG  men  had  got  over  the  river,  and  supposing  the  firing 
of  the  guns,  which  killed  Shabosh,  would  lead  to  an  instant  discoverj',  they 
sent  word  to  the  party  designed  to  attack  the  town  on  the  east  side  of  the 
river,  to  move  on  instantly,  which  they^  did. 

"  In  the  mean  time,  the  small  party  which  had  crossed  the  river,  marched 
with  all  speed,  to  the  main  town  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  Here  they  found 
a  large  company  of  Indians  gathering  the  corn,  which  they  had  left  in 
their  fields  the  preceding  fall,  when  they  removed  to  Sandusky.  On  the 
arrival  of  the  men  at  the  town,  they  professed  peace  and  good  will  to  tlie 
Moravians,  and  informed  them  that  they  had  come  to  take  them  to  fort  Pitt, 
for  their  safety.  The  Indians  surrendered,  delivered  up  their  arms,  and  ap- 
peared highly  delighted  wiih  the  prospect  of  their  removal,  and  began  with 
all  speed  to  prepare  food  for  the  white  men,  and  for  themselves  on  their 
journey. 

"  A  party  of  white  men  and  Indians  was  immediately  despatched  to  Salem, 
a  short  distance  from  Gnadenhuetten,  where  the  Indians  were  gathering  in 
their  corn,  to  bring  them  in  to  Gnadenhuetten.  The  party  soon  arrived  witii 
the  whole  number  of  the  Lidians  from  Salem.  In  the  mean  time  the  Indians  at 
Gnadenhuetten  were  confined  in  two  houses  some  distance  apart,  and  placed 


M 


*  Loslnel,  Hist.  Moravians,  iii.  176. 

t  I  ain  following  Doddridge's  Narrative,  but  the  next  quotation  is  from  Loslnel,  iii.  1T7, 
and  ilien  continues  Doddridge  without  any  omission. 

X  Mj|  author  does  not  italicize  this  word,  but  he  doubtless  would,  if  he  were  to  give  us  a 
new  edition  of  his  book,  if  he  did  not  add  at  least  a  half  a  dozen  exclamations  to  it. 


Chap.  II.] 


PAKANKE.— NETAWATVVEES. 


9S 


Loslnel,  iii.  ITT, 


under  guards ;  and  when  those  from  Salem  arrived,  they  were  divided,  and 
placed  in  the  same  houses,  with  tlieir  hrethren  of  Gnadeiihuetten. 

"The  prisoners  being  thus  secured,  a  council  of  war  was  held  to  decide 
on  their  tate.  The  officers,  unwilling  to  take  on  themselves  the  whole  re- 
sponsibility of  the  awful  decision,  agreed  to  refer  the  question  to  the  whole 
number  of  the  men.  The  men  were  accordingly  drawn  up  in  a  line.  The 
commandant  of  the  party.  Colonel  David  fVilliamson,  then  put  the  question 
to  them  in  form,  'whether  the  Moravian  Indians  should  be  taken  prisoners  to 
Pittsburgh,  or  put  to  death  ? '  requestmg  all  who  were  in  favor  of  saving  their 
lives  to  step  out  of  the  line,  and  form  a  second  rank.  On  this,  KJ,  some  say 
18,  stepped  out  of  the  rank,  and  formed  themselves  into  a  second  line  ;  but 
alas !  this  line  of  mercy  was  far  too  short  for  that  of  vengeance."  Thus  was 
the  fate  of  the  Moravian  Indians  decided  on,  and  they  were  ordered  to  i)re- 
|)are  for  death. 

"  From  the  time  they  were  placed  in  the  guard-houses,  the  prisoners  fore- 
saw their  fate,  and  begun  their  devotions  of  singing  hymns,  praying  and  ex- 
horting each  other  to  place  a  firm  reliance  in  the  mercy  of  the  Savior  of 
men."  "The  particulars  of  this  dreadful  catastrophe  are  too  horrid  to 
relate.  Suffice  it  to  say,  tliat  in  a  few  minutes  thestj  two  slaughter-houses, 
as  they  were  then  called,  exhibited  in  their  ghastly  interior,  the  mangled, 
bleeding  remains,  of  those  poor  unfortunate  people,  of  all  ages  and  sexes; 
from  the  aged  grey-headed,  down  to  the  helpless  infant  at  its  mother's  breast; 
dishonored  by  the  fatal  wounds  of  the  tomahawk,  mallet,  war-club,  spear  and 
scalping-knife ! "  Thus  was  the  8th  day  of  March  spent  at  Gnadenhuetten, 
in  the  year  1782! 

Only  two,  who  were  young  persons,  escaped  this  dreadful  day's  slaughter. 
One  of  whom  had  been  knocked  down  and  scalped,  and  by  counterfeiting 
nimself  dead,  while  the  murderers  had  left  the  place,  was  enabled  to  save 
his  life.  The  other  crept  unobserved  into  a  cellar,  and  in  the  night  escaped 
to  the  woods. 

Whether  any  of  the  murderers  were  called  to  an  account  for  what  they  did 
I  do  not  learn,  though  they  probably  were  not,  owing  to  the  state  of  anai"chy 
occasioned  by  the  revt  'utionary  war. 

PAKANKE  was  a  powerful  Delaware  chief,  whose  residence,  in  1770,  was 
at  a  place  called  Kaskaskunk,  about  40  miles  north  of  Pittsburgh.  He  is 
brought  to  our  notice  by  the  agency  of  the  missionary  Loskiel,  from  whom 
it  appears  that  he  was  very  friendly  to  the  Brethren  at  first,  and  invited  them  into 
his  country,  but  when  Glikhikan,  his  chief  captain  and  speaker,  forsook  him, 
and  went  to  live  with  them,  he  was  so  disconcerted,  that  he  turned  against 
them,  and  for  a  time  caused  them  much  difficulty.  Meeting  with  Glik- 
hikan afterward  in  public,  he  spoke  to  him  in  an  angry  tone  as  follows : 
"  And  even  you  have  gone  over  from  this  council  to  them.  I  suppose  you 
mean  to  get  a  white  skin !  But  I  tell  you,  not  even  one  of  your  feet  will  turn 
white,  much  less  your  body.  Was  you  not  a  brave  and  honored  man,  sitting 
next  to  me  in  council,  when  we  spread  the  blanket  and  considered  the  belts 
of  wampum  lying  before  us  ?  Now  you  jjretend  to  despise  all  this,  and 
think  to  have  found  something  better.  Some  time  or  other  you  will  find 
yourself  deceived."  To  which  Glikhikan  made  but  a  short  and  meek  reply. 
Some  epidemic  disease  carried  off  many  of  the  Indians  about  this  time,  and 
they  attributed  its  cause  to  their  obstiuacy  in  not  receiving  the  gospel.  Pa- 
kanke  was  among  the  number  at  last  who  accepted  it  as  a  remedy.  He  ap- 
pears not  to  have  been  so  credulous  as  many  of  his  neighbors;  for  when  the 
acknowledgment  of  Christianity  was  concluded  upon  by  many,  he  remained 
incredulous;  and  when  a  belt  of  wampum  was  sent  him,  accompanied  witli 
•\  message,  declaring  that  "whosoever  refused  to  accept  it  would  be  considered 
a  murderer  of  his  countrymen,"  he  affected  not  to  understand  its  import,  and 
doubtless  would  not  have  acknowledged  it,  but  for  the  impending  danger 
wliich  he  saw  threatening  him.  When  he  went  to  hear  the  Brethren  preach, 
he  declared  his  conviction,  and  recommended  his  children  to  receive  the 
gos[)el.  A  son  of  his  was  baptized  in  1775. 
NETAWATWEES  was  head  chief  of  the  Delawares,  and  if  we  are  to 
3 


■':>JjJ 


'•H 


■%r; 


m:^ 


':.    • :  -I 


36 


NETAWATWEES— WHITE-EYES. 


[Book  V. 


V,:] 


^*'' :^ 


wMk 


Mm  • 


judge  of  him  from  our  Hcnnty  record;'  h''  will  nppi-ar  to  the  bewt  ndvantncp. 
"Ho  used  to  luy  ail  atliiirs  ot  BUite  before  •:  :  couimt'llors  for  their  coiiMidcra- 
tion,  without  telling  them  his  own  seiitin  X  When  they  gave  him  tlicjr 
opinion,  ho  either  a|)|)roved  of  it,  or  stat'^t  .is  olijections  and  amendimnls, 
always  alleging  the  reasons  of  his  (lisapprolmiion."  itelbre  the  revolution,  it  wns 
said  tiiat  he  had  amazingly  increased  the  reputiition  of  tin;  Delawares ;  ami  lio 
spared  no  pains  to  conciliate  all  his  neighbors,  and  reconcile  them  one  to  anuth. 
er.  His  residence,  in  1773,  was  at  Gekelcmnkpechuenk.  The  Moravian  mis- 
sionaries sent  messengers  to  him,  with  information  of  the  arrival  of  another  tnis- 
sionary,  in  July  of  this  year,  requesting  a  rencnval  of  iriendship  and  a  conlirnia- 
tion  of  his  former  promise  oi' protection.  When  this  was  laid  before  him  and  liis 
council,  they  were  not  much  pleased  with  the  information,  and  th(>  old  cjiii;)' 
JVetawalicees,  said,  "  Thei/hnve  teachers  enoiii^h  ttlreadij^for  a  new  one  can  tench 
nothiiu^  hut  the  same  doctrine,"  He  was,  however,  i»revailed  U|)on  to  give;  liis 
consent  to  their  re(|uest,  imd  afterwards  bfcanH?  a  convert  to  their  religion. 
After  he  had  set  out  in  this  course,  he  sent  the  following  speech  to  his  old 
friend  Fakanhe :  "  You  and  I  are  both  old,  and  know  not  how  lon^  we  shall  livr. 
Therefore  let  i«  do  a  /rood  tvork^  before  ice  depart,  and  leave  a  testimony  to  our 
children  and  posterity,  tluit  we  have  received  the  word  of  God.  Let  this  be  ow 
last  ivill  and  testament,"  Pakanke  consented,  and  was  at  great  pains  to  send 
solemn  embassies  to  all  such  tribes  as  he  thought  proper  to  communiniti; 
his  determination.    N'etawaiwees  died  at  Pittsb\irgh  near  i.iie  close  of  177(i. 

JVetawatwees  had  been  a  signer  to  the  treaty  of  Conestoga  in  the  year  1718, 
being  then  young,  probably  about  25  years  of  age.  The  Turtle  tribe  was 
the  first  among  the  Delawares,  and  of  this  he  became,  by  their  usages,  chief". 
To  him  was  committed  all  the  tokens  of  contracts  ;  such  as  belts  of  wam- 
pum, writings  obligatory,  with  the  sign  manual  of  IVUliam  Penn,  and  others 
since,  down  to  the  time  lnmseli|  with  his  tribe,  was  forced  to  leave  their 
lands  and  retire  into  Ohio. 

After  having  been  seated  upon  the  Ohio,  at  a  place  convenient  for  com- 
munication with  the  Wyandots  and  other  warlike  nations  of  the  west,  he 
made  known  to  them  the  wrongs  which  he  and  his  people  had  suffered. 
By  advice  of  the  Wyandot  chiefs,  he  settled  finally  upon  Cayahaga  River, 
leaving  open  the  Rivers  Muskingum  and  Big  Beaver  for  any  of  his  nation 
that  were  there  already,  and  should  afterwards  come  to  settle  there.  And  this 
was  the  occasion  of  King  Beaver's  building  a  town  and  settling  the  Turkey 
tribe  at  the  mouth  of  Nemoschilli  Creek,  since  called  Tuscarawas.  Of  iliis 
distinguished  chief  we  shall  speak  more  at  large  in  another  place. 

When  Colonels  Bouquet  and  Bradstreet,  in  1703,  were  penetrating  into  tlie 
Indian  counti*y,  JVetawatwees,  not  without  reason,  became  ahu'mcd  for  his 
safety,  and  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  attend  the  treaty  with  Colonel 
Bouquet,  after  the  battle  of  Bushy  Rum,  notwithstanding  the  other  chiefs 
did.  His  residence  being  in  range  of  the  march  of  Bouquet's  army,  he  too 
late  attempted  to  escape  down  the  Muskingum  in -a  canoe;  but  being  inter- 
cepted by  some  of  BouqueCs  Indian  spies,  was  brought  before  the  colonel, 
who,  because  he  did  not  appear  at  the  treaty,  publicly  deposed  him,  and  piu 
another  at  the  head  of  his  tribe.  Upon  the  conclusion  of  a  peace,  however, 
the  first  act  of  importance  performed  by  the  Delaware  nation  was  to  rein- 
state J'^etawatwees.  He  continued  in  the  undisturbed  possession  of  the  office 
until  his  death,  which  happened  in  the  second  year  of  the  revolution,  177(i, 
at  Pittsburgh,  when  he  had  attained  the  age  of  near  99  years.* 

The  missionaries,  especially,  felt  his  loss  with  great  severity,  for  his  coun- 
cil was  of  the  greatest  benefit  to  them  on  all  trying  occasions. 

WHITE-EYES, or,  as  some  write,  Wkitt-eye,  was  "the  first  captain  among 
the  Delawares."  There  was  always  great  opposition  among  the  Indians 
against  missionaries  settling  in  their  country  ;  who,  in  the  language  of  one 
of  the  Moravians,  "were  a  stone  of  offence  to  many  of  tlie  chiefs  and  to  a 
great  port  of  the  council  at  Gekelemukpeehuenk,  and  it  was  several  times 
proposed  to  expel  them  by  force."     But  "  liiis  man  [Captain  White-eyes]  kept 


Heckcirelder's  Biographies,  &c.,  in  Philos.  Trans. 


[Book  V. 


Crap.  II.] 


WHITE-EYES. 


27 


«t  ndvantnjfp. 
ir  coiiHidtra- 
VR  iiiin  tiirji- 
iiiiH-nilinciils, 
•tlntioii,  itwiM 
I'lirt'H;  ami  ho 

••lu'toaiiotli- 
loiaviaii  mis- 
"uiiotlicr  tiiis- 
d  aroiiliriiiii- 
c  liini  uiidliis 
the  old  cliit!!' 
me  can  laich 
1  to  give  his 
licir  reliirioii. 
!fli  to  his  ()!(| 
we  shall  liv. 
ilimony  to  our 
et  this  be  ow 
aiiiH  to  send 
^oiiiimiiiicitti* 
ose  of  I77(i. 
le  yiar  17JH, 
le  tribe  was 
isages,  cliii'i: 
ilts  ol"  wain- 
t,  and  otlii'i!! 
>  leave  their 

lit  for  coiii- 
lie  west,  lie 
lad  siitiiTpd. 
aliaga  River, 
)f  his  nation 
■e.  And  this 
the  Turkey 
'as.  Of  tiiis 
e. 

ing  into  thi^ 
nicd  tor  his 
.'ith  Colonel 
other  ciiiifH 
riny,  he  too 
being  inter- 
the  colonel, 
iin,  and  put 
:e,  however, 
vas  to  rein- 
jf  the  office 
ntion,  177ti, 

)r  his  coun- 

itain  among 
he  Indianti 
lage  of  one 
fs  and  to  a 
veral  times 
e-eyes]  kej)t 


! 


ttie  chiefs  and  council  in  awe,  and  woiihl  not  Huffer  them  to  injure  the  mis- 
sionaries, being  in  liis  own  heart  convinced  of  tiiu  trutiis  of  the  gospol. 
This  was  evident  in  all  his  speeches,  held  before  the  chiel's  and  council  in 
behalf  of  the  Indian  congregation  and  their  teachers."  * 

Upon  the  death  of  JVetawulwees,  in  177(i,  Cantain  tyhile-euea  became  chief 
sachem,  to  which  place  his  tbrmer  situation  ol  lirst  counsi  lior  to  that  chief 
rendered  him  highly  ipialitied.  liut  as  he  was  not  chii^f  by  regular  descent, 
he  only  accepted  the  o*^ce  until  a  young  chief  should  be  of  age,  wlio,  it 
seems,  was  heir  afmareni.  It  is  said  he  had  long  lookinl  Ibrvvard  with  anxiety 
ti)  the  time  when  his  countrymen  should  become  Cliristiaiis,  and  «Mijoy  the 
benetitJ4  of  civilization  ;  "but  he  did  not  live  to  see  that  time,  tor  while  ac- 
com|)iinying  Cen.  .Mackintosh  with  his  army,  to  Muskingimi,  in  177d,  or  '!>,  he 
took  the  small-pox  and  died."f 

The  old  vhitii'  ,Yetawatwees  uaml  every  art  to  thwart  th(!  endeavors  of  U'hiit- 
eyes,  and,  as  they  were  rather  in  a  strain  bordering  upon  pei*s(;eutioii,  were 
only  sure  to  make  the  latter  more  strenuous.  He  tlierejbre  d.clared  "that 
no  prosperity  would  attend  the  Indian  atliiirs,  uidess  tiny  received  and 
believed  the  saving  gospel,"  &c.  IVhite-eyes  was  forced  about  this  time  to 
separate  him-felf  from  the  other  cliiofs.  "This  occasioned  great  and  general 
surprise,  and  his  presence  being  considered  both  by  the  chi(!lSiiiid  the  people 
as  indispensably  necessary,  a  negotiation  commeneeil,  and  some  Lidiaii  breth- 
ren were  a|)pointed  arbitrators.  The  event  was  beyond  expectation  success- 
ful, tor  cliiet  JSTetawalwees  not  ordy  acknowledged  the  injustice  dont;  to  Cap- 
tain friiUe-eye,  but  changed  his  mind  with  respect  to  the  believing  Indians 
and  their  teachers,  and  remained  their  constant  friend  to  his  death."  | 

At  the  breaking  out  of  the  revolutionary  war,  the  American  congi'ess 
endeavored  to  treat  with  the  chiefs  of  the  fcjix  Nations,  JUid  accordingly 
invited  the  Delawares  to  send  deputies.  IVhite-eyes  attended  on  the  part  of 
tile  Brethren,  and  his  conduct  beibre  the  comniis:!>ioners  was  highly  approved 
by  the  missionaries. 

Towanls  the  close  of  the  year  1770,  the  Ilurotis  sent  a  message  to  the 
Deliwares,  "that  they  must  keep  their  shoes  in  readiness  to  join  the  warriors." 
JVeltawdlwees  being  their  head  chief,  to  him,  consecpiently,  was  the  talk 
delivered,  lie  would  not  accept  the  message,  but  .sent  bells  to  the  Ilurons, 
with  an  admonition  for  their  rasii  resolution,  and  reminding  them  of  the 
misery  they  had  already  brought  upon  themselves.  Captain  ff'hite-eyes  was 
u  bearer  of  the  belts,  who  in  his  turn  was  as  unsuccessful  as  the  Huron  am- 
bassadors; for  when  they  were  delivered  to  the  chiefs  in  Fort  Detroit,  in 
presence  of  the  Knglish  governor,  he  cut  them  in  pieces,  and  threw  tlicm  at 
tht^  ieet  of  the  bearers,  ordering  them,  at  the  same  time,  to  depart  in  half  an 
liour.  He  accused  fVhile-eyea  of  a  connection  with  the  Americans,  and  told 
him  his  head  was  in  danger. 

It  is  not  strange  that  IVhUe-eyes  was  treated  in  this  manner,  if  he  took  the 
stand  at  the  commencement  oir  the  war,  which  we  suppose  from  the  ibllow- 
ing  circumstance  that  he  did :  The  Irocjuois,  being  chiefly  in  the  English 
interest,  and  considering  the  Delawares  bound  to  o|)eiate  with  them,  ord<;red 
them  to  be  in  readiness,  as  has  been  just  related.  Ui)ou  this  occasion,  IVhite- 
eiy^?  said  " he  should  do  as  he  |)leas'd;  that  lie  wore  no  petticoats,  as  they 
falsely  pretended ;  he  was  no  woman,  but  a  man,  and  they  should  find  him  to 
act  as  Buch."§ 

We  hear  nothing  more  of  importance  of  this  chief  until  1780,  which  was 
the  year  of  his  death.  He  died  at  rittsburgh,  in  Pennsylvania,  of  the  small- 
pox. Many  others  died  about  this  time,  among  whom  was  a  man  who  must 
have  been  very  old,  perhaps  near  120,  as  he  could  well  remember  when  the 
first  house  was  built  in  Pliiladel|)hia,  in  1G82,  being  then  a  boy. 

Although  White-eyes  was  so  friendly  to  the  Brethren,  yet  he  never  fully 
joined  them,  stating  his  political  station  as  a  reason. 

The  Delaware  nation  perpetuated  his  name ;  a  chief  signed  a  treaty  in 


,K    ••■■ 


*  Loskiel,  iii.  101—2. 
X  Losku-l,  iii.  lOl—S. 


t  Heckewelder'a  Biographies.  &c.,  in  Philos.  Trans. 
§  Heckewelder,  Hist.  22. 


9i 


PAXNOUS.-TADEUSKUND. 


fHooK  V. 


i 


'i"'V',  • 


s/t' 


1814,  nt  Ornonvillo,  in  Ohio,  bfiuriiif^  it.*  ff kite-eyes'  town  is  firqiipntiv  nifii- 
tionrtl  in  history.  It  wns  the  place  of  hin  ruMiduu'cc,  which  was  ncur  tliv  IiiIIh 
of  the  .MiiHkin^Min. 

l'AX.\l>LS  wiiH  head  chief  of  the  ShnwnnrHc  in  ]7.')4.  At  thirt  tinu^  the 
ChriHtiiin  Ituiiiins  of  tiie  Moravitin  Hi'tticnutnt,  (inmi«Mihn<>ttcn,  wcvv  o|i|)n'.<is- 
•'(1  hy  a  tribute  tc.  ihi^  IlwnxiH.  'I'hiH  yt'ur,  Pitrnoua  niul  Gideon  Ttuleu.ikinul, 
wiio  had  l>«M-otii«t  diMMMitcrH,  cuine  to  lli«'ni,  and  dclivi-rcd  thi;  lollowin;; 
in(!H«a>ro  :  "  'i'ho  »;nat  head,  tiiat  is,  the  eoiuicii  <)f  the  Iroquois  in  Onontlajfo. 
s|»enl{  the  trntti  and  lie  not:  tliey  rejoice  tiiat  some  of  tlie  brlieviiii;  Imlians 
have  ni)»ved  to  Wajoniick,  [ne.ir  Wilk.shnr^  and  the  SiiM(]uehannali,|  hut  now 
hey  litt  ii|)  the  niiiiainin)^  MahikaiiH  and  Dehiwares,  atid  .set  thiin  idso  down 
in  VVajoiriick  ;  for  tiiere  a  fire  is  kindled  tor  iheiri,  and  tliere  they  may  |)lam 
und  think  of  (iod.  Unt  if  they  will  not  hear,  the  i^reat  iiead,  or  luiincil, 
will  come  and  clean  their  earn  with  a  red-hot  iron;"  that  is,  set  tlu.'ir  Iiouhcs 
on  fin;,  and  si'inl  hnllets  throufrli  their  heads.  The  next  year,  I'axmus  and 
!■')  others  catne  u<;ain,  and  in  the  name  of  the  Ilnrons  demanded  an  answer 
to  tiie  snininons  lie  had  delivered  last  year.  His  wife  attended  him,  ami  tlur 
whom  li(!  had  fireut  atlection,  liavini,'  then  lived  with  iier  'W  years.  She, 
hoin<r  toiirhed  by  thi;  |)reachin<;  of  the  Hnttiiren,  was  no  doubt  tin  Ciinse  of 
80flenin<'  the  heart  of  Paxnous,  und  cansinjj  him  thenceforth  to  do  nnicli  lor 
theni.  This  answer  was  retnnitd  to  bini  to  l)ear  to  the  llurons:  "Tlic 
Brethren  will  confix  with  the  Iroi|Uois  themselves,  conrrrning  the  intended 
removal  of  the  Indians  from  Gnadenhnetten  to  Wajomick."  Pnriiouit,  "  lieiiij: 
only  an  amlHissudor  in  this  business,  was  satistVed,  and  even  furmrd  a  <-Ioser 
acquaintance  with  the  Brethren."  This  is  siifhcient  to  explain  Pammis'  par- 
♦iulity  for  the  Brethren.  Before  they  de[)arted,  his  wife  was  buptiicd,  und 
all  pn's«!nt,  among  whom  was  her  husband,  were  much  afltMted.  She 
declared,  as  she  returned  iiome,  "that  she  felt  as  happy  as  a  child  new  born.'*' 
Paxitmia  also  had  two  sons,  who  did  much  for  the  Bretluen. 

TADEUSKIJND,  a  noted  chief  among  the  Dela wares,  niay  b«  considerett 
next  in  importance  to  those  above  named.  He  was  known  among  the 
Knglish,  previous  to  1750,  by  the  name  Honest-John.  About  this  time,  Ik 
was  received  into  the  Moravian  connnimity,  and  attcsr  some  delay,  "  owing 
to  bis  wavering  disposition,"  was  baptized,  and  receivi  d  into  fellow  ship.  His 
baptismal  name  was  Gideon,  lie  uahered  to  tlie  missionaries  just  as  h)iig  as 
his  condition  appeared  to  be  better,  but  when  any  thing  more  favorable  oiier- 
ed,  he  stood  ready  to  embark  in  it. 

The  Christian  Indians  at  (Jnaiienhuetten  were  desirous  of  removing  to 
VVajoMuek,  which  offered  more  advantages  than  that  place,  and  this  was  a 
.T,uTet  desire  of  the  wild  Indians;  for  they,  intending  to  join  the  French  of 
Canadji,  wished  to  have  them  out  of  the  way  of  their  excursions,  that  they 
might  with  m(n*e  secrecy  fall  upon  the  English  frontiers.    It  was  now  1754. 

Meanwhile  Thdeiiskund  hud  hud  the  offer  of  leuding  the  Deluwares  in  the 
war,  and  hence  he  had  been  a  chief  promoter  of  a  removal  to  Wajoniick. 
The  missionaries  saw  through  the  plot,  and  refused  to  move ;  but  quite  a 
company  of  their  followers,  to  the  number  of  about  70,  went  thither,  agree- 
ably to  the  wishes  of  Tadeuskund  and  his  party,  and  some  went  oft'  to  other 
places. 

Tadeuskund  wns  now  in  his  element,  marehing  to  and  from  the  French  in 
warlike  style.  When  Paxnous,  us  has  been  related,  s'unmoned  the  remain- 
ing believers  at  Gnadeidiuetten  to  rt;move  to  Wajomick,  Tadeuskund  accom- 
panied liim.  As  the  interest  of  the  French  began  to  decline,  Tadeuskund 
began  to  think  about  making  a  shilt  again.  Having  lived  a  considerable 
part  of  the  year  1758  not  far  Irom  Bethlehem,  with  about  100  of  his  follow- 
ers, be  gave  the  Brethren  there  intimations  that  he  wished  again  to  join 
them  ;  und  even  requested  that  some  one  would  preach  on  his  side  of  the 
Lehigh.  But  the  hopes  of  his  reclaim  were  soon  after  dissipated.  And  "  ho 
now  even  endeavored  to  destroy  the  peace  und  comfort  of  the  Indian  con- 
gregation," From  the  discouraging  nature  of  the  affairs  of  the  French,  ten 
Indian  nations  were  induced  to  send  deputies  to  treat  with  the  English  at 

*  See  Hisi.  Second  War,  by  S.  R  Brmm.  Appciioi.^,  105. 


i^ 


rnooK  V. 

qrientlv  nipii- 
near  tlie  t'ulU 

tliii*  tiiru!,  iIh- 
Tmlfunkiitul, 

tllll    I'ollowilijr 

in  Oiioiiilajr,), 
!viii^  liiiliiiiirt 
lull,!  lint  now 
III  hIm)  ilowij 
■y  iniiy  plaiii 
I,  or  coniiiil, 
tlu'ir  liou.sfs 
I'dfiimin  1111(1 
tl  an  uiiswcr 
liiiii,  iiiul  Ibr 
Vfar.x.  She. 
tllr  tNin.st;  ())■ 
•lo  iiiiicli  Ibr 
irons:  "Tlic 
the  iiitciKlfd 

tni'd  II  ctoser 
^rtrnojw'  par- 
uptizcd,  uuii 
♦-•(•ted.  Slid 
J  new  born.'' 

e  coiisiderctt 
among  tin- 
tlittt  time,  Ik 
slay,  "  owinjc 
msliip.  His 
St  as  loii<;  as 
oruble  oflbr- 

r(<moviiig  to 
d  tliis  was  a 
i  FroBch  of 
IIS,  tiiat  tliej 
s  now  1754. 
v^ares  in  tli(.> 

Wujoniicii. 

but  quite  a 
ithcr,  a;2rree- 
ott'  to  otlicr 

B  French  in 
the  remain- 
und  accoiii- 
Tadeuskund 
lonsiderable 
his  follow- 
fain  to  join 
side  of  the 
And  "  ho 
Indian  con- 
Prencli,  ten 
English  at 


CnkT.  n.]       MASSACRE  AT  aNADENHUETTEN— SKENANDO. 


29 


Eafltoii,  which  rvontiiated  in  a  treaty  of  peuce.  Ta/leiukund  pretended  tiint 
this  treaty  had  Imen  agreed  to  on  eoiiditioti  that  K<>vertiineht  HJioiild  hiiild  a 
town  on  the  SiiNcpiehantiah  for  the  Indians,  and  euiis(>  tlioHi;  living  with  the 
Brethren  to  reiiiovi;  to  it.  'I'his  his  enemies  denied.  Then^  was  somt^  Dtiin- 
dntion,  from  tliiir  own  neeoimt,  for  T(ukitskuinl\i  pretending  to  have  received 
tUII  i*oiiiiiiissi()n  to  eondiict  all  the  Indians  within  certain  limits,  which 
included  those  of  liethleheni,  to  VVajomiek ;  and  ther<;fore  demanded  their 
coinplianre  with  his  conunands.  He  was  liberal  in  his  jiromiNes,  iirovided 
they  woidd  com|  ly ;  saying,  thev  nhonld  have  fields  chared  and  ploughed, 
houses  built,  aini  provisions  provided :  not  only  so,  but  th(;ir  teachers  should 
atten«l  them,  to  live  there  immolested,  and  the  believers  entirely  by  them- 
selves. Hut,  through  tlu!  influence  of  their  priests,  they  would  not  comply, 
which  occasioned  Mome  .hreats  from  Tndeuakund,  and  he  immediately  set 
off  Ibr  Philadelphia,  considerably  irritated. 

Tmkuskund  went  to  I'hiladetphia  in  consequence  of  an  intended  general 
congress  of  tht;  Indians  and  English,  including  all  those  who  did  not  attttnd 
at  Kastoii.  When  he  returned,  he  (h'inanded  a  positive  answtjr,  and  they 
replied  that  they  would  not  remove  unless  the  governor  and  all  the  chiefs  so 
determined,  for  that  th(  y  could  not  without  the  gr  atest  inconvenience.  This 
seemed  to  satisfy  hitn,  and  he  left  them. 

The  great  council  or  congress  of  English  and  Indians  at  Easton  above 
referred  to,  being  of  much  importance  in  Indian  history,  as  also  illustrative 
of  other  eminent  cliaractcrs  as  well  as  tliat  of  Ttdeuakund,  wo  will  refer  its 
details  to  a  separate  chapter. 

Tculeuskund  was  burnt  to  death  in  his  own  house  at  Wajoniick  in  April, 
17(W. 

Of  an  execrable  murder  at  Gnadenhuetten  we  have  not  spoken,  as  we  have 
not  learned  the  name  of  the  leaders  in  or  instigators  of  it;  liowever,  it  will 
not  be  proper  to  pass  it  over  in  detailing  the  events  of  our  history.  It  hap- 
pened in  the  time  of  the  French  and  Indian  wars,  in  1755.  Although  it  is 
generally  spoken  of  as  the  massacre  of  Gnadenhuetten,  yet  it  did  not  happen 
in  that  town,  but  in  a  small  village  on  Mahony  Creek,  about  a  half  a  mile 
from  it.  On  the  24  November,  u  band  of  Itidians,  (their  numbers  unknown,) 
who  came  from  the  French,  fell  suddenly  upon  the  place,  while  the  Hretliren 
were  at  supper,  and  killed  eleven  persons  ;  namely,  seven  men,  three  wonuMi, 
and  one  child  15  montlis  old.  Only  two  men,  one  woman,  and  a  lioy, 
escaped.  The  slaughter  woidd  have  been  far  jfreater,  if  lae  Christian  Lidians 
had  not  been  away  at  that  time  ut)oh  a  Inintmg  excursion.  Had  not  a  dog 
given  the  alarm,  as  the  Indians  approached,  they  would  probably  have  taken 
all  tlie  whites  prisoners;  but  the  moment  the  dog  gave  the  alarm,  those 
within  the  house  sprung  to  the  doors  and  windows  to  secure  them,  which 
being  open,  the  Indians  fired  into  them,  killing  one  man  mid  woiuniing 
several  other  persons.  The  poor  peoph;  succeeded  in  'securing  the  (h)ors 
and  windows,  and  then  retreated  into  tlie  garret  of  the  house.  'Ihis,  as  they 
tnust  have  expected,  they  found  a  wretched  retreat !  tfie  roof  over  their 
heads  was  soon  in  flames,  and  the  only  persons  that  escaped  were  a  man 
and  his  wife,  and  a  boy,  which  they  eflfected  thrctgh  the  burning  roof!  One 
more,  a  man  who  had  been  confined  in  an  out-huuse  by  sickness,  e8ca|)ed 
from  a  window.  All  the  buildings  in  the  village,  the  cattle  and  other  animals 
in  the  barns,  were  consumed  in  the  flames !  * 

The  leader  of  this  party,  whose  name  it  is  as  well  I  cannot  give,  soon  met 
with  a  requital  for  his  murders.  By  the  influence  of  the  Governor  of  Penn- 
sylvania, and  Mr.  George  Croghan,  the  hostile  Indians  were  prevailed  upon 
to  meet  the  whites  in  a  council  at  Easton,  the  next  year,  viz.  175(1.  This 
Indian  captain  set  out  to  attend  the  council,  and  in  the  way,  it  seems,  he  fell 
in  company  with  Tadeuskund.  Witli  this  cliief  he  contrived,  some  liow  oi 
other,  to  get  up  a  quarrel,  in  which  Tadeuskund  killed  him.f 

SKENANDO,  thougli  belonging  to  a  later  age,  may  very  properly  he 
noticed  here.  He  was  an  Oneida  chief,  contemponiry  with  tlie  missionary 
Kirkland,  to  whom  he  became  a  convert,  and  lived  many  years  of  the  latter 


•  •i 

m 

* 

•      I" 

■| 

.:.i 

>.  •••. 


&.::i 


*  Heckeioclder's  Narrative,  44. 
3* 


t  Ibid.  51, 52. 


30 


SKENANDO.— MEMORABLE  SPEECH. 


[Book  V. 


m^r  ;■• 


im^4. 


.."'•'•SV 


part  of  his  life  a  believer  in  Cliristianity.  Mr.  Kirkland  died  at  Paris,  N 
Vork,  in  1808,  and  was  buried  near  Oneida.  Skenando  desired  to  be  buried 
near  him  at  iiis  death,  which  was  granted.  He  lived  to  be  110  years  old, 
and  was  ollen  visited  by  strangers  out  of  curiosity.  He  said  to  one  who 
visited  him  I  *  a  little  time  l)eibre  his  death,  "/  am  an  aged  hemlock ;  the 
winds  of  an  hundred  uinters  have  whistled  through  my  branches ;  I  am  dead  at 
the  top.     The  generation  to  which  I  beL        f  lias  run  away  and  left  me." 

In  early  life,  he  was,  like  nearly  all  of  his  race,  given  to  intoxication.  In 
1775,  he  was  at  Albany  to  settle  soine  affairs  of  his  tribe  with  the  govern- 
ment of  New  York.  One  night  he  became  drunk,  and  in  the  morning  found 
himself  in  the  street,  nearly  naked,  every  thing  of  worth  suipped  Ironi  him, 
even  the  sign  of  his  chieflainship.  This  brought  him  to  a  sense  of  liis 
duty,  and  he  was  never  more  known  to  be  intoxicated.  He  was  a  powerful 
chief,  and  the  Americans  did  not  fail  to  engage  him  on  their  side  in  the  rev- 
olution. This  was  congenial  to  kis  mind,  lor  he  always  urged  the  rights  of 
the  i)rior  occupants  of  the  soil,  and  once  opi)csed  the  Americans  on  the 
same  principle,  for  encroachments  upon  the  red  men.  Ho  rendered  his 
adopted  Anglo  brethren  important  services. 

From  the  "  Annals  of  Tryon  County,"  *  we  learn  that  Skenando  died  on 
the  11  March,  1816.  He  lett  an  only  son.  And  the  same  author  ol)serve8 
that  "  his  person  was  tall,  well  made,  and  robust.  His  countenance  was 
intelligent,  and  displayed  all  the  peculiar  dignity  of  an  Indiar  chief  In  his 
youtii  he  was  a  brave  and  intrejjid  warrior,  and  in  his  ripe;  ye- rs,  one  of 
the  noblest  counsellors  among  the  North  American  tribes  :"  and  that,  in  the 
revolutionary  war,  by  his  vigilance  he  preserved  the  settlpicsnt  of  German 
Flats  from  being  destroyed. 

We  will  close  the  present  chapter  with  some  of  the  land  transactions  with 
the  Indians  in  Pennsylvania. 

I{y  his  last  will.  Governor  Penn  devised  his  grandson,  William  Penn, 
and  his  heirs,  10,000  acres  of  land  to  be  laid  out  "in  projier  and  benehcial 
places  in  tiiis  province,  by  his  trustees."  fViUiam  Penn,  the  grandson,  sold 
out  this  land  to  a  gentleman,  Mr.  fVilliam  Alien,  a  great  land-jobber.  By  a 
little  maimgement  Allen  got  this  land  located,  generally,  where  he  desired. 
One  eciisiderable  tract  included  part  of  Minisink,  and  no  previous  arninge- 
ment  iiad  been  made  with  those  Indians.  It  would  be  very  charitable  to 
suppose,  that  the  trustees  intended,  and  tliat  perhaps  they  did  not  doubt,  hut 
the  same  course  would  be  pursued  in  purchasing  of  tlie  Indians  as  had  been 
be)()re,  by  others  ;  but  no  sooner  had  the  new  i)roprietor  got  the  lands  sur- 
veyed to  him,  than  he  began  to  sell  it  to  those  that  would  go  on  at  once  and 
settle  it. 

Hence  we  clearly  see  the  road  opened  for  all  difficulties.  About  the  same 
time  proposals  were  published  ibr  a  land  lotteiy,  and  by  the  conditions  of 
these  i)roposals,  not  the  least  notice  was  taken,  or  the  least  reserve  made,  of 
the  rights  of  the  Indians.  But  on  the  contrary,  such  persons  as  had  settled 
upon  lands  that  did  not  belong  to  them,  were,  in  case  they  drew  prizes,  to 
remain  unmolested  upon  the  lands  of  the  Indians.  By  this  means  mucii  of 
the  land  in  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware,  since  Fasten  and  vicinity,  as  well  us 
other  places,  became  taken  up,  by  this  kind  of  gambling,  and  the  Indians 
were  tlnis  crowded  from  it.  They  for  some  time  complained,  and  at  length 
began  to  tlireatpu,  but  the  event  was  war  and  bloodshed. 

To  still  the  clamors  of  these  injured  people,  recourse  was  had  to  as  great 
abuses  as  had  already  been  practised :  crimes  were  sought  to  be  clouded 
by  lK)ld  stratdTcm.  The  Iroquois  were  connived  with,  and  they  canie  for- 
ward, .  ..iinrmed  the  doings  of  the  land-jobbers,  and  ordered  the  Delawares 
to  leave  their  country.  They  were  to  choose  one  of  two  horns  of  a  wretched 
dilemma.  The  power  of  the  Iroquois  could  not  be  withstood,  backed  as  it 
was  l)y  the  English.  They  ordered  the  poor  Delawares  to  remove,  or  they 
would  destroy  them,  as  in  the  life  of  Canasatego  will  be  found  related. 

A  sort  of  claim  was  obtained  to  some  of  the  disputed  lands,  in  a  simi- 
lar a  manner  as  Georgia  got  hers  of  some  of  the  Creek  country  not  many 


Hy  W.  W.  Campbell. 


■■.V?f' 


[Book  V. 

at  Paris,  N 
o  be  buried 

0  years  old, 
to  one  who 
hemlock;  the 

am  dead  at 
Tie." 

acation.  In 
the  f.'((vern- 
iriiing  Ibiuid 

1  Iroiii  him, 
sense  of  iiis 
8  u  poweHiil 

in  the  rev- 
le  rights  of 
cans  on  the 
eudered  his 

ido  died  on 

or  ottserves 

enance  was 

liief.    In  iiis 

rs,  one  of 

that,  in  the 

of  German 

actions  with 

tlliam  Penn, 
d  beneficial 
muson,  sold 
bber.  By  a 
he  desired. 
)ii8  arrange- 
;harituhle  to 
It  doubt,  hut 
as  had  been 
B  lands  sur- 
at  once  and 

ut  the  same 
)nditions  of 
ve  made,  of 

had  settled 
!W  prizes,  to 
ns  much  of 
y,  as  well  as 

the  Indians 
nd  at  length 

to  as  great 
be  clouded 
y  came  for- 
!  Delawares 
'  a  wretched 
lacked  as  it 
nve,  or  they 
lated. 

,  in  a  simi- 
■y  not  many 


Chap.  II.j 


FRAUDS  OF  THE   WHITES. 


31 


years  since.  At  one  time,  a  party  of  a  deputation  having  remained  upon 
the  ground  eh  ven  days  after  the  others  had  gone  home,  were  by  kind- 
nesses prevailed  upon  to  sign  a  writing,  relinquishing  all  their  right  to  lands 
upon  Delaware.  These  were  Indians  of  the  Six  Nations,  and  had  deeded 
lands  on  the  Susquehannah  just  before,  with  those  who  had  gone  home. 
Why  the  proprietors  did  not  include  the  lands  on  Delaware  in  tneir  first 
deed,  when  the  deputation  were  all  together,  is  a  ffood  deal  singular,  but 
requires  no  explanation.  Yet  certain  it  is,  those  who  n^mained  and  gave  a 
writing  quit-claiming  lands  on  Delaware,  had  no  consideration  for  so  doing. 
This  writing  expresses  only  that  they  intended  in  the  Ibrmer  deed  to  in- 
clude said  lands. 

That  the  Delawares  or  Chihohockies  (which  was  iheir  real  name)  were, 
nulil  some  time  subsequent  to  17;36,  entirely  independent  of  the  Iroquois,  is 
beyond  a  doubt  true,  although,  from  sinister  motives,  there  were  those  who 
maintained  that  they  were  always  subject  to  them.  It  is  true,  that,  when  by 
a  lon<:  intercourse  with  the  whites  they  had  lost  much  of  their  energy  and 
character  us  a  nation,  the  haughty  Six  Nations  found  little  dilHcuky  in  sedu- 
cing some  tribes  of  them  to  join  them,  and  of  forcing  others  to  obey  them.  A 
circumstance  which  cleari;,'  proves  this,  is,  that  in  the  first  treaties  of  sales 
of  land  by  the  Six  Nations  to  the  Pennsylvanians,  they  did  not  presume  to 
convey  any  lands  to  the  east  of  the  sources  of  the  streams  that  were  trib- 
utary to  the  Susquehannah  ;  the  assertions  of  some  of  the  speech-makers 
among  the  Six  Nations,  to  the  contrary,  however.* 

The  celebrated  chief  Tadeuskund,  of  whom  we  have  already  spoken  in 
detail,  gave  the  following  very  pointed  account  of  the  manner  in  which  the 
whites  had  conducted  in  getting  his  people's  lands  I'rauduleutly.  It  was  at  the 
conlerence  in  Easton,  in  November,  1750.  Tadeuskund  was  present  as  the 
representative  of  "four  nations,"  viz.  the  Chihohockies,  the  Wanamies,  the 
Munseys  and  Wapingers.  Governor  Denny  requested  the  Indiiuis  to  state 
the  reasons  for  their  late  hostile  movements.  Tadeuskund :  "  I  have  not  liir  to 
go  for  an  instance.  This  very  ground  that  is  under  me  (striking  it  with  his 
foot)  was  my  land  and  inheritance,  and  it  is  taken  from  me  by  f^'aud.  [This  was 
ill  the  Forks  of  the  Delaware.]  When  I  say  this  ground,  I  mean  all  the  land 
lying  between  Tohiccon  Creek  and  Wyoming,  on  the  River  Susquehannah. 
1  have  not  only  been  served  so  in  this  government,  but  the  same  thing  has 
been  done  to  me,  as  to  several  tracts  in  New  Jersey,  over  the  river."  On 
the  governoi-'s  asking  him  what  he  meant  by  Iraud,  he  answered :  "  When 
one  man  had  fbrnier'^  liberty  to  purchase  lands,  and  he  took  the  deed  from 
the  Indians  for  it,  and  then  dies;  after  his  de;ith  his  children  forge  a  deed 
like  the  true  one,  with  the  same  Indian  names  to  it,  and  thereby  tuke  lands 
from  the  Indians  which  they  never  sold  ;  this  is  fraud.  Also  when  one  king 
hiis  hind  beyond  the  river,  and  another  king  has  land  on  this  side,  both 
bounded  by  rivers,  mountains  and  springs  which  cannot  be  moved  ,  and  the 
l)ro[)rietaries,  greedy  to  purchase  lands,  buy  of  one  king  what  belongs  to 
anotlier;  this  likewise  isym?«^." 

Then  the  governor  asked  Tadeuskund  whether  he  had  been  served  so? 
He  said,  "  Yes,  I  have  been  served  so  in  this  province;  all  the  land  extend- 
ing from  Tohiccon,  over  the  great  mountain,  to  Wyoming,  has  been  taken 
from  me  by  fraud  ;  for  when  I  had  agriied  to  sell  land  to  the  old  proprietary, 
by  the  course  of  the  river,  the  young  iiroprietaries  came  and  got  it  run  by  a 
siraiirht  course,  by  the  compass,  and  by  that  means  took  in  double  the  quantity 
intended  to  be  sol(l."f 

The  meaning  of  Tadeuskund  will  be  fully  explained  in  what  we  are  about 
to  lay  belbre  the  reader.  The  laiidri  .iltove  the  Kittatinny  Mountains  were 
not  intendetl  to  be  sold  by  the  Delawares,  but  the  whites  found  means  to  en- 
croach upon  them,  and  by  the  aid  of  the  Irocjuois,  as  belbre  noted,  were  able 
not  only  to  maintain  but  to  extend  their  encroachments.  It  will  be  well  to 
bear  in  mind  that  the  lands  conveyed  to  William  Penn  in  1G85,  included  the 
country  from  Duck  Creek,  or  Uuingqinngus  to  the  Kittatinny  Hills;  and  to 
bear  in  mind,  also,  how  purchases  were  made,  so  as  to  admit  of  contention  ; 


*  See  rroud's  Pa.,  ii.  334. 


t  Ibid.  ii.  333. 


♦  "    .  ' 

Ii 

■  V-     ', 

h  'Mm 

^"  IM 

1 

-   s 

'^li 

/  .■-' 

-| 

Ji 

"-ijii 

•■:Ml 

%;¥■ 

■'^n 

■;>r^\:^ 

'  .•.."* 

■:ii  '•:■ 


::i--%-'-<y 


32 


INDIAN  DEED  TO  WILLIAM  PENN. 


[Book  V. 


•  If 

.1 


Vi'!. 


sometimes,  doubtless,  for  the  secret  intention  of  taking  advantage,  and  at 
others  from  inability  to  fill  certain  blanks  in  the  deeds  at  the  time  they  were 
given.  As  for  example,  when  a  tract  of  land  was  to  extend  in  a  certain 
direction  upon  a  straight  line,  or  by  a  river,  "as  far  as  a  man  can  walk  in  a 
day,"  tiie  point  to  be  arrived  at  must  necessarily  be  lell  blank,  until  at  some 
future  time  it  should  be  walked.  This  manner  of  giving  and  recei',  ijig  deeds, 
it  is  easy  to  see,  threw  into  the  hands  of  sordid  purchasers,  every  udvantajre 
over  the  Indians.  In  one  instance  they  complain  that  the  "  walker  "  run ;  m 
another,  that  "  he  walked  after  it  was  night,"  and  so  on. 

The  Indians  had  deeded  lands  in  this  way  to  JVilliam  Penn,  and  no  advan- 
tage was  taken  on  his  part ;  but  wher.  he  was  dead,  and  others  became  pro- 
prietors, the  difficulties  arose,  of  which  Tadeiiskund  reminded  the  whites  at 
Easton  ;  and  this  will  illustrate  what  has  just  been  given  from  his  speech  to 
Governor  Denny  at  that  time. 

Tlie  deed  to  fVilliam  Penn,  to  which  we  in  particular  refer,  was  given  in 
lfii"*5,  and  ran  thus  : — 

"  This  Iwdenture  witnesssth,  that.  We,  Packenak,  Jarckhxtn,  Sikals,  Part- 
quesott,  Jervis  Essepenavk,  Felklroy,  Hekellappan,  Econus,  Machloha,  Metthconga, 
Wissa  Poivey,  Indian  Kings,  Sachemakers,  right  owners  of  all  lands,  from 
Quingquingus,  called  Duck  Creek,  unto  Upland  called  Chester  Creek,  ail 
along  by  the  west  side  of  Delaware  river,  and  so  between  the  said  creeks 
l)ackwHrds  as  far  as  a  man  can  ride  in  two  days  loith  a  horse,  for  and  in  con- 
sideration of  these  following  goods  to  us  in  hand  paid,  and  secureil  to  be 
j)aid,  by  JVilliam  Penn,  proprietary  and  governor  of  the  province  of  Penn- 
sylvania and  territories  thereof!  viz.  20  guns,  20  fathoms  match-coat,  20 
fathoms  Stroudwater.  20  blankets,  20  kettles,  20  pounds  powder,  100  bars  of 
lead,  40  tomahawks,  100  knives,  40  pairs  of  stockings,  1  barrel  of  beer, 
20  pounds  red  lead,  lOU  tathoms  wamiJum,  30  glass  bottles,  30  pewter  spoons, 
100  awl-blades,  300  tobacco  pipes,  100  hands  of  tobacco,  20  tobacco  tongs, 
20  steels,  300  flints,  30  pair  of  scissors,  30  combs,  60  looking-glasses,  200 
needles,  one  skipple  of  salt,  30  pounds  sugar,  5  gallons  molasses,  20  tobacco 
boxes,  100  jews-harps,  20  hoes,  30  gimblets,  30  wooden  screw  boxes,  100 
string  of  beads. — Do  hereby  acknowledge,  &c.  given  under  our  hands,  &.c. 
at  New  Castle,  second  day  of  the  eighth  month,  1685." 

We  will  now  proceed  to  take  further  notice  of  Tadeuskimd's  charges  at 
the  Easton  conference,  before  spoken  of  The  manner  of  ff^'Uliam  Allen!s 
becoming  proprietor  has  been  stated.  In  1736,  de[)utie8  from  the  Six 
Nations  sold  the  proprietor  all  the  "lands  lying  between  the  mouth  of  Sus- 
quehannah  and  Kittatinny  Hills,  extending  eastward  as  far  as  the  heads  of 
the  branches  or  springs  which  run  into  the  said  Susquehaiuiah."  Hence 
this  grant  did  not  intertrire  at  all  with  the  lands  of  the  Delavvares,  and  may 
be  urged  as  an  evidence,  that  the  Six  Nations  had  no  right  to  them  ;  fbi-,  if 
they  had,  why  were  they  not  rrged  to  sell  them  before  the  breaking  I'p  of 
the  conference  ?  and  not,  as  we  have  before  mentioned,  waited  eleven  days, 
until  all  the  head  men  had  gone,  and  then  to  have  got  a  release  from  the  few 
that  remained  !  It  is  therefore  vt  ry  evident  that  this  could  not  be  done  when 
all  were  present,  or  the  latter  coirse  would  not  have  been  resorted  to.  Not- 
withstanding the  proprietor  had  granped  at  the  lands  on  Delaware,  by  a 
partial  transaction  with  a  few  of  a  deputation,  he,  nevertheless,  soon  man- 
ifested that  he  considered  his  right  as  not  beyond  question,  by  his  assembling 
the  Delaware  chiefs  the  next  year,  1737,  to  treat  furtlier  upon  it.  The  names 
of  these  iefs  were  Monokykickan,  Lappawinzoe,  Tishekunk  and  JWttimus,* 
At  this  conference  a  release  was  obtained  from  them,  the  j)reamble  of  which 
set  forth, 

"That  Tishekunk  and  J^utimus  had,  about  t^.ree  years  before,  begun  a 
treaty  at  Durham  with  John  and  Thomas  Penn ;  that  from  thence  another 

*  His  name  sig-nified,  a  striker  offish  with  a  spear,  lleckewelder.  lie  was  generally 
callcM  Pontius  Nutamaeus—an  exrellenl  man,  who  never  <lr,iiik  liquor.  lie  was  born  on  the 
spot  where  I'liiladelphia  now  stands,  removed  to  Ohio  about  1715,  died  on  the  Muskingmn  in 
1780,  aged  about  100  years.  He  had  a  brother  who  was  called  Isaac  Nutimus,  and  like  him 
was  a  very  amiable  man,  and  died  about  the  same  time.    lb. 


'    I 


[Book  V. 

age,  and  at 
e  they  were 
in  a  certain 
n  walk  in  a 
iitil  ut  some 
•iig  deeds, 
y  udvantaf.'e 
er"  run;  m 

1  no  advan- 
Jecanie  pro- 
he  whites  at 
s  si)eech  to 

as  given  in 

Sikals,  Part- 
Metthconga, 
lauds,  Ironi 
r  Creik,  all 
said  creeks 
and  in  con- 
cured  to  be 
;e  of  Penn- 
itch-coat,  20 
100  bars  of 
n.l  of  beer, 
vter  spoons, 
)acco  tongs, 
glasses,  200 
20  tobacco 
boxes,  100 
hands,  &c. 

charges  at 
liam  Men^s 
m  the  Six 
uth  of  Siis- 
e  heads  of 
ih."  Hence 
es,  and  may 
lein ;  for,  if 
king  I'p  of 
ileven  days, 
roni  the  (gv/ 

done  when 
d  to.  Not- 
iware,  by  a 

soon  nian- 
assenibling 
The  names 
I  JVutimus.* 
le  of  which 

e,  begun  a 
ice  another 


was  2;enerally 
,s  born  on  ihe 
Muskingum  in 
,  aud  like  him 


Chap.  11.] 


TITLES  TO  INDIAN  L.VNDS. 


33 


meeting  was  appohited  to  be  at  Pennsbury  the  next  spring,  to  which  they 
repaired  with  Lappawinzoe,  and  several  othera  of  the  Delaware  Indians ; 
that,  at  this  meeting,  several  deeds  were  shown  to  them  for  several  tracts  of 
land  which  their  forclathers  hud  more  tlian  50  years  ago  sold  to  William  Fenn  ; 
and,  in  particular,  one  deed,  from  Mnykeerikkialio,  Sayhoppey  and  Taugh- 
kaughsey^  the  chiefs  or  kings  of  the  Northern  Indians  on  Delaware,  wiio  lor  a 
tertain  ()uantity  of  goods,  had  granted  to  William  Penn  a  tract  of  land,  begin- 
ning on  a  line  drawn  from  a  certain  spruce-tree  on  the  River  Delaware,  by 
a  west-north-west  course  to  Neshameny  Creek,  from  thence  back  into  th'> 
woods  as  far  as  a  man  could  go  in  a  day  and  a  luilf,  and  bounded  on  the  west 
by  Neshameny,  or  the  most  westerly  branch  thereot|  so  far  as  the  said  brancli 
(loth  extend,  and  from  thence  by  a  line  [blank]  to  llio  utmost  extent  of  the 
day  and  half's  walk,  and  from  thence  [blank]  to  the  aforesaid  River  Delaware, 
and  so  down  the  courses  of  the  river  to  the  tirst  mentioned  spruce  tree ;  and 
that  this  appeared  to  be  true  by  William  Biles  and  Joseph  Wood,  who,  upon 
their  atiirmation,  did  declare,  that  they  well  remembered  the  treaty  held  by 
the  agents  of  William  Penn  and  those  Indians ;"  '•  that  they  were  now  come  to 
Philadelphia  with  their  chief  Monokyhickan,  and  several  other  old  men,  and 
upon  a  former  treaty  held  upon  the  same  subject,  acknowledge  themselves 
satisfied  that  the  above  descril)ed  tract  was  granted  by  the  persons  above 
mentioned,  for  which  reason,  they  the  said  Monokyhickan,  Lappamnzoe,  Ti- 
shekunk  aud  JVutimus,  agree  to  release  to  the  proprietors  all  right  to  tliat  tract, 
and  desire  that  it  may  be  walked,  travelled,  or  gone  over  by  persons  ap- 
jjointed  for  that  purpose." 

Now  it  must  be  borne  in  mind,  that  by  former  treaties  the  Lechay  Hills, 
which  I  take  to  mean  the  Lehigh  Mountains,  were  to  be  the  boundaries,  in 
all  time  to  come,  on  the  north :  meanwhile  we  will  proceed  to  describe  the 
tnanner  the  luiid  was  walked  out,  of  which  we  have  been  speaking. 

"  The  relation  which  Thomas  Furniss,  sadler,  gives  concerning  the  day  and 
a  half's  walk,  made  between  the  proprietors  of  Pennsylvania  and  the  Delaware 
hidians,  by  James  Yeates  and  Edward  Marshall' 

"  At  the  time  of  the  walk  I  was  a  dweller  at  Newton,  and  a  near  neighbor 
to  James  Yeates.  My  situation  gave  him  an  easy  opportunity  of  acquainting 
me  with  the  time  of  setting  out,  as  it  did  me  of  hearing  the  diilerent  senti- 
ments of  the  neighborhood  concerning  the  walk ;  some  alleging  it  was  to  be 
made  by  the  river,  others  that  it  was  to  be  gone  upon  a  straight  line  from 
somewhere  in  Wright's-towu,  opposite  to  a  spruce-tree  upon  the  river's  bank, 
said  to  be  a  boundary  to  a  former  purchase.  When  the  walkers  started  I 
was  a  little  behind,  but  was  informed  they  proceeded  from  a  chestnut-tree 
near  the  turning  out  of  the  road  from  Durham  road  to  John  Chapman's,  aud 
being  on  horseback,  overtook  them  before  they  reached  Buckingham,  and  kept 
company  for  some  distance  beyond  the  Blue  Mountains,  though  not  quite  to 
the  end  of  the  journey.  Two  Indians  attended,  whom  I  considered  as  depu- 
ties appointed  by  the  Delaware  nation,  to  see  the  walk  honestly  perlbrnied. 
One  of  them  repeatedly  expressed  his  dissatisiiictiou  therewith.  The  first 
day  of  the  walk,  before  we  reached  Durham  creek,  where  we  dined  in  the 
meadows  of  one  Wilson,  an  Indian  trader,  the  Indian  said  the  walk  was  to 
liave  been  made  up  the  river,  and  complaining  of  the  unfitness  of  his  shoe- 
packs  for  travelling  said  he  expected  Thomxis  Penn  would  have  made  him  a 
present  of  some  shoes.  After  this  some  of  us  that  had  horses,  walked,  and 
let  the  Indians  ride  by  turns ;  yet  in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  and  some 
houi-s  before  sunset,  the  Indians  left  us,  having  often  called  to  Marshall  that 
afternoon  and  forbid  him  to  run.  At  parting  they  appearett  dissatisfied,  and 
said  they  would  go  no  farther  with  us;  for  as  they  saw  the  walkers  would 
pass  all  the  good  land,  they  did  not  care  how  far  or  where  we  went  to.  It 
was  said  we  traveled  12  hours  the  first  day,  and  it  being  in  the  latter  end  of 
September,  or  beginning  of  October,  to  complete  the  tims,  were  .)bliged 
to  walk,  in  the  twilight.  Timothy  Smiih,  then  sheriff  of  Bucks,  held  his 
watch  for  some  minutes  before  we  stopped,  and  the  walkiirs  having  a  |)iece 
of  rising  ground  to  ascend,  he  called  out  to  them,  telling  the  minutes  behind, 
and  bid  them  ])ull  up,  which  they  did  so  briskly,  that,  immediately  upon  hia 
saying  the  time  was  out,  Marshall  clasped  his  arms  about  a  saplin  to  support 


t- 

•  *  ''{f!fl| 

■  '  ■  "^Tm 

1 

■'^^ 

.  -vlW 

- 

■% 

'"^i 

'  ■■•*■  iS 

;  '  ;'v''^ 

'   ■.'•3 

■ '" '  "  ''v 

^^m 

■■;';''.• 


34 


THE  WALKING  PURCHASE. 


[RoriK   V, 


0'" 


Pi;  .-/";■■ 

Mm 


himself,  and  thereupon  the  sheriff  asking  him  what  was  the  matter,  he  suid 
he  was  almost  gone,  and  that,  it"  he  liad  proceeded  a  few  poles  furtlic  r,  he 
irmst  have  itillen.  We  lodged  in  the  woods  that  night,  and  heard  the  HJiout- 
ing  of  the  Indians  at  a  cantico,  which  they  were  said  to  hold  that  evening  iii 
u  town  hard  by.  Next  morning  the  Indians  were  sent  to,  to  know  if  they 
Would  accompany  us  any  liirther,  but  they  declined  it,  although  I  believe 
some  of  them  came  to  us  beibre  we  started,  and  drank  a  dram  in  the  com- 
pany, and  then  straggled  off  about  their  hunting  or  some  other  amusement.  In 
om- return  we  came  through  this  Indian  town  or  plantation,  Timothxj  Smith  ami 
myself  riding  forty  yards  more  or  less  before  the  company,  and  as  wo  up- 
proueiied  within  about  150  paces  of  the  town,  the  woods  being  open,  we  saw 
nti  Iiuiian  take  a  gun  in  his  hand,  and  advancing  towards  us  some  distance, 
piiici  (1  liimsclf  behind  a  log  that  laid  by  our  way.  Timothy  observing  his 
motions,  and  being  sotnewhat  surjmsed,  as  I  apprehended,  looked  at  me,  and 
iisked  what  I  thought  that  Indian  meant  I  said,  I  hoped  no  harm,  and  that 
1  thought  it  best  to  keep  on,  which  the  Indian  seeing,  arose  and  walked  before 
>js  to  tiie  settleujent.  I  think  Sinilh  was  surprised,  as  I  well  remember  I  was, 
tlirough  a  consciousness  that  the  Indians  were  dissatisfied  with  the  walk,  a 
thing  tlie  whole  company  seemed  to  bo  sensible  of,  and  upon  the  way,  iu 
our  return  home,  frequently  expressed  themselves  to  that  purpose.  And 
indeed  the  unfairness  practised  in  the  walk,  both  in  regard  to  the  way  where, 
and  the  manner  how,  it  was  performed,  and  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  Indians 
concerning  it,  were  the  counnon  subjects  of  conversation  in  our  neighbor- 
hood, for  some  considerable  time  after  it  was  done.  When  the  walk  was 
j)erfbrmed  I  was  a  young  man  in  the  prime  of  life.  The  novelty  of  the  thing 
inclined  me  to  be  a  spectator,  and  as  I  had  been  brought  up  most  of  my 
time  in  Burlington,  the  whole  transaction  to  me  was  a  series  of  occurrences 
almost  entirely  new,  and  which  therefore,  I  apprehend,  made  the  more  strong 
and  lasting  impression  on  my  memory. 

TTurmas  Fumias."  * 

As  we  have  already  observed,  the  end  of  these  affairs  was  war.  The 
Delawares  were  driven  back,  and  they  joined  the  French  against  the 
English. 

CHAPTER  m. 

Of  several  chiefs  spoken  of  by  Washington,  in  his  journal  of  an  embassy  to  the  French 
of  Ohio — Battle  near  Great  Meadows,  and  death  of  Jumonville — Siiinois — Mona- 
CAToocHA — Half-King  —  Juskakaka — White-Thunder  —  Alli^oipa —  Cap- 
tain Jacobs — Hendrick^Ww  history — Curious  anecdote  of — Logan — Cresap's 
War — Battle  of  Point  Pleasant — Logait s  famous  speech — Cornstock — His  history 
— Red-hawk — Ellinipsico — The  barb<;rous  murder  of  these  three — Melancholy 
death  of  Logan — Pontiac — j?  renowned  warrior — Colonel  Rogers's  account  (f  him 
■ — His  policy — Fall  of  Michilimakinak — Menehwehna — Siege  of  Detroit — Ponti- 
ne's  stratagem  to  surprise  it — Is  discovered — Official  account  of  tite  affair  at  Bloody 
Bridge-~Pontiac  abandons  the  siege — Becomes  the  friend  of  the  English — Is  assas- 
siii'Ued. 

The  expedition  of  H^ashitiffton  to  the  French  on  the  Ohio,  in  1753,  brings 
to  our  records  informaMon  of  several  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations,  of  the  most 
interesting  kind.  He  w.\s  corimissioned  and  sent  as  an  ambassador  to  the 
French,  by  Governor  Dii-.w'Adie  of  Virginia.  He  kept  an  accurate  journal 
of  his  travels,  which,  on  his  return  to  Virginia,  was  published,  and,  not  long 
after,  the  same  was  republished  in  London,  with  a  map ;  the  substance 
of  this  journal  was  copied  into  almost  every  periodical  of  importance  of 
that  day. 


*»■ 


*  Causes  of  the  Alienation  of  the  Delaware  and  Shawanese  Indians,  &c.,  8ro.  Lon- 
don, 115^. 


Chap.  HI.]    WASHINGTON'S  JOURNEY  AMONG  THE  INDIANS. 


33 


ttcr,  he  Said 
I  fuitJier,  fie 
(I  tlje  wliout- 
it  eveniiifr  in 
now  if  they 
?h  I  believe 
in  the  coni- 
useineiit.  In 
hy  Smith  und 
1  as  wo  ap- 
|)en,  we  saw 
me  distance, 
bserving  his 
I  at  me,  and 
-ni,  und  titat 
[liked  l)etbie 
mber  I  was, 
the  walk,  a 
tlie  way,  iii 
•pose.  And 
way  where, 
the  Indiana 
r  neighbor- 
i3  walk  was 
of  the  thing 
nost  of  my 
jccurrejices 
more  strong 

'Simiss"  * 

war.    The 
against  the 


0  the  French 

S — MONA- 
[JIPA CaP- 

N — Cresap's 
-His  history 
-Melancholy 
count  of  him 
rait — Ponti- 
ir  at  Bloody 
h — Is  assas- 


753,  brings 
f  the  most 
dor  to  the 
ito  journal 
1,  not  long 
substance 
)rtance  of 


8vo.  LoD- 


» 


SniNGlS  was  the  first  chief  he  visited,  who  lived  in  the  forks  of  tJie 
Alleghany  and  Monongahela  Rivers,  where  I'ittsbiirgh  now  stands.  Tie  intend- 
ed holding  a  co\mcil  with  the  celebrated  H(dJ'-king,*  already  mentioned,  at 
Loggstovvn,  und  such  others  as  could  be  assembled  at  short  notice,  to  strcngtlieii 
tli(!iii  in  the  English  interest.  He  therefore  invited  Sldngis  to  attend  the 
council,  and  he  accordingly  uccompanied  him  to  Loggstown.  "As  soon  as 
I  came  into  town,"  says  fVashington,  "  I  went  to  Monakatoocha,  (as  tin-  Half-' 
king  was  out  at  his  hunting  cabin,  on  Little  Beaver  Creek,  about  15  miles  on,) 
and  inlbrmed  him  by  John  Davidson,  my  Indian  interpreter,  that  I  was  sent  u 
messenger  to  the  French  general,  and  was  ordered  to  call  upon  the  sachems 
of  the  Six  Nations  to  acquaint  them  with  it.  I  gave  him  u  string  of  wam|)um 
and  u  twist  of  tobacco,  and  desired  him  to  send  for  the  half-king,  whidi  he 
promised  to  do  by  a  runner  in  the  morning,  and  for  other  sachems.  I  in- 
vited him  and  the  other  great  men  present  to  my  tent,  where  they  stayed 
about  an  hour,  and  returned."  This  place  was  about  140  miles, "  as  we  went, 
and  ^omjiuted  it,"  says  the  great  writer,  "from  our  back  settlements,  where 
wi'  arrived  between  sunsetting  and  dark,  the  twenty-fifth  day  after  I  left 
Williamsburgh." 

Half-king,  it  seetns,  hud,  not  long  beff^-e,  visited  the  same  ])lace  to  which 
fVoJihtngton  was  now  destined ;  for  us  soon  as  he  returned  to  his  town,  fVash- 
ington invited  him  privately  to  his  tent,  "  and  desired  him  to  relate  some  of 
the  particulars  of  his  journey  to  the  French  commandant,"  the  best  way  for 
him  to  go,  and  the  distance  from  that  place.  "  He  told  me,"  says  fVashington, 
"that  the  nearest  and  levelest  way  was  now  impassable,  by  niason  of 
many  large  miry  savannas;  that  we  must  be  obliged  to  go  by  Venango,  and 
should  not  get  to  the  near  fort  in  less  than  five  or  six  nights'  sleep,  good 
travelling."  Half-king  further  informed  him  that  he  met  with  a  cold  recej)- 
tioii;  that  the  French  officer  sternly  ordered  him  to  declare  his  business, 
wliich  he  did,  he  said,  in  the  following  speech: — 

"  Fathers,  I  am  come  '^  tell  you  your  own  speeches ;  what  your  own  mouths 
have  declared.  You,  in  former  days,  set  a  silver  basin  before  us,  wherein 
there  was  the  leg  of  a  beaver,  and  desired  all  the  nations  to  come  and  eat  of 
it;  to  eat  in  peace  and  plenty,  and  not  to  be  churlish  to  one  anotlier :  and  that 
if  any  such  person  should  be  found  to  be  a  disturber,  I  here  lay  down  by  the 
edge  of  the  dish  a  rod,  which  you  must  scourge  them  with;  and  if  your  father 
should  get  foolish,  in  my  old  days,  I  desire  you  may  use  it  upon  me  as  well 
as  others.— Now,  fathers,  it  is  you  who  are  the  disturbers  in  tliis  land,  by 
comiiig  and  building  your  towns ;  and  taking  it  away  unlniown  to  us,  and  by 
force. — We  kindled  a  fire,  a  long  time  ago,  at  u  place  called  Montreal,  where 
we  desired  you  to  stay,  and  not  to  come  and  intrude  upon  our  land.  I  now 
desire  you  may  despatch  to  that  place ;  for,  be  it  known  to  you,  fiitliers,  that 
this  is  our  land,  and  not  yours. — I  desi'-e  you  may  hear  me  in  civilness;  if 
not,  we  must  handle  that  rod  which  was  laid  down  for  the  use  of  the  obstrep- 
erous. If  you  had  come  in  a  peaceable  manner,  like  our  brothers  the  English, 
wc*  would  not  have  been  against  your  trading  with  us,  as  they  do ;  but  to 
come,  fathers,  and  build  houses  upon  our  land,  and  to  take  it  by  force,  is 
what  we  cannot  submit  to." 

Half-king  then  repeated  what  was  said  to  him  in  reply  by  the  French, 
which,  when  he  had  done,  fVashington  made  a  speech  to  him  and  his  council. 
He  acquainted  them  with  the  reason  of  his  visit,  and  told  thein  he  was  in- 
structed to  call  upon  them  by  the  governor  of  Virginia,  to  advise  with  them, 
to  assure  them  of  the  love  of  the  English,  and  to  ask  the  assistance  of  some 
of  their  young  men,  to  conduct  him  through  the  wilderness,  to  the  French, 
to  whom  he  had  a  letter  from  his  governor.     Half-king  made  this  reply: — 

"In  regard  to  what  my  brother  the  governor  had  desired  of  me,  I  return 

*  He  ■«  called  a  Huron  by  Loskiel,  Hist.  Missions,  iii.  123.  He  was  called  by  the  Dcla- 
waros  Pomoacan,  which  in  English  means  Sweet-house.  Heckewelder,  Nar.  235.  In  the 
loiter,  or  speech,  as  Washington  called  il,  which  Ihis  chief  sent  to  the  governors  of  Virginia 
and  Pennsylvania,  in  lldi,  his  name  is  set  down  Senmiyattha.  See  1  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Sac, 
vi.  ','U^. — I  will  here  note,  that  my  friend,  Jahkd  Spakks,  Esq.,  verbally  informs  me,  that  he 
is  of  opinion,  that  this  is  not  the  same  Half-king  mentioned  in  Loskiel,  I  am  now  of  tite 
lame  belief,  although  it  is  possible. 


^■'•rl 


:i;  ■'.- . 


m^: 


■m\ 


1'^ 


I 


fi-th 


1*  >  ' 


96  HALF  K1NG.-.BATTLE  NEAR  GREAT  MEADOWS.        [liooK  V. 

you  this  answer."  "  I  rely  upon  you  as  a  brother  ought  to  do,  ua  you  say  we 
are  brothers,  and  one  people."  "Brother,  as  you  have  asked  my  advice,  I 
hope  you  will  be  ruled  by  it,  and  stay  until  I  can  provide  a  company  to  go 
with  you.  The  French  speech  belt  is  not  here ;  I  have  it  to  go  Ibr  to  my 
hunting  cabin.  Likewise  the  people,  whom  I  have  ordered  in,  are  not  yet 
come,  and  cannot  until  the  third  night  from  tliis ;  until  which  time,  brother, 
1  must  beg  you  to  stay." 

When  Washington  told  him  that  his  business  Avould  not  admit  of  so  much 
delay,  the  chief  seemed  disi)lea8ed,  and  said  it  was  "  a  matter  of  no  small  mo- 
ment, and  must  not  be  entered  loithout  due  consideraiion,''^  Perhaps  it  will  not 
be  too  much,  to  give  this  Indian  chiei' credit  for  some  of  that  character  vvl)ich 
was  so  well  exemplified  by  Washington  in  all  his  alter-life.  And  "as  I  found 
it  impossible,"  says  the  narrator,  "to  get  off,  without  affronting  them  in  the 
most  egregious  manner,  I  consented  to  stay."  Accordingly,  Half-kinfi;  gave 
orders  to  King  Shingis,  who  was  present,  to  attend  on  Wednesday  night  with 
the  wampum,  and  two  men  of  their  nation,  to  be  in  readiness  to  set  out  with 
us  next  morning."  There  was  still  a  delay  of  another  day,  as  the  chiefs 
could  not  get  in  their  wampum  and  young  men  which  were  to  be  sent ;  and, 
after  all,  but  three  chiefs  and  one  hunter  accompanied.  "  We  set  out,"  says 
Washington,  "  about  9  o'clock,  with  the  Half-king,  Juskakaka,*  While-thunder, 
and  the  hunter ;  and  travelled  on  the  road  to  Venango,  where  we  arrived  the 
4th  of  December."  This  place  is  situated  at  the  junction  of  French  Creek 
with  the  Ohio.  Here  the  French  had  a  garrison,  and  another  a  short  distance 
above  it,  which  was  the  extent  of  our  discoverer's  peregrinations  northward. 
The  commanders  of  these  posts  used  all  means  to  entice  Half-king  to  desert 
the  English,  and  it  was  with  great  difficulty  that  Washington  succeeded  in 
preventing  them.  They  endeavored  to  weary  him  out  by  making  the  chiefs 
delay  their  depai'ture  from  day  to  day,  by  means  of  liquor,  so  that  they  should 
be  left  behind.  At  length,  having  out-generalled  his  complotiers,  and  "  got 
things  ready  to  set  oft|  I  sent  for  the  Half  king,"  continues  the  narrator,  "  to 
know  whether  he  intended  to  go  with  us,  or  by  water.  He  told  me  that 
White-thunder  had  hurt  himself  much,  and  was  sick,  and  unable  to  walk  5 
therefore  he  was  obliged  to  carry  him  down  in  a  canoe  ; "  so,  notwithstanding 
the  delays,  Washington  was  obliged  to  go  without  him ;  but  he  cautioned  him 
strongly  against  believing  Monsieur  Joncaire's  pretensions  of  friendship,  and 
representations  against  the  English.  Hero  ends  Washington's  account  of 
Half-king. 

And  before  closing  our  account  of  the  termination  of  Washington's  journey, 
we  will  close  our  account  of  this  chief  also.  In  1754  he  accompanied  Wash' 
ington  in  his  excursion  to  dislodge  the  French  from  the  disputed  territory 
upon  the  Ohio,  and  was  his  constant  counsellor,  until  after  the  suriender  of 
Fort  Necessity  at  the  Great  Meadows,  on  the  4  July.  At  the  sur])rise  of  M. 
de  Jumonville,  on  the  28  May  previous,  he  led  a  company  of  his  warriors, 
and  piloted  the  English  under  Washington  to  the  place  where  he  was  encamped, 
which  was  but  a  few  miles  fronj  6reat  Meadows.  Jumonville's  force  was 
small,  consisting  of  but  about  33  men.  The  night  previous  to  the  attack, 
Half-king,  who  was  encamped  six  miles  from  Great  Meadows,  having  ;nade 
a  disco  ♦'ery  of  the  approach  of  the  French  force,  sent  an  express  to  Washing- 
ton, to  inform  him  that  the  French  were  discovered  in  an  obscure  retreat. 
The  colonel  immediately  marched  out  with  40  men  and  reached  Half-king's 
quarters  a  little  before  simrise.  A  council  was  now  held  by  the  chiels  of  tne 
parties,  and  it  was  agreed  that  the  English  and  Indians  should  march  together 
and  attack  the  French.  They  marched  in  single  file  through  the  woods,  in 
the  Lidian  manner,  in  a  most  dismal  storm  of  rain ;  and  following  the  track 
just  explored  by  Half-king's  spies,  soon  found  themselves  near  the  party. 
Jumonville  was  in  a  secure  place,  half  a  mile  from  a  road,  and  surrounded 
by  rocks,  and  had  he  not  been  fallen  upon  by  surprise,  it  is  doubtful  whether 
the  attacking  party  had  not  found  it  difficult  to  have  contended  successfully 


*  We  hear  again  of  this  chief  in  1794,  when,  with  68  others,  he  signed  a  treaty  with  the 
United  States  at  Fort  Stanwix.  Ills  name  is  there  written  Jiahkaaga,  which  signified  ^grten 
grassliopper.    He  was  sometimes  cdllcd  LitUe-BUly. 


W 


J*.  V* 


Chap.  HI] 


SHINGIS— KLSTALOGA. 


37 


you  say  we 
ly  advice,  I 
ipiuiy  to  go 
for  to  my 
are  not  yet 
lie,  brotlier, 

of  so  much 
0  small  mo- 
it  will  not 
ictcr  vvliich 
'as  I  found 
lem  in  the 
kinf;  iL'ave 
night  with 
et  out  with 
tlic  chiefs 
sent ;  and, 
t  out,"  says 
.ite-thunder, 
arrived  the 
nch  Creek 
)rt  distance 
northward. 
g  to  desert 
cceeded  in 
',  the  cliiefs 
hey  should 
s,  and  "got 
uTator,  "  to 
d  me  that 
to  walk; 
ithstanding 
tioned  him 
idship,  and 
iccount  of 

I's  journey, 
nied  JVash' 
d  territory 
rrender  of 
■jjrise  of  M. 
3  warriors, 
encamped, 

force  was 
the  attack, 
ving  made 
>  Washing' 
ire  retreat 
Half-king'a 
liels  of  tne 
h  together 

woods,  in 
',  the  track 
the  party, 
urrounded 
il  whether 
iccessfully 

aty  wilh  (he 
lified  a  green 


against  him.  But  not  being  discovered,  Washington  made  a  good  disposition 
ot'  his  men  ;  himself  with  the  English  formed  tlie  right  wing,  and  Half-kin^ 
at  the  liead  of  the  Indians,  the  lett.  The  French  were  (bund  without  their 
arms  in  their  hands,  but  tliey  Hew  to  them,  and  a  fight  of  about  15  minuter 
ensued.  None  of  the  party  escaped.  Eleven  of  the  French  were  killed, 
among  whom  was  M.  de  Jumonville ;  one  wounded,  and  21  taken  prisoners. 
IVashington  lost  but  one  man,  and  two  or  three  only  were  wounded.* 

W'c  now  return  to  tiie  narrative  of  Washington,  which  we  had  found  il 
necessary  abruptly  to  interru|)t. 

lie  now  set  out  lor  the  frontiers  with  all  expedition.  lie  had,  he  says,  the 
'•  most  latiguing  journey  possible  to  conceive  ol!  From  the  1st  to  the  15tli 
Decenjber,  there  was  but  one  day  on  which  it  did  not  rain  or  snow  inces- 
santly ;  and  through  tlie  whole  journey,  we  met  with  nothing  but  one  contin- 
ued scries  of  cold,  wet  weather." 

Tills  expedition  of  Washington  has  in  it  great  interest,  more  especially  from 
his  sui)erior  eminence  ai'terwards.  It  is  pleasing  to  contemplate  the  "savior 
of  Jiis  country"  in  every  adventure  and  circumstnuce  of  his  life;  and  even 
i^ratifying  to  view  him  with  a  gun  in  one  hand,  a  sUilF  in  the  other,  and  a 
pack  upon  his  back;  wading  through  rivers,  encountering  storms  of  sleet  and 
snow,  and  sleeping  upon  the  ground,  thus  early,  for  his  country's  good.  He 
had  some  very  narrow  escapes,  and,  during  part  of  the  w.iy  on  his  return,  he 
liad  but  one  attendant.  One  day,  as  they  were  passing  a  place  called  Mur- 
dering  Town,  they  were  fired  upon  l)y  one  of  a  war-party  of  French  Indians, 
who  iiad  waited  in  ambush  for  them;  and  although  they  were  within  fiik-en 
jiaces  of  him,  yet  they  escaped  unhurt.  They  captured  the  fellow  that  fired 
upon  th  <ii,  and  kept  him  until  nine  at  night,  then  dismissed  him,  and  trav- 
elled al;  ii^ght,  "witl  ;ut  making  any  stoj),"  tearing  they  should  be  pursued 
tlie  next  morning  by  his  party.  Continuing  their  course  all  the  next  day, 
they  came  to  the  river  where  they  intended  to  cross.  Here  the  firmness  of 
Washington  and  his  companion  was  thoroughly  tried.  The  river  was  very 
high,  and  filled  with  floating  ice,  and  there  was  no  way  to  pass  it  but  by  a 
rait.  They  had  "but  one  poor  hatchet,"  with  the  assistance  of  which,  alier 
laboring  from  morning  till  sunset,  they  had  a  raft  ready  to  launch  ;  on  this 
they  set  out,  but  it  was  soon  crushed  between  the  floating  ice,  and  they  very 
narrowly  escaped  perishing.  Washington  was  himself  precipitated  into  the 
river,  where  the  water  was  ten  feet  deep.  Fortunately,  however,  he  catched 
by  a  fragment  of  the  raft,  and  saved  himself.  They  finally  extricated  them- 
selves from  their  perilous  situation,  by  getting  upon  the  ice  which  confined 
their  frail  bark,  and  from  thence  to  an  island,  and  finally  to  the  opposite  shore. 
The  cold  was  so  intense,  that  Mr.  Gist  froze  his  hands  and  feet.  This  place 
was  about  three  miles  below  the  mouth  of  the  Yohogany,  where  an  Indian 
queen,  as  Washington  calls  her,  lived.  He  went  to  see  her,  he  observes,  she 
having  "expressed  great  concern  that  we  passed  her  in  going  to  the  fort.  1 
made  her  a  present  of  a  watch  coat,  and  a  bottle  of  rum,  which  latter  was 
thought  much  the  best  present  of  the  two."  Her  name  was  Jllliquippa.  From 
this  place,  he  pursued  his  journey  home  without  further  accident. 

We  have  mentioned  the  friendly  attention  of  Shingis  to  our  adventurer,  who 
had  probably  expected  he  wouhl  have  attended  him  on  his  journey ;  but  Shin^ 
gis  went  to  collect  in  his  men,  and  did  not  return.  The  Indians  said  it  was 
owing  to  the  sickuess  of  his  wife,  but  W^ashington  thought  it  wat;  fear  of  the 
French,  which  prevented  him.  But  this  conjecture  does  not  seem  well 
founded,  for  he  ordered  Kustaloga,  who  lived  at  Venango,  to  proceed  to  the 
French  and  return  the  wampum,  which  was  as  much  as  to  tell  them  they 
wished  no  further  fellowship  with  them. 

The  massacres  which  followed  BraddocKs  defeat  were  horrible  beyond 
description.  Shingis  and  Captain  Jacobs  were  supposed  to  have  been  the 
principal  instigators  of  them,  and  700  dollars  were  offered  for  their  heads-f 
Captain  Jacobs  did  not  long  escape,  although  the  reward  did  not  hasten  his 
end.   The  hostile  Indians  had  their  head-quarters  at  Kitanning  on  the  Allegha- 

*  Sparks's  Writings  of  Washington,  ii.  461,  462. 
t  WoUaon's  Annals  of  Philadelphia,  450. 


^■4 


■^"■::1 


»    ,-r  ',■•- 


y.:':: 


38 


KITTANNING  DESTROYED— DEATH  OF  CAPT.  JACOBS.    [Book  V 


i;t-'. 


me.  ■ 


EL, ■i' '«■•■''■'-'■•*  '  '' 
K^  ■"■•,.'•■-*■    •■ 


ny  Kivor,  44  miles  above  its  confluence  with  tlie  Monongahela.  Here  thev 
rcti  ('(1  vvitii  their  prisonerH  and  i)()otyatler  tiieir  expeditions  into  tlic  tri)ntiers. 
In  I7.")(i,  Colonel  John  Jlrmslrons;  was  sent  with  ahont  300  men  apuinHt  Ki 
tunning.  "On  3  Septcmbiir  he  joined  tiie  advanced  party  ut  the  Hiiivoi 
J)am.s,  near  Frankstown ;  and  on  the  7tli  in  the  evening,  being  within  ti  miles 
of'Kitanning,  the  scouts  discovered  a  tire  in  the  road,  and  reporU'd  tliat  there 
\V(>re  but  3  or  at  most  4  Indians  at  it.  It  was  not  thought  proper  to  utteiii[ii 
surftrising"  them,  as  it  might  be  a  meatis  of  alarming  tlio  town,  if  any  should 
escape.  |[enc<!  Lieutenant  //ofi-g-,  with  i\  file  of  Vi  men,  was  oniered  to  watcii 
them,  while  the  main  body  profrceded  to  the  immediate  vicinity  of  Kitanning. 
The  night  being  warm,  many  of  the  Indians  lodged  in  a  cornfield  u|)iin  the 
margin  of  the  river,  at»out  100  rods  below  the  town.  Here  at  day-break  tlie 
attack  began.  Soicra!  Indians  were  killed  in  the  field,  and  the  town  was  ini 
me(liat(  ly  ent  n  ,;  As  they  advanced,  Captain  Jacobs  gave  the  war  whoop, 
retii'ed  '••  i  leg-cabin,  and  defended  himself  with  great  bravery.  Iiispirt(i 
i)y  his  1  'lit   ,  'is  men  refused  (juarter,  saying,  "  We  an  men,  and  will  nol 

be  prisom  'I  it  whites  being  unable  to  drive  them  from  their  wigwams 

Colonel .//, ,  -..irong  r  '■  red  these  to  bi;  set  c  n  fire.  At  the  same  time  Ik;  re 
ceived  a  musket-sliot .;  n<}  shoulder.  "  VVh  m  the  Indians  were  told  that  thev 
would  be  burnt  if  they  did  not  surrender,  o  ic  of  them  rei)lied,  he  did  not  cnr't, 
as  h-,  could  kill  4  or  5  before  he  died."  When  the  fire  approached  them,  some 
began  to  sing,  and  others  bui-st  from  tiieir  houses,  and  were  killed  in  tlieii 
flight.  Capt;iin  Jacobs,  when  defence  could  no  longer  ava'!  him,  endeavored 
to  escape,  with  his  wife,  though  a  window  of  his  house.  This  was  his  last  act 
— he  was  shot  down,  and  his  wife  also.  A  lad,  called  the  King's  Son,  was  killed 
with  them.     As  at  Nerigwok,  matiy  were  killed  in  the  river  as  they  fled. 

The  Indians  were  said  to  have  had  their  houses  stored  with  s|)are  arms  and 
ammimition  ;  for,  when  they  were  burnt  up,  their  guns  discharged  from  the  heat, 
and  quantities  of  powder  blew  up  from  time  to  time,  which  threw  some  of 
their  bodies  to  a  great  height  in  the  air.  Eleven  prisoners  were  recovered  at  this 
time,  who  informed  their  deliverers  that  a  great  quantity  of  goods  was  also 
consumed,  which  had  but  ten  days  before  been  sent  them  by  the  French  ;  and 
that  the  Indians  had  boasted  that  they  had  powder  enough  for  a  ten  years'  war 
with  the  English.  They  also  learned  that  the  party  which  Lieutenant  Hogg 
had  be(Mi  left  to  watch,  instead  of  being  but  3  or  4,  consisted  of  24  warriors, 
who  were  on  their  way  to  attack  Fort  Shirley,  having  been  sent  forward  by 
Captain  Jacobs,  while  he  was  to  have  followed  with  a  strong  force  the  next 
day.  Hence  the  fate  of  the  lieutenant's  party  was  susiiected.  On  returning 
to  the  place,  Colonel  Jhrmstrong  found  that  Lieutenant  Hogg  had  attacked  the 
Indians  at  great  disadvantage,  in  point  of  numbei-s,  and  had  been  defeated, 
himself  and  Captain  Mercer  (afterwards  General  Mercer,  who  fell  at  Princeton) 
severely  wounded.  At  the  first  fire  Hogg\i  party  killed  3  of  the  Indians,  who, 
afler  maintaining  the  fight  for  an  hour,  killed  but  3  of  the  whites.  Hogg, 
being  now  wounded,  was  abandoned  by  his  men,  but  was  fortunate  enough  to 
be  foimd  by  the  army.*  It  was  at  this  period,  that  the  dead  bodies  of  some 
that  had  been  murdered  and  mangled  were  sent  from  the  frontiers  to  Pliila- 
delphia,  and  hauled  about  the  streets,  to  inflame  the  people  against  the 
Indians,  and  also  against  the  Quakers,  to  whose  mild  forbearance  was  attrih- 
uted  a  laxity  in  sending  out  troops.  The  mob  surrounded  the  house  of 
assembly,  having  placed  the  dead  bodies  at  its  entrance,  and  demanded  im- 
mediate succor.    At  this  time  the  above  reward  was  offered. 

IVIr.  Heckewelder  knew  Shingis,  or,  as  he  wrote  his  name,  Shingask,  f  and 
gave  him  a  good  character.  He  was  brother  to  King-beaver,  and  in  tlie  French 
war  was  cousiden^d  the  greatest  Indian  warrior  of  the  day.  He  was  a  terror 
to  the  whole  frontier  of  Pennsylvania.  "  Passing  one  day  with  him,"  says  Mr. 
Heckewelder,  "in  the  summer  of  ]76'2,  near  by  where  his  two  prisoner  boya 
(about  12  years  of  age)  were  amusing  themselves  with  his  own  boys,  and  he 
observing  me  looking  that  way,  inquired  what  I  was  looking  at  On  my 
repljring  that  I  was  looking  at  his  prisoners,  he  said,  When  I  first  took  them 


•  Coll.  N.  Y.  Hist.  8oc.  iii.  398— ii 
t  Level,  or  Bog-meadow. 


3  Coll.  Mass.  Hut.  Soc.  \v.  298—9. 


IS.    [Book  V 

Here  they 
tlie  frontier!*. 
agiiiiiKt  Ki 
the  ]{(avri 
itliiii  (>  miles 
!(!  tiiat  tlnre 
r  to  utteiii[)i 
f  any  ulioulii 
red  to  \vat(;li 
if  Kitanninff. 
ild  upon  the 
ay-break  tlie 
)wn  was  ini 
war  vvliooji, 
y.  Inspired 
and  unll  nni 
\r  wijjwanis 
:  time  he  re 
old  that  the> 
;  did  not  cnrt, 
them,  some 
illed  in  tiicii 
,  endeiivored 
IS  liis  last  act 
m,  was  killed 
ley  Hed. 
ire  arms  and 
i"otn  the  heat, 
rew  some  of 
overed  at  this 
ds  was  ajsf) 
FVeneh ;  and 
n  years' war 
tenant  Hog^ 
24  warriors, 
forward  by 
rce  the  next 
)n  returning 
attacked  the 
en  defeated, 
It  Princeton) 
ndians,  who, 
ites.  Hogg, 
to  enoiiirh  to 
lies  of  some 
jrs  to  I'hila- 
against  thi» 

was  attrih- 
he  house  of 
inanded  im- 

ngask,\  and 
1  the  French 
\\a8  a  terror 
m,"  says  Mr. 
irisoner  boys 
3oys,  and  he 
at  On  my 
Bt  took  them 


8—8. 


Chap.  111.] 


SlIINr.IS.— HF.NDRICK. 


m 


they  loere  such  ;  l)tit  they  are  now  my  children  ;  eat  their  victuals  out  of  one 
and  the  same  bowl !  which  was  sjiyinj^  as  much  as,  that  they,  in  all  resjtects, 
were  on  an  ecpial  footing  with /iMoitTi  children — alike  dear  to  him."  Though 
of  small  stature,  the  same  author  observes,  he  had  a  great  mind. 

The  wife  of  this  chief  died  in  17<)2.  She  was  of  the  highest  rank  und  re- 
spectability; and  the  ceremonies  at  her  funeral,  and  manner  of  decoration 
and  interment,  described  here,  would  occufiy  several  pages.* 

In  the  time  of  the  Fretich  war,  wiien  the  governor  of  I'eiuisylvania  sent  C. 
F.  Post  to  the  distant  tribes  to  persuade  them  from  aiding  the  [''rench,  men- 
lion  is  orten  made  in  the  journal  which  he  kept,f  of  iSVmi/^,  and  unifontdy  to 
his  advantage.  The  Reverend  Mr.  Post  performed  two  missions,  the  fust  at 
the  close  of  I7.W,  and  the  second  in  175i».  Under  date  of  28  August,  1758, 
ho  writes,  "We  sit  out  from  Sawcunk  in  company  with  20,  for  Kusheushkec  ; 
on  the  road  Shingas  addres.sed  hitnself  to  me,  antl  asked,  if  I  did  not  think, 
that  if  he  came  to  the  English  they  would  hang  liim,  as  they  had  offered  a 
great  rewani  for  his  head.  I  told  him  that  was  a  great  while  ago,  'twas  all 
liorgottcn  and  wi[)e(l  away  now."  An  Indian  in  the  company,  called  Slimno- 
kin  Daniel,  who  had  been  tampered  with  by  the  French,  understaruling  what 
was  .said,  interrupted  and  saici,  "  Don't  believe  him,  he  tells  nothir  but  idU; 
lying  stories,"  and  a.sked,  "Why  then  did  the  English  hire  12  t  I?  ^ians 
[meaning  the  (^herokees]  to  kill  us  ?  "  Mr.  Post  protesting  it  was  fa.e,  '  .niel 
vociferated,  G — d  d — n  you  lor  u  tool ;  did  you  not  see  the  womar  'ying  -i.  die 
road  that  was  killed  by  the  Indians  that  the  English  hired?"  xA'tvv  a  few 
other  harsh  expressions,  Shingis  told  him  to  be  still,  for  he  did  not  know  what 
he  said." 

Mr.  Post  dined  with  Shingas  on  the  29  August,  at  which  time  he  <  .jserved  to 
him,  that  although  the  English  had  ofl'ered  a  great  reward  for  'us  head,  yet  he 
had  never  thought  to  revenge  himself|  but  was  always  very  k  to  such  pris- 
oners as  were  brought  in,  and  that  he  would  do  all  in  his  power  to  bring 
about  a  peace,  and  wished  he  could  he  sure  the  English  were  in  earnest  for 
peace  also. 

Although  the  name  of  Shingis  has  not  generally  been  as  conspicuous  as 
that  of  Captain  Jacobs,  yet  he  is  said  to  have  been  "  the  greatest  Delaware 
warrior  of  his  time,"  and  that,  "  were  his  war  exploits  on  record,  they  would 
fbrm  an  interesting  document,  though  a  shocking  one."! 

Hendrick  was  a  gallant  Mohawk  chief,  who  took  part,  with  many  of  his 
men,  against  the  French,  in  the  year  1755.  The  French  were  encouraged 
by  the  defeat  of  General  Braddnck,  and  were  in  high  ex^pectation  of  carrying 
all  before  them.  Htndrick  \o\iwx\  the  English  army  at  the  request  of  General 
Johison,  and  met  the  F>ench,  consisting  of  2000  men,  under  General  Dieskau 
at  Lake  George.  While  the  English  and  Indians  were  encamped  in  a  slight 
work,  their  scouts  brought  news  of  the  approacli  of  the  French,  with  a  great 
body  of  Indians  upon  their  flanks.  General  Johnson  despatched  Colonel 
Williams  of  Massachusetts,  with  1000  men,  and  Hendrick  with  200  of  his  war- 
riors, to  give  them  battle  ;  but  falling  in  with  them  about  four  miles  from  camp 
unexpectedly.  Colonels  Williams  and  Hendrick  were  killed,  with  many  other 
olticers  and  privates  of  the  detachment.  The  rest  fled  to  the  main  body  with 
great  precipitation,  infusing  consternation  into  the  whole  army.§  The  French 
followed  closely,  and  poured  in  a  tremendous  fire,  which  did  very  little  exe- 
cution, from  the  precaution  of  the  English  in  falling  flat  upon  their  faces. 
They  soon  recovered  from  their  sur|)rise,  and  fought  with  bravery,  having 
Jidvantage  not  only  in  numbers,  but  artilhjry,  of  which  the  French  had  none.|| 
At  length  the  brave  Dieskau  was  wounded  in  the  thigh,  and  his  Indians,  be- 
ing terrified  at  the  havoc  made  by  the  cannon  of  the  English,  fled  to  the 
woods,  and  the  regulars  were  ordered  to  retreat  by  their  general,  which  they 
did  in  great  disorder.  General  Dieskau  was  foimd  in  the  pursuit,  supporting 
himself  by  the  stump  of  a  tree.    Supposing  plunder  to  be  the  first  object  of 

*  For  which  see  Hfckewelder' s  Hist.  Ind.  Nations,  264,  &c. 

+  Reprinted  la  "  ITie  Causes  of  the  Alienation,"  &.C.,  and  Pnud's  Pa.,  vol.  2d. 

j  Heckewelder's  Narrative,  61. 

6  The  Eliiglish  lost  about  2U0  in  this  ambush.     Guthrie's  Universal  History,  x.  94. 

U  Ibid. 


n<i 


/'•\^ 


'  y  ' '  'I 


■;H--t;; 


40 


HENDllK'K— KILLKD  IN   BATTLE.— ANKCDOTE. 


[Book  V. 


r-1^.- 


Mi- 


his  cuptors,  ns  )io  whs  atteiiipliiijf  to  draw  IiIh  wulcli  to  |)reHt;tit  to  them,  some 
one,  Hupposing-  him  to  bu  Hcun-liiii<^  lur  liia  iiiMtol,  diHchurged  hm  gun  iuto 
hu  hips.  Notwithstanding  ho  wiih  thtiH  twire  wuiuided,  hu  lived  to  reach 
Enghiiid,  but  lie  died  soon  uller.     The  French  lont  tiW  men  in  the  attack. 

When  General  Johnson  was  about  to  detach  Colr)n(l  ffiUiams,  he  asked 
HendncWs  opinion,  whether  the  force  was  sulhcient.  To  which  lie  rcphed, 
"  If  they  art  tojight,  they  are  too  few.  If  they  are  to  be  killed,  they  are  too  many." 
And  when  it  was  proposed  to  divide  the  detachment  into  three  parts,  /Ven- 
drick  objected,  and  Ibrcibly  to  express  tiie  impracticability  of  the  plan,  picked 
up  three  sticks,  and,  putting  them  together,  said  to  the  general,  "  You  see  ixmv 
that  these  cannot  be  easily  broken ;  but  take  them  one  by  one,  and  yon  may  break 
them  at  once."  But  Irom  this  valuuble  counsel  very  little  advimtage  seems  to 
have  been  derived. 

It  was  reported  at  the  time,  that  .'58  of  HendricWs  men  were  killed,  and  12 
wounded.*  Few  historians  mention  the  loss  of  the  Indians;  probably  con- 
sidering them  as  unworthy  of  rt^cord !  Such  historians  may  be  forgotten.  At 
least,  they  cannot  expect  to  pass  under  that  name  in  another  age. 

The  Indians  were  greatly  exasperated  against  the  French,  "  by  the  death 
of  the  famous  Hendrick,"  says  the  same  writer,  "a  renowned  Indian  warrior 
among  the  Mohawks,  and  one  of  their  saciicms,  or  kings,  who  was  slain  in  the 
battle,  andSvhose  son,  upon  being  told  that  his  father  was  killed,  giving  the 
usual  Indian  groan  upon  such  occasions,  and  suddenly  putting  his  hand  on 
his  lell  breast,  swore  his  father  was  still  alive  in  that  place,  and  stood  there  in 
his  son :  that  it  was  with  the  utmost  ililiiculty,  (jleneral  Johnson  prevented  the 
fiu-y  of  their  resentment  taking  pliico  oa  the  body  of  the  French  general."f 

As  soon  as  the  battle  was  over,  the  Indiana  dispersed  themselves  in  various 
directions,  with  the  trophies  of  victory :  some  to  their  homes,  to  condole 
with  the  friends  of  the  slain,  and  some  to  the  English,  to  carry  the  welcome 
news  of  victory.  The  diflerent  runners  brought  into  Albany  above  80  scalps 
within  a  very  short  time  after  the  light.t  And  thus  we  are  iurnished  with  an 
early  record  of  the  wretched  custom  which  appears  to  have  been  fostered, 
and  actually  encouraged  by  all  who  have  itiiployed  the  Indians  as  auxiliaries 
in  war.  Indeed  to  employ  tliem,  was  to  tnii)loy  their  practices — they  were 
inseparable.  To  talk,  as  some  have  done,  of  employing  them,  and  prevent- 
ing their  barbarous  customs  with  tin  unfortunate  captives,  all  experience 
shows,  is  but  to  talk  one  thing  and  mean  another. 

Soon  after  Sir  William  Johrison  entered  upon  his  duties  as  superintendent 
of  Indian  affairs  in  North  America,  he  received  from  England  some  richly 
embroidered  suits  of  clothes.  Hendnck  was  |)resent  when  they  were  re- 
ceived, and  could  not  help  expressing  a  great  desire  for  a  share  in  them.  He 
went  away  very  thoughtful,  but  returned  not  long  after,  and  called  upon  Sir 
iViUiam^  and  told  him  he  had  dreamed  a  dream.  Sir  William  very  con- 
cernedly desired  to  know  what  it  was.  Hendrick  as  readily  told  him  he 
had  dreamed  that  Sir  William  Johnson  had  presented  him  with  one  of  his 
new  suits  of  uniform.  Sir  William  could  not  refuse  it,  and  one  of  the  elegant 
suits  was  forthwith  presented  to  Hendrick,  who  Avent  away  to  show  his 
present  to  his  countrymen,  and  loft  Sir  William  to  tell  the  joke  to  his  friends. 
Some  time  after,  the  general  met  Hendrick,  and  told  him  he  had  dreamed  a 
dream.  Whether  the  sachem  mistrusted  that  he  was  now  to  be  taken  in  his 
own  net,  or  not,  is  not  certain  :  but  he  seriously  desired  to  know  what  it  was, 
as  Sir  William  had  done  before.  The  general  said  he  dreamed  that  Hendrick 
had  presented  him  with  a  certain  tract  of  land,  which  he  described,  (consist- 
ing of  about  500  acres  of  the  most  valuuble  land  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk 
Riv(?r.)  Hendrick  answered,  "It  is  yours ;  "  but,  shaking  his  head,  said,  "  Sir 
ffilliam  Johnson,  I  will  never  dream  with  you  again." 

John  Konkapot,  a  Stockbridge  Indian,  was  grandson  to  Hendrick,  and  he 
informs  us  that  his  grandfather  was  son  of  the  Wolf,  a  Mohegan  chief,  and 
that  his  mother  was  a  Mohawk.§  Reverend  Gideon  Hawley,  in  a  letter  to 
Governor  Hutchinson  (1770)  about  the  Marshpee  Indians,  has  this  passage : 


*  Geni.  Magazine  for  1765. 
(  Coll.  Mass.  Hut.  8oc. 


t  Ibid. 


t  Ibid. 


Chap,  in.] 


LOGAN— CRESAP'S  MURDERS. 


41 


-H 


<  them,  some 
liitt  gun  iuto 
ed  to  reach 
lu  uttuck. 
ns,  ill)  uHked 
1  he  replied, 
re  too  mtiny." 
parts,  lien- 
pian,  picked 
i'ou  see  ?»««; 
on  may  break 
Age  seems  to 

illed,  and  13 
rohahly  con- 
''orgoUen.    At 

by  tlie  death 
diun  warrior 
8  slain  in  the 
d,  giving  the 
his  iiand  on 
tood  there  in 
trevented  the 
general."t 
es  in  various 
i,  to  condole 
the  welcome 
ave  80  scalps 
shed  with  an 
een  fostered, 
as  aiixiliai'ies 
s — they  were 
and  prevent- 
1  experience 

perintendent 
some  richly 
ley  were  re- 
n  them.  He 
led  upon  Sir 
m  very  con- 
told  him  he 
:li  one  of  his 
»f  the  elegant 
to  show  his 
0  his  friends, 
id  dreamed  a 
!  taken  in  his 
what  it  was, 
that  Hendrick 
bed,  (consist- 
the  Mohawk 
,d,  said,  "  Sir 

irick,  and  he 
an  cliief,  and 
a  letter  to 
;hi8  passage: 

X  Ibid. 


"Among  Johrufori's  Mnhawkp,  Ahrnhnm  and  Hendrick  wore  the  oldrst  of  their 
tribe,  when  they  died,  and  neither  of  thorn  was  70,  at  their  dcnths.  I  saw  a 
HiBter  of  theirs  in  i/fJ.'i,  who  a[>[)eare(l  to  be  several  years  above  70.  At 
Stockbridge,  Captain  Kunkapot  was  for  many  years  the  ohh^st  man  in  his 
tribe."*     We  have  now  come  to  one  of  the  most  noted  chiefs  in  Indian  story. 

Lofrnn  was  called  a  Mingof  chie(|  whose  father,  ShikellimtiJi,  was  chief 
of  the  Cayngas,  whom  he  succeeded.  ShikeUtmus  was  attached  in  a  remark- 
abli;  degree  to  the  liencvolent  James  Lo^aii,  from  which  circumstance,  it  is 
probable,  his  son  bore  his  name.  The  name  ia  still  perpetuated  among  the 
Indians.  For  magnanimity  in  war,  and  greatness  of  soid  in  peace,  few,  if  any, 
in  any  nation,  cv(!r  surpassed  Lofran.  He  took  no  part  in  the  Fr>  nch  wars 
which  ended  in  1760,  e.xcejit  that  of  a  peacemaker ;  was  always  acknowl- 
edged the  friend  of  the  white  people,  until  the  year  1774,  when  his  brother 
arui  several  others  of  his  family  were  murdered,  the  particulars  of  which 
follow.  In  the  spring  of  1774,  some  Indians  robbed  the  peo[)le  upon  the 
Ohio  River,!  who  were  in  that  country  exjiloring  the  lands,  nnd  preparing  for 
settlements.  Thes*!  land-jobbers  were  alarmed  at  this  hostile  carriage  of  the 
Indians,  as  they  considered  it,  and  collected  themselves  at  a  [)lace  called 
VVIieeliiig  Creek,  the  site  on  which  Wheeling  is  now  built,  and,  learning  that 
there  were  two  Indians  on  the  river  a  little  above,  one  Captain  Michael  Cresnp, 
belonging  to  the  exploring  party,  proposed  to  fall  upon  and  kill  them.  His 
advice,  although  opjiof^ed  at  first,  was  followed,  and  a  paity  led  by  Cresap 
proceeded  and  killed  the  two  Indians.  The  same  day,  it  being  reported  that 
some  Indians  were  discovered  below  Wheeling  upon  the  river,  Cresap  and 
his  party  imtnediately  marched  to  the  place,  and  at  first  appeared  to  show 
themselves  liiendly,  and  suffered  the  Indians  to  pass  by  them  unmolested, 
to  encamp  still  lower  down,  at  the  mouth  of  Crave  Creek.  Cresap  soon 
followed,  attacked  and  killed  several  of  them,  having  one  of  his  own  men 
wonn(ied  by  the  fire  of  the  Indians.  Here  some  of  the  family  of  Lnsran 
were  slain.  The  circumstance  of  the  afl^-iir  was  exceeding  aggravating,  inas- 
much as  the  w\\'\\o,fi  pretended  no  provocation. 

Soon  after  this,  some  other  monsters  in  human  shape,  at  whose  head  were 
Daniel  Greathouse  and  one  Tomlinson,  comtnitted  a  horrid  murder  upon  a 
company  of  Indians  about  thirty  miles  above  Wheeling.  Greathatise  resided 
at  the  same  place,  but  on  ihe  opposite  side  of  the  river  from  the  Indian  en- 
campment. A  party  of  thirty-two  men  were  collected  for  this  object,  who 
secreted  themselves,  while  Greathouse,  under  a  pretence  of  friendship,  crossed 
the  river  and  visited  them,  to  ascertain  their  strength  ;  on  counting  them, 
he  found  they  were  too  numerous  for  his  force  in  an  open  attack.  These 
Indians,  having  heard  of  the  late  murder  of  their  relations,  had  determined 
to  be  avenged  of  the  whites,  and  Greathouse  did  not  know  the  danger  he  was 
in,  until  a  squaw  advised  him  of  it,  in  a  friendly  caution,  "to  go  home."  The 
sad  requital  this  poor  woman  met  with  will  presently  afipear.  This  aliomi- 
nable  fellow  invited  the  Indians  to  come  over  the  river  and  drink  rum  with  him ; 
this  being  a  part  of  his  plot  to  separate  them,  that  they  might  be  the  easier  de- 
stroyed. The  o[iportunity  soon  offered ;  a  number  being  collected  at  a  tavern  in 
the  white  settlement,  and  considerably  intoxicated,  were  fallen  upon,  and  all 
murdered,  except  a  little  girl.  Among  the  murdered  was  a  brother  of  Lo<j^an, 
and  his  sister,  whose  delicate  situation  greatly  aggravated  the  horrid  crime. 

The  retnaining  Indians,  upon  the  other  side  of  the  river,  on  hearing  the 
firing,  set  oflf  two  canoes  with  armed  warriors,  who,  as  they  approached  the 
shore,  were  fired  upon  by  the  whites,  who  lay  concealed,  awaiting  their 
ai>prf)ach.  Nothing  prevented  their  taking  deadly  aim,  and  many  were 
kilhid  and  wounded,  and  the  rest  were  obliged  to  return.  This  affair  took 
place  May  24th,  1774.§     These  were  the  events  that  led  to  a  horrid  Indian 

»  Coll.  Mass.  Hist.  Soc.  3.  i.  1.51. 

t  Men'Twi',  Maquas,  Maqua,  or  Iroqnos  all  mean  tlie  same. 

j;  "  In  llic  month  of  April,  177'1',  a  rumor  was  cirrulatod,  that  the  Indians  had  stolen  several 
horses  from  some  land-jobbers  on  the  Ohio  and  Kentucky  Rivers  ;  no  evidences  of  the  fact 
having  been  adduced,  lead  to  the  conclusion  that  the  report  was  false."  firuirlrir/.r^. 
Notes,  225—6. 

J  Facts  published  ia  Jefferson's  Notes. 


3\ 


-  'ri 


Doddridg^$ 


LOGAN— SAVES  THE  LIFE  OP  A  CAPTIVE. 


[Book  V. 


i<  ■ 


m 


ml 


BV*'*f '*V^> 


Mar,  in  wliicli  many  iiiiiuceiit  tariiili*;^  wcro  sacrificed  to  aatisfy  the  ven- 
geance of  un  iiiceiiHcd  und  injured  peoplo. 

A  culm  fuiluwed  tlit'Hu  truulilen,  but  it  was  imly  NUch  us  ^oes  iM'fore  the 
Htoriri,  and  liwttMl  only  vviiile  the  torsin  of  war  could  he  Kounded  ainon^  iht; 
ilistant  Indians.  On  the  1'^  July,  1774,  Lo^'-an,  at  the  head  of  a  Hiiiall  party 
of  only  ei^iit  wiuriors,  htruck  u  blow  on  some  inhabitants  upon  the  iMuskin- 
;;nm,  wheie  no  one  expected  it.  lie  iiad  lell  the  settlements  on  the  Oliio 
undisturbed,  which  every  one  supposed  would  lie  the  first  attacked,  in  ease 
of  war,  und  hence  the  reason  of  his  jireat  successes.  His  first  attack  was 
upon  tiiree  men  wlio  were  pulling  flax  in  u  field.  One  was  shot  down,  and 
the  two  others  taken.  These  were  munihed  into  tin;  wilderness,  and,  u.^ 
they  approached  the  Indian  town,  Loifan  ptve  tiie  scalp  halloo,  und  tliey 
were  met  by  the  inbubitants,  who  condncteil  them  in.  Uuiuiin<,'  the  ^'antli  t 
was  next  to  bo  pertbrmed.  Loifan  took  no  delight  in  tortures,  und  he  in  the 
most  liientily  manner  instructed  one  of  tiie  captives  liow  to  proceed  to 
escape  the  severities  of  the  gantlet.  This  same  captive,  whose  name  was 
liobinson,  was  allerwards  sentenced  to  be  burned;  but  Loffun,  tlion^rh  not 
able  to  rescue  him  by  bis  eloquence,  with  his  own  hand  cut  the  cords  that 
bound  him  to  the  stake,  and  caused  him  to  be  udopted  into  im  Indian  liuiiily. 
He  became  allerwards  Lo^ati's  scribe,  anil  wrote  the  letter  that  was  tied  to  u 
war  club,  the  particulars  of  which  we  shall  relate  liirtiier  onward. 

There  was  u  chief  among  the  Shawanese  more  renowned  as  a  warrior 
than  even  Logan  himself  at  this  time.  CORNSTOCK  *  was  his  name,  and 
to  him  seems  to  have  liillen  the  chief  direction  of  the  war  that  was  now 
Itegun  ;  the  causes  of  which  were  doubtless  owing  to  the  outrages  already 
detailed,  committed  by  Crtaap  and  Grmthonse,  but  there  can  be  but  little  it' 
any  doubt,  that  the  several  tribes  engaged  in  it,  had  each  iieen  snliiiicntly 
injured  to  justify  Iht'u  participation  ulso.  The  liistory  of  the  niurdf.  of 
Bald  Eagle  is  more  than  sutficient  to  account  lor  the  jiurt  acted  by  the  Delu- 
wares.  What  this  man  had  been  in  his  younger  days  is  unknown  to  history. 
but  at  this  time  he  was  an  old  inofleiisive  Delaware  chief,  who  wandtrcd 
harnilessiy  ap  and  down  among  the  whites,  visiting  those  most  fre(|iu  iitl\ 
who  would  entertain  lum  best.  Having  been  on  a  visit  to  the  fort  at  tiit' 
mouth  of  Kanhuwu,  he  was  met,  as  he  was  ascending  alone  upon  tlie  ri\er 
in  his  canoe,  by  a  man,  who,  it  is  suid,  had  suti'ered  much  ti'om  the  Indians. 
It  was  in  the  evening,  and  wliether  any  thing  hui)pencd  to  justily  violence  un 
the  part  of  either,  we  have  no  evidence,  but  certain  it  is,  the  wliite  man 
killed  the  chief,  and  scal])ed  him,  and,  to  give  his  abominable  crinn;  \n\\i- 
licity,  set  the  dead  body  upright  in  the  canoe,  and  in  this  maimer  caused  it 
to  drill  down  the  river,  where  it  was  beheld  by  many  as  it  passed  tli<'iii. 
From  the  appearance  of  the  old  chief,  no  one  suspected  he  was  deud,  hut 
veiy  naturally  concluded  he  was  upon  one  of  his  ordinaiy  visits.  The  triiili 
of  the  affair,  however,  soon  got  to  his  nation,  and  they  (juickly  avowed  ven- 
geance for  the  outrage,  f 

The  Virginia  legislature  was  in  session  when  the  news  of  an  Indian  \\;ir 
was  received  at  the  seat  of  government.  Governor  Dunmore  immediatfly 
gave  orders  for  the  assembling  of  3000  men ;  one  Indf  of  whom  were  to 
march  for  the  mouth  of  the  great  Kanhawa  under  the  command  of  General 
Andrew  Leioisyl  and  the  remuinder,  under  the  governor  in  person,  was  to 
proceed  to  some  point  on  the  Ohio,  above  the  former,  in  order  to  tiill  upon 
the  Indian  towns  between,  while  the  warriors  should  be  drawn  ott"  by  the 
approach  of  Lewis  in  the  opposite  direction.  He  was  then  to  proceed  down 
the  Ohio,  and  form  a  junction  with  General  Lems  at  Point  Pleasant,  from 
whence  they  were  to  march  according  to  circumstances. 

*  Generally  writtcu  Cornstalk,  but  in  our  oldest  printed  account,  it  is  as  in  the  text.  Tlicre 
is  no  harm  in  changing  the  orthography  of  a  word,  when  we  use  it  for  a  proper  instead  of  a 
common  substantive. 

t  M' Clung. 

X  His  rank  was  that  of  colonel,  i)Ut,  beingcommandcr-in-chief  of  that  division,  was  properlj 
called  general,  to  distinguish  him  from  his  brother,  who  was  also  a  colonel,  and  as  havhig 
the  chief  command. 


i 
I 


[IJllOE   V. 

y  tlio  veii- 

Ix'fort'  the 
anions  the 
Hiiiall  jiarty 
ic  Muskiii- 

I  tin;  Ohio 
<'<l,  ill  <'iiHe 

altiick  was 

*l()\vn,  uiitl 

•Bs,  and,  uri 

),  anil  ilifv 

till!    ^MUltlt't 

(I  lit-  ill  the 

|ll(l((('(l     to 

iiaiiic  waH 
tlH)ii;rli  nut 

conU  that 
iliaii  raiiiily. 
U.S  lii'd  to  u 

i  a  wariiiir 

iiaiiic,  and 

it  was  now 

ilvH  already 

but  little  it* 

Hiilliciciitly 

iniii'dc.    ot' 

ty  the  Di'la- 

II  to  hisiory. 
o  vandcred 
t  iieiiiRntly 

Ibrt  at  the 
11  the  liver 
he  Indians, 
violence  on 
white  inun 
crime  piib- 
r  caused  it 
liiscd  them. 
s  dead,  hut 
The  iniili 
voweil  veii- 

Indian  war 
iiiiiiediately 
ill  \veie  to 
of  Ceiieriil 
;oii,  was  to 
o  lidl  upon 
oft'  by  the 
iceed  down 
asaiit,  lioiii 


text.     Tliere 
inslead  of  a 


was  properly 
ui<l  as  baviiig 


CsAr.  III.] 


LOGAN.— BATTLE  OF  POINT  PLEASANT 


43 


'.h\ 


im 


On  the  11  Septt*iiilM!r,  tlio  forcurt  uiulvr  (icnorul  Ijewia,  uiiiniiiitin)f  to 
1100  inun,  coiuriiuiiced  their  'iiarch  tiom  (.'aiii|)  Union  tor  I'oint  I'lea.-'aiit  uii 
lite  (jlreat  Kuiihuway,  di.stui.t  UM  miles.  The  country  beiwiM  ii  was  a  track- 
IcKs  wilderness.  The  army  was  piloted  by  (Ju|»tuiii  Mullhtw  ilrbuvklr,  by 
the  iieuiest  priicticahle  route.  'I'he  baf,'i,'a{<e  was  all  transported  on  pack- 
horses,  uud  their  march  took  up  II)  days.* 

liuviiig  arrived  there  upon  the  last  day  of  the  month,  an  encampment  was 
<*ommeiK;eil   on  tho    first  of  October.     Hero  tieiieral    Lewis    wailed    witii 


tidiiii's  of  Di 


for  eif,'ht 


day! 


At  III 


anxiety  to  get  some  ti(tm;,'s  oi  uunmon 

of  (his  time-,  no  prospect  of  a  jiini  tion  appcarin<(,  news  was  br<Mi;:ht  into 
cump  ill  the  morning  of  the  10  October,  by  one  of  two  persons  who  had 
escaped  the  ritle.s  of  u  great  body  of  Indians  about  two  miles  up  tlii!  Ohio, 
that  an  attack  would  be  immedi.itely  made.  Thesis  two  men  were  upon  a 
deer  hunt,  and  came  upon  tin;  Indians  without  obser\ing  them,  when  one 
WU.S  shot  down,  uiul  the  other  esca|ied  to  the  cain|i  with  dilliciilty.  lie  re- 
ported "  tiiat  he  had  si-eu  a  lualy  of  the  enemy,  covering  lijur  acres  of  ground, 
aa  closely  as  they  couhl  stand  by  the  .^idc  of  each  other."  f 

Upon  this  intelligeiic",  (jJeiienil  Lcwin,  "al'ttu-  having  deliberately  lighted 
his  pipe,"!  gave  orders  to  his  brother,  Colonel  Cliiirlcs  Lcwi.s,  to  marcli  with 
ills  own  regiiii(;nt,  and  another  under  (Jolonel  HUliitm  Flemlnu^,  to  recon- 
noitre the  enemy,  while  he  put  the  remainder  in  a  posture  to  sii|iport  them. 
TheBi;  marched  without  loss  ol'  tiiiKi,  and  about  4U0  yards  from  camp  met 
the  Indians  intent  upon  the  same  object.  Their  meeting  was  somewhere 
between  sun's  rising  and  sun  uii  hour  high,§  and  tin;  fight  in  a  moment 
began.  The  Virginians,  like  their  oppomiits,  covered  tiiemselves  wiih  trees 
or  whatever  else  oft'ered,  but  the  latter  were  more  tliaii  a  match  for  them, 
and  put  th(Mii  to  Uiglit  with  great  slaughter.  Colonel  Liiuis  was  in  full  iini- 
tbrm,  and  being,  from  the  nature  ot'  his  duties,  exposed  at  every  point,  soon 
fell  mortally  wonnded.jl  There  was  no  result  for  which  the  commander-in- 
chief  was  not  prepared ;  (or  at  this  critical  moment  he  had  ordered  ii[i 
Colonel  t\eld  with  his  regimiMit,  which,  coming  with  great  resolulion  and 
firmness  into  action,  saved  tli(!  two  retreating  regiments,  and  efU'ctnnlly 
checked  the  impet'iosity  of  tiic  Indians,  who,  in  their  turn,  were  obliged  to 
retreat  behind  H  r 'Ugh  breastwork,  which  they  had  taken  the  precaution  to 
construct  from  logs  and  brush  for  the  occasion. 

The  point  of  laiid  on  which  the  battlis  was  fought  was  narrow,  uiid  the 
Indians'  breastwork  extended  from  river  to  river  :  their  |)lan  of  attack  was  ilie 
best  that  could  be  conceived  ;  for  in  the  event  of  victory  on  thi'ir  part,  not  a 
Virginian  could  have  esca|)ed.  They  had  stationed  men  on  both  sides  ol' 
the  river  to  [ireveiit  any  that  might  attempt  flight  by  swimming  I'rom  tin; 
apex  of  the  triangle  made  by  the  confluence  of  the  two  rivers. 

Never  was  ground  maintained  w ith  more  obstinacy ;  for  it  was  slowly,  and 
with  no  precipitancy,  that  the  Indians  retired  to  their  breastwork.  The  tlivis- 
ion  under  Lewis  was  first  broken,  although  that  under  Flemiinj;  was  nearly 
at  the  same  moment  attacked.  This  heroic  officer  first  received  two  balls 
through  his  lell  wrist,  but  continued  to  exercise  his  command  with  tin;  great- 
est coolness  and  presence  of  mind.  His  voice  was  continually  hijaru,  '"Don't 
lose  an  inch  of  ground.  Advance  outflank  the  enemy,  and  gi!t  between 
them  an-  the  river."  But  his  men  were  about  to  be  tmtflaiiked  by  the  body 
that  had  J  st  defeated  Lewis;  meanwhile  the  arrival  of  Colonel  /YeW  turned 
the  fortune  of  the  day,  but  not  without  a  severe  loss ;  Colonel  Fleming;  was 
again  woundi'fl,1I  by  a  shot  through  the  lungs ;  *♦  yet  he  would  not  retire, 
and  Colonel  Field  was  killed  as  he  was  leading  on  his  men. 

*  noddridxe,WO.  \  Withers,  VIG.  tM'Clunc^,52\. 

\  At  siin-risc,  liurk,  iii.  393. — Siin  an  liour  liigli,  Royal  Amer.  Magazine  for  A'oivm/ifc.  1774. 
— A  little  after  suurise,  Doddridge,  231. — The  smi  was  just  rising,  M'Clang,  32"2. — iSuniise, 
Witliers,  127. 

II  Ho  walked  into  camp,  and  expired  in  his  own  tent.     Doddridge. 

IT  Mr.  M' Clung  says  lie  was  killed,  but  we  raiinot  find  any  auihority  to  aj^ree  with  him. 
Mr.  Wilhc-s  says  he  was  "  aii  active  governor  ol"  Virginia  during  the  revolutiouaiy  war." 
Chronicles,  130. 

*•  Durk,  iii.  394. 


:'•":>  'i| 


44 


LOGAN— BATTLE  OF  POINT  PLEASANT. 


[Book  V 


Tlio  whole  line  of  the  breastwork  luw  hernmc  as  a  blaze  of  fire,  which 
lasted  nearly  till  the  elose  of  the  day.  Here  the  Indians  nnder  Losnn,  Corn- 
Ktock,  Elenipsico,  Bed-Ea^le,  and  other  mighty  chiefs  of  the  trihes  of  the 
.Sliawan(!8e,  Delawares,  Mingoes,  Wyando;s  and  Cayngas,  amounting,  as  was 
su|i|K)S(;d,  to  1500  warriors,  fonglit,  as  i:ien  will  ever  do  for  their  counlrv's 
wrongs,  with  a  bravery  which  eonld  only  be  equalled.  'J'he  voice  of  the 
mighty  Corn.ilock  was  often  heard  during  the  day,  above  the  din  of  strife, 
railing  on  his  men  in  these  won'.:  "Be  strong!  He  strong!"  And  when  by 
the  re|)('at(!d  charges  of  the  whit(!s,  some  of  his  warriors  began  to  waver,  he 
is  said  to  have  sunk  his  tomahawk  into  the  head  of  one  who  was  cowardly 
eiiflcavoring  to  desert. 

(Jcncral  //Cim,  finding  at  length  that  every  charge  upon  the  lines  of  the 
Indians  lessened  the  number  of  his  forces  to  an  alarming  degree,  and  risfhtlv 
judging  that  if  the  Indians  were  not  routed  beforn  it  was  dark,  a  day  of 
more  doubt  might  follow,  he  resolved  to  throw  a  body,  if  possible,  in'u  their 
rear.  As  tne  g(»od  Ibrtune  of  tin!  Virginians  turned,  the  bank  of  tl.?  river 
lavori'd  this  project,  and  Ibrthvvitb  three  companies  were  detached  upon  the 
ent(!rprise,  miller  the  three  caittains,  Isaac  Slulh;/,  (afterwards  renowned  in 
ilie  revolution,  and  since  hi  the  war  with  Cuiada,)  Geors^c  Matllicw.i,*  nud 
John  Stcuart,  'i'hcse  companies  got  unobserved  to  their  |ilacc  of  destination 
upon  (Jrookcd  Creek,  which  runs  into  the  Kanhawa.f  From  the  high  weeds 
upon  the  banks  of  this  little  stream,  they  rushed  upon  the  backs  of  the 
Indians  with  such  fury,  as  to  drive  them  from  their  works  with  prei;ij)itation. 
The  (lay  was  now  decided.  Tiie  Indians,  thus  beset  from  a  ([uarter  they  did 
not  expect,  were  ready  to  conclude  that  a  rcinlbrcetnent  had  arrived.  It 
was  about  sunset  when  they  fled  across  the  Ohio,  and  immediately  took  up 
their  march  for  their  towns  on  the  Scioto. 

As  is  conunon,  in  reviewing  past  events,  we  find  much  difference  of 
opinion  in  regard  to  many  of  the  fiicts;  the  le.-s  of  the  whites  in  this  battle 
is  very  variously  stated,  but  that  of  the  Indians  no  one  has  presutned  to  set 
down  but  by  inference.  The  morning  i  Itjr  ht!  battle.  Colonel  CImxtianX 
marched  to  the  battle-ground;  where  his  mon  found  and  scalped  §  21  of 
their  dead,  and  12  otiiers  were  f!)und  ill  places  where  they  were  place<l  Iw' 
(!oncealinent ;  :'iat  niany  were  also  thrown  inte  the  river  is  said  to  have  been 
at  the  time  known.  In  an  account  iniblished  at  the  time,  it  is  set  down  that 
the  killed  of  the  Virginians  were  "Col.  Charles  Leicis,  Major  John  Meld, 
('apt.  John  Minray,  llohtrt  Mc  Cle.vechan,  Samuel  Wilson,  James  Ward,  l.ieut. 
Hugh  Mien,  Ensigns,  Candiff,  Baker,  and  41  jirivates;"  making  the  whole 
number  of  the  killed  55,  "  Woimded,  Cajitain  W.  Fleming,  sitice  dead, 
Y.  Dickinson,  Thnnns  Blueford,  John  Slidmnn,  Lieuts.  Goodman,  Robeson, 
Land,  f'anncs,  and  7\)  Privates ; "  making  in  all  87  wounded.  We  are  aware 
that  neither  the  names  or  nund)ers  agree  with  accounts  oince  ]»ublisli<.'d,  hut 
we  have  taken  the  above  from  the  Kuyal  American  Magazine,  which  was 
published  the  following  month  at  Hoston,  into  which  it  seems  to  have  been 
copied  from  a  Philadelphia  j)rint.|| 

There  was  u  !:ind  of  ^♦ratagem  used  by  the  whites  in  this  battle  wliich 
remiiM* ;  W:^  of  that  practised  at  the  I'awtucket  fight,  related  in  IJook  III.  of 
our  history.  The  soldiers  in  Colonel  Fleming's  regiment  would  conceal 
themselves  behind  a  tree  or  some  otln-r  shelter,  and  then  hold  out  their  hats 
from  behind,  which  the  Indians  seeing,  would  mistake  as  covering  the  heads 


u 


IS- 


*  I'rnliiiMy  tlic  sRiiio  who  was  a  colonel  in  the  Virsiniii  line  during  the  revolution,  aiid 
once  n  prisoner.     See  Coiilin.  Bur/c,  107,  358,  also  H'itlicrs,  130. 

t    Willlrrs,  127. 

i  He  was  not  present  at  the  fi^ht,  but  arrived  with  a  reinforcement,  which  he  had  raised 
from  llolslon,  inimodialely  after  it  was  over.  It  was  this  force,  il  is  supposed,  ihat  ihc 
Indians  expected  were  surroundinjj  tliein  in  the  rear.  They  were  said  to  have  Ir^n  ac- 
quainted wilh  all  circumslanres  connected  with  the  operations  of  the  Virs^inians. 

§   liniinl  Ainer.  Ma<riizijie  for  [Voveml>er,  1771. 

II  \)r.  Ihnldridci',  231,  sets  down  tlie  killed  at  75,  and  the  wounded  at  l-lfl,  and  he  is, 
doubtless,  !Mr.  \Vitliers''!  authority,  who  says  the  same.  His  list  of  killed  and  wounded  are 
also  verbatim  from  Doddridge.  Bark,  who  -vrote  twenty  years  before  either,  agrees  with 
the  Roij'd  American  Magazine  vory  nearly. 


cani[), 


-1.     ■>  • 


fV- 


[Book  V 


Chap.  III.] 


LOGAN.— BATTLE  OF  POIN V  PLEASANT. 


46 


.  K'.,-  ■ 


'  fire,  which 

(Offrtn,  Com- 
ilx's  of  the 
tin<r,  as  was 
ir  rotiiitry's 
'oice  of  the 
liii  of  .strife, 
id  wlicii  hy 

0  waver,  lie 
as  cowardly 

lines  of  tlie 
,  and  rigiitiy 
k,  a  day  oi" 
e,  ini<j  tlieir 
of  tl.?  river 
sd  upon  the 
enowned  in 
ilhcw.i,  *  and 
'  destination 

iii<rli  weeds 
ici<s  ot'  the 
retijiitation. 
ter  tliey  did 

arrived.  It 
tely  took  iij» 

ifferciice  of 

1  tiiis  battle 
unied  to  set 
i\  ChrintianX 
[)ed§  21  of 
3  placed  fw 
o  have  been 
.  down  tiiiit 
John  Field, 
Vard,  Lieut. 
'.  tiie  wiiole 
since  dead, 
m,  Robeson, 
'e  are  aware 
blisiu'd,  i)ut 

wliicti  was 
)  liuve  been 

)aTtle  wliich 
5o()lc  III.  of 
nld  conceal 
their  hats 
g  the  heads 


evolution,  and 

ho  liad  raised 
loscd,  lli;U  the 
lavo  l)~<'n  ac- 
I. 

40,  and  he  is, 

woiuidiid  are 

■,  agrees  with 


of  their  enemies,  and  shoot  at  them.  The  hat  being  at  once  dropped,  the 
Indian  would  rtin  otit  from  his  covert  to  8cal[t  his  victim,  and  thus  met  a 
sure  detitli  from  the  tomahawk  of  his  adversary. 

The  chief  of  the  men  raised  for  this  service,  were,  as  Burk  expresses  iiim- 
self,  "  prime  riflemen,"  and  *he  "most  expert  woodsmen  in  Virginiit."  They 
were  principally  t'rom  the  chanties  of  Aiigiistti,  Hotetotirt,  liedford  and  Fin- 
castle,  and  from  the  enraged  settlers  wlio  had  fled  from  their  frontic  •  settle- 
tnents  to  escape  the  vengeance  of  the  injured  Iiidiaiu".  For  reason.,  wliic'^ 
were  not  perf"Ctly  understood  at  thtit  time,  Lord  Dunmore  divided  the  army 
into  two  |)arts,  as  already  stated.  The  ptirt  whicii  Dunnwrc  soon  tiller  took 
in  the  revohitionary  evtmts,  discovered  the  real  cause  of  his  preposterous  itro- 
ceedings.  His  pretence  of  tailing  upon  the  haf^ks  of  the  Indians,  and  coijp- 
erutijig  witii  General  Leivis,  was  soon  detected  as  such  ;  ior  it  needed  only 
to  be  known  that  he  was  moving  no  less  than  7'i  miles  from  him,  ;ind  that, 
therefore,  no  cooperation  couhl  be  had.  The  imputation,  however,  of  tne 
historian /iuj'A:,*  "that  the  divii^ion  mider  Lewis  was  devoted  to  destruction, 
for  the  purjiose  of  breaking  the  spirits  of  the  Virginiiuis,"  to  render  lii.s  own 
influence  and  reputation  brighter  and  more  efticient,  is  unnatural,  iind  with- 
out liicts  to  warrant  it.  To  our  mind  a  worse  policy  to  raise  himsell'  eoidd 
not  have  been  devised.  There  are  two  other,  tiir  more  reasonable  conclu- 
sions, which  might  have  been  oti'ered'  The  governor,  seeing  the  justness 
of  the  Indians'  cause,  might  have  adopted  the  plan  which  was  iullowed,  to 
bring  them  a  jieace  with  the  least  possible  destruction  of  them.  This 
would  have  ■'  .■  the  course  of  a  Juimiuit!  philosoi)hy ;  or  ht;  might  have 
exercised  his  i'lties  to  gain  them  to  the  British  interest,  in  case  of  a  rup- 
ture between  tlietri  and  the  colonies,  whicli  the  heads  of  government  must 
clearly  have  by  this  time  foreseen  would  i)retty  soon  follow.  Another  ex- 
traordinary manoeuvre  of  GoV(!rnor  Dunmore  betrayed  either  a  gretit  wtint 
of  exi)irience,  generalship,  or  a  far  more;  reprehensible  charge  ;  for  he  had, 
before  the  battle  of  Point  Pleastuit,  jont  an  ex[)ressf  to  Colonel  Lewis,  with 
orders  that  he  should  join  Iuti  netu-  the  Hhawanee  towns,  with  all  possible 
desj)atch.  These  instructions  were  looked  upon  as  singularly  unaceoiintable, 
inasmuch  as  it  was  con.sidered  a  thing  almost  impossible  to  be  accomplished, 
had  tliere  not  been  an  enemy  to  fear ;  for  the  distance  was  near  HO  miles, 
and  the  route  was  through  a  country  extremely  diftictilt  to  be  traversed,  and, 
to  use  the  words  of  Mr.  Burk^  "swarming  with  Indians."}:  The  express  did 
not  arrive  at  Point  Piea.sant  until  the  evening  afler  the  battle ;  §  but  that  it 
had  been  fought  was  unknown  to  the  governor,  and  could  in  no  wise  excuse 
his  senditig  such  orders,  idthough  the  power  of  the  Indians  was  now  broken. 

The  day  afler  the  battle.  General  Lewis  caused  his  dead  to  bo  buricid,  luid 
entrenchments  to  be  thrown  up  about  his  camj)  for  the  j)rotection  of  his 
sick  and  wounded  ;  and  the  day  following,  he  took  up  his  hue  of  march,  in 
compliance  wilh  the  orders  of  Governor  Dunmore.  This  inarch  was  attended 
with  »,'reat  privations  and  almost  insur  riountable  difficulties.  31eniiwhile 
Governor  Dunmore  descended  with  his  forces  down  the  river,  from  Fort  Pitt 
to  Wheeling,  where  he  halted  for  <i  few  days.  He  then  ])roce(vled  down  to 
the  mouth  of  Ilockhocking,  thence  over  land  to  within  8  miles  of  the  Shaw- 
anee  town  Chilicotlie,  on  the  Si'ioto.  Here  he  made  |)reparations  for  treat- 
ing with  the  Indians.  Before  reaching  this  place  he  had  received  several 
messages  from  the  Indians  with  offers  of  peace,  aiul  having  now  determined 
to  comply,  he  sent  an  exjjress  to  General  Lewis  with  an  order  that  Ik;  should 
imtnediately  retreat.  This  was  entirely  disregarded  by  the  ;^eneral,  and  ho 
continued  his  march  until  his  lordship  in  i)er.son  visited  the  general  in  !iis 
camp,  and  gave  the  order  to  the  troops  himself.    Lewis's  troops  comi)]ied 


•  Hist.  Vlrginin,  ill.  .396. 

t  The  famous  pioneer,  Simon  Kenton,  alias  Butler,  was  the  person  sent  by  Dunmore  at 
this  lime. 

X  Hist.  Virginia,  iii.  395. 

^  This  is  not  agreeal)lo  to  the  statement  of  Dr.  Duddridfre.  who  says  iheir  arrival  was  be- 
fore the  bailie,  and  Mr.  Withers  follows  him  ;  but  I  follow  Mr.  llnrk,  who  doublloss  had  the 
best  means  of  giving  the  truth.     Marshall  [Ky,  i.  40]  agrees  with  the  former. 


,,,  _/„ 


46 


CORNSTOCK  TREATS  WITH  DUNMORE. 


[Book  V. 


An  '-v.' 


lit    * 

\\  "€ 


m 


SrH- 


fc.» 


'**-. 


r  --r^- 


witli  great  reluctance,  for  they  had  determined  on  a  general  destruction  of 
the  Indians. 

A  treaty  was  now  comtnenced,  and  conducted  on  the  part  of  the  whites 
with  great  distrust,  never  admitting  but  a  small  number  of  Indians  withiti 
their  encairipment  at  a  time.  The  business  was  commenced  by  Corndock 
in  a  s})eecli  of  great  length,  in  tlie  course  of  which  he  did  not  liiii  to  (;liarge 
upon  tlie  wliites  the  whole  cause  of  the  war;  and  mainly  hi  conso(|ueuce 
of  the  murder  of  Logan^s  family.  A  treaty,  however,  was  the  result  of  this 
conference  ;  and  this  conference  was  the  result  of  the  far-laiued  speccli  of 
LOGAN,  the  Mingo  chief;  since  known  in  every  hemisphe'"e.  ]t  wus  not 
delivered  in  the  camp  of  Lord  Danmore,  for,  although  desiring  peace,  Loican 
would  not  meet  the  wliites  in  council,  but  remained  in  his  cabin  in  sullen 
silence,  until  a  messenger  was  sent  to  him  to  know  whether  he  would 
accede  to  the  j)ro|)osals  it  contained.  What  the  distance  was  lioin  the 
treaty-ground  to  Losran^s  cabin,  we  are  not  told  ;  but  of  such  iiii|)ortance  was 
his  name  considered,  that  he  was  waited  on  by  a  messenger  *  lioin  Lord 
Dunmore,  who  reipiested  his  assent  to  the  articles  of  the  treaty.  Logan  had 
lOO  iiHich  at  heart  the  wrongs  lately  done  him  to  accede  Avithout  giving  the 
messenger  to  understand  fully  the  grounds  upon  which  la;  acceded ;  he 
therefbre  invited  hiiu  into  an  adjacent  wood,  where  they  sat  down  together. 
Here  he  related  the  events  of  butchery  which  had  deprived  him  of  all 
his  connections ;  and  here  he  pronounced  that  memorable  speech,  which 
Ibllows  : 

"  I  appeal  to  any  white  to  say,  if  ever  he  entered  Logan's  cahin  hungn/,  and  Ju 
gave  him  not  meat ;  if  ever  he  came  cold  and  naked,  and  he  clothed  him  not. 

"  During  the  course  of  the  last  long  bloody  tear,  Logan  remained  idle  in  his  cahin, 
an  advocate  fur  peace.  Such  ivas  my  love  for  the  whites,  that  my  countrymen 
pointed  as  thiy  passed,  and  said,  '  Logan  is  the  friend  of  ivhite  men.'' 

"  1  had  even  thought  to  have  lived  with  you,  but  for  the  injuiies  of  one  man. 
Col.  Cresap,  the  last  spring,  in  cold  blood,  and  unprovoked,  murdered  all  the  rela- 
tions of  Logan  ;  not  even  sparing  my  women  and  children. 

"  There  rum  not  a  drop  of  my  blood  in  the  veins  of  any  living  creature.  This 
called  on  me  for  revenge.  I  have  sought  it.  I  have  killed  many.  I  have  fully 
glutted  my  vengeance.  For  my  country,  I  rejoice  at  the  beatns  of  peace.  Hut  do 
not  harbor  a  thought  tlmt  mine  is  the  joy  of  fear.  Logan  never  felt  fear.  Ik  will 
not  turn  on  his  heel  to  save  his  life.  iVho  is  there  to  mourn  for  Logan  r — JVut 
one ! " 

When  iMr.  Jefferson  published  his  "  Notes  on  Virginia,"  the  facts  therein 
stated  imiilicating  Cresap  as  the  murderer  of  Logan's  family,  were  by  Crtsap^s 
friends  called  in  (luestioii.  3Ir,  Jefferson  at  first  merely  stated  tiie  iacts  as  pre- 
liniinary  to,  and  the  cause  of,  the  "  Speech  of  Logan^^  which  Ik;  considered 
as  generally  known  in  Virginia;  but  the  acrimony  discovered  by  his  eiu'iiiies 
in  their  endeavors  to  gainsay  his  statement,  led  to  an  investigation  of  the 
whole  transaction,  and  a  publication  of  the  result  was  the  immediate  conse- 
quence, ill  a  new  edition  of  the  "  Notes  on  Virginia." 

There  an;  |)erliaps  still  some  who  doubt  of  the  genuineness  of  Logan's 
speech  and  indeed  we  must  allow,  that  there  are  some  circunistauccs  laid 
betbre  us  in  Dr.  Barton's  Medical  and  Physical  Journal,  for  the  year  1808 : 
which  look  irreconcilable.  Without  inipf^aching  in  the  slightest  degree  the 
character  of  Mr.  Jefferson,  such  facts  are  there  compared,  and  disagreements 
pointed  out,  as  chanced  to  come  in  the  way  of  the  writer.  It  apjiears  from 
the  French  traveller  Robin,  that,  in  the  time  of  our  revolution,  a  gentleman  of 
Williamsburg  gave  him  an  Indian  speech,  which  bears  great  resembhuice  to 
the  one  said  to  be  by  Logan;  but  difFeiing  very  essentially  in  date,  and  the 
person  implicated  in  murdering  the  lamily  of  Logan.  The  work  of  Robin  is 
entitled  "  New  Travels  in  Arneric:i,"  and  we  have  only  an  English  translation 


•  Mr.  John  Gibson,  tlien  au  officer  iu  Dunmore' s  army,  and  afterwards  a  man  of  consider- 
able  distiuciiou. 


Sl/,^'. 


[Book  V. 
struction  of 

r  the  whites 
iiuiis  witliiii 
>y  Cornstock 
lil  to  cliai'f^e 
-■oiis(;(|iieuce 
•esult  of  tliis 
i  si)eo(.'li  of 

It  Wiis  not 
eace,  Loi;an 
bill  ill  sullen 
r  lie  would 
as  irom  the 
lortanco  was 
*  IroiM  Lord 

Loiraii  Jiad 
It  friviiig  the 
iccedeil ;  he 
.vn  tojzether. 

him  of  all 
eecli,  wliich 


in^nj,  and  he 
III  not. 

e  in  his  cabin, 
I  countrymen 

of  o)ic  inan. 
I  all  the  rcla- 

nture.  This 
I  have  J'ldly 
ice.  Bui  do 
mr.  Ik  will 
lOgan  ? — JVot 


facts  therein 
e  by  Crtsap's 

liictsas  pre- 
;!  considered 

his  eiieinips 
ation  of  the 
diate  conse- 

3  of  Loifan^s 
istaix'cs  laid 
year  1808; 
t  degree  the 
sagreeiiieuts 
p|)cars  from 
ciitleiimu  of 
;enil)hiiice  to 
ate,  and  the 
c  of  Jiobin  is 
h  translation 


an  of  consider- 


Chap.  III.] 


LOGAN'S  SPEECH  QUESTIONED. 


47 


of  it,*  It  is  therefore  possible  that  some  mistakes  may  have  crept  into  it,  or 
that  Robin  himself  might  have  misunderstood  the  date,  and  even  other  parts 
of  the  attiiir;  howev.r,  the  probability  is  rather  strong  that  either  the  speech 
of  Los;itn  had  been  pijrverted  for  the  pnrj)o.se  of  clearing  Cresa//s  character 
of  the  foul  blot  which  entirely  covered  it,  by  wilfully  charging  it  ui)on  another, 
or  that  some  old  speech  of  his  upon  another  occasion,  had  been  remodeled  to 
suit  tiie  purpose  for  which  it  was  used.  Upon  the.se  (|uestions  we  must  leave 
the  reader  to  decide.  Robin  has  the  name  of  the  chief,  Lonaiu  Some 
Frenclim(!n  may  write  it  thus,  but  I  have  before  mr,  those  that  do  not,f  imd 
more  probably  some  English  prononnct'd  it  so,  and  so  Jiobin  heard  it.  The 
way  he  introduces  the  speech,  if  the  introduction  be  tiict,  forever  destroys 
the  genuineness  of  the  speech  of  Logan  of  1774.     It  is  thus: 

"  S|»('(!cli  of  the  savage  Lonan,  in  a  General  Assembly,  as  it  was  sent  to 
the  Gov,,  of  Virginia,!  anno  1754." 

Now  it  is  certain,  if  the  speich  which  we  will  give  below  icas  delivered  in 
the  ,'hscmblt/  of  Virginia,  in  the  year  1754,  it  could  not  have  been  truly  deliv- 
ered, as  we  have  given  it,  to  Lord  Duninore  in  1774.  That  the  reader  may 
judge  ibr  himsclfj  that  of  1754  Ibllows. 

"  LoNA.N  will  no  longer  ojipose  making  the  proj)osed  jieace  witli  the  white 
trien.  You  are  sensible  he  never  knciW  what  limr  is — that  he  never  turned 
his  buck  in  the  day  of  battle — No  one  has  more  love  for  the  white  men  than 
I  have.  The  wtir  we  have  had  with  them  has  been  long  and  bloody  on  both 
?iid(?s.  Rivers  of  blood  have  ran  on  all  j)arts,  and  yet  no  good  has  resulted 
therefrom  to  any.  I  once  more  rej)eat  it — let  us  be  at  peace  with  these  men. 
I  will  forget  our  injuries,  the  interest  of  my  country  demands  it.  I  will  forget 
— but  difiieiilt  indi^etl  is  the  task!  Yes,  I  will  forget — that  Major  Rogers  § 
cruelly  and  inliuniiinly  murdered,  in  their  canoes,  my  wife,  my  children,  my 
fiither,  my  mother,  and  all  my  kindred. — This  rouscid  me  to  deeds  of  ven- 
geaiice!  I  was  cruel  in  despite  of  myself.  I  will  die  content  if  my  country 
is  once  more  at  peace;  but  when  Zio/ian  shall  be  no  more,  who,  alas,  will 
drof)  a  tear  to  the  memory  of  Lonan!" 

VVitli  a  tew  incidents,  and  n>flections,  we  will  close  our  account  of  events 
connected  with  the  history  of  Cresap's  War. 

On  the  evening  before  the  battle  of  Point  Pleaiiant,  Cornstock  proposed  to 
his  warriors  to  make  jMjace  with  General  Lewis,  and  avoid  a  bat' 'e,  but  his 
advic(>  was  not  accepted  by  the  council.  "  Well,"  said  he,  "since  you  have 
resolved  to  fight,  you  shall  fight,  although  it  is  likely  we  shall  have  hard 
work  to-morrow;  but  if  any  man  shall  flinch  or  run  from  the  battle,  I  will 
kill  him  with  my  own  hand."  And  it  is  said  he  made  his  word  good  by  put- 
ting OIK!  to  death  who  discovered  cowardice  during  the  fight,  as  has  been 
mentioned. 

After  the  Indians  had  retreated,  Cornstock  called  a  council  at  the  Chilicothe 
towii,tocoiisulton  what  wasto  be  done.  Mere  he  reflected  upon  the  rashness 
that  had  been  exercised  in  fighting  the  whites  at  Point  Pleasant ;  and  asked, 
"  ff'hat  shall  we  do  now !  the  Long-Knives  are  coming  upon  us  by  two  routes. 
Shall  we  turn  out  andfght  them'?  " — No  answer  was  made.  He  then  inquired, 
"  Shall  we  kill  ali  our  squaws  and  children,  and  then  fight  until  ire  shall  all  be 
killed  ourselves'?" — As  belln-e,  all  were  silent.  In  the  midst  of  the  council- 
housi?  a  war-post  had  been  erected ;  with  his  tomahawk  in  his  hand,  Cornstock 
turned  towards  it,  and  sticking  it  into  the  post,  he  said,  "Since  you  are  not 
inclined  to  fight,  I  will  go  and  make  peace;"  and  he  forthwith  rei)aired  to 
Dunmore\'i  camp.|| 

*  _^____^^^^^__-...^_^^_— ^^ 

*  Since  (he  above  was  written,  I  fmve  met  with  the  French  edition  ;  and,  from  its  imprint, 
I  presume  both  editions  were  published  under  the  supervision  of  the  author.  "  A  Phiiadd- 
phie  ct  sc  troiive  a  Paris,  1782." 

t  See  Rerherclic'  sur  les  Ltats-Unis,W.  153 — 5.  The  authors  of  this  well-written  work 
should  not  havo  withheld  their  names.     It  was  printed  at  Paris,  in  8vo.,  1788. 

t  "  11  A'e< "  is  found  in  the  French  copy,  and  this  marginal  note  loil}"ce  mot  signijit 
appareminent  le  mois  Lunaire  ou  Solaire." 

^  In  tiie  Froncii  copy  no  person  is  mentioned.  After  Major,  a  blank  is  left.  In  other 
respects  the  speech  is  toloialily  correctly  translated. 

U  Doddndge's  Notes,  239-40. 


%; 


46 


UEATII  OF  LOGAN— CORNSTOCK. 


[B(<oK  v. 


lift.  ;  '  ^t'-'  r  '  '; 


■■if' •''■■•■•■' 


r-»Vrji 


?•.  ':>  •!•■• 


■.'sr'S   ■ 


M^it'^M.  .•:■■''  .  ■ 
f;^,^*;::-.^''.:  .   ■•■■. 


■■v!.*.^;/ 


I  "ill  ■  ■•'•:  V ' .  "■. 


We  have  been  more  minute  and  particular  in  these  events.  in'Anird  Losnn 
an<l  Cornslnck  were  ejuraged,  than  in  many  others;  luit  I  Uiibt'l)"  load'c  ol' 
this  history  will  not  be  dis|)lcased  with  such  minuteness  upon  so  inipoi  taut  an 
event;  especially  as  no  work  with  which  I  am  acquainted  does  the  subject 
justice,  it  was  truly  a  great  event,  both  in  respect  to  the  parties  enfragetl, 
and  the  consequences  necessarily  growing  out  of  it,  and  it  has  been  passed 
over  too  sligiitly  by  historians. 

In  res|)ect  to  the  speech  of  Logan,  it  would  be  highly  gratifying  if  a  few 
matters  connected  with  it  could  be  settled ;  but  whether  they  ever  will,  time 
".nly  can  determine.  From  tiie  statement  of  Dr.  liaiion,*  before  cito'  we 
are  led  to  expect  that  he  had  other  documents  than  those  he  at  tliat  ume 
published,  going  to  show  that  Cresap  was  lot  the  nuirderer  of  Logan's  lamily, 
but  he  never  j)ublished  them,  as  I  can  learn,  and  he  has  leil  us  to  conjecture 
upon  such  as  we  have.  Another  author,  f  upon  the  authority  of  an  otlicer 
who  was  at  the  time  witii  I^ord  Vunmore,  states  that  he  heard  notiiing  of 
Lov^nn^s  charging  Crcsnp  with  the  murder  of  his  kindred  during  the  wlioie 
cam|mign,  nor  until  a  long  time  alter.  That  it  was  not  publicly  talked  of 
among  the  otHcers  is  in  no  wise  strange,  as  Cresap  himself  was  one  of  tiiem; 
therefore,  that  this  is  evidence  that  no  such  charge  was  made  by  Logan,  we 
think  unwortiiy  consideration. 

Among  other  proofs,  that  tlie  chief  guilt  lay  tipon  the  head  of  Cresap  of 
bringing  about  a  l)loody  war,  since  well  known  by  his  name,  Judge  limes  of 
Frankfort,  Kentucky,  wrote  to  3Ir.  Jefferson,  2  March,  17[)f>,  tltat  he  was,  he 
thought,  able  to  give  him  more  particulars  of  that  affair  than,  perhaps,  any 
other  person  ;  that,  in  1774,  while  at  the  house  of  Colonel  Preston,  in  Fhi- 
casrlo  county,  Va.,  there  arrived  an  express,  calhng  upon  him  (,)  order  out 
the  militia,  "lor  tlie  protection  of  the  inhabitants  residing  low  c  .  wn  on  the 
north  Ibrk  of  Holston  River.  The  express  brought  with  him  a  war  club, 
and  a  note  tied  to  it,  wiiich  was  left  at  the  house  of  om;  Robertson,  whose 
family  were  cut  off  by  the  Indians,  and  gave  rise  for  tiic  application  to 
C'^lonel  Preston."  Heio  follows  the  letter  or  note,  of  which  Mi.  Innes  then 
made  a  copy,  in  his  mei'iorandum-book: — 

"  Captain  Cresap,  What  did  you  kill  my  people  on  Yellow  Creek  for  ?  The 
white  people  killed  my  kin  at  Conestoga,  I  a  great  tvhile  ago ;  and  I  t.himght  noth- 
i7ig  of  that.  But  yon  killed  r.iy  kin  again,  on  Yel'.oiv  Creek,  and  took  my  consin 
prisoner.  Tlien  I  thought  I  mu.it  idll  too;  and  I  have  been  three  times  to  war 
since  ;  bid  the  Indians  are  not  n':^-: j  .     nly  myself." 

It  was  signed,  "  Captain  Joh  •  i  ..k  sk." 

Not  long  after  these  times  of  calamities,  which  we  have  recorded  in  the 
life  of  Logan,  he  was  cruelly  murdered,  as  he  was  on  his  way  home  from 
Detroit.  l''or  a  time  ])revious  to  his  death,  he  gave  himself  up  to  intoxica- 
tion, which  in  a  short  time  nearly  obliterated  all  marks  of  the  great  man ! 

The  line  of  Cornstoch  is  equally  deplorable,  although  in  the  contemplation 
of  which,  his  character  does  not  sutler,  as  does  thit  of  Logan.  lie  was 
cruelly  nnirdered  by  some  white  soldiers,  while  a  iiostage  among  them. 
And  there  is  as  much,  nay,  far  more,  to  carry  down  his  remembrance  to  pos- 
tenty,  as  that  of  the  tragical  death  of  ..^trchimedes.  He  was  not  murdered 
while  actually  drawing  geometrical  figures  upon  the  ground,  but,  while  he 
was  ex|»laining  the  geography  of  his  country  by  drawings  upon  the  floor,  an 
alarm  was  given,  which,  in  a  few  minutes  after,  eventuated  in  his  death. 
We  will  now  go  into  an  explanation  of  the  cause  and  manner  of  the  murder 
of  Comstock.  h  is  well  known  that  the  war  of  the  revolution  had  involved 
all,  or  nearly  all,  of  the  Indians  in  dreadful  calamities.  In  consequence  of 
murders  committed  by  the  Indians  on  the  frontiers  of  Virginia,  several  com- 

Eanies  marcher  to  Point  Pleasant,  where  there  had  been  a  fort  since  the 
attle  tliere  in  j774.     Most  of  the  tribes  of  the  ncrth-west,  excejit  the  Shaw- 
r.uees,  were  determined  to  fight  against  the  Americans.     Comstock  wished 


•»  Mftl.  and  Phijs.  Jour,  part  ii     .  Ifi2.  f   Withers,  Chronicles,  136. 

t  Alluding,  I  suppobe,  to  llje  n.^.isacre  of  the  Conestoga  Lidiaas  in  1763, 


iu  La  ' 


'B?;! 


flUAP.    III.] 


MURDER  OF  CORNSTOCK    \M>  ui;ir...3. 


to  preserve  peace,  and  t'lerofore,  ns  tli«  only  iiiciins  in  Ids  power,  as  lie  liail 
used  Ills  powerful  elo(|ti(!iiCC  ill  .aiii,  re.solvcMl  to  lay  llir  state  oi' aliuirs  ln;- 
tbre  the  Americans,  that  tliey  iiiii,''lit  avert  tiu;  tiinuiteiitd  storm.  In  the 
spring  of  1777,  he  came  to  tiie  l()it  at  I'oiiit  lMe;isaiit,  upon  tiii.s  li  ieiidly  iiiis- 
sioii,  ill  foiiipany  witli  another  ciiiei;  called  Rvd-hawl;.  Ai'ror  (!\phiiii':ni,'  the 
situation  of  things  with  regard  to  the  conii'derate  trihes,  he  said,  in  regard 
to  his  own,  the  Shawanese,  "  77//;  current  sel.t  [witli  the  liidiansj  so  s/ronir 
as;(diiM  the  Jlmericans,  in  cumequence  of  the  ns^encij  t>J'  (he  Jirilisli,  llinl  llui/  [the 
^^liawaiiesc]  wUlJloat.  with  il,  I  fear,  in  spite  of  all  iw/  crerlio7is."  Tpoii  this 
intelligence,  the  commander  of  the  garrison  thoiiglit  |)ro|)er  to  detain  him 
and  Red-hawk  as  hostages  to  prevent  the  meditiitt'd  calamities.  When  Ca[)- 
tain  Arlnickle,  the  commander  of  tlu;  garrison,  had  iiotilied  the  new  govern- 
ment of  Virginia  of  the  situation  of  atliiirs,  and  what  he  had  dune,  lorces 
iiian-hed  into  that  country.  A  part  of  thcwn  having  arrived,  waited  for  others 
to  join  them  under  (Tcneral  Hand,  on  whom  tlie>e  depended  for  |)rovisions. 

31eanwhile  the  officers  held  frequent  conversations  with  Corn.itock,  wlio 
took  pleasure  in  giving  them  niimite  descriptions  of  Ins  roimtiy,  and  espt  - 
eially  of  that  portion  hetween  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri.  One  day,  as  Ik;  was 
delineating  a  map  of  it  upon  the  floor,  for  the  gratification  of  those  presiJiit,  a 
call  was  heard  on  the  opjiosite  side  of  the  Ohio,  v.liicli  he  at  ont;e  recoiinized 
as  the  voice  of  his  son,  Ellinip.-'co,  who  had  fought  at  his  side  m  the  iiinioiiH 
battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  in  1774,  of  whicli  we  liav(;  s[>oken.  At  the  n  quest 
of  his  father,  EUinipsico  came  to  the  fort,  where  they  had  an  aflectionate 
meeting.  This  son  hud  become  uneasy  at  his  fatli(;r's  long  absence,  and  had 
at  length  sought  him  out  in  his  exile  here  ;  prompted  by  those  feelings  which 
so  much  adorn  human  nature.  The  next  day,  two  men  crossed  the  Kan- 
hawa,  ujion  a  hunting  expedition.  As  they  were  returning  to  their  boat  after 
their  hunt,  and  near  the  side  of  the  river,  they  were  fireil  upon  by  some  In- 
dians, and  one  of  the  two,  named  Gilmore,  was  killed,  but  the  other  escaped. 
A  party  of  Captain  HaWs  men  went  over  and  brought  in  the  body  of  Gilmore ; 
■  hereupon  a  cry  was  raised,  "Zid  us  go  urul  kill  ike  Indians  in  the  fort."  An 
iiifuriated  gang,  with  Captain  Hull  at  their  head,  set  out  with  this  nefarious 
resolution,  and,  against  every  remonstrance,  proceeded  to  commit  the  deed 
of  blood.  With  their  guns  cocked,  they  swore  death  to  any  who  should  ojt- 
pose  them.  In  the  mean  time,  some  ran  to  apprize  the  devoted  chiefs  of 
their  danger.  As  the  murderers  approached,  Ellinipsico  discovered  agita- 
tion, which  when  Comstock  saw,  he  said,  ^^  My  son,  the  Great  Spirit  has  seen 
fd  that  tve  should  die  together,  and  has  sent  you  to  that  ".nd.  li  is  his  will,  and 
let  us  submit"  The  murderers  had  now  arrived,  and  the  old  chief  turned 
around  and  met  them.  They  shot  him  through  with  seven  bullets.  lie  fell, 
and  died  without  a  struggle ! 

Ellinipsico,  though  having  at  first  appeared  disturbed,  met  his  death  with 
great  composure.  He  was  shot  upon  iJie  seat  on  which  he  was  sitting  when 
his  fate  was  first  disclosed  to  him. 

Red-hawk  was  a  young  Delaware  chief,  and,  like  Ellinipsico,  had  fought 
under  Comstock.  He  died  with  less  fortitude :  having  tried  to  secrete  himself, 
he  Avas  soon  discovered  and  slain.  Another"  Indian,  whose  name  is  not 
mentioned,  was  mangled  and  murdered  in  the  most  ba  arous  manner. 
Suffice  it  here  to  say,  that  this  was  all  that  was  efiected  b;^  lie  expedition, 
and  the  forces  soon  afler  returned  home. 

Few,  if  any,  chiefs  in  history  are  spoken  of  in  terms  of  higher  commenda- 
tion than  Comstock.  Mr.  fVithers,  a  writer  on  Indian  affairs,*  speaks  as  follows 
of  him: 

"  Thus  perished  the  mighty  Cornstalk,  sachem  of  the  Shawanees,  and  king 
of  the  northern  confederacy,  in  1774, — achief  remiu-kable  for  many  great  and 
good  quaUties.  He  was  disposed  to  bo  at  all  tunes  the  friend  of  white  men, 
as  he  ever  m  ac:  the  advocate  of  honorable  peace.  But  when  his  country's 
wro' '.'s  'called  aloud  for  battle,' he  became  the  thunderbolt  of  war,  and  made 
hwf  I  jioisors  feel  the  weight  of  his  uplifted  arm."  "His  noDe  bearing — 
hie  gei?"ro"M  and  disinterested  attachment  to  the  colonies,  when  the  thunder 

*  hi  L»  "  Chronicles,"  a  work,  il  is  our  duty  to  remark,  wrillen  with  candor  and  judgmeut. 
5 


■ir^ 


1>^<} 


\^: 


■^•J.<V,,;.'.^V.  ,....    . 


U}£ "'-' 


60 


WOLF— PONTIAK. 


[Book  V. 


of  Britinli  cannon  was  revcrliorating  tliroiifrh  tlic  land — his  anxiety  to  jjifsene 
the  lioiitier  ol"  Virffinia  Iroin  (itisolation  and  death,  (the  ohject  of  his  visit  to 
Point  Pleasant,)  all  conspired  to  win  for  him  tiie  esteem  and  respect  of  oth- 
ers; wiiilu  tlie  initimely  and  perfidions  manner  of  his  deatli,  caused  a  deep 
and  lasting  regret  to  [tervade  the  bosoms  even  of  those  who  were  enemies  to 
his  nation  ;  and  excited  the  just  indignation  of  all  towards  his  iniiuneai  and 
barharons  mnrdereis." 

Colonel  H'il.ion,  i)resent  ^t  the  interview  between  the  chiefs  and  Governor 
Danmort  m  1774,  tiiiis  sjteaks  of  Cornstock: — "When  he  arose,  he  was  in  tin 
wis(!  confused  or  daunted,  hut  spoke  in  a  distinct  and  audible  voice,  witheut 
staimn<'ring  or  repetition,  and  with  peculiar  emphasis.  His  looks,  while  ad- 
ilressing  JJuiniiore,  were  truly  grand  and  majestic;  yet  graceful  and  attractivp. 
1  have  l;i'ai(l  the  first  orators  in  Virginia, — Patrick  Henri/  and  Rirhmil  Hinrij 
Lee, — but  ne\'er  liave  I  heard  one  whose  [)owere  of  delivery  surpassed  those 
of  C'ornstalk." 

Ten  years  after  the  bloody  affair  above  related,  an  able  writer*  upon  those 
times  says,  "The  blood  of  the  great  Cor.nstock  and  of  his  gallant  son  was 
mingled  \vitli  the  dust,  but  their  memory  is  not  lost  in  oblivion."  lint  how 
few  at  tills  day  know  of  his  tiite,  or  even  that  such  a  cliicf  ever  existed!  and, 
at  th(^  same  time,  the  same  jjersoiis  would  be  indignant,  were  we  to  suppose 
them  ignorant  of  the  iiite  of  the  monster  Pizarro. 

We  hear  of  one  son  who  survived  C'ornstock,  who  was  conspicuous  in  sonip 
e.uriy  eviMits  of  the  revolution.  He  was  a  chief,  and  known  among  the  whites 
by  the  name  of  tlie  Wolf.  He  was  a  hostage,  with  three  others,  at  Williams- 
burgh,  vvlien  Governor  Dunmore  tied  on  board  a  man-of-war  to  escape  the 
fury  of  tlie  revolutionists.  After  the  governor  had  got  off,  he  sent  liir  the 
Indians  to  come  to  him,  which  they  did.  He  then  explained  to  them  the 
reason  of  his  flight,  and  directed  them  to  fly  also,  or  they  would  surely  he 
murdered  the  next  day.  They  fled  into  the  woods,  jind  owmg  to  tlie  darkness 
of  the  night,  lost  one  of  their  companions,  and  the  Wolf  and  another  soon 
aller  retm-ned  to  WiJliamshurgh.  nnd  were  well  received  by  the  inhaliitants. 
The  object  of  the  governor  was  very  obvious. 

As  great  a  warrior,  perha|)s,  as  any  who  have  lived  among  the  nations  of  the 
wesi,  we  shall  in  the  next  place  proceed  to  give  an  account  of.     This  was 

I'ONTIA  K,  a  chief  of  tlie  Ottoway  nation,  whose  fame,  in  his  time,  was  not 
alone  confined  to  his  own  continent ;  but  the  gazettes  of  Europe  spread  it  also. 

One  who  knew  (his  chief",  and  the  tribes  over  whom  he  had  sway,  *lius 
speaks  of  iliem  in  1705: — "The  Indians  on  the  lakes  are  generally  at  peace 
with  Pii.^  another,  having  a  wide  extended  and  fruitful  country  in  their 
possession.  They  are  formed  into  a  sort  of  empire,  and  the  empcmr  is 
elected  from  the  eldest  tribe,  which  is  tlie  Ottawawas,  some  of  whom  inhabit 
near  our  fort  at  Detroit,  but  are  mostly  further  westward,  towards  the  Missis- 
sippi. Ponieack  is  their  present  king  or  emperor,  who  has  certainly  tlie  largest 
emf)  >3  and  greatest  authority  of  any  Indian  chief  that  has  appeared  on  the 
e.>ntinent  since  our  acquaintance  with  it.  He  })nts  on  an  air  of  majesty  and 
princely  grandem,  and  is  greatly  honored  and  revered  by  his  sulijects."  f 

111  !7()0,  Major  Rogers  marched  into  his  country,  in  fulfilling  his  orders  of 
disp(  ;cii»g  the  French,  after  the  fall  of  Quebec.|  Apprized  of  his  ajjproach, 
Piy'Uuk  ."•■nt  ambassadors  to  inform  him  that  their  chief  was  not  far  ofi",  and 
«ictiired  n.m  to  halt  until  he  could  see  him  "with  his  own  eyes,"  and  to  in- 
form !.ini  \\x\t  he  was  tiie  king  and  lord  of  the  country. 

I'mVak  -oon  met  the  English  officer,  and  demanded  his  business  into  his 
country,  and  how  it  came  al>out  that  he  dared  enter  it  without  his  permission 
When  the  colonel  told  liim  he  had  no  design  against  the  Indians,  and  only 
wished  to  remove  the  French,  their  common  enemy,  and  cause  of  all  their 
troulii ',  delivering  liiiM  at  the  same  time  several  belts  of  wampum,  Pontiak 
rci)lie<l,  "J  stand  in  the  path  you  travel  in,  until  to-morrow  morning,"  and 
gave  him  a  belt.  This  communication  was  understood,  and  "was  as  much 
as  to  say,"  soys  the  actor,  "I  must  not  inarch  further  without  his  leave." 

*  In  Carnfn  Museam,  iv.  lifl.  \  Rogers's  Account  of  i   ih  America,  240. 

X  i^uebeis  Lj  an  AlgoiiquiB  word,  signifying  a  Strait.     Charlevoix. 


[Book  V. 

to  presene 
liis  visit  to 
cct  of  otli- 
led  a  deep 
enoniics  to 
lii.-'>iMi  and 

d  Governor 
was  ill  no 
ce,  witlioiii 
s,  vvliiii'  ad- 
1  attractive. 
■ha  1(1  H(nr]/ 
lassed  those 

ii))()n  tliose 
uit  son  was 
'  15nt  how 
visted!  and, 
!  to  supposie 

oiis  in  some 
1^  tiie  whites 
It  Wiliiains- 
I  escape  the 
sent  for  the 
to  them  the 
hi  surely  he 
the  darkness 
uotlier  soon 
inhabitants. 

ations  of  the 

riiis  was 

iuie,  wiis  not 

tread  it  also. 

sway,  'hiis 

idly  iit  jteace 

try   in  their 

emperor  is 

lOMi  iidiabit 

I  the  Missis- 
y  the  largest 
lared  on  the 
inaji'stv  and 
,eets."t 
lis  orders  of 
<  approach, 
far  ort",  and 
"  and  to  in- 

ness  into  his 
pernnssion 
IS,  and  only 
of  all  their 
ini,  Pontiak 
jrning,"  and 
as  as  nnich 
his  leave." 

merica,  240. 


Chap.  Ill.j 


PONTIAK. 


6t 


The  colonel  continues:  "When  ho  departed  for  the  night,  he  inquired  whether 
I  wanted  any  thing  that  his  country  nflorded,  and  [if  1  did]  ho  would  send 
his  warriors  to  fetch  it.  I  assured  him  that  any  provisions  they  Itrought 
should  l)(!  paid  for;  and  the  next  day  we  were  sniiplied  by  them  with  .^iovorai 
bags  of  [larelied  corn,  and  sonu;  otiier  nei;essaries.  At  our  second  meeting, 
he  gave  me  the  pipe  of  ja-ace,  an<l  both  of  us  by  turns  smoked  with  it;  and 
he  assured  me  be  had  tnade  jteace  with  mo  imd  my  detachment ;  that  1  ndght 
pass  through  Ids  country  munohsted,  and  ndieve  the  French  garri.-<on  ;  and 
that  he  would  protect  me  and  my  party  from  any  insidts  that  nuglit  be  olli-rcfl 
or  iht'Muh'd  by  the  Indians;  and,  a.s  an  earnest  of  his  irieiidship,  he  sent  100 
warriors  to  |)rot(!ct  and  assist  us  in  driving  100  fit  cattle,  wliich  we  had 
brought  for  the  use  of  the  detachmi-nt  from  i'ittsburgh,  by  the  way  of  Pri-sfpie- 
Isle.  lie  likewise  sent  to  the  several  Indian  towns  on  the  south  side 
and  west  end  of  Lake  Erie,  to  iidbrm  them  that  I  had  his  consent  to  come  into 
the  country.  He  attended  me  constantly  after  this  inteniew  till  !  arrived  at 
Detroit,  and  v\hil(!  I  remained  in  the  country,  and  wfis  the  means  of  preserv- 
ing the  (l(;taciiment  from  the  liiry  of  thi;  Indians,  who  had  assembled  at  the 
mouth  of  till'  strait,  with  an  intent  to  cut  us  off.  I  had  several  conferences  with 
him,  in  which  he  discovered  great  strength  of  judgitient,  and  u  thirst  alter 
knowledge." 

This  same  oilicer  observes,  that  he  discovered  much  curiosity  at  their  ecpii- 
page,  and  wished  to  know  how  their  chtthes  wen;  mafh;,  and  to  learn  theit 
mode  of  war.  lie  expresr-eda  willingness  to  acknowledge  the  king  of  England, 
though  not  as  his  superior,  but  as  his  uncle,  which  he  would  acknowledge, 
as  h(!  was  able,  in  furs.  England  was  much  in  his  t'  inghts,  and  la;  olleii 
expressed  a  desire  to  see  it.  He  told  Colonel  Rogers  that,  if  lie  wouhl  conduct 
him  there,  he  would  give  him  a  part  of  his  country. 

He  was  willing  to  grant  the  English  <a\  ors,  and  allow  them  to  settle  in 
his  dominions,  but  not  unless  he  c(juld  be  viewed  as  sovereign;  and  he  gave 
tln'tn  to  understand,  that,  unless  they  conducted  themselves  agreeably  to  his 
wishes,  "he  would  shut  up  the  way,"  and  keep  them  out.  Hence  it  is  tair, 
within  the  scope  of  the  most  reasonable  conjecture,  to  conclude,  that  his  Hnal 
disaffection  to  the  English  was  owing  to  their  haughty  carriage,  and  maltreat- 
ment of  him  and  his  jteople. 

The  [)rincipal  scenes  of  his  prowess  were  at  Michilimakinak  and  Detroit, 
The  French  fmally  gave  uj)  [)ossession  in  Canada,  in  17()0;  but  many  of  the 
Indian  nations  who  had  become  attached  to  them  were  taught,  at  tlie  same 
time,  to  hate  the  ICnglish,  Pontiak  was  most  conspicuous  in  his  ennuty,  al- 
though, until  he  had  united  the  strength  of  msny  tribes  to  his,  he  showed 
great  kindness  and  fWendship  towards  them.  The  Mianus,  Ottawas,  Chippe- 
was,  VVyandots,  I'ottowatonnes,  Mississagas,  Shawanese,  Ottigamies,  and 
Winnebagoes,  constituted  his  power,  as,  in  atter-time,  they  did  that  of  Te- 
cumseL 

There  was  more  system  employed  by  this  distinguished  man  than,  perhaps, 
by  any  other  ot  his  countrymen  u|)on  any  sunilar  inidertaking,  not  e.\ce|)ting 
even  Metacnmel  or  Tecumsch,  In  his  war  of  ITlKl,  which  is  justly  denonnnated 
"  Pontiac^s  war,"  he  appointed  a  commissar)',  and  began  to  make  and  issue 
bills  of  credit;  all  of  which  he  afterwards  carefully  redeemed,  II,  iiade  his 
bills  or  notes  of  bark,  on  which  was  drawn  the  figure  of  the;  commodity  he 
wanted  for  it.  The  shape  of  an  otter  was  drawn  under  that  of  the  article 
wanted,  and  an  otter  was  the  insignia  or  arms  of  his  nation.  He  had  also, 
with  great  sagacity,  urged  upon  his  people  the  necessity  of  dispensing  alto- 
gether with  European  commodities,  to  have  no  intercourse  with  any  whites, 
and  to  dej)end  entirely  upon  their  ancient  modes  of  ])rocuring  sustenance.* 

Major  Gladwin  held  possession  of  Detroit  in  17(i3.    Having  been  despatched 
thither  by  General  Jimherst,  he  had  been  informed  by  commissioners  w  ho  had 
been  exj)loring  the  country,  that  hostile  feedings  were  manifested  among  the 
Indians,  and  he  sent  men  on  purpose  to  ascertain  the  fact,  who,  on  their  re 
turn,  dissipated  all  fears, 

"  In  17G3,"  says  Major  Rogers,  "  when  I  went  to  throw  provisions  into  the 


■■  •  '•'*  '^»il\ 


*  Rogers's  Concise  Account  of  North  America,  244. 


k 


>  fj 


rONTlVK  CAPTUllES  MICHILIMAKINAK. 


[Book  V 


{fHirisoii  at  J)(;troit,  1  soiit  tli'iH  Jiidiaii  a  hottio  of  l»raiuly  by  a  Frcnclirnun. 
lin  rouiiwcllni-H  atlviwd  liiin  not  to  tasto  it,  iiisiiiuatin;,'  that  it  wan  |)oi.s(iti(;(| 
und  soiit  uitli  a  dcsi;.'!!  to  kill  iiiin;  l)iit  I'ontatck,  with  a  iioiilciic^s  t)f'  niiiid' 
Uiiif.dicd  at  tli(!ir  toispicioiis,  wajiiig  it  was  not  in  luy  power  to  kill  him,  who 
had  so  lately  isaved  him  lili'."  * 

Several  tniderw  ha<l  hnnij/ht  newH  to  the  fort  at  Michiliiiiakiiiak,  that  the 
Indians  were  hoHtile  to  tht^  i''n;;lish.  Major  KUurinirlon  coninianded  the  uar- 
rL.oii,  and  wonid  believe  nothinj,'  of  it.  A  Mr.  Ducluinnt  eoinniunicalcd 
the  inlorniMlion  to  tli»!  major,  who  waHni""'i  displeased  at  it,  "and  tiireatcnt d 
to  send  tiie  lii'xt  person  who  shoidd  bring  a  N'ory  of  the  timim  kind  a  prisoner 
to  l)eiroil."f 

Th(^  garrison,  at  this  ♦iine,  consisted  of  00  men,  besides  two  snbalterns  and 
the  eommunder-in-chief.  There  were  also  at  the  fort  fonr  Knglish  uierehants. 
I/itlle  re^.'ird  was  paid  to  the  asseniljling  of  sundry  bands  ol'  ln<lians,  as  ihey 
appe:H'ed  Iriendiy  ;  but  when  nearly  400  of  tluMn  were  scattered  np  and  <l(i\vii 
thronghrjMi  the  jiiace,  "1  took  the  libcMMy,"'  says  Mr.  Ilcnnj,  "of  olist-rvitifr  to 
IMajor  i'J//irriHi;7o;i,  that,  in  my  judgmtMit,  no  confidence  ought  to  be  placed 
in  llieni ;  in  return,  the  major  only  rallied  mo  on  my  timidity." 

On  the  tiinrth  of  June,  the  king's  birlh  day,  ilu;  Indians  began,  as  if'toatnuse 
themselves,  to  play  at  a  (iivorit(!  game  of  ball,  which  they  called  hitiiirnliu'mi, 
which  is  thus  described  by  Mr.  i/r/tn/; — "It  is  played  with  a  bat  and  ball, 
the  bat  lii-ing  about  lour  feet  in  length,  curved,  aiul  terirfmated  in  a  sort  of 
racket.  Two  posts  are  placed  in  the  ground,  at  u  considerable  distance  from 
each  other,  as  a  mile  or  more;.  I'iach  party  has  its  post,  and  the  game  con- 
sists in  throw  ing  the  ball  up  to  the  post  of  the  adversary.  Tlie  ball,  at  the 
beginning,  is  |)laced  if  the  nnddle  of  the  com-se,  and  each  party  endeavors  as 
well  to  throw  the  ball  out  of  the  direction  of  its  own  i»ost,  as  into  ihat  of  the 
adversary's.  This  farce  drew  many  oil"  their  guard,  und  some  of  the  garrison 
went  out  to  witness  the  sport. 

"Tbe  game  of  baggatiway,  (he  continues,)  us  from  the  description  above 
will  have  been  perceived,  is  necessarily  attended  with  imicli  noise  and  vio- 
lence. In  the  ardor  of  contest,  the  ball,  as  has  been  suggested,  if  it  cannot 
be  thrown  to  the  goal  desired,  is  struck  in  any  direction  by  whidi  it  can  he 
diverted  from  thut  designed  by  the  adversary.  At  such  a  moment,  thercl'ore, 
nothing  could  be  less  liable  to  excite  premature  alarm,  than  thut  the  ball  slioidd 
be  tossed  over  the  pickets  of  the  Ibrt,  nor  that,  having  fallen  there,  it  should 
be  followed,  on  the  instant,  by  all  engaged  in  the  game,  as  well  the  OTie  i)arty 
aa  the  other,  all  eager,  uU  striving,  all  shouting,  all  in  the  unrestrained  pursuit 
of  a  rude  atliletic  exercise."  And  this  was  their  plan,  while  in  the  height  of 
their  game,  to  throw  their  ball  within  the  pickets  of  the  fort,  and  then  all  to 
rush  in,  and,  in  the  midst  of  their  hubbub,  to  murder  the  garrison ;  and  it 
succeeded  to  their  wishes.  They  struck  the  ball  over  the  stockade,  us  if  by 
accident,  ami  repented  it  several  times,  runinng  in  and  out  of  the  fort  w  ith  ail 
iieedom,  "to  make  the  dece))tion  more  complete  ;"t  and  then,  rushing  in  in 
every  direction,  took  possession  of  the  place  without  the  least  resistance. 

They  nnu'dered  the  soldiei-s,  until  their  numbers  were  so  diminished,  that 
they  a|)prehended  nothing  from  their  resistunce  ;  many  of  whom  were  ran- 
somed at  Montreal  afterwards,  at  a  great  price.  Seventy  were  \m\.  to  death, 
and  the  other  twenty  reserved  for  slaves.  A  few  days  alter,  a  boat  (iom 
Montreal,  without  knowing  what  had  happened,  came  ashore  with  I'^nglish 
passengers,  who  all  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians.  Pontiak  was  not  per- 
sonally concerned  in  this  affair,  but  it  was  a  part  of  his  design,  and,  th(;re- 
fore,  is  very  properly  here  related.  A  chief  named  Menehwehna  was  the 
commander  in  that  affair.  § 

It  was  oidy  15  days  from  the  time  the  first  blow  was  sU'uck,  before  PovHak 
had  taken  jjossession  of  every  garrison  in  the  west  except  three.    No  less 

*  The  Abbe  Raynal,  whom  we  followed  in  the  former  editions,  (not  then  possessing  Rogers's 
ewn  account,)  does  not  narrate  this  circmnstaace  faillifuUy. 

t  Travels  in  Canada,  by  Alexaiuler  Henry,  Esq.,  from  which  the  following:  account  of  th« 
destruction  of  Micliilimakinak  is  taken. 

i  Can>er's  Travels,  ID,  20.  edit.  8vo,  Lond.  1784,  J  Henry's  Travels,  tU  nipra. 


[IIdok  V 
'rencliniun. 

H   |)oi.S()IM!(l, 

^^M  of  iiiiiul, 
II  liitn,  who 

ik,  tliiit  the 

t'd  tht!  i"ar- 

iiiiiiiiicutfd 

tliiTiitciud 

a  priMnier 

laltrnis  and 
iiicrchaiits, 
mis,  as  ili(!y 
)  and  diiwii 
hscrvin;,'  to 
'  Ix!  placed 

it'tii  arnusp 
fi(i</;ij;fdiivm/, 
il  and  ball, 
ill  a  sort  of 
stance  Irom 
jranie  con- 
hall,  at  the 
iidcavors  as 
dial  of  the 


ption  above 
ise  and  vio- 
if  it  cannot 
■h  it  can  he 
t,  tlierelbrc, 
!  ball  slionld 
"o,  it  should 
ic  one  party 
iiied  pursuit 
le  heifjht  of 
I  then  all  to 
son ;  and  it 
idr,  as  if  by 
fort  with  all 
jshiiig  in  in 
istance. 
nished,  that 
u  were  rari- 
ut  to  death, 
1  boat  from 
itii  English 
vas  not  per- 
and,  tht;re- 
tia  was  the 

ore  Povtiak 
e.    No  less 


ssing  Rogers's 
account  of  th« 
IS;  ut  nipra. 


Ch*i'.  Ill]         PONTIAK— STRATAGKM  TO  TAKE  DETROIT. 


fid 


than  10  were,  in  this  short  spacrc,  reduced.  Detroit  ulune  reniaiiicd  in  thul 
distant  rc^'ion,  and,  as  will  jin'si'iitly  bo  .s(M'1i,  this  was  br<)U;;ht  to  the  very 
brink  ol'  tin;  most  a\>'*id  prccijiice  ot'  which  tin.-  inia^iiiation  can  conceive. 
TIk!  iiaincs  of  tiiiisc  captured  at  this  time  wcrt;  Le  l5o»;'i(i  \'»!nan;fo, 
I'rcsii'lslc,  on  or  near  Lake  i'lric  ;  LalJay,*  n|»ou  Lakt;  Michi'fa.i ;  St.  Jostsph's, 
upon  the  river  of  that  name:  IMiaiiii.s,  upon  tli);  Miami  River:  Oiiachtaiion, 
upon  the  Ouab.ichr  ;  Sandusky,  upon  l..aki;  Juiiuiidat ;  and   iMi<diilimakinak.t 

'I'lie  garrison  at  J)etroit  was  closely  bcsicffcd  by  I'oiUiiic,  in  |iers(ui,  la-tbre 
the  news  ol'  tiie  massacre  of  I'"ort  .Michiliniakiiiak  arrivi-d  there.  It  was 
:,'arrisuiied  by  about  ."MIO  mt^n,  and  when  J'uiUiuc  canic  with  bis  warriors, 
although  in  jiieat  numbe-rs,  they  were  so  intermixed  with  wonu^ii  and  (diildren, 
and  brought  so  many  commodities  ti>r  trad',  that  no  suspicion  was  excited, 
either  in  the  mind  of  Major  Gliidwin,  or  the  inhabitants.  lie  encamped  u 
little  distance  from  the  t()rt,  and  sent  to  the  major  to  inform  him  that  be  wuh 
come  to  trade,  and,  |)rc|>aratory  tbijreto,  wished  to  hold  a  talk  with  him  for 
die  j)urpose  of  "  brightening  tin;  chain  ol' peace  "  between  the  English  and 
his  people.  No  suspicion  was  yet  entertained,  and  the  major  n^atlily  con- 
sented, and  the  nt\\t  morning  was  fixed  upon  for  the  council. 

The  same  evening,  a  circuinstain^e  transpired  which  saved  the  garrison 
from  a  dreadful  massacre.  An  Indian  wonctn,  who  had  made  a  ]iair  of 
nioccasins  for  Major  (ilailwin,  out  of  a  curious  (.'Ik  skin,  brought  them  to  him, 
and  returned  the  remainder  of  the  skin.  IJeiug  much  pleased  with  them, 
till!  major  wished  her  to  take  the  skin  and  make  another  [mir,  as  he  ha<l  con- 
cliideil  to  give  the  others  to  a  IHend,  and  what  was  left  to  make  into  shoes 
for  hersell!  She  was  then  paid  lor  her  work,  and  dismissed.  Hut  when 
those  whoso  duty  it  was  to  see  that  the  fort  was  clear  of  strangerH,  and  to 
close  the  gates  tor  the  night,  went  ujion  their  duty,  this  woman  was  found 
loitering  in  the  area,  and,  being  asked  what  she  wanted,  niadn  no  reply. 
The  major,  being  informed  of  her  singular  demeanor,  directed  her  to  lie  con- 
ducted into  liis  presence,  which  being  done,  he  asked  her  why  she  did  not 
depart  before  the  gates  were  shut.  She  re[)lied,  with  some  hesitation,  that 
she  did  not  wish  to  take  away  the  skin,  as  he  set  so  great  a  value  upon  it. 
This  answer  was  delivered  in  such  a  manner,  that  the  major  was  rather  dis- 
satisfied with  it,  and  asked  her  why  she  had  not  made  the  same  objection  on 
tidcing  it  in  the  nrst  place!  This  rather  confustil  her,  and  she  said  that  if 
she  took  it  away  now,  she  never  should  be  able  to  return  it 

It  was  now  evident  that  sue  withheld  something  which  she  wished  to  com- 
municate, but  was  restrained  through  fear.  But  on  being  assured  by 
Major  Gladwin  that  she  should  not  be  betraycjd,  but  should  be  protected  and 
rewarded,  if  the  information  was  valuablt!,  she  said  that  the  chiefs  who 
were  to  meet  him  in  council  the  next  day  had  contrived  to  murder  him,  and 
take  the  garrison,  and  put  nil  the  inhabitants  to  deatli.  Each  chief,  she 
said,  would  come  to  the  council,  with  so  much  cut  off  of  his  gun,  that  he 
could  conceal  it  under  his  blanket ;  that  Pontiac  was  to  give  the  signal, 
while  delivering  his  speech,  which  was,  when  he  should  draw  his  peace 
belt  of  wampum,  and  present  it  to  the  major  in  a  certain  manner ;  and 
that,  while  the  council  was  sitting,  as  many  of  the  warriors  as  could  should 
assemble  within  the  fort,  lu-med  in  the  same  manner,  under  the  pretence  of 
tradina:  ^vith  the  garrison. 

Having  got  i.U  the  intbrmation  necessary,  the  woman  was  discharged,  and 
Major  Gladwin  had  every  precaution  taken  to  put  the  garrison  into  the  best 
possible  state  for  <lefence.  He  im[)arted  the  discovery  to  liis  men,  and 
instructed  them  how  to  act  at  the  approaching  council ;  at  the  same  time 
sending  to  all  the  traders  in  ditTerent  directions  to  be  upon  their  guard. 

The  n(!Xt  morning  having  arrived,  every  countenance  wore  a  different 
aspect ;  the  hour  ol  the  council  was  fast  approaching,  and  the  quick  step 
and  nervous  exercise  in  every  evolution  of  the  soldiers  were  expressive  of 

*  So  called  by  the  French,  who  built  il,  because  it  stood  at  the  extremity  of  a  bay  in  Michi- 
gan, called  "  Le  Baiedes  Piiants,"  now  Green  IJay.  Il  was  taken  by  the  Menomiuies  :  the 
garrison  consisted  of  30  men.    See  Carver's  Travels,  21,  22. 

t  liouquet's  Ohio  Expedition,  lut.  iii. 


•'i 


il 


h 


•:5- 


u 


PONTIAK— SIEGE  OF  DKrUOIT 


tit   '. .        ,.-•  ■  ^v    , 


s^>^>;'' 


[R4)nK  V 


an  oj)proftrliiriff  ovenf,  big  with  thnir  destiny.     It  wjis  hciL'htpned  in  tin-  past 
niglit.  when  a  cry  was  heard  in  tin-  liidian  mcaniiunent  diflerent  frnui  what 
wuH  usual  on   peaee  oceaHionH.     The  garrison  tires  were  extinguished,  and 
^very  man  repaire<l  to  ids  post.     But  the  cry  being  heard  no  more,  the  re 
niaind<;r  of  tlie  niglit  was  passed  in  silenre. 

The  nppr)inti'd  iiour  of  ten  oVIoek  arrived,  and  also  as  punetual  arrivptl 
Ponliiir  and  his  'M\  chiefs,  followed  by  a  train  of  warrioi-s.  When  the  stip- 
ulated nuudxr  had  entered  the  garrison,  the  gates  wen?  closed.  The  chieln 
observed  attentively  the  troo[)s  under  arms,  inarching  Irom  i)lac(?  to  place  • 
two  enliMuns  nearly  inclosing  the  council  house,  an<l  both  .iieing  towar'.  .•  it. 
On  Punliitr's  entering  it,  he  demanded  of  Major  Glndmn  the  <-ausij  of  ,„, 
much  parade,  and  why  his  men  were  imder  arms ;  he  said  it  was  an  iiid 
manner  of  holding  n  council.  'I'he  major  told  him  it  was  only  to  exercise 
them.  'Y\\v  Indians  being  seated  upon  the  skins  pnparcMl  for  them,  /'online 
c,omm»!nced  lii-^  speech,  and  when  he  came  to  the  signal  of  |)resentinir  the 
belt,  the  governor  and  his  att«Midants  drawing  their  swords  half  out  of  their 
scabbards,  and  the  soldiers  clinching  their  guns  with  rtrmncss,  discovered  to 
the  chicits,  by  their  peculiar  attitudes,  that  their  plot  was  discovered.  Puntinr, 
with  all  his  bravijry,  turned  pal(%  and  every  chief  showed  signs  of  astfiriisli- 
UKMit.  To  avoid  an  o|)(!n  detection,  the  signal  in  [)assing  the  belt  was  not 
given, anil /^o/)/(Vjr  closed  his  specfdi,  which  contained  many  professions  of 
respect  and  alK  ction  to  the  English.  IJiit  wlujii  Major  Gladwin  conmieiiced 
his,  he  did  not  tail  directly  to  reproach  Pontine  with  treachery;  told  him  he 
could  not  do  any  thing  to  insnare  the  English,  and  that  Ik;  knew  his  whole 
diabolical  plan.  Pontine  tried  to  excuse  himseiti  and  to  make  Major  (Uadmn 
beli(!ve  that  he  had  laid  no  plot ;  upon  which  the  major  stepped  to  fhi!  chief 
nearest  himseltj  and,  drawing  aside  his  blanket,  exposed  his  short  gun,  which 
completed  their  confusion. 

The  governor,  for  such  was  Major  Gladtoin,  ordered  Pontine  to  leav<!  the 
fort  immediately,  for  it  would  be  with  difficulty  he  could  restrain  his  men 
from  cutting  him  in  jjieces,  shoidd  they  know  the  circumstances.  Thi;  gov- 
ernor was  allerwards  blamed  for  thus  suffering  them  to  withdraw,  without 
retaininir  several  of  them  as  hostages  for  the  (piict  behavior  of  the  rest;  hut 
he,  having  [)assed  his  word  that  they  should  come  and  go  without  liindLnuice 
or  restraint,  merited,  perhaps,  less  censure  for  keeping  it,  and  respecting  hi* 
hofior,  than  those  who  reproached  him. 

A  furious  attack  was  tin;  next  day  made  upon  the  fort.  Evei^  stratagem 
WJis  resorted  to.  At  one  time  they  filled  a  cart  with  combustibles,  and  run 
it  against  the  pickets,  to  set  them  on  fire.  At  another,  they  were  about  to  sit 
fire  to  the  church,  by  shooting  fiery  arrows  into  it;  but  religious  scnij)le» 
averted  the  execution, — a  French  priest  t(;lling  Pontine  that  it  woidd  eul! 
down  tilt!  anger  of  God  u[)on  him.  They  had  freepiently,  during  the  siege, 
endeavored  to  cut  down  the  jiickets  .so  as  to  make  a  breach.  Major  Gladwiv 
cffdered  his  men,  at  last,  to  cut  on  the  inside  at  the  same  time,  and  assist  them 
This  was  done,  and  when  a  breach  was  made,  there  was  a  rush  upon  the 
outside  towards  the  breach,  and  at  the  same:  instant,  a  brass  fbur-poiuider, 
which  had  been  levelUid  (or  the  purj)ose,  was  shot  off,  which  made  a  dread- 
ful slaughter  among  them.  After  this  they  merely  blockaded  the  fort,  and 
cut  off  its  supplies,  and  the  English  were  reduced  to  the  greatest  distress, 
and  for  some  time  subsisted  upon  half  rations. 

There  was  great  difficulty  in  throwing  succor  into  the  ganison  at  Detroit, 
as  there  was  such  an  extent  of  country  between  it  and  the  other  most  west- 
ern posts,  in  possession  of  the  English.  I'ort  Pitt  and  Niagara  had  been 
besieged,  and  all  communication  for  a  long  time  cut  off;  the  former  had  been 
reduced  to  great  extremities,  but  tiiey  were  at  length  relieved  by  Colonel 
Bouquet.  Captain  Dalyell  was  at  the  same  time  sent  for  the  relief  of  Detroit, 
wliere  he  arrived  on  29  July,  17G3.*  A  bloody  scene  was  shortly  to  follow. 
Captain  Dalyell,  with  247  men,  went  out  of  the  fort  to  surprise  Pontine  in  his 
camp  ;  but  the  wary  ohief  had  runners  out,  who  gave  hitn  timely  notice,  and 


Bouquet's  Expedition,  Introd.  iv. 


■^     1 


Chap.  III.] 

he  met  th< 

and  conce 

to  pass,  pf 

hut  they  k 

had  just  p 

among  wl 

in  cornmai 

(brt.     'I'hi.' 

Uloodii  lir 

Pontine 

post.     Met 

i)ridge  tl«! 

VVe  havi 

our  liisti)ri( 

Jeffer;]  .1in 

we  will  lay 

will  he  see 

iinporttmt 

"On  the 

eral  .'hnkcr. 

and  l)eing 

soon    abafi 

they  might 

of  the  sett 

should  ma 

iiour  afler 

side,  two  b 

to  keep  nj) 

and  wound 

with  a  rear 

niih;  and  a 

attacked  in 

about  a  mil 

of  the  .'55th 

and  cover, 

of  his  part 

confusion ; 

rather   thei 

commande 

Captain  Gr 

yards  on  hi 

l)anics  to  f 

(ipf)earing 

orders  to 

fences;  wh 

men,  who  t 

ol  our  desi 

ahove  ;%)0 ; 

I'ront,  to  get 

yell,  who  ca 

he  came  to 

liim  to  mar 

'd,  and  abo 

Ills  flank; 

jiis!  as  he  f] 

time,  afirinj 

tviiant  .WD 

(Captain  Gr 

Gray  very  r 

out  ofas"tro 

taken  posse 

tenant  Beai 


[Book  V 


Chap.  Ill] 


PONTIAK— RATTLE  OF  BLOODY  BRIDGE. 


55 


ill  th<>  past 
from  what 
iIhIiciI,  and 
)lr,  tlio  «•- 

ual  arrivH 
(I  the  stiji- 

Tl..^  r,liiel« 
'(»  to  pla(!f' ; 

lowai'  '  it. 

■allNI!    of  ;m, 

vort  an  <  i!'! 
to  ('xcrcisc 
i'ln,  Pimtifu, 
i.sciitinir  tlif 
tut  of  tlioir 
scovond  to 
il.  Pontine, 
fif  nstoiilKli- 
;;lt  Was  not 
fc.'^sioiis  of 
•omirH'iKted 
old  liiiii  he 
w  liis  \vliol»' 
ijor  (ilndwin 
()  th('  chict" 
:  gun,  whicli 

to  loav(^  the 
III  \m  men 

Till!    gov- 

aw,  witlioijt 

lie  rest ;  hut 

hindtratico 

spectinj^  lii.< 

■y  stratageiri 

)les,  anil  run 

about  to  8I-! 

aus  scrnpli' 

would  oali 

ig  the  isicgc, 

or  Gladwin 

assist  them, 

1  upon  the 

)ur-pounder, 

[idn  a  dreiid- 

he  fort,  and 

test  distress, 

1  at  Detroit, 
•  most  west  • 
■a  had  been 
ler  bad  been 
by  Colonel 
f  of  Detroit, 
ly  to  follow, 
^ontiac  in  hist 
r  notice,  and 


I 


he  met  them  in  an  advantageous  place,  and,  bcinj?  vastly  superior  in  niimbera, 
and  concealed  behind  a  picket  fence,  near  a  bri<lfi;e  where  the  Engl isli  were 
to  pasM,  poured  in  upon  theni  a  dreadful  tire.  Many  fell  at  the  first  onset, 
but  they  kept  tlnnr  order,  and  (i.xericd  tlieuwelvts  to  regain  the  brid<;e  they 
had  just  jmssed.  'I'hey  effected  their  |iurpoMe,  but  many  fell  in  the  ntteinpt, 
nniong  whom  was  C'aptain  Dnli/elL  'flu'  famous  Major  ltoe;crs,  the  seeond 
in  coinmand,  and  Lieutenant  lirehii,  with  about  iiOO  oiliei-s,  recovered  the 
|i)rt.  This  bridge,  where  so  mimy  brave  men  were  slain,  is  called  to  this  day 
Jilnmlii  Uridine. 

Pontine  ordered  the  Iwa*!  of  Captain  Ihdi/eU  to  be  '•ul  oflf  and  set  upon  n 
post.  Metween  eighty  and  a  liuiulrcd  d<ad  iHulii^s  were  counted  upon  the 
bridge  tlitr  ne.xt  morning,  vvliicb  cnlir.  ly  blocked  u[)  its  piwsage. 

We  have  thought  pro|ier  to  gi\c  this  account  as  it  is  genrrally  (Jiund  m 
our  histories,  but  having  been  put  in  possession  of  the  oHlicial  return  of  Sir 
Jfjfeni  .Imlierat,  minutely  detailing  this  important  afJiiir  of  Hloody  Bridge, 
we  will  lay  it  before  the  reader,  as  it  a|)peared  at  the  lime.  From  which  it 
will  be  se*ti  that  the  common  report  is  probably  erroneous  in  some  of  it«  most 
ini|iortant  features. 

"On  the  evening  of  the  .'JOtli  <tf  ,Iuly,  Ca[»tain  Tkd}iclL  aid-de-camp  to  Gen- 
eral .'hnkcrst,  l»oing  arrivtid  Iku'c  with  tbt;  detachment  sent  under  his  eomniaiHl, 
and  l)eing  fully  persuaded  that  Pontine^  the  Indian  chief,  with  his  tribes,  would 
soon  abandon  liis  design,  an<l  retire,  insisted  with  the  comtnandant,  that 
tiiey  might  (Misily  be  surprised  in  their  camp,  toUdly  routed,  and  driven  out 
of  the  settlement;  and  it  was  thereupon  determined,  that  Captain  Dalyell 
should  march  out  with  ^47  men.  Accordingly,  we  marched  about  half  an 
hour  alter  two  in  the  morning,  two  deep,  along  the  great  road  by  the  river 
side,  two  iKtats  up  the  river  along  shore,  w  ith  a  patteraro  in  each,  with  orders 
to  kee|)  tip  with  th(!  line  of  mureli,  cover  our  retreat,  and  take  off  our  killed 
;iiid  wounded  ;  Lieutenant  Bmn,  of  the  Queen^s  Independents^  being  ordered, 
with  a  rear  guard,  to  convey  the  deatl  and  wounded  to  the  l)oat8.  About  a 
iiiiUi  and  a  half  from  the  fort,  we  had  orders  to  form  into  platoons,  and,  if 
atlack(;d  in  the  front,  to  fire  by  street-firings.  Wo  then  advanced,  and,  in 
uhout  a  mile  farther,  our  advanced  guard,  commanded  by  Lieutenant  Jiroini, 
(if  the  55tli  regiment,  bad  been  fired  upon  so  close  to  the  enemy's  breastworks 
and  cover,  that  the  fire,  being  very  heavy,  not  only  killed  and  wounded  some 
of  his  party,  but  reached  tlie  main  body,  which  put  the  whole  into  a  little 
rniifusion ;  but  they  soon  recovered  their  order,  and  gave  the  enemy,  or 
nitlier  their  works,  it  bi  ing  very  dark,  a  discharge  or  two  from  the  front, 
conimanded  by  Captain  Gray.  At  the  same  time,  the  rear,  commanded  by 
<'u|»tain  Grant,  were  fired  upon  from  a  house,  and  some  fences  about  twenty 
yards  on  bis  left;  on  vvbicli  he  ordered  his  own  and  Captain  Hopkins's  eoin- 
|)anies  to  fiice  to  the  left,  and  give  a  full  fire  that  way.  Atk'r  which,  it 
appearing  that  the  enemy  gave  way  every  whore,  Cajitaiii  Dali/ell  sent 
orders  to  Captain  Grant,  to  take  possession  of  tli^;  above-said  houses  and 
fences;  which  he  immediately  did ;  and  found  in  one  of  the  said  houses  two 
men,  who  told  him,  the  enemy  had  been  there  long,  and  were  well  apprized 
of  our  design.  Captain  Grant  then  asked  them  the  numbers;  they  said, 
above  ;}00;  and  that  they  intended,  as  soon  as  they  had  attacked  us  in  the 
lioiit,  to  get  between  us  and  tin;  fort ;  wliic.i  Captain  Grant  told  Cajitain  Dal- 
ytU,  who  came  to  him  when  the  firing  was  over.  And  in  alx)Ut  an  hour  after, 
he  came  to  him  again,  and  told  Captain  Grant  he  was  to  retire,  and  ordered 
liim  to  march  in  the  front,  and  post  himself  in  an  orchard.  He  then  marcli- 
1(1,  and  about  half  a  mile  tiirther  on  his  retreat,  he  had  some  shots  fired  on 
liis  flank;  but  got  possession  of  the  orchard,  which  was  well  fenced;  and 
jus'  as  he  got  there,  he  heard  a  warm  firing  in  the  rear,  having,  at  the  same 
time,  a  firing  on  his  own  post,  from  the  fences  and  corn-fields  beliind  it.  Lieu- 
ti'iiaiit  .WDougal,  who  acted  as  adjutiint  to  the  detachment,  came  up  to  him, 
(("aptain  Grant,)  and  told  him,  that  Captain  Daljftll  was  killed,  and  Captain 
Gray  very  much  wounded,  in  making  a  push  on  the  enemy,  and  forcing  them 
out  of  a  strong  breastwork  of  cord- wood,  and  an  intrenchment  which  they  had 
taken  possession  of;  and  that  the  command  then  devolved  upon  him.  Lieu- 
tenant Dean  immediately  came  up,  and  told  him,  tliat  Captain  Rogers  had 


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rONTlAK  ATTACKS  A  VESSEL  AND  IS  REPULSED.     [Book  V. 


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Sl^^ 


desired  him  to  teEi  Captnin  Grant,  that  he  had  luiiea  possession  of  a  house, 
and  that  he  liad  beVter  retire  with  what  iiuinherH  lie  had,  as  he  (Captuin  Rogers) 
could  not  get  off  without  the  bouts  to  cover  him,  he  being  hard  pushed  by  the 
enemy  irom  the  enclosures  behind  him,  some  of  which  scoured  the  road 
through  which  he  must  retire.  Captaiti  (Grant  then  sent  Ensign  Paidi,  with 
20  men,  back  to  attack  a  i>art  of  the  enemy  which  annoyed  his  own  p08t  a 
little,  and  gaili^d  those  that  were  joining  him,  from  th(;  place  where  Captain 
Dalytll  was  killed,  and  Captain  Grarj,  Lieutenants  Broum  and  Luke,  were 
wounded ;  which  Ensign  Fauli  did,  ami  killed  some  of  the  enemy  in  their 
flight.  Captain  Grant,  at  the  same  time,  detached  all  the  men  he  could  get, 
and  took  [rassession  of  the  enclosures,  barns,  fencej,  ^c.  leading  from  his 
own  post  to  the  fort,  which  posts  he  reinfurc(.>d  with  the  oflicers  and  men,  as 
they  came  up.  Thinking  the  retreat  then  secured,  he  sent  back  to  Captain  liog- 
ers,  desiring  he  would  come  off;  that  the  retreat  was  quite  secured,  and  the 
different  parties  ordered  to  cover  one  lUiotlier  successively,  until  the  whole  hud 
joined  ;  but  Captain  Rogers  not  finding  it  right  to  risk  the  loss  of  more  men,  he 
chose  to  wait  for  the  armed  bouts,  one  of  which  appeared  soon,  commanded  by 
Jiieutenant  Brehm,  whom  Captuin  Grant  hud  directed  to  go  and  cover  Cuptuiii 
Rogera^a  retreat,  who  was  in  the  next  house.  Lieutenant  Brehm  accordingly 
went,  and  fired  several  shots  at  the  enemy.  Lieutenant  Jlbbott,  with  tlie 
other  boat,  wanting  ammunition,  went  down  with  Captain  Gray.  Lieuten- 
ant Brovm  and  some  wounded  men  returned  also,  which  Captuin  Grant  sup- 
poses the  enemy  seeing,  did  not  wait  her  arrival,  but  retired  on  Lieutenant 
BrehnCa  Aring,  and  gave  Captain  Rogera,  with  the  rear,  an  oftportunity  to 
come  off:  so  that  the  whole  trom  the  diii'erent  ()osts  joined  without  any  con- 
fusion, and  marched  to  the  fort  in  good  order,  covered  by  the  armed  boats 
on  the  water  side,  and  by  our  own  parties  on  the  country  side,  in  view  of  the 
enemy,  who  had  all  joined,  and  were  tnuch  strongei  than  at  the  beginning  of 
the  affair,  as  was  afterwards  told  us  by  some  prisoners  that  made  their  escape ; 
many  having  joined  them  from  the  other  side  the  river,  and  other  pluces. 
The  whole  arrived  at  the  fort  about  eight  oVlock,  commanded  by  Captain 
Grant,  whose  able  and  skilful  retreat  is  highly  commended. 

"  Return  of  killed  and  wounded  of  the  several  detachments  near  the  Detroit, 
July  31, 176a 

"  Of  the  55th  Regiment: — 1  Sergeant,  13  rank  and  file,  kUled;  1  captain,  2 
lieutenants,  1  drummer,  28  rank  and  file,  wounded. 

"  Of  the  Royal  .Americans: — 1  rank  and  rile,  killed;  1  rank  and  file  wounded. 

<*  Ofthe  80ih  Regiment : — 2  rank  and  file  killed ;  3  rank  and  file  wounded, 

"  Of  the  t^en'a  Rangers : — 2  rank  and  file  killed ;  1  rank  and  file  toounded. 

**  JVavmes  of  the  officera : — 55^  Regiment :  Cu])tain  Gray,  Lieutent  it  LuAe,  aud 
Lieutenant  Brovm,  wounded. 

"N.  B. — Captain  C  iht'll,  killed,  not  included  in  the  above." 

Hence  it  appears  thai  but  19  were  killed  and  42  wounded  in  the  celebrated 
"  Battle  of  Detroit,"  but  I  am  inclined  to  think  that  this  return  was  made  out 
before  the  exact  state  of  the  troops  engaged  in  it  was  ascertained.  It  is  evi- 
dent that  Captain  Dalytll  was  found  to  be  among  the  killed  afler  the  return 
was  finished,  or  nearly  so.  It  is  unnecessary  to  apprize  the  reader,  that  re- 
turns were  oflen  made  more  fa':  orable  than  strict  scrutiny  would  warrant, 
from  obvious  motives, 

About  this  time  several  small  vessels  fell  into  the  hands  of  Pontiac,  which 
were  destined  to  supply  the  garrison,  and  the  men  were  cruelly  treated. 
The  garrison  was  in  great  straits,  both  from  the  heavy  loss  of  men,  as  well 
as  from  want  of  provisions  and  continual  watching.  In  this  time  of  despon- 
dency, there  arrived  near  the  fort  a  schooner,  which  brought  them  supplies 
of  provisions,  but  nothini^  of  this  kind  could  be  landed  without  Pontiac's 
knowledge,  and  he  determmed,  if  possible,  to  seize  the  schooner :  a  detachment 
made  the  attempt,  and,  to  save  herself,  the  vessel  was  obliged  to  tack  short 
about,  and  proceed  in  an  opposite  direction.  The  Indians  followed  liur  in 
canoes,  and,  by  continually  firmg  into  her,  killed  almost  every  man,  and  at 
length  boarded  her.  As  they  were  climbing  up  the  sides  and  shrouds  in 
every  quarter,  the  captain,  having  determined  not  to  fall  into  their  hands  ulive, 
ordered  the  gtuiner  to  set  fire  to  the  magazine,  and  blow  all  un  tnanthnr. 


ED.     [Book  V. 

on  of  a  house, 
japtain  Rafrtrs) 
pushed  by  the 
lured  tlie  road 
igu  Paidi,  with 
llH  owu   p08t  a 
where  Captuui 
lid  Luke,  were 
eneiity  in  tiieir 
II  he  could  get, 
idiiig  from  liis 
;rs  and  nion,  a8 
to  Captain  Ilo^- 
icured,  and  the 
lithe  whole  hud 
)f  iitore  men,  he 
commanded  by 
1  cover  Captain 
ihrn  accordlnjfly 
%boU,  with  tii'e 
Uray.     Lieiiten- 
)taiD  Grant  su|i- 
1  un  Lieutenant 
I  opportunity  to 
without  any  con- 
le  armed  boats 
i,  in  view  of  the 
lie  beginning  of 
de  their  escape ; 
id  other  places, 
ided  by  Captaui 

near  the  Detroit, 

>.d ;  1  captain,  2 

nd  file  wouniUd. 
iilc  wounded. 
lid  file  loounded. 
enii  It  //«^,  and 


in  the  celebrated 

•n  was  made  out 

lined.    It  is  evi- 

aller  the  return 

reader,  that  re 

would  warrant, 

Pontiftc,  which 

cruelly  treated, 
of  men,  as  well 
time  of  despon- 
it  them  supijlies 
Without  Pontiac^s 
er:  a  detachment 
ed  to  tack  short 

followed  her  in 
'ery  man,  and  at 

and  shrouds  in 
their  hands  alive, 

all  un  tngBthjar. 


Chap.  III.] 


PONTIAC. 


57 


This  was  heard  by  a  Huron  chief,  who  understood  enough  English  to  know 
what  was  going  forward,  and  instantly  communicated  it  to  his  followers. 
They  disengaged  themselves  from  the  vessel  as  fast  as  possible,  and  fled  from 
her  m  a  great  fright,  at  considerable  distance.  Meantime  the  crew  took  the 
advantage  of  a  wind,  and  arrived  safe  at  the  fort.  In  the  purstiit  of  the  vessel, 
the  Ii'.dians  discovered  extreme  temerity,  often  coming  so  close  to  the  schooner 
as  to  b(;  severely  burned  .jy  the  discharge  of  her  guns. 

This  vessel  had  been  sent  from  Niagara,  and  wius  manned  with  18  men,  12 
of  whom  were  Mohawk  Indians.  They  arrive'*  at  Detroit  on  the  3  Scptem- 
Iwr;  ami  thus  was  the  garrison  saved  from  tc'rtain  destruction.  So  s<!nsible 
was  Major  Gladwin  an<l  his  officers  of  their  escape  from  a  dreadful  fate  by  the 
bravery  of  the  crew  of  this  ves.sel,  that  they  caused  silver  medals  to  be  struck 
and  presented  to  each  descriptive  of  the  event* 

Many  other  circumstances  are  related  of  this  famous  siege,  but  it  is  believed 
the  preceding  are  all  that  are  well  authenticated. 

Ponliac  liaving  invested  Detroit  now  for  about  twelve  months,  and  the 
news  of  his  o])eration8  having  been  carried  to  various  parts  of  the  Rritish 
empire,  extensive  |)n!paration8  were  made  to  put  down  the  Indian  power. 
Aware  of  the  movements  of  General  Bradstreet,  who  was  |)rocecding  for  De- 
troit with  an  anny  of  3000  men,  he  gave  up,  and  sued  lor  jicace,  which  was 
•ri'anted  him,  and  his  warriors  retired  to  their  hunting-grounds.  By  some  it 
is  reported  that  he  was  killed,  with  many  others  of  his  chief  men,  by  the 
loways,  in  the  year  1771),  in  a  war  which  at  that  time  raged  lietween  the 
Ottowas  and  that  nation.  It  is  also  said  that  he  had  a  son  named  Hhf.gana- 
BY,  who  was  also  a  distinguished  chief,  and  who,  after  the  death  of  his  father, 
revenged  his  murder  by  the  destruction  of  almost  the  entire  nation  of  the 
loways.  When  the  revolution  commenced,  the  Americans  sent  mesejif!;''.)  to 
Pontine  to  meet  them  in  council.  He  was  inclined  to  do  so,  but  was  pn  virted 
from  time  to  time  by  Governor  Hamilton  of  Detroit  He  seeins  now  to  have 
laid  isi<le  all  resentment  against  the  English,  and  became  their  friend ;  and 
to  reward  his  attachment,  the  government  granted  him  a  liberal  pension.  It 
has  also  been  re[iorted  that  he  became  suspected  in  the  time  of  the  war,  and 
as  he  was  going  to  hold  a  council  among  the  Indians  in  Illinois,  as  an  agent 
for  the  English,  a  spy  attended  him  to  observe  his  conduct;  and  that,  in  a 
speech,  he  betrayed  the  English,  and  discovered  his  former  enmity  against 
them.  WJien  he  had  finished,  the  Indian  who  liad  accompanied  him, 
plunged  a  knife  into  his  breast,  and  thus  ended  the  days  of  a  chief  who  has 
been  renowned  for  singular  sagacity,  daring  courage,  great  spirit  of  command, 
and  indeed  numerous  other  qualities,  found  only  in  those  born  with  such 
elementary  organizations  as  produce  them  by  their  peculiar  school  of  cir- 
cumstances. 


HUmta't  Aimals,  ii.  122. 


.f: 


Vf! 


■m 


..■  t'l 


m 


CAPTAIiN   PIPE. 


TBooK  V 


CHAPTER  IV. 

Captain  Fir%— Situation  of  affairs  on  the  frontiers  at  theperiod  of  the  revolution— Sad 
condition  of  the  Moravian  Indians  at  this  period—  Half-kine  engages  to  take  them 
to  Canada— His  speech  to  them — They  remonstrate — Half-king  inclines  not  to  mo- 
lest them,  bvt  Captain  Pipe's  counsel  prevails,  and  they  are  seized — Pipe's  amdurt 
thereupon—Missionaries  taken  to  Detroit  and  examined — Pipe  toentto  accuse  them— 
Changes  his  conduct  towards  them,  and  they  are  aiiptitted — Remarkable  delirerance 
— Captain  White-eves  ojtposes  the  conduct  of  Pipe — His  speech  to  his  pvopli- 
Colonel  Br  oadhead'  s  expedition — Brutal  massacre  of  a  chief — Pachgantschiiiii.as- 

c .*»«^    #i. .    .«•.....'<.«,._.'--       t~y Ti  Btf        I  /I    ■<    ■ 


army — Iru'i.dtnls  in  that  affair — Little-turtle's  opinion  of  General  U'liynr — Vin't.-i 
Phittidelphia — His  interview  with  C.  F.  Vohiey — Anecdotes — Blue-jack kt — 1)(- 
featcd  by  General  Wayne  in  the  buttle  of  Presquc-Isle, 

PIPE,  or  Captain  Pipe,*  as  he  is  usually  called,  from  his  having  lir«!n  ii 
most  conspicuous  war-captain  among  the  Dclawnres,  during  the  period  of 
the  revolution,  in  particular,  was  chief  of  the  Wolf  tribe.  His  character  is  i 
very  prominent  one,  in  the  memorable  troubles  among  tlie  frontier  sciiic- 
ments,  at  the  breaking  out  of  the  war.  Situated  as  were  the  Dcluwnrca! 
between  the  English  of  Canada  and  the  Americans,  it  Avas  hardly  to  be  ex- 
pected but  that  they  should  be  drawn  ivito  that  war.  They  could  not  well 
weigh  its  merits  or  demerits  upon  eiii'cr  side.  A  speech  of  the  renowned 
Corn-plant  contains  the  best  commentary  upon  this  matter.  The  Enjrlisli 
stood  much  the  best  chance  of  gaining  the  Indians  to  their  interest,  iniisinncli 
as  they  were  profuse  in  their  presents  of  what  wau  useful  to  them,  as  well  ns 
ornamental,  whereas  the  Americans  required  all  their  resources  to  cnri y  on 
the  war.  The  commanding  officer  at  Detroit,  believing  that  the  IMoravinn 
Indians  upon  the  Susquehannah  favored  the  Americans,  ordered  tliein,  deiul 
or  alive,  with  their  priests,  to  be  brought  into  Canada.  The  Iroquois  agreed 
that  it  should  be  done,  but,  unwilling  to  do  it  themselves,  sent  messengers  to 
the  Chippeways  and  Ottawas,  to  intimate  that,  if  they  would  do  it,  "they 
rihould  have  them  to  make  soup  ofl"  These  two  trilx  s,  however,  refused, 
and  the  Half-kinp  of  the  Hurons  undertook  it  himself.  He  liad  been  formerly 
very  friendly  to  the  believing  Indians,  and  now  pretended  that  he  only  con- 
cluded to  seize  upon  them,  to  save  them  from  destruction  ;  and,  Mr.  Loskid 
adds,  "even  the  Half-king  would  certainly  never  have  agreed  to  commit  this 
act  of  injustice,  had  not  the  Delaware,  Captain  Pipe,  a  not<d  enemy  of  the 
gospel  and  of  the  believing  Indians,  instigated  liini  to  do  it."  Pipe  and  his 
company  of  Delawares,  joined  by  Half-king  and  his  warriors,  and  some  Hha- 
wanese,  held  a  war-feast,  roasted  a  whole  ox,  and  agreed  upon  the  nmnm  r 
of  proceeding.  The  captains  only  of  this  expedition  knew  iully  its  destina- 
tion. With  such  secrecy  did  they  proceed,  that  the  Moravian  settlenicnis 
knew  nothing  of  their  approach,  until  they  were  in  their  vicinity.  Tliey  bore 
an  English  riag,  and  an  English  officer  was  among  tli^m.  ,  It  was  now  10 
August,  1781.     Half-king  sent  in  a  message  to  Salem,  requesting  the  inhal>- 


•  His  Indian  name,  according  to  Iferfrncflder,  was  Hopocan.  and  signified  a  Tobarrc- 
pipe.  This  name  he  bore  until  about  17()3,  when  that  of  KooiKscHiii.'ANoKEL  was  substi- 
tuted. This  meant,  Maker  of  Day- Light.  Of  the  word  pipf,  a  more  extended  nolirc  slioiild 
be  taken.  The  French  writers  generally  use  the  name  calumet,  which  means  the  same  tliine, 
and,  of  its  origin,  Baron  LaJiontan,  "Voyages  dans  1,'Ameriniie,"  i. 'U)!,  observes  ns  fol- 
lows:— "  It  is  a  Norman  word,  which  comes  from  chalumeau,  ana  was  introduced  into  f'luinda 
by  the  people  of  that  nation,  on  their  first  coming  into  this  country,  by  whom  it  has  ever  since 
been  used.  The  Iroquois  call  it  Ganoiulao^,  and  the  other  Indian  nations,  Poaoan  ;'"  this, 
allowing  for  the  difference  between  the  French  and  English  idioms,  will  agree  tolerably  with 
Mr.  Heckewelder's  Hopocan.  A  chief  named  Pipe  signed  a  treaty  at  Fort  Greenville,  in  1814, 
wilii  112  others,  by  which  it  seems  the  Delawares  perpetuated  it.  It  followed  that  of  White-eyes. 


^'-it 


Chap.  IV.] 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


60 


itants  not  to  be  alarmed,  for  they  should  receive  no  injury,  and  that  he  had 
good  words  to  s[H!ak  to  them,  and  wished  to  know  at  wliich  of  the  settle- 
ments they  aii^ht  hold  a  council  with  them.  Gnadenhuctten  buing  iixed 
upon,  all  assembled  there  upon  11  August. 

Meanwhile,  the  numl>er8  of  Pipe's  expedition  had  increased  from  140  to 
:{0(),  and  about  10  days  after,  Unlj'-kintr  made  the  following  speech  to  the 
believing  Indians  and  their  ti-achcrs: — 

"  Cousins :  ye  believing  Indians  in  Gnadenhuctten,  Schoeulirunn,  and  Salem. 
1  am  much  coticern«d  on  your  account,  perceiving  that  yi>u  live  in  u  very 
dangerous  spot.  Two  powerful,  angry  and  merciless  gods  stand  rcadC, 
opening  tlu'ir  jaws  wide  against  each  other:  you  are  sitting  down  lietwet'n 
Ijolii,  and  thus  in  danger  of  lieing  devoured  and  ground  to  jxjwder  by  the 
teeth  of  either  one  or  tlie  othck*,  or  l)oth.  It  is  thenfore  not  advi.oaljlc  I'or  you 
to  stay  iiere  any  longer.  Consider  your  young  jjeoplc,  yoiu*  wives,  and  your 
<;hil(lri'ii,  atid  |)reserve  their  lives,  Ibr  here  they  must  all  perish,  I  therefore 
take  you  by  the  hand,  lii\  you  up,  and  place  you  in  or  near  my  dwelling, 
where  you  will  be  safe  and  dwell  in  peace.  Do  not  su\iu\  looking  fit  your 
plantations  and  houses,  but  aris(t  and  follow  me!  Take  also  your  teachers 
[priests]  with  you,  and  woi-ship  Gotl  in  the  place  to  which  I  shall  lead  you, 
as  you  have  been  accustomed  to  do.  You  shall  likewise  find  provision.s,  and 
our  liither  beyond  the  lake  [the  governor  at  Detroit,]  will  can;  for  you.  This 
is  my  messugi!,  aiul  I  am  come  hither  purposely  to  deliver  it." 

The  brethren,  alter  taking  this  into  consideration,  remonstrated,  in  feeling 
language,  against  such  an  immtuliate  removal;  saying  they  did  not  conceive 
that  the  dang(>r  was  so  gn;at,  a.s,  moreover,  they  were  at  peace  with  idl  men, 
and  took  no  part  in  the  war,  and  that  it  woidd  bring  famine  and  distress  upon 
them,  to  set  out  b<;fore  their  harvest  with  nothing  in  their  hands,  but  that  thev 
wouli'  keep  and  consider  his  words,  and  would  answer  him  tlie  n(^\t  winter. 
It  was  supposed  tiiat  Half-kins  was  willing  to  comply,  but  for  the  importunity 
of  Pipe  and  the  English  captam. 

This  affair  eventuated  in  the  seizure  of  the  missionaries  atul  their  removal 
to  Sandusky,  as  has  been  written  in  the  account  of  GlikMkan. 

Ca|>tain  Pipe  now  publicly  boasted  of  his  exftloit,  and  said  the  Indians  and 
their  priests  were  his  slaves.  They  had  had  but  a  moment's  rt^pose  at  San- 
dusky, when  the  governor  at  Detroit  ordered  Captain  Pipe  to  conduct  them  to 
him.  They  were  glad  of  an  opportuni  •  of  si\'iug  the  governor  face  to  I'nrv. 
believing  they  could  convince  him  that  tii,.j  had  never  assisted  the  Americans, 
and  accordingly  attendee'  Pipe  thither.  Ui'vc  tlie  missionaries  Zcisbcnrery 
Henscjiutn,  Heckewelder  and  Edwards  had  to  await  a  kind  of  trial,  and  Pipr, 
was  the  evidence  against  them.  On  the  9  Noveudjer,  this  trial  or  ixamina- 
tion  came  on,  and  Captain P»/;e  aj)|)eared,  and  spoke  as  follows:  "  Father,  j/ou 
have  commamkd  us  to  bring  ih  biUcving  Indians  and  their  teachers  from  the  Mus- 
kingunu  This  has  been  done.  HTten  tee  had  brousht  them  to  Sundu.ik}/,  you 
ordered  us  to  bring  their  teacliers  and  some  of  their  chiefs  unto  you.  Here  you 
see  them  before  yov  :  now  you  may  speak  tcith  them  yourself  as  you  have  desired. 
But  I  hope  you  wUl  speak  good  words  unt'<  them,  yea  1  tell  you,  speak  good  wordt 
unto  them,  for  they  are  my  friends,  and  i  shoiiM  be  son-y  to  see  ilieni  ill  usedJ'' 
The  governor  tlien  repeated  to  Pipe  the  charges  he  had  formerly  urged 
against  the  brethi*en,  and  called  on  him  to  prove  his  assertions.  TIk;  chief 
seemc<l  now  evidently  confused,  and  said  such  things  might  have  haiipc^ned, 
but  they  would  do  so  no  more,  for  they  were  now  at  Detroit.  This  did  not 
satisfy  the  governor,  and  he  peremptorily  demanded  that  Pipe  should  answer 
positively  to  the  point.  This  caused  him  still  great(;r  embarrassment,  and  he 
itsked  his  counselloi-s  what  he  should  say,  but  each  held  down  his  head  in 
silence,  and  this  occasioned  his  choosing  the  only  wise  course,  and  Ik;  thus 
ingenuously  spoke  :  ^^  J  said  before,  that  some  such  thing  might  have  happened, 
but  now  I  will  tell  you  the  plain  truth.  The  missionaries  are  innocent.  They 
have  done  nothing  of  themjielves :  tvhal  they  have  done,  they  were  compelled  to  do. 
I  am  to  blame,  and  the  chief's  that  ivere  with  me  in  GoschachguenJc  :  tve  have  forced 
them  to  do  it,  trlien  they  refised.^  The  governor  now  declared  them  innocent, 
in  the  presence  of  the  court,  and  they  were  permitted  to  return  to  their 
brethren. 


H 


jl 


<M) 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


[Book  V. 


It, 


One  pirciimBtnnco,  illustrative  of  savage  superBtition,  we  will  notire  lierf , 
When  Pipe\t  warriors  were  about  to  t'oreo  tfie  l)rptliren  to  leave  their  dwell- 
inTH,  it  wns  almost  uiianiiTiously  conciiuied  at  one  time  by  the  cliii'fs,  thni 
the  wliitc  brethren  ishoulii  be  put  to  (icath.  They,  however,  would  not  ad- 
venture upon  sueh  a  deed  without  tlie  advice  of  one  of  tlicir  couunon  war- 
rif)rs,  who  was  considered  o  great  sorcerer.  His  answer  was,  "  he  coidd  not 
understimd  whul  eiul  it  would  onswer  to  kill  them."  Upon  this,  the  chiefs 
hehl  a  council,  hi  which  it  was  resolved  to  kill  not  only  the  white  brethnMi 
and  tiieir  wives,  luit  the  Indian  assistants  also.  When  they  made  t!iis  nso- 
luti«)u  known  to  the  sorcerer,  he  said  to  them,  "  Then  you  have  resolved  ti, 
kill  my  friends;  for  most  of  their  chief  peoi)le  are  my  friends:  but  this  I 
tell  you,  that  if  YOU  hurt  any  one  of  them,  I  know  what  I  will  do  !"  This 
fh rent  deterred  them:  thus  were  the  missionaries  as  well  as  many  others 
«aved. 

It  is  stated  l)y  Mr.  Heckeiivlder,  that,  notwithstonding  Captain  Pipe  was  so 
eaj^er  for  the  war  Ix^fore  its  couunencement,  he  soon  h(-cauic  sorry  (or  it 
:ifterwards.  This  might  have  been  the  case ;  aiul  yet  he  was  one  of  thi' 
most  <]icient  enemies  of  the  Americans  al\er  the  jieaee,  as  will  elsewhere 
aj)pear.  Captain  fVhile-eifts,  or  KcMptdhap^eehlon,  which  was  his  liidiaii 
name,*  was  his  particular  friend,  and  they  were  both  great  men  of  the  Dcla- 
war'.!  nation,  having  been  nearly  alike  distinguished  by  their  couragr;  on 
many  occasions.  No  one  could  have  more  at  heart  the  welfare  of  their 
couiury,  thim  Captain  While-eyes  had  that  of  the  Delaware  nation,  and  it  is 
not  prcteiuled,  but  that  as  much  should  be  said  of  Captain  Pipe ;  but  they 
were  difli-rently  circumstanced,  and  the  former  was  oj)en  and  tearl.'ss  in  his 
declarations  in  favor  of  tlie  Americans,  while  the  latter  secnnly  favore<l  the 
Itritish.  Thus  they  were  unwillingly  opposed  to  each  other,  and  for  al)out 
two  years,  one  by  his  frankness  and  the  other  by  his  clandestine  operations 
strove  to  unite  an<l  strengthen  their  respective  parties. 

Meanwhile  a  circtimstauce  happened,  which  Captain  Pipe  seized  upon  for 
declaring  war.  M'Kee,  lUHot,  Girty,  and  several  others,  had  been  held  at 
Pittsburg  as  tories.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1778,  they  made  an  es«;ap(',  and 
tied  into  the  Indian  country,  and,  as  they  v/ent,  proclaimed  to  that  people, 
that  tlie  Americans  had  determined  to  destroy  them  ;  that  therefore  their  oidy 
safety  consisted  in  repelling  them  ;  that  they  must  fly  to  arms,  and  fight  them 
in  every  place.  Pipe,  being  rather  inclined  to  war,  l»elieved  all  that  thosi; 
exasperated  fugitives  said ;  while,  on  the  otner  hand,  Whih-ftfeg  woidd  give  no 
credit  to  them.  Having  got  many  of  his  men  together.  Captain  Pipe  addnjss- 
ed  them  with  great  earnestness,  and  with  great  force  of  oratory  sjiid,  ^'■Eoerif  mati 
it  an  enemy  to  his  eountry,  tvho  endeavors  to  persuade  us  against  Jightine;  the 
,1mericanSj  and  all  such  ought  surely  to  be  put  to  death"  Captain  White-eyes 
was  not  idle,  and  at  tlie  same  time  had  assembled  the  jwople  of  his  tribe,  and 
the  substance  of  what  he  said  waa,  ^'^  that  if  they  [any  of  his  warriors]  m««fjf 
in  earnest  to  go  out,  as  he  observed  some  of  them  toere  preparing  to  do,  they  shovld 
not  go  tcithovt  him.  He  had,  he  said,  taken  peace  measurta  in  order  to  save  the 
nation  from  utter  destruction.  BtU  if  they  believed  that  he  teas  in  the  urons,  and 
gave  more  credit  to  vagabond  fugitives,  whom  he  kneiv  to  he  such,  than  to  himself 
who  rras  best  arauainted  until  the  real  state  of  things ;  if  theif  had  determined  to 
follow  their  admce,  and  go  oiU  against  the  Jlmericans,  he  would  go  out  with  them : 
fmt  not  like  the  bear  hunter,  who  sets  the  dogs  on  the  animal  to  he  beaten  aboid  with 
his  pntDS,  while  fie  keeps  at  a  safe  distance ;  no !  he  tooidd  lead  them  on,  place 
himself  in  the  front,  and  be  the  first  who  should  fall.  Thet  only  had  to  determine 
on  wh(d  they  meant  to  do ;  as  for  his  own  mind,  it  vtasfidly  made  up,  not  to  sur- 
I'ive  his  nation ;  and  he  would  not  spend  the  remainder  of  a  miserable  life,  in 
betvailing  the  total  destruction  of  a  brave  people,  who  deserved  a  better  fate.*' 

This  speech  was  spoken  with  a  jiathos  and  in  a  manner  calculated  to  touch 
the  hearts  of  all  who  listened  to  it,  and  its  impression  was  such,  that  all 
unanimously  came  to  the  determination  to  obey  its  instructions  and  orders, 
and  to  hear  or  receive  directions  from  no  other  person,  of  any  nation  or  color 
but  Captain  White-eyes. 


*  According  to  Mr.  Heckewtlder.    His  residence  was  at  the  mouth  of  the  Big  Beaver. 


Chap.  IV.]  CAPTAIN  PIPE.— COSHOCTON  EXPEDITION. 


61 


At  the  same  time,  Captnin  While-eyes,  in  ortler  to  counteract,  an  much  n.>j 
possihie,  the  evil  couiiflel  uf  the  white  men  jui^t  mentioned,  dej«|mtclie<i  run 
ners  to  the  Slinwanese  towiia  on  the  Scioto,  where  thcHe  im|>ostorH  hiitl  jfone, 
witli  the  following  speech  :  "  Grandchildren,  ye  Shawanese,  gome  ddifs  airo,  a 
Jlock  of  birds,  that  had  covie  on  from  the  east,  lit  at  Goschochkinfr,  impositiff  a 
sontr  of  theirs  upon  us,  which  sonp;  had  nigh  proved  our  ruin.  Should  these  birds, 
which  on  leaving  us,  took  their  Jlighl  towards  Scioto,  endeavor  to  impose  a  song 
on  you  likewise,  do  not  listen  to  them,  for  they  lie ! " 

A  knowiedf^c  of  the  proceedinjfs  of  Captain  If'hite-ei/cs  havin;.'  n'ached 
Pipe,  he  knew  not  what  eoui-so  to  take,  and,  while  tinis  confoundiui,  a  kind 
and  concihatory  niessajje  was  receivefl  hi  the  Delaware  nation,  from  Jhc  Ainer- 
inan  agent  of  Indian  afiiiii's  at  I'ittHhnrg.  It  |mrticularly  cautioned  thi>  prople 
of  that  nation  "  not  to  hearken  to  those  wicked  and  worthless  men,  icho  had  run 
atoayfrom  their  friends  in  the  night,  and  to  be  assured  of  the  real  friendship  if 
the  United  States."  Tliis  compli'ted  Pipt's  confusion.  Jhit  alier  ])(ind*-nng 
ii  whil.;  upon  tiie  wrongs  to  which  his  countrymen  had  for  a  long  titiie  heen 
.<ui)jected,  like  the  Huchem  of  the  Wampanoags,  lie  p<;rmitted  his  warrioi-s 
to  go  out,  and  surprise,  and  murder  all  the  Americans  they  could  lay  their 
hands  upon. 

Blood  having  now  hegun  to  flow,  hartiurities  followed  in  (piirk  succes- 
.sion.  Early  in  the  spring  of  1781,*  Colonel  Broadhead  arrived  near  the  Mora- 
vian town  of  Salem,  and  notifled  the  inhuhitants  that  he  was  on  an  expedi- 
tion agaiii.st  the  hostile  Indians,  and  gave  them  that  timely  notice  that  they 
might  collect  their  jieople,  if  any  were  ahroad,  that  they  might  not  he  tak«'ti 
for  enemies.  "However,"  says  Mr.  Heckeweldcr,  "whilst  tiie  colonel  was 
assuring  me  that  our  Indians  had  nothing  to  .-ar,  an  officer  came  with  great 
speed  from  one  quarter  of  the  can^p,  and  reported  that  a  particular  division 
of  the  militia  "were  preparing  to  hn;ak  off  for  the  purpose  of  destroying  the 
Moravian  settlements  up  the  river,  and  he  feared  tlwy  could  not  he  restrained 
from  so  doing.' "  They  were,  however,  hy  the  extTtions  of  the  conunander- 
in-chief,  aided  hy  Colonel  Shepherd,  of  Wheeling,  partially  preveiitt.'d  from 
their  mtu'derous  design.  Thus  these  Christian  Indians  were  situated  ju'e- 
cisely  like  many  of  those  of  N.  E.  in  Philip's  war.  Hut  we  have  no  instance 
to  record,  of  tin;  latter,  equal  in  extent,  for  diaholical  atrocity,  to  that  of  the 
massacre  of  Gnadeidiuetten,  elsewhere  mentioned. 

Meanwhile  Colonel  Broadhead  proceeded  to  Coshocton,  a  ho.stile  settle- 
ment near  tlie  forks  of  the  Muskingum  ;  and  with  such  secrecy  did  he  pro- 
ceed, that  not  a  person  escaped.  How  many  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  army 
is  not  mentioned ;  hut,  not  long  after,  ItJ  warriors  were  put  to  death  with 
shocking  manifestations  of  depravity.  There  accompanied  Colonel  Broad- 
head's  army  a  Delaware  chief  named  Pekillon.j  Sixteen  of  the  captive 
warriors  wen'  designated  hy  him  as  perpetrators  of  murders,  and  they  were 
forthwith  tomahawked  and  scalped.  They  were  executed  pursuant  to  the 
decree  of  a  court-martial. 

Some  extenuation  has  heen  urged  for  this  revolting  transaction,  and  that 
alone  in  which,  perhaps,  the  mind  can  find  any  relief.  But  a  short  time  be- 
fore Broadhead/s  expedition,  a  large  Indian  force,  called  by  the  whites  on 
army,  collected,  and  set  out  for  the  destruction  of  North-western  Virginia. 
This  army  was  divided  into  two  parts,  and  their  expectations  were  wrought 
up  to  a  very  high  degree,  which,  when  suddenly  blasted,  were  changed  into 
rage  and  fury.  Having,  in  their  march,  taken  a  large  number  of  captives, 
they  retreated  to  a  place  of  safety,  and  there  tied  them  to  trees  and  put  them 
to  death  in  their  barbarous  manner.  This  massacre  was,  however,  confined 
to  their  male  prisoners.  Fathers,  in  presence  of  their  families,  were  lea 
forth  to  execution,  amid  tears  and  lamentations,  which  no  creature  but  infu- 
riated man  could  withstand.  This  barbarity  was  the  more  aggravating 
when  it  was  contemplated  that  those  who  fell  into  their  hands  had  made  no 
resistance !  Nothing,  therefore,  like  just  retribution  was  to  be  expected 
from  an  army  of  frontier  militia,  when  vengeance  was  the  only  pursuit. 

*  Doddridge,  Notes,  291,  says,  this  "  campaign  "  was  in  the  summer  of  1780. 
t  The  same  who,  afterwards,  as  I  conclude,  was  a  party  to  Waifm's  treaty. 
6 


.     ''« 


■| 


■i 


I-- 

1.- 


62        MASSACRE  OF  INDIAN  PRISONERS.— PETCHENANALAS.     [Book  V 

After  every  thing  liiul  l)een  destroyed  in  tlio  Indian  country  through  wliich 
the  Americans  jmssed,  they  returnetl  to  Pittshurj,'.  IJefcire  leuvinfj  Cois'iuc- 
ton,  u  !<iiocl<ing  cirtMunstunce  occiirnul,  wliich  alone  was  HutHcient  to  liavi> 
larniKhi-d  tlie  most  brilliant  exploits.  An  Indian  came  to  tiie  Hide  ol'  the 
river  over  against  the  encainpmi'nt,  and  called  tt)  the  sentinels,  who  asked 
him  wlint  he  wanted.  He  answered  that  he  wished  to  see  the  "tyr  coutnin  " 
(the  name  by  which  Lidians  connnonly  designate  the  commander-iii-rliief ). 
Colonel  liruadhmd  aiipeared,  and  asked  him  what  he  wanted,  wlio  replied, 
^^  To  make  pe(ue."  'Ihen,  said  the  colonel,  send  over  some  of  your  (;liielk 
The  Indian  interrogatively  auiii,  "May  be.  you  kill  f'^  No,  said  the  colonel* 
they  shall  come  and  go  in  safety.  Hereupon  a  chief  of  most  elegant  nppenr- 
Hnc«;  crossed  to  the  encampment,  and — I  hesitate  to  relate  it — while  this 
(diief  was  conversing  with  the  colonel,  a  monster,  of  the  militia,  came  up. 
and  with  a  tomahawk,  which  he  had  concealed  in  his  clothes,  laid  him  dead 
with  a  single  stroke!  •  The  name  of  this  fiend  was  H'tlzel.  The  army  soon 
iM'^ran  its  retreat,  and  Colonel  liruatthead  having  put  his  prisoners,  (aliout  20 
in  iiundMi-,)  into  the  cure  of  the  soldiers,  they  immediately  began  to  mas- 
sacre them !  all  except  u  few  women  ami  children  were  killed.  These  were 
taken  to  I'itLsburg,  and  afterwards  exchanged  for  an  equal  miinher  of  white 
]»risoners.f  Thus  the  peace  which  might  have  been  concluded  wasuidiapitilv 
suspended,  ami  the  war  afterwards  might  well  have  been  expected  to  exiiibii 
scenes  no  less  bloody  than  before. 

A  chief,  called  PACHGANTSciiiHii.A9,  distinguished  himself  upon  the  Iron- 
tiers,  inunediatcly  upon  the  retreat  of  Colonel  Broadhead's  army ;  not  as  many 
others  have,  but  by  magnanimity  and  address.  And  subsequently  his  naine 
was  set  to  many  treaties  l)etween  liis  nation  and  the  United  States,  ti-om  thnt 
of  General  ft'ayne  at  CJreenville  to  that  of  St.  Mary's  in  1818:  if,  indeed, 
Petchenanalas,  JiokoKgehdas,  and  several  other  variations,  stand  for  the  same 
person.  His  name,  according  to  Heckewelder,  signified  a  fulJUler,  or  ont  ivho 
Kucceeds  in  all  he  undtrlukes.  He  was  a  son  of  a  great  chief  whose  name  is 
written  ff'ewanduchicaknd,  which  signified  one  employed  on  important  HKmg-ej; 
and  who  in  tlie  French  war  was  u  great  captain,  and  in  )ieace  a  great  couii- 
sellur.  He  had  upon  his  under  lip  and  chin  tatooed  the  figure  of  a  water 
li/.ard,  on  w  hicli  account  he  was  often  called  Tweegaclischastt.  Bnokonsnhdua 
wuB  head  warrior  of  all  the  Delawares  who  lived  on  the  31ianii  and  VVIiiie 
Kivers. 

I'etchenanalas,  at  the  head  of  80  warriors,  ap|)eared  suddenly  at  (ina- 
denhnetten,  surrounding  it  before  day,  allowing  no  one  a  chance  for  escape. 
Not  knowing  his  object,  the  peo|)le  were  filled  with  terror.  But  he  soon 
dispelled  their  fears,  by  telling  them  that  he  came  to  tid<c  the  chief  Gitele- 
menil,  and  u  few  other  head  men,  whom  he  would  have,  either  dead  or  ulivc. 
As  it  happened,  not  one  of  tJiose  ho  soiight  after  was  there  at  the  time. 
Having  siitisfied  himself  of  this  ftict,  the  chie'/  demanded  that  deputies  from 
the  three  Christian  towns  should  meet  to  lijar  what  he  had  to  say  to  thetn. 
Wlien  the  deputies  and  others  hud  met,  he  spoke  to  them  as  follows: — 

'•  Friends  and  kinsmen,  listen  to  what  I  sjiy  to  you.  You  see  a  great  and 
))owerful  nation  divided.  You  see  the  father  fighting  against  the  son,  aii<! 
the  son  against  the  fiithcr. — The  father  has  called  on  his  Indian  children  to 
assist  him  in  punishing  liis  children,  the  Americans,  who  have  become  re- 
fractory. I  took  time  to  consider  what  I  should  do ;  whether  or  not  I  should 
receive  the  hatchet  of  my  father,  to  assist  him.  At  first  I  looked  upon  it  as 
a  family  quarrel,  in  which  I  was  not  interested.  At  length  it  appeared  to  me, 
that  the  father  was  in  the  right,  and  his  children  deserved  to  be  punished  a 
lit:  \ — That  this  must  be  the  case,  I  concluded  from  the  many  cruel  acts  his 
ofT.~()ring  had  conunitted,  from  time  to  time,  on  his  Indian  children — in  en- 
croiicliing  on  their  lands,  stealing  their  property — shooting  at  and  murdering 
without  cause,  men,  women,  and  children : — yes,  even  murdering  tliose,  who 
at  all  times  hud  been  friendly  lO  them,  and  were  placed  for  protection  under 


*  Chronicles  or  Western  Settlements,  passim, 
t  Doddridge's  Notes,  293. 


Chap.  IV.] 


BUOKONGAIIELAS. 


G3 


the  roof  of  their  fuUier's  house  ;  *  the  father  hinibolf  standing  sentry  a^  the  tioor, 
ut  th*;  time ! — Friends  and  relatives,  oi\«n  has  tUv  father  been  obliged  to  ttettie 
and  make  amends  for  the  wrongs  and  mischiefs  done  us,  by  his  refratUory 
children;  yet  these  do  not  grow  iN'tter.  No!  iliey  remain  the  same,  and  will 
continue  to  Im;  so,  us  long  as  we  have  any  ltd  \vi\  us  !  Look  back  at  tiie 
murders  committed  by  the  Long-Knives  on  many  of  our  n-lations,  who  lived 
peaccalile  neighlmrs  to  them  on  the  Ohio !  Did  they  not  kill  them  without 
the  leu.st  provocation  ? — Are  they,  do  you  think,  l»elter  now,  than  tiiey  were 
then  ?  No !  indeed  not ;  and  many  days  are  not  <'la|ised,  since  you  Itad  a 
number  of  tlie.se  very  men  near  your  doors,  who  panted  to  kill  you,  but  Ibr- 
tunutely  were  |)reventetl  Irom  so  doing,  by  the  Great  Sun,|  who,  at  that  time, 
had  by  the  CJreat  Spirit  lieen  ordaineil  to  protect  you!" 

The  chief  then  spoke  with  respect  of  their  peaceable  mode  of  liiii,  and 
commended  their  dtrsire  to  live  in  friendship  with  all  mankind;  but  said,  Miey 
must  1m!  aware  of  their  exposed  situation — living  in  the  very  road  the  h' .stile 
ptjrties  nuist  pa.ss  over,  in  going  to  fight  each  other ;  that  tl.  ^y  ha<l  just  en- 
cuped  destruction  Irom  one  of  these  parties ;  that  therelbre  no  time  should 
he  lost,  but  they  should  go  to  the  country  on  the  M  ami,  where  they  would  be 
entin^ly  out  of  danger. 

The  Christian  LidiauN  replied,  that,  as  they  had  never  injured  the  Amer- 
icans, they  thought  they  i:eed  not  ii-ur  injury  from  tiiem ;  tiiat  if  their 
friends  at  war  wished  them  well,  in  truth,  they  would  not  make  their 
settlement  upon  the  jtath  they  took  to  go  to  war,  as  it  would  lead  their 
antagonists  the  same  way ,  and  that  they  could  not  remove  withciut  great 
detriment ;  and  therefore,  as  they  were  then  situated,  they  could  not  consent 
to  go. 

Piuh^anlachihilas  consulted  in  the  mean  time  with  his  chief  men,  and 
answertid  very  feelingly  to  what  the  bi-ethren  had  said.  He  observed  that  he 
was  sorry  tint  they  should  differ  from  him  in  opinion,  but  that  he  bad  no 
intention  to  ui^e  compulsion,  and  only  requested  that  those  might  be  permit- 
ted to  go,  whose  fears  prompted  them  to  it.  This  was  readily  assented  to, 
and  the  council  broke  up,  and  the  warriors  departed.  At  Salem  they  made  a 
short  stay,  where  they  conducted  themselves  as  they  had  done  at  (jina<len- 
huettcn.  Here  a  family  of  old  people  joined  tln-m,  through  feiir  of  what  Pach- 
ffanlschihilas  had  predicted,  and  the  event  justified  th(!  proceeding!  The 
massacre  of  Gnudenhuetten  will  ever  be  remembered  with  the  deej»e8t  regret 
and  indignation. 

Nothing  was  feared  from  the  gootl  Petchenarudcut ;  but  ths  prowling  mon- 
sters APKee,  Girty,  Elliot,  an  '  perhaps  others,  calling  themselves  white,  were 
the  plotters  of  tl'e  ruin  of  the  innocent  people  ut  Gnadenhuetten,  which  fol- 
lowed not  lo  \g  af\er. 

Our  preseiit  design  makes  it  expedient  that  we  pass  over  many  events  in 
the  chronicles  of  the  frontinr  wars,  that  we  may  be  enaltled  to  proceed  with 
more  minuteness  of  detail,  in  the  lives  of  the  eminent  chiefs.  Although 
we  cannot,  by  any  rule  known  to  us,  tlerive  Buokon/rnhelas  from  Pachg;antsci' 
hUns  or  Ptlchenanalas,  yet,  as  they  have  as  nmch  atHnity  as  Pometamm  and 
Metacotnet,  wo  shall  let  them  pass  for  the  same  person,  and  thus  continue  our 
narrative. 

Buokontrnhdas  was  not  only  a  great,  but  a  noble  wa'Tior.  He  took  no  de- 
light in  shedding  blood  ;  and  when  he  raised  the  hatchet  on  the  side  of  the 
British  in  the  revolution,  it  was  for  the  best  of  reasons  ;  and  would  that  nume- 
roiih  other  allies  we  could  name  had  acted  from  as  pure  motives!  Our  next 
notice  of  Buokon^ahelasi  is  in  \7'.f2,  when  ;ic  showed  himself  no  less  magnan 
imous  than  at  Gnadenhuetten  and  Salem.  Colonel  Hardin,  Major  Trueman 
and  several  others,  were  sent,  in  May  of  this  year,  by  fVashinfrton,  with  a  flag 
of  truce,  to  tiie  Indian  nations  of  the  west,  particularly  the  Maumee  towns 
They  having  arrived  near  the  I  .dian  town  of  Au  Glaize  on  the  south-wes 


■<.i\ 


■k 


M 


■AtA 


*  Alluding  to  the  rmrdcr  of  the  Cuuestoga  Indiana,  which  WuS  as  atrocious  as  that  at  Gna 
denhucltcn,  and  ofwh'ch  we  shall  in  due  course  five  a  relation, 
f  Referring  to  what  we  have  just  related  of  Colonel  Daniel  Broadliecd  aad  his  army. 


BUOKONGAHEI-AS —MURDER  OPCOI,  HARDIN. 


(Rook  V. 


Umap. 


branch  of  the  Miurni  of  fh*>  /^ke,  foil  in  with  Home  IiuliaiiN,  who  trented 
'hem  well  nt  firnt,  and  made  iimny  profesHionH  of  friendHhip,  hut  in  the  end 
took  Hdviiiitnge  of  them,  while  oft'  their  guard,  and  murdered  nearly  all  of 
fhetii.  The  interpreter  made  IiIh  eNcafie,  aHer  Kome  time,  and  jrave  an  or- 
enunt  «>f  the  tranMirtion.  IIIh  name  wan  WiUiam  Small >/ ;  and  lie  had  U-en 
some  time  he((>re  with  the  IndiuiiH,  and  had  learnid  their  mannerN  and  eus- 
toniH,  whieh  gave  him  some  advaiitage  in  lN;ing  ahle  to  Hivehimxelf  lie  was 
nt  first  eondueted  to  Au  (itai/.e,  and  WM»n  aller  to  "  liuokunfgnhtlH,  kinjr  of  the 
J)e|awareH,  hy  his  «'apt<irs."  'I'he  ehief  told  those  that  eonimitted  the  murder, 
Ac  wan  mnj  sorn/  Ihey  hatt  killed  the  men.  Thai  instead  nf  so  doinff,  thnj  .thould 
have  hroui!;ht  them  to  the  Indian  towns ;  and  then,  if  what  theij  had  tu  sa;/  hud  not 
hern  liked,  it  would  have  been  time  enoue;h  to  have  killed  them  then.  .Volhinfr,  he 
said,  rould  juslifij  then  for  jmltiuji  them  to  deaths  as  there  ivas  no  chance  fur  them 
to  escape.  'I'he  truth  was,  they  killed  them  to  plunder  their  efVeets.  linoknn- 
»;ahchis  t(M>k  Mr.  Smalbj  into  his  rahiii,  and  HhowutI  him  great  kindness;  told 
liim  to  stay  there  while  he  eould  go  Hately  to  his  former  Indian  tiiends. 
/ lie  having  iH.'en  adopted  itito  an  Indian  family,  in  plaee  of  one.  who  had 
l)een  killed,  in  Iiih  former  eaptivity,)  Whilo  here  with  Ihutkonu:ahtlas, 
\vlii(>h  was  near  a  month,  iMr.  SnuUly  said  the  ehief  would  not  permit 
him  to  go  ahroad  alone,  for  fear,  he  saiti,  mat  the  young  Indians  would 
kill  him. 

Fnini  another  source  we  learn  the  iiaineH  of  several  of  the  murdered.  "  A 
letter  from  Paris  (in  the  n(!W  Freneli  eettieincnt),  dated  July  17,  states,  that 
intellig«!iiee  had  been  r«!ceiv(Ml  at  Fort  Jeffiirson,  of  \.\w.  death  of  Major  YVae- 
man,  Mr.  Freeman,  Debachi  aiul  Jarrat.  That  this  intbrination  was  brought 
by  two  jirisoiiers,  who  wen;  laboring  in  a  eornfnld,  and  nuule  their  escajie. 
The  one  had  been  taken  prisoner  at  the  time  (Jeneral  liarnur  was  defeated — 
the  other  is  William  Ducr,  of  Ciipt-  Buchanan^s  company  of  levies.  They 
further  inform,  that  on  the  i5th  June  a  party  of  Iiulians  took  8  men  prisoners, 
who  were  making  hay  near  Fort  Jefl'erson  ;  that  when  they  had  moved  the 
j)ri8oners  some  distance  from  the  fbit,  tlu-y  divi<ied  them — lour  were  given 
to  the  Chippewas,  and  four  to  t!ie  Shawanese — tliat  the  Sliawanese  burnt  the 
four  nnforttmatcly  assigned  to  them — that  the  Chippewas  took  fh«;irs  home, 
to  the  intent  of  making  laborer;^  of  them — that  the  Indians  are  drtfrniined 
for  war,  and  will  not  treat,  but  will  kill  every  white  ]»erson  that  atteni|its  to 
go  to  them,  either  with  or  without  a  flag — that  thtur  present  plan  is  to  cut  otf 
tlu;  escorts  of  provisions  destined  to  the  outposts,  and  by  that  means  oblige 
the  troops  stationed  there  to  surrender ;  and  that  for  this  purpose  they  kept 
two  spies  constantly  out."  * 

It  is  said  that  the  conduct  of  the  Brit'wh,  at  the  battle  of  Presque-lsle,  for- 
ever changed  the  mind  of  this  chief,  as  it  did  that  of  irumy  others,  in  regard 
to  them.  Buokongahelas  said  he  would  henceforth  trust  them  no  more.  The 
fort  lit  Maumee  was  critically  situated,  but  by  its  own  imprudence.  Theofli- 
ccrs  of  it  had  told  the  Indians  that  if  the  battle  turned  against  them,  they 
Hhould  have  protection  in  the  fort.  Immediately  after,  General  f'ai/ne  in- 
formed them,  that  if  tiiey  di(i  protect  the  Indians  in  that  event,  he  would 
treat  them  as  though  found  in  arms  against  iiim ;  therefore,  thhiking  their 
own  safety  of  more  consequence  than  keeping  their  faith  with  the  Indians, 
they  barred  the  gates,  and  were  idle  spectators  of  those  they  had  basely  be- 
traycMl,  cut  down  in  great  numbers  by  the  swords  of  the  horsemen,  under 
their  very  ramparts! 

It  would  seem  from  a  passage  in  the  Memoirs  of  General  Harrison,^  that 
Buokoniralielas  died  soon  "afttjr  the  treaty  of  1804;  "that  if  he  had  been 
alive,  IVti'.  Dawson  thinks,  when  Tecumseh  and  t,*ie  Prophet  enlisted  so  many 
nations  against  the  Americans,  he  would  not  have  suffered  their  plans  to 
have  been  matured.  The  same  author  relates  an  incident  of  pecidiar  interest, 
concerning  our  subject,  which  is  as  follows: — After  the  fight  with  Wayne's 
iirmy  l)efore  mentioned,  Buokon^ahdas  collected  the  remnant  of  his  hand, 
and  embarked  with  them  in  canoes,  and  passed  up  the  river,  to  send  a  flag  of 


Careift  Mtiseum,  xii.  15. 


f  By  Mr.  Dawton,  page  82. 


IT 


■I 


(Book  V. 

I'ho  tronted 
in  tin-  end 
">rl.v  nil  of 
n\r  (III  or- 

liiid  |>c«>|i 
•H  iind  fii8- 
i'.  lie  was 
«iii?  of  the 
ln'iniirrlcr, 
thri/  nhhulti 
^'11/  hud  not 
Vol  hi  II fr,  |i(« 
ire  for  Ihem 
Jiuokon- 
lni!*.s;  ti)ld 
iiii  (iiciids. 

>vli<»  liad 
koiiirafulas, 
iiDt  jM'iinit 
UIIH  wuiild 

liTtd.  "  A 
states,  that 
iijor  Trnt- 

IH    l)|-(l||<rht 

Mr  escape. 

delbated — 
<•«.  They 
|)ris()ii('ip, 

iiovfd  the 
CIO  ^fiveii 
hiiriit  the 

.'irs  luMiie, 

eteriniiied 

tteiiipts  to 
to  cut  <ifr 

ins  (tl»li<Te 
they  kept 


son,j  that 

liud  boeu 

so  iiiaiiy 

|*laii8  to 

interest, 

tVayne^s 

lis  hand, 

a  flag  of 


Ch*p.  IV  J 


CAI'TAIM   I'l 


ui:m:h;.mkm» 


M 


truce  to  Fort  H'nune.  When  the  cliivt'  arrived  atritiiiHt  the  ltriti->h  I'ort,  ho 
waH  re(|iii'Hied  to  land,  which  he  did.  When  lie  Imd  approached  the  Heiitiiii-I. 
he  demanded,  " /rA/it  hine  youio  aatf  to  wl"  lie  wa:*  answered  (hat  tlic 
coniniandaiit  dcHired  to  Hpeak  with  him.  "  Thtii  hr  innif  come  nKiir.,"  was  the 
reply.  The  wiitry  then  Muid  the  otHcur  would  not  do  tlial,  and  that  lie  would 
nut  lie  allowed  to  patM  the  tort,  it'  he  did  not  comply  with  itH  rnlen.  ■■  lUutl 
shall  fin  vent  int  /''  itaid  the  intre|»id  chief.  I'ointiii:;  to  theciinnim  ol'tlie  Ion, 
the  wiHitry  Haid,  "  ThoHc."  The  ehiut' replied  indiy;Mantly,  "  /  _/t«i-  ml  i/oiir 
cannon :  ;tjXcr  mtjfcnnf^  tht  ^Imericnna  to  dt;fut  ifour  n/irlntr,  without  ditriii<r  t'ljirr 
on  Ihtin,  i/uu  cnnii'd cxptd  to J'riffhUn  JJuoKo.MoKnKi.A-s."  lie  reendmrked,  and 
puHHcd  the  lort,  without  niol*  Htatiun.  Uy  "  «letilin^  their  spring,'' he  meaiii 
an  ironical  reproach  tu  the  Jiritiuh  garriMun  ibr  their  treachery  to  the  Indians, 
which  lias  lM;en  mentioned. 

It  is  iiaid  that  liuokon^iiheliu  wuti  preai^iit  at  I'ort  M'IntoHh,  at  the  treaty 
ol*  17H.');  but  an  Win  name  ii4  not  among  the  signerH,  we  suppose  he  w;is 
opposed  to  it.  (jieiierul  Oeorffe  R.  Clark,  ^Irthar  L«r,  and  lUclutrd  Jiulkr,  «ere 
the  American  comniiHsionerM;  the  former  had  In-en  a  succcbstul  warrior  aguinsi 
the  iiuiiaud,  which  had  gained  him  the  respect  oi°  liunkinuralu-laa ;  and  when 
he  had  an  opportunity,  he  passed  *he  others  without  noticing  them,  hut  went 
and  took  (jeneral  Clark  by  the  iiaiid,  and  said,  "  /  thank  l/ie  (heal  Sftirit  for 
haviim  tliU  day  hroof^ld  together  tioo  such  great  warriors,  an  Huokonuahei.as 
and  Gem.  Claiik." 

A  separate  article  in  the  treaty  just  named,  illustrates  the  history  of  seveiai 
chiefs  already  mentioned.  It  is  iii  these  words  : — '"  It  is  agreed  that  the  Del- 
aware chiefs  Kelelamand,  [GeUlemend,  KUlbuck^]  or  C'oluuel  Henry;  Ikngut- 
Chees,  or  tUii  liir-cai ;  H'tcocalind,  or  (Japtain  fH'':-eyea;  who  took  up  the 
diet  fur  the  United  States,  and  their  families,  snail  Ix;  received  into  the 
Delaware  nation,  in  the  same  aituatiou  and  rank  as  lietbre  the  war,  and  enjoy 
their  due  portions  uf  the  lands  to  the  Wyandot  and  Delaware  nations  in  tiiis 
treaty,  as  fully  as  if  they  had  not  taken  part  w  ith  America." 

(Jei.eJ'KMENd,  one  uf  the  inost  conspicuous  of  those  .'loticed  in  the  provision 
of  the  treaty  of  Fort  M'Intosh,  we  will  proceed  to  consider  in  this  place. 
His  name  signitied  Jl  leader,  but  he  was  called  Killbuck  because  the  whites 
had  so  culled  his  father,  and  to  distinguish  him,  junior  was  added.  Upon 
the  death  of  fyhite-eyeSf  he,  as  that  chief  hud  done,  accepted  the  oltice  of 
chief,  until  the  young  heir  should  be  old  enough  to  fill  the  iin|)ortant  pluce. 
He  contiuued  the  course  of  nieusures  curried  on  by  his  prcdecessur,  but  in 
spite  of  uU  he  could  do,  Captain  Pipe  succeeded  in  defeating  his  designs. 
Such  was  the  power  of  Pipe,  that  Gelelemend  and  his  party  were  forced 
tlirough  fear  to  abandon  their  council-house  ut  Goschochkiiig,  und  retire 
under  the  protection  of  the  Americans  near  Pittsburg.  Here  they  supposed 
themselves  safe,  but  they  were  soon  disappointed;  "for  while  the  fiiendly 
chiefs,  together  with  a  number  of  their  people,  were  peaceably  living  together 
on  an  isluud  just  below  the  town  of  Pittsburg,  they  were  suddenly  surprised 
and  uttucked  by  the  murdering  party  which  liad  returned  from  killing  netir  a 
hiuidred  of  the  Christian  Indians,  and  partly  killed  and  partly  put  to  flight, 
from  whence  this  chief  (KUlbttck)  saved  his  life  only  by  ud<ing  to  the 
river  and  swimming  across  to  the  point,  or  town,  [of  Pittsburg]  leaving  all 
his  property  behind  ;  umoiig  which  was  the  bug  coiituiniug  all  the  wampum 
speeches  und  written  documents  of  ffUliam  Penn  und  his  successors  lor  u 
great  number  of  years,  which  had  fur  su  long  a  time  been  carefully  preserved 
by  thent,  but  now  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  a  murdering  band  of  white 
savages,  who  killed  at  the  same  time  the  promising  young  Delaware  chief 
above  mentioned."  The  many  services  he  rendered  to  Pennsylvania  were 
known  und  uppreciated ;  which  services,  however,  being  obnoxious  to  the 
enemy,  drew  their  hatred  upon  him,  so  much  so,  that  they  ordered  any  t}iat 
should  meet  with  him  to  shoot  him  dead.  He  therefore  renained  concealed 
some  time  after  the  peace  with  the  Indians,  with  his  family  at  Pittsburg.  He 
linally  joined  the  Christian  Indians  and  lived  under  their  protection  ;  never 
venturing  far  from  home,  lest  the  Munseys  should  meet  with  and  kill  him 
He  wus  buptized  by  the  name  of  H'iUiam  Henry,  u  name  he  had  been  long 
known  tinder,  and  which  was  that  of  a  distinguished  member  of  congresa, 
-6* 


,   1".  i  ■ 


■Hi 


■:'^'M 


'31 


m 


CAPTAIN  PIPE. 


tn«oK  V. 


CnnfoiTfd  hy  liimsclf.  KUlhvrk''  died  in  tho  faith  iti  Janimrv,  1811,  naed 
•I><)iit8().t 

At  tli«  time  thflW)  i)enrnal»l«'  liidiiirin  wen*  inurderniiNly  driven  front  tlinr 
inlan*!,  aHjimt  noticed, /^^r-,«/t  nnrrowly  cwniM'd  the  Nlnnj?ht<'r.  ll«^  n-tirod 
to  till!  IVfinnii  country,  when?  \w,  aHorwnrdH  di^d,  llo  had  hrcn  an  ahl<> 
connw'Mor,  and  afhsrwardw  a  chief  of  the  Tnrth!  triiw'.t  But  to  rrtiirn  to 
Captain  Pipe. 

At  one  tinie  atW  nn  expedition  against  tho  Americans,  fnptnin  I'ipe  went 
to  Dftmit,  where  he  Was  received  with  respect  l»y  the  iiritiHh  coMiniaiidant. 
who,  with  hJM  attendants,  was  invite*!  to  tho  conncil-hoiino,  to  ^ive  an  account 
of  past  tranNactions.  He  was  seated  in  front  of  his  Intlians,  faring' tlie  chief 
othcer,  and  held  in  his  M\  hand  a  sliort  stick,  to  wliich  was  fastened  a  scalp. 
Alter  a  nsnal  pause,  ho  arose  and  spoke  as  follows: — 

"  Fulhtr,  [then  ho  stooped  a  litth-,  and,  turning  towards  the  audience,  with 
1  counten.inco  full  of  ^reat  evprossion,  and  a  sjircastic  look,  said,  in  a  lower 
Xfnw  of  voi<"o,]  "  /  have  said  faTukr,  nllhmigh,  indeed,  I  do  not  know  why  /  am 
to  call  HIM  itn,  hnvinf^  nerfer  known  any  other  father  than  the  tVench,  and  consider - 
insr  the.  Eniftish  on/y  as  rrothrrs.  lint  as  this  name  is  also  imposed  vpnn  lu, 
I  shall  make  rise  of  it,  and  sni/,  [at  the  same  time  fixinp  his  eyes  upoti  the  com- 
manilant,]  Father,  some  time  «jfo  yon  put  a  war  hatchet  into  my  hands,  smjing, 
'  Take  this  icennon  and  tnf  it  on  the  luads  of  my  enemies,  the  Lon^-Knires,  and 
let  me  qjtcrwaras  know  if  it  wits  sharp  and  trooi!^  Father,  at  the  time  when  you 
gave  me  this  tcenpon,  I  had  neither  cause  nor  inctmation  to  go  to  war  airainst  a 
people  who  had  done  me  no  injnn/  ;  yet  in  obedicnct  to  you,  wlio  gay  yon  are  my 
father,  and  call  me  xfour  child,  I  mc^'ved  the  hatchet ;  ivell  knomng,  tfint  if  I  did 
not  oltey,  you  would  withhold  from  me  !he  necessaries  of  life,  tmlhout  which  I  could 
not  subsist,  and  which  are  iwt  elsewherr.  to  he  procured,  but  at  the  house  of  my 
father.-— You  nury  perhaps  think  me  a  fool,  for  risking  my  life  at  your  bidding,  in 
a  cause  too,  hy  which  I  nave  no  prospect  of  gaining  anything  ;for  it  wyour  cause 
and  not  mine.  It  is  your  concern  tofght  the  Ijong-Knives  ;  you  have  raised  a 
'quairel  amongst  yourselves,  and  you  ought  yourselves  tofght  it  oid.  You  should 
not  compel  your  children,  tlie  Indians,  to  expose  themselves  to  danger,  for  your  sukes. 
— Father,  many  lives  have  already  been  lost  on  your  account ! — JVations  hare  suf- 
fered, and  been  weakened ! — children  have  lost  parents,  brotliers,  and  relatives ! — 
itrives  have  lost  husbands ! — It  is  not  known  how  many  more  may  perish  before 
your  war  tcill  be  at  an  end  .'^Father,  I  have  said,  that  you  may,  perhaps,  think  me 
a  fool,  for  thus  thoughtlessly  rushing  on  yotir  enemy ! — Do  not  believe  this,  father : 
Think  not  that  I  want  sense  to  convince  me,  that  altnough  you  now  preteml  to  keep 
vp  a  perpetual  enmity  to  the  Itong-Knives,  you  may  before  long  conclude  a  peace 
with  them. — Father,  you  say  you  love  your  children,  the  Indians. — This  you  have 
often  told  them,  and  indeed  it  is  your  interest  to  say  so  to  them,  that  you  may  have 
them  at  your  service.  But,  father,  who  of  us  can  believe  that  you  can  love  a  people 
of  a  different  color  from  your  own,  better  than  those  who  have  a  white  skin  like 
yourselves  9  Father,  pay  attention  to  what  I  am  going  to  say.  While  you,  father, 
are  setting  me  [meanmg  the  Indians  in  general]  on  your  enemy,  miwh  in  the 
name  manner  as  a  hunter  sets  his  dog  on  the  game ;  while  I  am  in  the  cut  of  rushing 
nn  that  enemy  of  yours,  with  the  bloody  destructive  weapon  you  gave  me,  I 
nuty,  perchance,  happen  to  look  back  to  thepUue  from  tchtnce  you  started  me ;  and 
whiat  shall  I  see  9  Perhaps  I  nay  see  my  father  shaking  hands  urith  the  Long- 
Knives  ;  yes,  with  these  verif  people  he  now  calls  his  enemies.  I  may  then  see  him 
laugh  at  my  folly  for  having  obeyed  his  orders ;  and  yet  I  am  now  risking  mif  lift 
at  his  command !  Father,  keep  tehat  I  have  said  in  remembrance. — JVow,  fatmr, 
here  is  what  has  been  done  with  the  hatchet  you  gave  me.  [With  these  words  he 
handed  the  stick  to  the  commandant,  with  the  scalp  upon  it,  above  men- 
tioned.] I  have  done  with  the  hatchet  what  you  ordered  me  to  do,  and  found  it 
sharp.    N'evertheless,  I  did  not  do  ail  that  I  m\ght  have  done.  Mi,  I  did  not.    My 

*  Another  of  the  same  name  is  mentioned  by  Mr.  Latrobe,  Rambles,  ii.  1 18,  whom  he  saw 
ot  New  Fairfield  in  1832 ;  "  a  venerable  "  man  "  watching  the  bed  of  his  dying  daughter,  Um 
last  of  12  children." 

t  Heckewelder's  Biogaphy  of  the  Delawares,  ^c,  in  Philos.  Tratu, 

t  Machingue  J'uschSs,  accordine  to  Heckewtlder, 


Chap.  IV. ]         CAPTAIN  IMI'i:.— <'RA\VI''()Ur)H  KXPFDITK)N. 


or 


hrnri  fitUtd  irithin  mr.  I  felt  fompaxrion  for  ynt\r  mnnt/,  rnrioriMiiM'  [lirlplfNiii 
woMU'ri  mill  fliiiitrrri]  hnil  iw  part  in  xjnur  nunmln  ;  Ihrrfforr.  I  ilixtin^ui.tlud — / 
jtjmrrd.  I  took  .vtmr  live  tifsli,  trhirh,  while  I  wax  hrim^inif  to  ifou,  I  xpird  one  nf 
f/our  tariff,  ritnufn  ,m  irhirh  I  put  itj'nrifou.  In  n  j'rw  dat/.t  i/ou  will  rrritrrr  thi.n 
lli'hli,  and  find  th(d  Ihf  skin  is  nf  the  same  rnlor  irilh  ifnnr  own.  Fitthrr,  I  hnjye 
wm  trill  nnt  d<slrnif  wliiit  I  have  saved.  YoVyfidhcr,  have  the  means  tif  presrrv- 
iH<f  that  whirh  with  me  would  pi ri.nk  fur  want.  The  warrior  is  jwor,  and  hisrahin 
is  alwaj/s  empli/ ;  but  ifour  house,  fa}her,  is  alwai/s  full.'' 

ADcr  a  liiuli  nicoiniiirn  upon  thin  <ipi>rcli,  wliicli  iiimmI  nnt  bn  rt<p<>nt<>(l,  IVIr. 
Hcckcwi'ldiT  nu\!*,  "ft  is  l)iit  justice  hrre  tn  my,  timt  I'ifie  was  well  ar<iiiiiitit- 
<•<!  with  tlif  iiolilc  aiitl  j^cihtoiim  clinractcr  of  tin-  Hritisii  orticL-r  to  wliom  iliiN 
sim'itIi  was  a<l(lrcssc<l.  Ili;  is  Mtill  liviii;.'  in  his  own  roinitry,  an  honor  to  tho 
iiiiiish  nanit*.  Il<>  ohryi'd  tlit*  orilrrs  of  liis  Hn|irrioi-s,  in  ftnployiii';  tlu;  In- 
tliaiis  to  ti<;ht  a<rainst  tin;  lint  he  iliil  it  with  rrlnclai.cc,  and  Hottcnnj  as  iniirli 
aH  was  in  liis  |iowi>r  tlit^  horrors  of  that  iduiniinalilc  warfare,  lie  esteemed 
(yaptain  Pipe,  and,  I  have  no  doid)t,  wan  well  pleased  with  the  hnrna.ie  eon- 
duct  of  this  Indian  cliief,  whose  cagaeity  in  this  iiiNtunru  in  no  less  deserving 
of  praise  than  his  eloipionre," 

The  natn.'  of  Cimtain  Pipe  is  inifortiinafely  associated  with  the  history  of  the 
Inniented  Colonel  Uilliam  Crawford,  who  perished  at  the  Htake,  nthr  suUiTing 
the  most  horrihie  and  e.\criiriatin<r  tortures  possible  for  Indians  to  intliet.  lie 
was  partirularly  obnoxious  t<i  them,  from  having  been  many  years  a  suecessfnl 
eommaiKler  against  them,  lie  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians  not  far  from 
llp.'ter  Handiisky,  in  the  latter  end  of  .May,  17H"*.  At  this  time  ho  was  arrived 
theie,  ut  the  head  of  n  band  o.'iiboiit  CM)  vohniteers,  who  were  attacked  and 
put  to  flight,  without  having  ncipiitted  themselves  like  snIdierH  in  any  degrei; ; 
except,  indeed,  some  individual  itistances.  At  least  a  hundred  were  killetl 
and  taken,  and  of  the  latt(;r,  but  two  an;  said  ever  to  have  escaped. 

Captain  Pipe,  if  not  the  principal,  was  probably  one  of  the  chief  leaders  of 
the  Indians  at  this  time.  VVhen  the  rout  of  the  army  began,  iuHtead  of  re- 
treating in  a  body,  they  tied  in  small  parties,  and  thus  fell  an  easy  prey  into 
the  hands  of  their  pursuers.  Colonel  Crawford  became  separated  ii-om  the 
main  body  of  his  soldiers,  by  his  extreme  anxiety  fi)r  his  son,  and  two  or  three 
other  relations,  whom  he  suspected  were  in  the  rear,  ami  therefore  waited 
for  them  an  unreasoiuible  titne.  He  at  length  fled,  in  company  with  a  Dr. 
Knight  nnd  two  others.  Unfortunately,  uller  Iravelling  nearly  two  days,  they 
were,  with  several  others,  surprised  by  a  party  of  Delawares,  and  conducted 
to  the  Old  Wyandot  Town.  Here  Ca|)tain  Pipe,  with  his  own  hands,  painteti 
Crawford  and  Knight  black  in  every  part  of  their  bodi(!s.  A  place  called 
the  New  Wyandot  Town  was  not  far  off".  To  this  plac«?  they  were  now 
ordered,  and  Pipe  told  Crawford,  that  when  lie  arrived  there,  his  head  should 
l)e  shaved ;  of  which,  it  seems,  he  did  not  understand  the  import.  'J'hese  mis- 
erable irien  were  accompanied  by  Pipe  and  another  noted  Delaware  chief, 
named  fVingenim.  Several  other  captives  had  been  sent  forward;  and  in  the 
way,  as  Kmght  and  Crawford  passed  along,  they  saw  four  of  the  mangled 
bodies  of  their  friends,  lying  upon  the  ground,  dead  and  scalped.  Nine  others 
had  been  picked  up  at  the  same  titne  the  two  just  named  were,  and  four  of 
these  were  those  murdered  in  the  way.  The  other  five  met  a  like  fiite,  from 
the  iiands  of  Indian  squaws  and  boys  at  the  destined  village.  Here  Craufora 
and  Knight  aawSi'mon  Girty,  of  whom  no  human  being  since,  we  apprehend, 
has  spoken  or  written  witliout  indignation.  He  is  represented  to  have  wit- 
nessed the  torture  of  Crawford  with  much  satisfaction! 

After  the  colonel  was  tied  to  the  fiital  post.  Captain  Pipe  addressed  the  ossem- 
bled  Indiatis  in  an  earnest  speech,  which  when  he  had  closed,  they  all  joined  in 
a  hideous  yell,  and  fell  to  torturing  the  prisoner,  which  continued  for  about 
three  hours,  when  he  sunk  down  upon  his  face,  and  with  a  groan  expired. 

Dr.  Knight  was  reserved  for  the  same  fate,  and  was  present,  and  obliged  to 
hear  the  agonizing  ejaculations  of  his  friend,  and  at  last  to  see  him  expire, 
without  heme  able  to  render  him  even  the  assistance  of  a  consoling  word!— 
Indeed  the  thoughts  of  his  own  condition,  and  the  end  that  awaited  him, 
were  as  much,  nay,  more,  perhaps,  than  a  rational  mind  could  bear.  There 
seemed  no  possibility  of  a  deliverance ;  but  it  came  in  an  unexpected  houi 


/: 


m 


'■'■'iPl 


::i^. 


68 


WINGENUND'S  INTERVIEW  WITH  COL.  CRAWFORD. 


[Book  V- 


1^ 


f-'Jy, 

i(,y>> 


% 


He  was  to  be  sent  to  the  Sawanee  Town,  and  for  this  purposR  was  intrusted 
to  a  young  warrior,  who  watched  hiui  incessantly.  The  distance  was  aliout 
40  niii»!s:  and,  during  tlieir  niai-ch,  lie  found  means  to  knock  down  lii^  driver 
and  make  good  hi«<  escape.  He  was  21  days  in  the  wilderness  alone,  and  was 
nearly  liimishcd  when  he  arrived  at  Fort  M'lntoeh.  At  the  place  to  which 
he  was  destined  by  the  Indians,  Colonel  CrawfonVs  son,  son-in-hiw,  and  sev- 
eral others,  were  put  to  deata  about  the  same  time. 

Wingcnund,  Wxnganaond^  or  IHngai/noond,  hud  an  interview  with  Cohmci 
Crawford  immediately  before  his  exerution,  and  as  the  substance  of  wjiut 
passed  between  the  victim  and  the  ciiief  has  been  preserved,  it  i^liall  liere 
be  <^<ven,  not  merely  for  the  history  which  it  contains,  but  as  it  strikingly 
brings  to  view  the  manner  in  which  un  Lidian  exercises  his  views  of  justice 
in  an  extraordinary  case. 

This  chief  had  been  known  to  Crawford  some  time  before,  and  had  been 
on  terms  of  true  friendship  with  him,  and  kindly  entertained  by  him  at  h\n 
own  house  ;  and  such  acts  of  kindness  all  red  men  remember  with  gralitiidt . 
Wingenund  dcjes  not  appear  to  have  been  present  when  the  first  preparatious 
were  tnude  for  burning  the  prisoner,  but  resided  not  far  from  the  fatn!  spot,  ami 
had  retired  to  his  eiibin  that  he  might  not  see  the  sentence  <it  his  nation  exe- 
cuted upon  one  calling  him  his  iriend ;  but  Crauford  requested  that  he  might 
be  sent  for,  cheering  hi.s  almost  rayless  mind  with  the  faint  hope  that  he 
would  interpose  and  save  him.  Accordirgly,  Wingenund  soon  appeared  in 
the  presence  of  the  bound  and  '!aked  white  man.  He  was  asked  by  Crauford  if 
he  knew  him,  who  said,  he  believed  he  did,  and  asked,  "Are  you  not  Colonel 
Crawford'^''''  " I  am,"  replied  the  coloiicl.  The  chief  discovered  much  agi- 
tation and  embarrassment,  and  ejaculated — "So! — Yes! — Indeed!"  "Do 
you  not  recollect  the  friendship  that  always  existed  between  us,  and  that  we 
were  always  glad  to  seeeach  other?" said  Crawford.  "Yes,"  said  the  cliielj  "I 
remember  all  this,  and  tliat  we  have  often  drank  together,  and  that  you  liavfi 
been  kind  tome."  "Then  I  hope,"  added  Crai«/br(/,  "  the  same  friend;-hi|) 
still  continues."  "  It  would  of  course,"  taid  Wingenund, "  were  you  where  you 
ought  to  be, and  not  here."  "And  why  not  here?"  said  the  colonel;  "1  hope 
you  would  not  desert  a  friend  in  time  of  need.  Now  is  tlie  time  for  you  to 
exert  yourself  in  my  behalf,  as  I  should  do  for  you,  were  you  in  my  place." 
"Colonel  Crawford^  replied  Wingenmid,  "you  have  placed  yourself  in  a  sit- 
uation which  puts  it  out  of  my  power  and  that  of  others  of  your  friends  to 
do  any  thing  for  you."  "How  so,  Capuiin  Wingenund 7^^  said  the  colonel. 
He  added,  "  By  joining  yourself  to  that  execrable  man,  Williamson  and  his 
})arty.  The  man  who  but  the  other  dty  murdered  euch  a  number  of  the 
Moravian  Indians,  knowing  them  to  be  friends;  knowing  that  he  ran  no  risk 
in  murdering  a  people  who  would  not  figlit,  and  whose  only  busi  *s  was 
praying."  "  But  I  assure  you,  Wingenund"  said  Crawford,  "  that  had  I  bidii  with 
iiirn  at  the  time,  this  would  not  have  lia[ipened.  Not  I  alone,  but  all  jour 
Iriends  and  all  good  men,  wherever  they  are,  reprobate  acts  of  this  kuid." 
"That  may  be,"  said  Wingenund,  "yet  these  friends,  these  good  men  di('  not 
prevent  him  from  going  out  again,  to  kill  the  remainder  of  those  inofIen^<ive, 
yet  foolish  Moravian  Indians !  I  say  foolish,  because  they  believed  the  whites 
in  preference  to  us.  We  had  often  told  them  that  they  would  be  one  day  so 
treated  by  those  people  who  called  tiiemselves  their  friends !  We  told  tliem 
that  there  was  no  laith  to  be  placed  in  what  the  white  men  said ;  that  their 
fai"  ])romise8  were  only  intended  to  allure  us,  that  they  might  the  more  easily 
kill  us,  as  they  have  done  many  Indians  before  they  killed  these  Moravians." 
"I  am  sorry  to  hear  you  speak  thus,"  said  Crawford:  "as  to  WHliamson^s  going 
out  again,  when  '.t  was  known  that  he  was  determined  on  it,  I  went  out  with 
him,  to  prevent  him  from  committing  fresh  murders."  "  This,"  said  Winge- 
nund,  "  the  Indians  would  not  believe,  were  even  I  to  tell  them  so."  Crawford 
then  asked,  "And  why  would  they  not  believe  it?    •■Because,"  replied  Win- 

f',caund,  "it  would  have  been  out  of  your  power  to  prevent  his  doing  what 
le  pleased."  "Out  of  my  power  ?"  exclaimed  the  colonel,  and  asked,  "Have 
any  Moravian  Lidians  been  killed  or  hurt  since  we  came  out?"  "None," 
answered  the  chief;  "  but  you  went  first  to  their  town,  and  finding  it  empty 
and  deserted,  you  turned  on  the  path  towards  us.    If  you  had  been  in  search 


Chap. 

of  war 
i-loselj 
of  the 
at  nigl 
they  K 
cd,  a!i 
where 
Crai 
with 
fratikh 
host, 
that  mi 
such 
have  t! 
no  pos 
to  get 
tal  in 
<'hief, 
perha 
would 
to  com 
pose, 
and  ch 
lives  ol 
nation 
childre 
All  the 
whom 
the  ofR 
"My  ft 
meet  ( 
sorry  fo 
princip 
good  a 
able  sit 
you. 


<    -  ■->. 


■r-ni 


••         [Book  V- 

wae  intrusted 
nee  was  alioul 
)Wii  his  driver 
Jone,  uiid  uus 
Inco  to  vvliich 
■law,  and  sev- 

with  Col(in»:l 
anc(!  of  w/iat 
1,  it  siiall  here 
i  it  Btrikinf,'ly 
eW8  ol'jiisticj' 

and  liad  been 
»y  liini  at  hh 
t'itli  graiitudt . 
t  prcparatiouM 
Jata!  spot,unti 
is  nation  txt- 
that  lie  might 
hope  that  he 
1  appeared  in 
jy  Crauford  h' 
u  not  Colonel 
ed  much  agi- 
leed!"     "Do 
,  and  that  we 
the  chiei;  "  I 
hat  yon  liav«! 
le  ti-iendship 
ou  where  you 
•uel;  "I  hope 
rie  lor  you  to 
1  my  place." 
rseif  in  a  sit- 
ur  friends  to 
the  colonel. 
won  and  his 
iinbtr  of  the 
e  ran  no  risk 
»usi     ss  was 
i  I  boo-n  with 
l>ut  all  jour 
this  knid." 
men  di(i  not 
inoflensive, 
J  the  whites 
B  one  day  so 
^G  told  them 
;  that  tiieir 
more  easily 
Moiaviaus," 
msoii's  going 
nt  out  with 
»aid  JVinge- 

Crawford 
eplied  /Tin- 
doing  what 
ked,  *'  Have 

"  None, " 
ng  it  empty 
II  iu  search 


Chap.  IV.] 


COL.  CRAWFORD  BURNT  AT  THE  STAKE. 


69 


of  warriors  only,  you  would  not  h  c  gone  thither.  Our  spies  watched  you 
closely.  They  saw  you  while  you  were  embodying  yourselves  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Ohio.  They  saw  you  cross  that  river — they  saw  where  you  encamped 
at  night — they  saw  you  turn  off  from  the  path  to  the  deserted  Moravian  town — 
they  knew  you  were  going  out  of  your  way — your  steps  x-  constantly  watch- 
ed, and  you  were  suffered  quietly  to  proceed  until  .\uu  reached  the  spot 
wliere  you  were  attacked." 

Crawford,  doubtless,  with  this  sentence,  ended  his  last  rays  of  hope.  lie  asked, 
with  faint  emotion, "  What  do  they  intend  to  do  with  ine.'"'  when  Wingtnund 
frankly  replied,  "I  tell  you  with  grief.  As  Williamson,  with  his  whole  cowardly 
host,  ran  off  in  the  night  at  the  whistling  of  our  warriors'  balls,  being  satisfied 
that  now  he  had  no  Moravians  to  deal  with,  but  men  who  could  fight,  and  with 
such  he  did  not  wish  to  have  any  thing  to  do— I  saj',  as  he  escaped,  and  they 
have  taken  you,  they  will  take  revenge  on  you  in  his  stead."  "And  is  there 
no  possibility  of  preventing  this?"  said  Crawford — "Can  you  devise  no  way 
to  get  me  oft.'  You  shall,  my  friend,  be  well  rewarded  if  you  are  instrumen- 
tal in  saving  my  life."  "  Had  WUliamson  been  taken  with  you,"  answered  the 
chief,  "I  and  some  friends,  by  making  use  of  what  you  have  told  me,  might, 
perhap.s,  have  succeeded  in  saving  you,  but  as  the  matter  now  stands,  no  man 
would  dare  to  interfere  in  yonr  behalf.  Thekingof  Engl.uid  himselfj  were  he 
to  come  to  this  spot,  with  all  his  wealth  and  treasure,  could  not  effect  this  pur- 
pose. The  blood  of  the  innocent  Moravians,  more  than  half  of  them  women 
and  children,  cruelly  and  wantonly  mui dered,  calls  aloud  for  revenue.  The  rela- 
tives of  the  slain,  who  are  among  us,  cry  out  and  stand  ready  for  revengt.  The 
nation  to  which  they  belonged  will  have  revenge.  The  Shawanese,  our  grand- 
children, have  asked  for  your  fellow  prisoner ;  on  him  they  will  take  revenge. 
.Vll  the  nations  connected  with  u;,  cry  out,  revenge !  revenge !  The  Moravians 
whom  you  went  to  destroy,  having  fled,  instead  of  avenging  their  brethren, 
the  offence  is  become  national,  and  the  nation  itself  is  bound  to  Uike  revenge ! " 
"My  fate  then  is  fixed,"  said  the  wretched  man,  "and  I  must  prepare  to 
meet  death  in  its  worst  form."  "Yes,  colonel,"  said  the  chief;  "I  am 
sorry  for  it,  but  cannot  do  any  thing  for  you.  Had  you  attended  to  the  Indian 
principle,  that  aa  good  and  evil  cannot  dwell  together  in  the  same  heart,  so  a 
good  man  ought  not  to  go  into  evil  company,  you  would  not  be  in  this  larne;U- 
able  situation.  You  see,  now,  when  it  is  too  late,  after  Williamson  has  deserted 
you,  what  a  bad  man  he  must  be !  Nothing  now  remains  for  you  but  to  meet 
your  fate  like  a  brave  man.  Farewell,  Colonel  Crawford!  they  are  coming. 
1  will  retire  to  a  solitary  spot." 

Accordingly  a  host  of  executioners  were  immediately  upon  him,  and  ho 
died  by  their  cruel  hands,  as  we  have  already  written.  It  is  said  that  Winge- 
nund  shed  tears  at  parting  with  his  friend,  and  that  ever  aAer,  when  the  cir- 
cumstance was  mentioned,  he  seemet;  very  sensibly  affected,* 

Colonel  Crawford's  son  was  conipelled  to  witness  this  cruel  death  of  his 
father,  and  suffered  the  same  fate  immediately  afler.f 

The  expedition  of  Colonel  Crawford  was  not  so  laudably  undertaken  as 
jnany  others,  in  as  far  as  it  was  directed  against  the  Moravian  towns  u|>on  the 
Muskingum,  where  many,  who  composed  it,  were  determined  that  the  Chris- 
tian Lidians,  which  they  there  expected  to  find,  sliould  glut  their  vengeance 
by  their  blood,  as  those  at  Gnadenhuetten  had  done  but  a  short  time  bufbre.J 

CHIKATOMMO.  In  1790,  this  chief  succeeded  in  capturing  many  boats 
upon  the  Ohio  River,  killing  many  of  those  in  them,  and  taking  and  destroy- 
ing a  vast  amount  of  property.  Among  the  Iwats  which  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Chikatommo  was  one  in  which  was  a  Mr.  Charles  Johrston  of  Botetourt 
county,  Virginia,  and  several  others,  and  from  whose  narrative  we  derive  much 
of  this  information — a  book  replete  with  instruction,  and  one  of  the  most 
valuable  in  its  kind.§    As  this  company  were  descending  the  Ohio,  in  an  un- 

*  Heckeweldcrt  Indian  Nations,  281  to  284.  f  Columbian  Magazine  for  1787,  p.  648. 

X  Our  cliief  authority  for  these  events  is  the  valuable  Chroniclks  by  Mr.  Williers,  before 
referred  to. 

6  The  author  appears  to  have  been  prompted  to  its  publication  by  the  misinterpretation 
of  tils  oral  communications  by  the  DuJce  de  Liancoart ;  whom,  by  the  way,  we  do  not  find  to 
differ  to  materially,  in  his  account,  from  the  author  as  one  mii^nt  apprehend  from  hit  itale- 


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TO         CHIKATOMMO.— NARRATIVE  OF  CHARLES  JOHNSTON.      [Book  V 

wieldy  flat-bottomed  boat,  in  wliich  were  a  niimlwr  of  liorscs  and  considera- 
ole  mercliandisf>,  two  white  men  appeared  upon  the  shore,  and  called  to  them, 
affecting  great  distress,  and  begged  to  be  taken  on  board.  Before  these  two 
whites  showed  tliemsclves,  however,  a  nmoke  was  seen  above  the  trees,  and 
for  some  time  hield  tliem  in  doubt  on  which  side  of  the  river  it  was.  Tiity 
wished  to  ascertain  tliis  fact,  as  thereby  they  might  keep  close  in  upon  tlie 
opposite  sliore,  and  so  escape  mischief  in  the  event  of  an  ambushineni  nf 
Indians.  They  were  thus  wary,  as  the  Indians  were  constantly  doing  mis- 
chief upon  the  rivers,  and  had  but  a  short  time  before  destroyed  a  settlement 
at  a  place  called  Kennedy's  Bottom,  in  Kentucky. 

It  was  before  sunrise  on  the  20  March,  that  the  two  white  men  before  men- 
tioned hailed  tlie  boat,  which  was  safely  out  of  the  reach  of  fire-arms,  having 
discovered  the  smoke  to  l)e  upon  tiie  N.  W.  shore,  and  therefore  they  ke|rt 
upon  the  S.  W.  These  white  men,  tiie  more  effectually  to  decoy  the  bout's 
crew,  said  they  had  been  taken  prisonei-s  by  the  Indians  at  Kennedy'^  Bot- 
tom, and  had  just  escaped  from  them,  and  unless  they  would  take  them  or. 
board  they  nrist  perish  from  liunger  and  cold.  The  truth  was,  one  or  botl) 
of  them  Avere  abandoned  wretches,  who  had  leagued  with  a  band  of  depreda- 
tors under  Chikaiommo,  and  thus  were  the  means  of  destroying  many  iiuio- 
cent  lives  in  the  most  atrocious  manner.  When  bailed  by  them,  as  we  have 
just  sfiid,  some  in  the  boat  were  for  listening  to  them,  and  some  against  it. 
In  the  mean  time,  the  boat  floated  fast  down  the  current,  and  k;fl  those  on 
shore  considerably  in  the  rear,  although  tliey  exerted  themselves  to  keep 
abreast  of  the  boat.  Those  who  were  against  taking  them  on  board  had  their 
objections  well  grounded ;  for  when  these  men  were  asked  the  occasion  of 
the  smoke  upon  their  side  of  the  river,  they  denied  that  there  had  been  anv. 
or  spid  they  knew  of  no  such  thing ;  and  this  was  urged  as  a  sufficient  reasoe 
why  they  should  reject  the  other  part  of  their  story.  Still,  as  the  boat  glided 
down,  those  on  board  debated  the  subject,  and  at  length  concluded,  that  if 
there  were  Indians  where  they  first  saw  the  men,  they  must  then  he  far  up 
the  river,  as  it  was  thought  impoasible  that  they  could  have  got  tliroiigli 
the  woods  so  fast  as  they  had  floated  down ;  an'',  one  of  the  coinjiany,  a  Mr, 
Flinn,  whose  kindness  of  heart  brought  upon  them  this  calamity,  prof)osed 
hazarding  his  own  person  on  shore,  without  in  the  least  endangering  the 
rest.  His  plan  was  as  follows :  that  whereas  they  must  be  nov/  out  of  the 
reach  of  the  Indians,  they  should  haul  in,  and  Iwrely  touch  upon  the  shore. 
and  he  would  jump  out,  and  the  boat  shorld  at  the  same  time  haul  off;  so 
that  if  Indians  should  be  coming,  the  boat  would  have  time  to  get  off  safe. 
and  aa  to  himself,  he  could  well  outrun  them,  and  would  get  on  hoard  the 
boat  again  at  a  certain  point  below.  And  thus  was  the  humane  plan  laid  ot' 
relieving  sup{H)sed  distress,  the  sad  recompense  of  which  we  now  proceed  to 
telato. 

One  circumstance  had  not  been  taken  into  account  by  this  devoted  com 
pany.  The  current  being  rapid,  it  took  them  much  longer  than  tliey  had 
anti.?'oated  to  gain  the  shore ;  and  this  gave  some  of  the  most  swilt-fboted  of 
Chikalommd's  party  time  to  arrive  at  the  point  at  the  same  time  with  them. 
Having  arrived  close  to  the  shore,  Mr.  Flinn  had  but  barely  cleared  himself 
from  the  boat,  when  a  large  number  of  Indians,  painted  in  the  most  frightful 
manner,  came  rushing  upon  them.  Some  of  the  boat's  ';rew  s(?ized  their 
guns,  and  determined  to  resist,  while  the  others  used  every  means  ;o  g<t 
their  boat  from  the  shore ;  but  every  thing  seemed  to  conspire  against  them. 
Their  boat  became  entangled  in  the  branches  of  a  large  tree,  and  the  whole 
body  of  Indians,  having  arrived,  being  54  in  number,  gave  a  horrible  yell, 
and  poured  in  their  whole  fire  upon  the  boat.  From  the  protection  affbrdeci 
by  the  side  of  the  boat,  one  only  was  killed,  Doll})  Fleming,  and  Mr.  Shjk.i. 
wounded.  All  resistance  was  vain,  and  the  others  lay  down  upon  the  bot- 
tom of  the  boat,  to  prevent  being  immediately  killed.  The  Indians  kept  up 
their  fire  until  all  the  horses  were  shot  down,  which  added  much  to  the 

ment.  The  chief  disag^recmcnt  appears  ni  such  minor  points  as  the  spelling  of  names:  thus. 
in  naming  the  persons  onptiv..'ea,  for  Skyles  he  writes  Skuyl :  for  Dolly  Fleming,  Voly 
Flamming ;  for  Flinn,  PImjn,  Ue, 


Chap.  IV.] 


CHlKATOMMO.— JOHNSTON'S  CAPTIVITY. 


71 


neaiis  to  jrit 


horror  of  the  situation  of  those  upon  the  Imttom  of  the  boat,  as  they  were 
in  great  danger  of  being  trampled  to  deatli  by  tliom  Iwfore  they  fell,  and 
aflenvards  fVom  their  strivings.  When  this  was  finished,  the  fu'iug  couscd, 
and  Mr.  May  stood  np,  and  held  up  a  wliite  cup  in  token  of  surrender;  but 
lie  fell  in  a  moment  alter,  with  a  ball  t'liot  through  his  head.  Several  of  the 
Indians  now  swam  to  tiie  boat,  and  were  he'pe<l  into  it  by  those  within. 
Having  now  got  posscs.-^ion  of  it,  lii(  y  i^eemed  well  pleas  d,  and  offered  nti 
further  violence.  All  things  were  now  t;ikcn  on  shore,  and  an  innnense  lire 
kindled;  the  dead  were  scalped,  and  thrown  int3  the  river,  and  the  captives 
divested  of  most  of  their  ciotiu  s.  As  several  Indians  were  ^ulhered  aroimd 
Mr.  Jo/i/Mton  when  he  was  snipped,  one,  observing  that  he  had  on  a  kind 
of  red  vest,  ap[)roaclied  and  saici  to  him  in  I'^nglish,  "  OA.' jyou  c«y;/>«/iH  ;'"' 
He  said,  "Ao."  Then  the  Indian  pointed  to  his  own  breast,  and  said,  "  .Uc 
fappalin — all  dese  my  sogers."  This  was  Chickulommo.  An  Indian,  name<l 
Tom  Lewis,  discovered  much  hunumity  to  Mr.  Johnston,  in  that  he  covered 
him  with  his  own  blanket  ailer  he  had  jost  his  clothes. 

Being  all  stationed  about  tiie  fire,  C'hkkalommo  was  at  one  end  of  it,  (it 
being  aiK)ut  .50  feet  in  lengtii,)  wlio,  rising  up,  made  a  speech  to  the  niulti- 
ti!de.  An  old  Shawanee  chiefj  whose  name  is  not  mentioned,  made  the 
first  speech,  at  the  end  of  which  Ckickalnmino  conducted  Johnston  to  another 
Shawanee  chiefj  whose  name  was  .Mes'shaw-a,  to  whom  he  was  given  or 
assigned,  and  informed  that  he  was  his  friend.  At  the  end  of  Chichatommo's 
speech,  another  prisoner  was  disposed  of  The  same  ceremony  was  repeate*! 
with  the  third  and  last.  Johnston,  Skyles,  and  Flinn  went  to  the  Shawanese, 
and  Pe^ffty  Fleming  to  the  Cherokees.  This  band  of  robbers  appears  to  have 
been  made  uj)  of  adventurers  from  the  tribes  just  mentioned,  with  the  addi- 
tion of  u  few  Delawares.  The  latter  had  none  of  the  prisoners,  tis  they  did 
not  wish  to  be  known  in  the  business,  thinking  it  might  involve  their  nation 
in  a  war  with  the  United  States. 

The  two  white  men  who  had  decoyed  the  boat  into  the  Indians'  hands 
were  still  with  them,  and  the  next  day  all  the  captives  were  ordered  to  take 
a  position  upon  the  edge  of  the  river,  to  decoy  the  first  that  should  be  pas.sing. 
A  boat  soon  api)cared,  and,  re|)ugnant  as  such  an  employment  was  to  the 
feelings  of  these  captives,  yet  they  were  obliged  thus  to  do,  or  suffer  a  horri- 
ble death.  Divine  and  Tliomas  were  the  names  of  the  v'vvo  whites  so  often 
mentioned :  the  former  was  the  volunt<iry  agent,  and,  as  Mr.  Johnston 
expresses  it,  the  one  who  "alone  had  devised  and  carried  into  effect  their 
destruction  ;"  and,  "  ingenious  in  wicked  stratagems,  seemed  to  be  i)erfectJy 
gratified  to  aid  the  savages  in  their  views,  and  to  feel  no  scruples  in  suggest- 
ing means  for  their  accomplishment.  He  fabricated  a  Uile,  that  we  were 
passengers  down  the  Ohio,  whase  boat  had  suffered  so  great  an  injury  that 
we  were  unable  to  proceed  until  it  was  re|)aired ;  Itut  that  for  want  of  an 
axe,  it  was  impossible  for  us  to  do  the  necessjiry  woi  k.  These  unsuspecting 
canoe-men  turtied  towards  us ;  but  tlie  current  bore  them  down  so  far  below 
us,  as  to  preclude  all  chance  of  my  putting  them  on  their  guartl.  [Mr.  Johns- 
ton having  intended  by  some  sign  to  have  given  tham  warning  of  what 
awaited  them.]  The  Indians,  as  they  had  acted  in  our  case,  ran  down  the 
river  at  such  a  distance  fronj  it,  and  under  cover  of  the  woods,  that  they 
were  not  discovered  until  the  canoe  wtis  ck)8e  to  the  shore,  when  they  fired 
into  it,  and  shot  every  one  on  board.  As  they  tumbled  into  the  water,  their 
little  bark  was  over*iet  Two,  who  were  not  yet  dead,  kept  themselves  afloat, 
but  were  so  severely  wounded  that  they  could  not  swim  off.  The  Indians 
leaped  into  the  river,  and  after  dragging  thetn  to  the  shore,  despatched  tiiem 
with  the  tomahawk.  The  bodies  of  the  four  who  were  killed  were  also  brought 
to  land,  and  the  whole  six  were  scal|)ed.  All  were  then  thrown  into  the 
river.  Nothing  I  could  then  learn,  or  which  has  since  come  to  my  knowl- 
edge, has  enabled  me  to  understatid  who  these  unfortunate  sufferers  were." 
After  various  successes  and  encounters  upon  the  river,  Chickatommo  left  it, 
and  met  a  number  of  his  company  at  an  encampment  about  five  miles  from 
it  Here  he  left  the  rest,  taking  with  him  a  select  number  and  some  of  the 
Cherokees,  with  Miss  Fleming ;  and  the  company  with  whom  Johnston 
remained  did  not  join  him  again  for  many  days.    Afte''  much  delay  and 


m 


I'll 


73 


KING-CRANE.— RESCUES  A  CAPTIVE. 


[Book  V. 


Chap. 


!■■*>' 


m: 


{f^; 


interesting  incident,  they  reached  the  Lidiun  town  of  Upper  Sandusky. 
Here  they  squandered  all  their  rich  booty  for  whiskey,  and,  as  usual,  rioted 
in  drunkenness  for  several  days.  Chickatommo  at  this  time  sliowed  liirnsolf 
very  savage  to  the  prisoners,  and  had  he  not  been  prevented  by  the  humane 
and  benevolent  Messhawa,*  would  have  killed  some  of  them.  The  unfortu- 
nate Skylea  had  some  time  before  left  them,  and  gone  in  an  unknown  direction 
with  his  cruel  master. 

A  French  trader  at  Sandusky,  a  Mr.  Duchoiujuet,  had  used  endeavors  to 
ransom  Johnston ;  but  his  master  for  some  time  would  hear  nothing  of  it. 
At  length,  having  dissipated  all  his  booty,  and  ashamed  to  return  home  in  such 
a  state,  he  roncluded  to  sell  Johnston  for  the  most  he  could  get;  and  accord- 
ingly 600  silver  broaches  were  paid  him,  equal  iu  value  to  100  dollars,  tlie 
amount  agreed  upon.  Chickaiommp  and  his  party  then  took  up  their  march 
for  Detroit.  Not  long  alter  tl]i8,"Mr.  Johnston  returned  home  by  way  of  tJint 
place.  Before  he  left  Sandusky,  he  was  informed  of  the  burning  of  the  ill- 
fated  Flinn:  he  suftered  at  the  stake  at  the  Miami  village,  and  was  eaten  by 
his  torturers.  The  Indian  who  brought  the  news  to  Sandusky,  said  tliat  he 
himself  had  feasted  upon  him. 

King-crane,  a  Wyandot  chief,  appears  conspicuous  in  this  narrative,  and 
illustrates  a  valuable  trait  of  character  in  Indian  life.  When  Mr.  Duchou- 
quet  and  Johnston  had  arrived  at  Lower  Sandusky,  in  their  way  to  Detroit, 
the  town  was  filled  with  alarm,  and  they  soon  learned  the  occasion  to  be 
from  the  arrival  of  some  Cherokees  in  the  neighborhood,  with  a  female  cap- 
tive. The  traders  in  the  place  inmieilniteiy  went  to  their  cai»ip,  where  tliey 
found  Peggy  Fleming,  who  some  time  before  had  been  separated  from  Johnston 
and  the  other  captives.  Among  those  who  went  to  see  her,  was  a  white 
man  by  the  name  of  fVhUaker,  who,  having  been  carried  into  captivity  in  his 
youth,  had  grown  up  in  all  the  Indian  h;»bti',  ai>d  being  a  man  of  consider 
able  physical  powers  and  enterprise,  hud  b(!come  a  chief  among  the  Wyandots.f 
He  had  been  upon  the  frontiers  with  the  Indians  upon  trading  expeditions, 
and  had  lodged  at  times  in  Pittsburg  in  the  tavern  of  Miss  Fleming's  father. 
She  immediately  knew  him,  and  besought  him,  in  the  most  affecting  manner, 
to  deliver  her  from  bondage.  He  went  immediately  to  King-crane,  and  toWl 
him  that  the  woman  with  the  Cherokees  was  his  sister,  |  and  begged  \,\m  to 
use  means  for  her  relief.  King-crane  went  without  loss  of  time,  and  urged 
the  Cherokees  to  restore  her  to  her  brother.  They  were  enraged  at  the 
request,  and  there  was  danger  of  their  murdering  her  lest  she  should  be 
taken  from  them.  He  next  tried  to  purchase  lier;  but  his  benevolent  offers 
were  indignantly  refused,  and  their  rage  was  still  increased.  Resolved  to 
rescue  her  out  of  their  hands,  King-crane  repaired  to  their  camp  early  the 
nexfr  jnorning,  accompanied  with  8  or  10  young  warriors.  They  found  the 
Cherokees  asleep,  but  the  captive — it  is  shocking  to  humanity  to  relate — was 
•without  the  least  attire!  extended  and  lashed  to  the  stake! — ready  to  be 
burned ! — her  body  painted  all  over  with  black.  King-crane  silently  cut  the 
thongs  with  which  she  was  bound,  then  awakened  the  murderers,  and  threw 
down  upon  the  ground  the  price  of  a  captive  in  silver  broaches,  (which  are 
current  money  among  them,)  and  departed.  She  was  soon  after  sent  forward 
for  her  home,  disguised  in  the  attire  of  a  squaw.  The  Cherokees  prowled 
about  seeking  vengeance  upon  some  white  person  for  a  few  days,  and  then 
disappeared. 

The  reader  may  wish  to  know  what  became  of  Skyles : — he  was  taken  to 
a  place  upon  the  Miami  River,  where  he  was  doomed  to  be  burnt,  but  made 
his  escape  the  night  previous  to  the  day  on  which  he  was  to  have  suffered. 
After  enduring  the  most  painful  fatigues  and  hunger,  from  wandering  alone 
in  the  wilderness,  he  met  with  some  traders  who  conveyed  him  to  Detroit, 
and  froifl  thence  home  to  Virginia. 

The  sequel  of  the  life  of  the  old  hard-hearted  Chickatommo  is  as  follows 


*  Mr.  Johnston,  throughout  his  narrative,  gives  him  an  excellent  character, 
after  the  war  of  1812  began,  and  was  one  of  the  followers  of  Temmseh. 
t  Hurons  and  Wyandots  are  jvnonymous  terms  with  most  writers, 
i  If  ever  good  came  out  of  evil,  we  should  expect  it  in  a  case  like  tbis^ 


He  was  aliv* 


.•!l> 
^'•»' 


Chap.  IV.] 


LITTLE-TURTLE. 


For  four  years  succeeding  the  events  alwve  related,  he  followed  his  depreda- 
ting career,  and  was  concerned  in  opposing  the  war  parties  of  Americans 
until  the  time  of  General  Wayne's  famous  expedition.  As  that  veteran  was 
advancing  into  tlie  western  region,  Chickatommo  met  an  advance  party  of  his 
army  at  the  head  of  a  band  ot  his  de8|)erate  warriors,  who  were  sent  forward 
:i8  the  Indian  forlorn  hope.  A  sharp  skirmish  followed,  and  Chickatommo 
was  slain.  This  was  the  action  near  Fort  Defiance.  King-crane  was  also  iu 
arms  to  oppose  General  Wame;  but  in  the  last  war  against  England,  he 
fought  for  the  Americans,  and  is  supposed  to  have  died  three  or  four  years 
after  its  close.  He  was  one  of  the  signers  of  ffoyne'a  famous  treaty  at' Fort 
Greenville,  and  several  others. 

We  now  pa.is  to  a  chief  by  far  more  prominent  in  Indian  history  than 
many  who  have  received  much  greater  notice  from  historians.  This  was 
MISHIKINAKWA,  (a  name  by  no  means  settled  in  orthography,)  which,  int(!r- 
I)ieted,  is  said  to  mean  the  Little-turtle.  To  the  different  treaties  bearing  his 
name,  we  find  these  spellings:  JWeaAeAunnog/i^uoA,  Greenville,  3  Aug.  1795: 
Meshekunnoghquok,  Fort  Wayne,  7  Jiuie,  1803 :  Mashekanahquah,  Vincennes, 
•il  August,  1805;  Meshekenoghqim,  Fort  Wayne,  3U  September,  180!);  and 
were  we  disposed  to  look  into  the  various  authors  who  have  used  the  name, 
we  might  nearly  finish  out  our  page  with  its  variations. 

LiTTLE-TCRTLE  was  chief  of  the  Miamis,  and  the  scenes  of  his  warlike 
achievements  were  upon  the  country  of  his  birth.  He  had,  in  conjunction 
with  the  tribes  of  that  region,  successfidly  fought  tlie  armies  of  Harmer  and 
St.  Clair ;  and  in  the  fight  with  the  latter,  he  is  said  to  have  had  the  chief 
command  ;  hence  a  detailed  account  of  that  affair  belon^j  to  his  life. 

It  is  well  known  that  the  Americans  inveighed  loudly  against  the  English 
of  Canada,  in  most  instances,  charging  them  with  all  the  guilt  of  the  enormi- 
ties committed  on  their  frontiers  by  the  Indians.  It  is  equally  well  known, 
at  this  day,  by  every  judicious  inquirer,  that  they  were  not  so  blamable  as 
tiie  Americans  reported,  nor  so  innocent  as  themselves  and  friends,  even 
long  after,  pretended.  That  the  British  government  encouraged  depredations 
upon  the  frontiers  in  times  of  peace,  shoidd  not  too  easily  be  received  for 
truth ;  still,  there  is  reason  to  believe  that  some  who  held  inferior  oflices 
under  it,  were  secret  abettors  of  barbarities.  In  the  attack  upon  General  St. 
Clair's  army,  now  about  to  be  related,  there  was  much  cause  of  suspicion 
against  the  Canadians,  as  it  was  known  that  many  of  ihem  even  exceeded 
in  that  bloody  affair  the  Indians  themselves.  Mr.  Weld,  the  intelligent 
traveller,  says,*  "  A  great  many  yoimg  Canadians,  and  in  particular  many  that 
were  born  of  Indian  women,  fought  on  the  side  of  the  Indians  in  this  action; 
a  circumstance  which  confirmed  the  people  of  the  States  in  the  opinion  they 
iiad  previously  formed,  that  tlie  Indians  were  oncour^ed  and  alietted  in 
tlieir  attacks  upon  them  by  the  British.  I  can  safely  affirm,  however,  from 
having  convei-sed  with  many  of  these  young  men  who  fought  against  St. 
Clair,  that  it  was  with  the  utmost  secrecy  they  left  their  homes  to  join  the 
Indians,  fearful  lest  the  government  should  censure  their  conduct." 

The  western  Indians  were  only  imboldened  by  the  battles  between  them 
ami  detachments  of  General  Harmer's  army,  in  1790,  and,  under  such  a  lead- 
vr  as  JV/w/iiHnfltArica,  entertained  sanguine  hopps  of  bringing  the  Americans  to 
ilieir  own  terms.  One  murder  followed  another,  in  rapid  succession,  attend- 
ed by  all  the  horrors  peculiar  to  their  warfare,  which  caused  President 
Washington  to  tak(!  the  earliest  opporttuiity  of  recommending  Congress  to 
adopt  prompt  and  efficient  measures  for  checking  those  calamities ;  and  2000 
tueu  were  immediately  raised  and  put  under  the  cormnand  of  General  St. 
Clair,  then  governor  of  the  North- Western  Territory.  He  received  his  ap- 
pointment the  4th  of  March,  1791,  and  proceeded  to  Fort  Washington,  by 
way  of  Kentucky,  with  all  possible  despatch,  where  he  arrived  15  May.f 
There  was  much  time  lost  in  getting  the  troops  imbodied  at  this  place ;  Gen- 
eral Butler,  with  the  residue,  not  arriving  until  the  middle  of  September. 
There  werfl  various  circumstances  to  account  for  the  delays,  which  it  is  un- 
necessary to  recount  here. 


Travels  in  Canada,  436—7, 8vo.  London.  (4  cd.)  1800. 

7 


t  St.  Clair's  Nan-ative,  p,  4. 


■K 


'■il 

■  :m 


':M 


I 


.     ':% 


■'I 


LITTLE-TURTLE.— ST.  CLAIR'S  DEFEAT. 


[Book  V, 


p. 
I* 


Colonel  Darke  proceeded  immediutely  on  Iiis  arrival,  which  vvas  about  tho 
•:nd  of  August,  and  built  Fort  Ilnniillon,  on  the  Miami,  in  the  country  ol" 
LiUle-turtk ;  and  soon  after  Fon  Jefferson  was  built,  Ibrty  miles  farther' on- 
ward. These  two  Ibrts  being  lefl  manned,  about  the  end  of  October  iht; 
army  advanced,  lieing  about  aOOO  strong,  militia  included,  wlioao  numbt'i.s 
were  not  inconsidirable,  as  will  appear  by  the  miserable  manner  in  whicli 
th<!y  not  only  confused  themselves,  but  the  regul       oidiers  also. 

General  St.  Clair  had  advanced  but  about  six  miles  in  front  of  Fort  Jeffer- 
son, when  GO  of  his  militia, from  pretended  disaffection,  commenced  a ntrcat; 
and  it  was  discovered  that  the  evil  had  spread  considerably  among  the  rest 
of  the  army.  Being  fearful  they  would  seize  upon  the  convoy  of  provisions, 
the  general  ordered  Colonel  Hamtramk  to  pursue  them  whli  his  regiment,  and 
Ibrce  them  to  return.  The  army  now  consisted  of  but  1400  effective  uk  n, 
and  this  was  the  number  attacked  by  LiltU-turlle  and  his  warriors,  ]5  milts 
I'rom  the  Miami  villages. 

Colonel  Butler  conunanded  the  right  wing,  and  Colonel  Darke  the  left. 
The  militia  were  posted  a  quarter  of  a  mile  in  advance,  and  were  encani|)od 
in  two  lines.  They  had  not  finished  securing  their  baggage,  when  tin  y 
were  attacked  in  their  camp.  It  was  their  intention  to  have  marched  iniiiie- 
diately  to  the  destruction  of  the  Miami  villages.  Of  this  their  movements 
apprized  the  Indians,  who  acted  with  great  wisdom  and  firmness.  Tliey 
fell  upon  the  militia  before  sunrise,  4  November,  who  at  once  fled  into  the  main 
camp,  in  the  most  disorc'^^rly  and  tumultuous  manner:  many  of  them,  having 
thrown  away  their  guns,  vt^ere  pursued  and  slaughtered.  At  the  main  cunip 
the  fight  was  sustained  some  time,  by  the  great  exertions  of  the  officers,  but 
with  great  inequality  ;  the  Indians  under  Little-turtle  amojuiting  to  about  I.50D 
warriors.  Colonels  Darke  and  Butler,  and  Major  Clark,  »;'ade  several  suc- 
cessful charges,  which  enabled  them  to  save  some  of  thei..  numbers  by 
checking  the  enemy  while  flight  was  more  practicable. 

Of  the  Americans,  593  were  killed  and  missing,  beside  thirty-eight  officers ; 
and  242  soldiers  and  twenty-one  officers  were  wounded,  many  of  whom  died. 
Colonel  Butler  was  among  the  slain.  The  account  of  his  fall  is  shocking. 
Ho  was  severely  wounded,  and  left  on  the  ground.  The  well-known  and 
infamous  Simon  Girty  came  up  to  him,  and  observed  him  writhing  undi  r 
severe  pain  from  his  wounds.  Girty  knew  and  spok-^^  to  him.  Knowing  iliat 
he  could  not  live,  the  colonel  begged  of  Girty  to  put  an  end  to  his  misery. 
This  he  refused  to  do,  but  turned  to  an  Indian,  whom  he  told  that  the  officer 
was  the  commander  of  the  army ;  upon  which  he  drove  his  tomahawk  into 
his  head.  A  number  of  others  then  came  aroun<l,  and  after  taking  off  his 
scalp,  they  took  out  his  heart,  and  cut  it  into  as  many  pieces  as  there  were 
tribes  in  the  action,  and  divided  it  among  them.  All  manner  of  brutal  acts 
were  committed  on  the  bodies  of  the  slain.  It  need  not  be  mentioned  for  the 
inff^rmation  of  the  observer  of  Indian  affairs,  that  land  was  the  main  cause 
of  this  as  well  as  most  other  wars  between  the  Indians  and  whites ;  and 
hence  it  was  very  easy  to  account  for  the  Indians  filling  the  mouths  of  the 
slain  with  earth  after  this  battle.  It  was  actually  the  case,  as  reported  by 
those  who  shortly  alter  visited  the  scene  of  action  and  buried  the  dead. 

General  St.  Clair  was  called  to  an  account  for  the  disastrous  issin-  of  tins 
campaign,  and  was  honorably  acquitted.  He  published  a  narrative  in  viiuli- 
caiion  of  his  conduct,  which,  at  this  day,  few  will  think  it  required.  What 
he  says  of  his  retreat  we  will  give  in  his  own  words.*  "  The  retreat  was,  you 
may  be  sure,  a  precipitate  one  ;  it  was  in  fact  a  flight.  The  camp  and  the 
artillery  were  abandoned  ;  but  that  was  unavoidable,  for  not  a  horse  was  left 
alive  to  have  drawn  it  off,  had  it  otherwise  been  practicable.  But  the  most 
disgraceful  part  of  the  bu; /.less  is,  that  the  greatest  part  of  the  men  threw 
away  their  arms  and  accoutrements,  even  after  the  pursuit,  which  continued 
about  four  miles,  had  ceased.  I  found  the  road  strewed  with  them  for  many 
iiiiles,  but  was  not  able  to  remedy  it ;  for,  liaving  had  all  my  horses  killed, 
and  being  mounted  upon  one  thai  ;ould  not  be  pricked  out  of  a  walk,  I 
could  not  get  forward  myself,  and  the  orders  I  sent  forward,  either  to  halt 


*  Penn.  Gazette,  of  that  year. 


Chap.  IV.J 


LIl^LE-TURTLE.— ST.  CLAIR'S  DEFEAT. 


76 


the  front,  or  prevent  the  men  from  partiug  with  tlieir  arins,  were  unattend- 
ed to." 

The  roinnnnt  of  tlie  army  arrived  at  Fort  Jcffersou  the  soine  day,  just 
Lefore  sunset,  the  place  from  wiiich  they  flt-d  being  21)  miles  distant.  '  i»'iv- 
ral  St.  Clair  did  every  tiling  tliut  a  brave  general  could  do.  He  exposed  l,\in- 
self  to  every  danger,  having,  during  the  action,  eight  i)ullots  shot  tliroiigh  his 
clothes.  In  no  attack  related  in  jur  recon's,  did  tlie  Indians  disctjver  greater 
bravery  and  deterjniiiation.  Aller  giving  the  first  fire,  they  rushed  forward 
with  tomahawk  in  hand.  Their  loss  was  inconsiderable;  but  the  traders 
afterwards  learned  among  them  that  Little-turtle  had  150  killed  and  many 
wounde<l.*  '•  They  rushed  on  the  maillery,  heedless  of  their  tire,  and  took 
two  pieces  in  an  instant.  They  were  again  retaken  by  our  troops:  and 
wiienever  the  army  charged  them,  they  were  seen  to  give  way,  and  advance 
again  as  soon  as  they  began  to  n-treat,  doing  great  execution,  both  in  the 
retreat  and  advance.  They  are  very  dextrous  in  covering  tlumiselves  with 
trees  ;  many  of  them  however  fell,  both  of  the  infantry  and  artillery."  "  Six 
or  eight  pieces  of  artillery  lell  into  their  liand.s,  with  about  400  horses,  all  the 
baggage,  ummunition,  and  provisions."  f 

Whether  the  battle-ground  of  General  St.  Clair  were  visited  by  the  whites 
previous  to  I71KJ  1  do  not  learn  ;  but  in  Decemlier  of  that  yenr  a  detaeimient 
of  General  fyayne's  army  went  to  the  place,  and  the  account  given  of  its  ap- 
pearance is  most  truly  melancholy.  This  detachment  was  ordered  to  build 
a  Ibrt  tiioie,  which  having  done,  it  w^■s  called  Fort  Jlecovery.  Within  a  space 
of  about  350  yards  were  Ibund  500  skull  bones,  the  most  of  which  were 
gathered  up  and  buried.  For  about  five  miles  in  the  direction  of  t.ie  retreat 
of  the  army  the  woods  wa.s  strewed  with  skeletons  and  muskets.  'I  he  two 
brass  cuiinon,  which  composed  St.  Claires  artillery,  one  a  three,  and  the  other 
a  six-pounder,  were  found  in  a  creek  adjacent.^ 

The  following  song  has  been  oib'u  reprinted,  and  although  not  the  best  of 
poetry,  Li  considered  a  valuable  relic  of  those  days.     It  is  headed  tlius : — 

Sainclaire's  Defeat. 

§  'Twas  November  the  fourth,  in  the  year  of  nincly-one,|| 
We  had  a  sore  engageiniMil  near  to  I'^orl  JulVerson  ; 
Sinclmre  was  our  commauder,  whicii  may  remembered  be, 
For  there  we  letl  nine  hundred  men  in  I'  West'ii  Ter'lory. 

At  Bunker's  Hill  and  Quetteck,  where  many  a  hero  fell, 
Likewise  at  Lon°;  Island,  (it  is  I  the  truth  can  tell,) 
But  such  a  dreaut'ul  carnage  may  i  never  see  a^aiu 
As  hap'ncd  near  St.  Mary's,  upon  the  river  plam. 

Our  army  was  attacked  just  as  the  day  did  dawn, 
And  soon  were  overpowered  and  driven  fiom  the  lawn. 
They  killed  Major  Ouldliam,  Levin  and  Briggs  likewise, 
And  horrid  yells  of  sav'gcs  resounded  thro' the  skies. 

Major  Butler  yi  was  woundod  the  very  second  fire  ; 
His  manly  bosom  swell'd  with  rage  when  forc'd  to  retire ; 
And  as  he  lay  in  an^ish,  nor  scarcely  could  he  see, 
Exclaim'd,  '•  Ye  hounds  of  hell,  O!  revenged  I  will  be." 

We  had  not  been  long  broken  when  General  Butler  found 
Himself  so  badly  wounded,  was  forced  to  quit  the  ground. 


r-- 


•  Perm.  Gazette,  of  that  year. 

t  Letter  from  Fort  Hamilton,  dated  '■\x  ■' ns  aftrr  llic  liuilc. 

t  Massachusetts  Magazine  for  17;)1',  p.  191. 

\  When  I  began  to  copy  these  lines,  I  did  not  intend  to  change  a  word  in  them,  but  soon 
found  my  resolution  shaken ;  the  lines  were  of  such  unequal  lengtns,  and  the  rhyme  so  bad,  I 
could  not  endure  it,  and,  therefore,  when  the  syllables  were  too  many,  some  were  dropped, 
and  when  too  few,  some  were  added  ;  but  tha  sense  is  in  no  wise  impaired.  The  copy  I  lue, 
I  found  in  Baltimore  in  1817.    They  were  printed  in  1815. 

if  That  is,  1791. 

IT  Ricliard  Butler  was  of  Notting^ham,  in  New  Hampshire,  where  some  of  his  relatives  yet 
remain. 


m 


.•■■'is 


(■'•; 


76 


LITTLE-TURTLE.— ST.  CLAIR'S  DEFEAT. 


[Book  V. 


•'  My  God  !  "  gays  he,  "  what  shall  we  do :  we're  wounded  every  raaa  ; 
Go  charge  the  n,  valiant  heroes,  ami  beat  Uiein  if  you  ran." 

He  leaned  his  back  against  a  Uec,  r.ud  there  resigned  his  breath,* 
And  like  a  vnliuiit  soMiur  '.uiik  ii:  ilie  arras  of  death  ; 
When  blessed  angels  did  awail,  his  soiril  to  ronvcy  j 
And  unto  the  celestial  fields  he  quickly  boot  his  way. 

We  charg'd  again  with  courage  firm,  but  soon  again  gave  ground. 
The  war-whoop  then  redoubled,  as  did  llic  foes  around. 
They  killed  Major  Perffit/trm,  which  caused  his  men  to  cry, 
"  Our  only  safety  is  in  flight ;  or  fighting  here  to  die." 

"  Stand  to  your  guns,"  says  valiant  Ford,  "  let's  die  upon  them  bcie 
Ilefore  we  let  tlie  sav'gps  know  we  ever  hurbore<l  fear." 
Our  cajMion-balls  exhausted,  and  artiU'ry-men  all  slain, 
(Jbliged  were  our  musketmeu  tlic  cn'my  to  sustain. 

Yet  three  hours  ♦  more  we  fought  ihem,  ami  then  were  forc'd  to  yield. 
When  threi'  huuilrcd  bloody  warriors  lay  strelch'd  upon  the  field. 
Says  Colonel  (iilmnn  to  his  men,  '"My  boys,  lie  not  dismay'u) 
I'm  sure  that  true  Virginians  were  never  yet  afraid. 

"  Ten  (housnild  <lcaths  I'd  ratlicr  die,  than  they  should  ^ain  'he  field  ;" 
With  that  lie  eot  a  fatal  shot,  which  caused  him  to  yickl. 
Says  Major  Clark,  "  My  heroes,  1  can  here  no  longer  slaud. 
We'll  strive  to  form  in  order,  aud  retreat  the  best  wc  can." 

The  word.  Retreat,  being  past  around,  there  was  a  <lismal  cry. 
Then  heller  skelter  <hrougli  the  woo<ls,  like  wolves  and  sheep  they  fly. 
This  well-nnpointed  ai:ny,  who  but  a  day  before, 
Defied  aud  braved  all  danger,  had  like  a  cloud  pass'd  o'er. 

Alas !  the  dying  and  wo'inded,  how  dreadful  was  the  thouglil, 
To  the  tomahawk  and  scalping-knife,  in  mis'ry  are  brought. 
Some  had  a  ihigh  .vid  some  an  arm  broke  on  the  field  that  day, 
Who  writlied  in  torments  at  the  stake,  to  close  the  dire  aflray. 

To  mention  our  brave  olBrers,  is  what  I  wish  to  do  ; 
No  sons  of  Mars  e'er  fou'jhl  more  brave,  or  with  more  courage  true. 
To  ('nptain  Bradford  1  befongcd,  in  his  artillery, 
X  H  '  fell  that  day  amongst  the  slain,  a  valiant  man  was  he. 

It  lias  been  generally  said,  that  had  the  advice  of  IMle-turttt  beon  taken 
at  the  disastrous  fight  afterwards  with  General  Wayne,  there  is  vt  ry  little 
doubt  but  he  had  met  as  ill  success  §  as  General  St.  Clair  ||  did  before  Iiim. 
He  was  not  for  fighting  General  Wayne  at  Presque-Isle,  and  inclined  ntthcr 
to  peace  than  fighting  him  at  all.  In  a  council  held  the  night  before  the 
battle,  he  argued  as  follows  :  "  We  have  beaten  the  enemy  tidce  under  separate 
commanders.  We  cannot  expect  the  same  good  fortune  always  to  attend  »m.  The 
.'Imericans  are  now  led  by  a  chief  who  never  sleeps :  the  nteht  and  the  day  are 
aliJce  to  him.  And  during  all  the  time  that  he  has  been  marching  upon 
our  villages,  notwithstanding  the  watchfulness  of  oitr  yomig  men,  jpe  hai'e 
never  been  able  to  surprise  him.  Think  well  of  ti.  There  is  something  whis- 
pers me,  it  would  bt  prudent  to  listen  to  his  offtrs  of  peace."  For  holding  this 
language  he  was  reproa^.^^'^d  by  another  chief  with  cowardice,  which  put  an 
end  to  all  further  discourse.  Nothing  wounds  the  feelings  of  a  warrior  like 
the  reproach  of  cowardice  ;  but  Little-turtle  stifled  his  resentment,  did  his 
duty  in  the  battle,  aud  its  issue  proved  him  a  truer  prophet  than  his  accuser 


*  This  was  probably  a  report,  but  is  doubtless  incorrect. 

t  This  is  not  fact. 

J  It  would  have  been  agreeable  if  our  poet  had  given  us  a  kind  of  catalogue  of  all  such  as 
were  killed  at  this  time,  of  anv  note.  Captain  Newman  was  among  tlie  number.  Elliot's 
Wor/t.s-,  135. 

§  Little-turtle  told  Mr.  Volney  circumstances  which  gave  him  that  opinion.  See  his 
Travis  in  America,  ed.  Lond.  1S04. 

II  General  Arthur  St.  Clair  was  of  Edinburgh,  Scotland.  He  came  to  America  in  the 
fleet  which  brought  over  Admiral  Boscawen,  in  17.55,  and  having  served  through  the  revolu- 
tionary and  Indiai:  wars,  died  at  his  farm  near  Greensburgh,  Pa.  31  Aug.  1813.  Amer.  Man. 
itfag-.ii.4<)9,(N.  1.1818.) 


Chap.  IVl 


LITTLE-TURTLE  AT  PHILADELPHIA. 


77 


separate 
ts.     The 


beli  j(l.*  Hifl  residence  was  upon  Eel  River,  abotWiO  miles  from  Fort  Wnync, 
wh(  our  govrriimont  built  him  u  house,  mid  tuniiMhed  him  with  means  of 
living,  much  to  the  envy  of  his  countrymen.  Therefore  what  had  lieeii  liesttiwed 
upon  hirr  to  induce  others  to  {  i./.e  mode  of  lile  by  thi>ir  own  exertions,  proved 
not  only  prejudicial  to  the  cause,  but  engendered  hatred  against  him  in  the  iniiidH 
of  all  the  Indianc.  He  was  not  a  chief  by  birth,  but  was  raiued  to  that 
Htaiiding  by  his  superior  talents.  This  was  the  cause  of  so  much  jeaioufV 
and  envy  at  this  time,  as  also  a  neglect  of  his  couiiKel  herctotore.  The  same 
author,!  from  whom  we  get  the  facts  in  the  preceding  part  of  this  paragniph, 
says,  " Meshecunruiqua,  or  the  Liltlt-turtle,  was  the  son  of  a  Miami  chief,  by  a 
Mohecan  woman.  As  the  Indian  maxim,  with  regard  to  descents,  is  precisely 
ihat  of  the  civil  law  in  relation  to  slaves,  that  the  condition  of  the  woman 
adheres  to  the  offspring,  he  was  not  a  chief  by  birth,"  &c. 

lAtUe-turtle  was  alike  courageous  and  humane,  possessing  great  wisdom. 
"And,"  says  my  author,  "thero  have  been  few  iiiuividiials  among  aborigines  who 
have  done  so  much  to  abolish  the  rites  of  hum'- •  sacrifice.  The  grave  of 
this  noted  warrior  is  shown  to  visitors,  near  t\.t  Wayne,  it  is  frecpiently 
visited  by  the  Indians  in  that  part  of  the  country,  by  whom  his  memory  is 
cherished  with  the  greatest  respect  and  venemtion."  \ 

The  grave  of  his  great  opponent  was  also  in  the  same  region ;  but  his 
remains  were  not  long  since  removed  to  the  seat  of  his  lamily.  Ever  after 
his  successful  expedition,  the  Indians  called  him  the  Bit(-ivind ;  ^  ov  Tor- 
nado ;  some,  however,  on  particular  occasions,  called  him  Sukach-gook, 
which  signified,  in  Delaware,  a  bluck-snake ;  Imjciusc,  th« y  said,  he  pos- 
sessed all  the  art  and  c\mning  of  that  reptile.  ||  We  hear  yet  of  another 
uame,  vviiich,  liiough  it  may  not  have  been  his  fault  that  acquired  it,  is  less 
oomjilimentary  than  the  two  just  named.  It  is  well  known  that  the  British 
be.stowcd  c  great  many  more  presents  upon  the  Indians  than  the  Americans 
did ;  but  some  of  the  latter  made  large  pretensions  about  what  they  xoovid 
do.  General  Wayne,  the  Indians  said,  made  great  promises  to  them  of 
goods,  but  never  got  ready  to  fulfil  them,  (probably  from  being  disapjiointed 
himself  by  the  failure  of  his  government  in  not  forwarding  what  was 
promised;)  therefore  they  called  him  General  Wabang,^  which  signitied 
General  To-morrow.** 

When  the  philosopher  and  famous  traveV'-'  Volney  was  in  America,  in 
the  winter  of  1797,  Liltle-turtk  came  to  Philadelphia,  where  he  then  was. 
Volney  sought  immediate  acquaintance  with  the  celebrated  chief,  tor  highly 
valuable  purposes,  which  in  somio  measure  he  effected.  He  made  a  vocabu- 
lary of  his  language,  which  he  printed  in  the  a[)peiidix  to  his  Travels.  A 
copy  in  manuscript,  more  extensive  than  the  printed  one,  is  said  to  be  in  the 
libraiy  of  the  Philosophical  Society  of  Pennsylvania. 

Having  become  convinced  that  all  resistance  to  the  whites  was  vain,  Little- 
turtle  brought  his  nation  to  consent  to  peace,  and  to  adopt  agricultural  pur- 
suits. And  it  was  with  the  view  of  soliciting  Congress,  and  the  benevolent 
society  of  Friends,  for  assistance  to  effect  this  latter  purpose,  that  he  now 
visited  Philadelphia.  While  here,  he  was  inoculated  for  the  small-pox,  and 
v/as  also  afflicted  with  the  gout  and  rheumatism. 

At  the  time  of  Mr.  Volney's  interview  with  him  for  information,  he  took 
no  notice  of  the  conversation  while  the  interpreter  was  communicating  with 
Mr.  Volney,  for  he  did  not  understand  English,  but  walked  about,  pkicking 
out  his  beard  and  eyebrows.  He  was  dressed  now*  in  English  clothes.  His 
skin,  where  not  exposed,  Mr,  Volney  says,  was  as  white  as  Imh  ;  and  on 
speaking  upon  the  subject,  lAtlle-turtle  said,  "  I  have  sec  Spaniards  in  Louis- 
iana, and  found  no  difference  of  color  between  them  and  ine.  And  why 
should  there  be  any  ?  In  them,  as  in  us,  it  is  the  work  of  the  Father  of  colors, 
the  Stm,  that  burns  us.  You  white  people  compare  the  color  of  your  face 
wl.ti  that  of  your  bodies."     Mr.  Volney  explained  to  him  the  notion  of  many, 


!'>'.  I 
■  IP 


t  Dawson,  Mems.  Harrison.  t  Schooler afl's  Travels. 


*  Schoolcraft's  Travels. 

6  Pa.  Gazette. 

(r  Or,  according'  to  Mr.  W.  J.  SneUing,  it  should  be  written 

•*   Weld's  Travels,  424. 

7* 


IHeckewelders  Narrative. 
Vabunk, 


78 


Lirri-E-TURTLE.— HIH   DEATH   AND  ClIARACTI'.ll.       [Hook  V 


.":"! 


thnt  liiH  rniMi  whh  «l«!w<nd«'«l  from  tlm  TnrtarH,  iiiul  l»y  a  nuip  Mliowtd  hiiii  tlia 
NU|»|»OMf(l  (oiniiiuiiiruiioii  lntwtoii  Ania  uiiii  *  n'ricii.  To  tlii^  LiltltlurUe 
replied,  "  fy/ijf  Hhould  ml  tlit.it  Tartars,  wfut  res.  us, have  conuj'rmn  ^liiuricaf 

Jire  thirc  any  reasons  lu  the  contrarif"/     Or  wliy  d  >ve  not  liotli  liavt-  ln-oii 

bom  ill  our  own  roiiiitry  ?"  It  Im  u  fiict  tliut  ti..  JiuiiH  give  Uieiii(*«lv<M  u 
iimiic  wliii'h  in  I'cjuivuleiit  to  our  word  indif^eve,  that  'iH,one  sprvn)^  from  the  soU, 
or  iiaturid  to  it.* 

JJaroii  Lafwnlan,]  uftcr  dcHrrihiii;;  the  did'ereiit  duiicrH,  ordaiicrH  for  dillbr- 
eiit  occaHicdiH,  •iiiioiij;  tli<;  IiidiaiiH  of  (^uiiudu,  addH  tin-  Iblluwiiig  in  a  noli! : — 
"  Tontvs  rm  danses  pnivmt  iHre  compar^ea  h  la  jnjrrhique.  dc  JMinerve,  car  kit  nau- 
vnges  observcnl,  en  dansatU  dhine  ^raviti  siiitfiUiere,  les  cadences  de  cuiainrs 
chansons,  <juc  les  milices  Greaiues  d'Jlchilie,  upelluient  h;iporchemali(^ues.  II  n\  gt  />«.<) 
facile  de  (avoir  si  les  sauvafres  les  ont  aprises  ties  Grecs,  ou  si  les  Grers  les  out  a  prises 
des  sauvafires."  It  it*,  |i*;rliii|tH,  from  hmcIi  imHMiKeu  tliat  Lahontan  lias  liecn 
hraiid(Hl  with  the  iiuiiu!  of  iiiHdol ;(  hut  truly  there  cun  he  nothing  irn  li^'ioiiH 
in  hiicli  dcdurtiouH,  inaHniiich  aN  it  iHConiM-tled  on  ail  handt*  that  the  p'olof^i- 
ioai  l(>rMiationH  of  the  new  world  have  re(|uir(-d  uh  much  time  for  their  per- 
fuction  us  those  of  the  old.  IMr.  Volnev  eomeu  within  tlie  same  pale,  when 
he  compares  the  S|»arlaiis  to  the  Five  Nations.  In  contrustin^r  the  stales  of 
LaceduMtion  with  inodi<rn  l-'runce,  ho  suya,  ^^ Maintenunl  que  fai  rit  Us  saxi- 
vat^es  d''jlmerique,  jt  persiste  de  plus  en  plus  dans  cetle  comparaison,  it  je 
trouve  rue  le  premiere  Hire  de  Thuq/didc,  et  totU  ce  quHl  dit  des  inaurs  des 
Lacidemoniens,  conviencnt  tellement  aux  cinq  nations,  que  fapptllerais  vuloiUiers 
les  Spartiates,  les  Iroquois  de  Vancien  monde."§ 

When  Mr.  Volnetf  asked  Little-turtle  whut  prevented  him  from  living 
among  the  whites,  and  if  lie  were  not  more  comtbrtahh;  in  I'hiladelphia  than 
upon  the  hanks  of  the  Wahush,  he  suid,  "  Takin<f  all  Ihinc^s  tof^elher,  >/uu  have 
the  advantaife  over  us  ;  but  litre  I  am  deaf  anil  dumb.  I  do  not  talk  your  lan- 
guage ;  I  can  neither  hear,  nor  make  myself  lieard.  ff'hen  I  walk  through  thi 
streets,  I  see  every  persoti  in  his  shop  employed  about  sonuthing:  one  makes  shoes, 
another  hats,  a  third  sells  cloth,  ana  every  one  lives  by  his  labor.  I  say  to  myself. 
Which  of  all  these  things  can  you  do  ?  JVot  one.  I  can  make  a  bow  or  an 
arrow,  cutchfish,  kill  game,  and  go  to  tour :  hut  none  of  these  is  of  any  ime  lure. 
To  learn  n-luU  is  done  here  would  require  a  long  <me."  "  Old  age  com(\i  oJi." 
"  /  should  be  a  piece  of  furniture  useless  to  my  nation,  useless  to  tlie  whites,  and 
useless  to  myself."     "  Imust  return  to  my  own  country." 

At  the  same  lime,  (1797,)  among  other  eminent  personages  to  whom  tliisfhiof 
became  attached  in  Philadelphia,  was  the  renowned  Koskiusko.  This  old 
Polish  chief  was  so  well  pleased  with  Little-turtle,  that  when  the  latter  went 
to  take  liis  final  leave  of  him,  the  old  "war-worn  soldier  "  and  patriot  pre- 
sented him  with  a  beautiful  pair  of  pistols,  and  an  elegant  robe  made  of  sea- 
otter's  skin,  of  the  value  of  "several"  himdred  dollars. 

Liitlc-turlle  died  in  the  summer  of  1812,  at  his  residence,  but  a  short  time 
after  tlie  declaration  of  war  against  England  by  the  United  States.  II  is  por- 
trait, by  Stewart,  graces  the  walls  of  the  war-office  of  our  nation.  The 
following  notice  appeared  in  the  public  prints  at  the  time  of  his  death : 
"  Fort  Wayne,  21  July,  1812.  On  the  14  iust.  the  celebrated  Miami  chief, 
the  Little-turtle,  died  at  this  place,  at  the  age  of  65  year8.|| — Perhaps  there  is 
not  left  on  this  continent,  one  of  his  color  so  distinguished  in  council  and  in 
war.  His  disorder  was  the  gout.  He  died  in  a  camp,  because  he  chose  to 
be  in  the  open  air.  He  met  death  with  great  firmness.  The  agent  for  In- 
dian aft'airs  had  him  buried  with  the  honors  of  war,  and  other  marks  of  dis- 


*  See  Volney'a  Travels,  ut  svpra.         ■  \  Memoires  de  L'  Ameriqne,  ii.  109. 

X  No  one  presumes  lo  pronounce  Father  Hennepin  an  infidel,  and  he  denies,  (ufler  livinp 
much  among  (he  hidians,)  thai  they  have  any  notion,  or  belief,  of  what  Christians  call  Deity. 
YiMtiU.  Beverly  (Hist.  Virffiiiia,  f69.)  savs,  "Baron  Lahontan,  on  the  other  hand,  makes 
them  have  such  refined  notions,  as  seem  almost  to  confute  his  own  belief  of  Christianity." 

&  fEuvres  de  C.  F.  Vohwy,  t.  G.  129.  (Paris,  1826.) 

Il  There  was  a  chief  of  the  same  name  among  the  Minmis  in  1818,  who  is  mentioned  in 
the  treaty  made  with  those  Indians  on  6  October,  at  St.  Marys.  The  passage  in  tjie  Ireatv 
is  as  follows: — To  Meshenoqiia  or  the  Little-turtle,  one  section  of  land  on  the  south  side  of 
iJie  Wabash,  where  the  portage  path  strikes  the  same."     Indian  Treaties,  314. 


[Book  V 

V)(l  tiiiii  tha 
Lilllf-turtU 
in  ..linirira\i 

I  liavt'  ln'fii 

<'IIIH<-|VIM    u 

from  the  soil, 

M  (or  tlid'er- 

II  a  iioti; : — 
car  liH  mtu- 
dr  cuidintt 

II  n\  at  pas 
\s  oitl  nprises 
n  liitH  lH>i>ri 
r  irrrli^'ioiiM 

lltt    p'old^rj. 

tlu'ir  |i(.'r- 
palf,  when 
If  stales  of 
I'll  lis  .lint- 
uisoii,  (7  jt 
r  vuvurs  ihs 
.is  voloiititrs 

roiii  livirip 
It-lpiiia  tliun 
in;  ifou  linvt 
'k  your  Ian- 
throufrli  tfi( 
makis  shoes, 
Mij  to  nijjself, 
I  how  or  an 
mif  use  here. 
'.  comes  (»«." 
whites,  and 

nitlii8cliirt° 
,  Tliis  old 
latter  went 
patriot  pre- 
lade  of  sea- 

i  slioit  time 
!.  llis|ior- 
itioii.  The 
liis  death : 
liaini  cliief, 
ops  there  is 
mcil  and  in 
ic  chose  to 
ent  for  In- 
irks  of  dis- 


que,  ii.  109. 

(after  living 
ns  call  Deitu. 
hand,  makc!> 
ilianity." 

mcntionrd  in 

in  Uie  ireatv 

souUi  side  of 


Chap.  IV.J 


BIJJE  JACKKT. 


7» 


•  *  I 

'■i\ 


linrtion  nnited  to  liin  r.haracter."  Ili;  uiih,  generally,  in  hiH  time,  Htyled  the 
MeH^iHr«a^(l  rhii^f,*  and  a  ^liiithiiiian  who  .saw  him  hooii  alter  St.  Clair'a  du- 
feat,  at  INIontreal,  Ha,v«  he  waM  Hi.\  I'rvl  hi)ih,  "  alxiiit  4r>  yeans  of  a^e,  of  a 
very  Hoiir  an<l  moror^e  rouiiteiiance,  and  a|(pai'ently  very  eratly  and  Hllhtll^ 
IliH  dreH.s  waH  Indian  inoc«raHinH,  a  Itliie  petiieoal  lliat  eamu  half  way  down 
hi.s  thighs;  an  llinopean  waiHtcoat  and  Hurtout  *,  Ihm  head  waH  hound  with 
an  Indian  eap  that  hiin;;  half  way  down  hitt  hark,  and  almoHt  entirely  lilU'd 
with  plain  Hiiver  hroaclieH,  to  the  iiiiiiiIht  of  more  than  '-^(H) ;  he  had  two 
ear-riiif;!i  to  each  ear,  thu  upper  part  of  each  wuh  l<>rmed  of  three  silver 
medaJN,  ahoiit  the  Hixe  of  u  dollar;  ttiu  lower  part  was  tbrined  ol' ipiarterH 
of  tlollars,  and  ftdl  more  than  I'i  incites  froiii  his  ears — one  ti'oiii  each  ear 
over  his  hreast,  the  other  over  his  l»m:k  ;  he  iiad  thnse  very  lar^e  nose  jewels 
of  silver,  that  were  curiously  painted.  The  account  la;  f^ave  of  the  action 
[with  the  Americans,  4  Nov.]  was,  that  thev  killed  14U0of  them,  with  the  Iiiki 
of  nine  only  of  their  party,  one  of  whom  killed  himself  by  accident."  The 
{N;rsoii  v.iio  ^'ave  this  account  said  this  chief  was  in  (Jaiiada  for  the  |>ur|Mi.s«; 
of  rai.-in^  all  the  Indian  force  he  could  to  go  out  again  in  the  spring  against  the 
whiles. 

IVIr.  Dawson  relates  u  pleasant  anecdote  of  Liltle-turtle,  which  happened 
while  he  wiis  sitting  for  his  portrait  in  Philadelphia.  A  native  of  the 
ICinerald  Isle  was  sitting  for  his  at  the  saiiu!  time,  who  prided  himself  upon 
his  ai>ility  at  Joking.  Llllle-turlle  was  not  hackward  in  the  same  hiisiness, 
and  they  passed  several  ineetingH  very  pleasantly.  One  morning,  Littlt- 
turtl".  did  not  take  much  notice  of  his  friend,  and  seemed  rather  sedate, 
which  was  construed  hy  the  llihernian  into  an  acknowUdgmeiit  t>f  victory 
on  the  part  of  the  chiel|  in  their  joking  game,  and  accordingly  hegan  to 
intimate  as  much.  \Vh<;n  Litile-lurtle  unihrsiuod  him,  he  said  to  the  inter- 
preter, "  He  mistakes  ;  1  loas  just  thinking  of  projiosinff  to  this  man,  to  paint  us 
both  on  one  board,  and  there  /  would  stanaj'uce  to  face  unlh  him,  and  blaikf(uard 
fuia  to  all  eterniti/." 

Among  the  chiefs  associated  in  cotnmand,  in  the  wars  of  which  we  have 
been  sp<;aking  with  the  llinious  Mishikiniikwa,  was  another  of  nearly  eijual 
note,  Itimiliarly  called  Blue-Jacket  by  the  whites,  but  by  bis  own  nation,  /^e- 
yapiersenwaw.  He  was  tht^  most  distinguished  chief  of  the  Bhawaiiese,  and 
we  hear  of  him  at  Fort  industry,  on  the  Miami  of  the  Lake,  as  late  as  lr'U.5. 
By  some  particular  arrangement,  the  chief  coinmand  seems  to  h-ive  devolved 
on  him  of  opposing  (jieneral  Wayne,  He  was  more  bloody  and  precipitate 
than  Mishikinakwa,  and  po.sscssed  less  discriinination  and  judgment.  He 
was  among  the  last  of  the  chiefs  who  came  in  to  treat  with  General  iVayne. 
The  Shawanesc  held  out  as  long  us  they  could,  and  came  in  very  slowly. 
On  the  24  June,  a  boy,  who  had  been  a  captive  among  them,  (having  been 
lately  retaken,)  confidently  asserted  that  the  Shawanese  would  not  make  peace. 
But  one  monthalter,  t£)  July,  Blue-Jacket  made  his  appearance,  and  it  was  duly 
noticed  by  a  gentleman  at  the  time,  who  kept  a  Journal  of  important  matters 
at  Greenville.  He  then  adds,  "  deputations  from  all  the  late  hostile  tribcB 
north  of  the  Ohio  are,  consetpiently,  now  at  this  place."t 

We  find  this  notice  of  Blue-jacket  in  August,  17!ti>.  "By  a  gentleman  im- 
mediately from  Montreal,  we  learn  that  about  four  vc  iiks  since,  the  (iimoiis 
Indian  partisan,  known  by  the  name  of  Captain  Blue- iacket,  was  at  Detroit, 
with  about  20G0  men,  waiting  for  the  Americans  to  co.ne  out  into  the  woods: 
it  is  helievi'd  at  Montreal,  that  in  case  the  Americans  do  not  go  out,  they 
will  lie  divided  into  small  parlies  to  harass  our  frontiers.";  The  tribes 
which  furnished  warriors  to  oppose  the  Americans  were  the  Wyandots, 
Miamis,  Pottowattomies,  Delawans,  Shawanese,  Chippeways,  Ottaways, 
and  a  few  Senecas.  Blue-Jacket  was  tue  director  and  leader  of  this  mighty 
band  of  warriors. 

In  the  treaty  of  29  September,  1817,  at  the  "  Foot  of  the  Rapids"  of  the 
Miami  of  the  Lakes,  with  the  Wyandots,  Senecas,  Delawares,  Shawarcse, 

*  Those  of  this  tribe  in  ihe  viciiiiiv  of  Lake  Ontario,  are  of  a  much  darker  complexion  than 
the  other  Indiao.s  of  tiie  west.      Weld,  Travels  in  America,  "lol. 
t  See  Elliot's  Works,  111,  U2.  J  Cart-ifs  Museum,  .xii.  IIJ. 


M 


i 


•■i 


80 


WAYNE'S  VICTORY  AT  MIAMI. 


[Boo«  V. 


&r,  there  i«  a  pnmf^rBph  which  it  w  preHimind  ha«  rrfcrrnce  to  n  Haiif;ht«>r 
of  thiH  chief.  It  i»ro|K>iicn  to  giv«  "  To  J^'ancy  SUxeart,  «iaii({htnr  of  tho  Inte 
Shawiinen  chief  Hlut-Jnrktt,  unc  goctiun  of  liind,  to  contain  nix  hundred  und 
40  acreri,  on  the  (ireat  Miami  river  l)eiow  I^ewiHtown,  to  incUide  her  pri'Heiit 
inipmvenientH,  three  ipiurters  of  tho  Miid  wction  to  lie  on  the  H.  K.  Hide  of 
the  river,  ami  one  «{unrter  on  tiio  N.  W.  Hide  thereof."* 

From  the  time  (ieneral  St.  Clair  wan  deft^ited,  in  1701,mnrdeni  were  c«)n- 
tinued  npon  the  frontier,  and  all  attempts  on  the  part  of  (government  toeH'ert 
a  |)nace,  proved  of  no  avail ;  and  lastly  the  umhaMtadorH  nent  to  them  were 
inurderoil,  and  that  too  while  the  amiy  was  progressing  towards  their 
country. 

Alter  huilding  Fort  Greenville,  upon  the  Miami,  six  miles  almve  Fort  Jef- 
ferson, <ieneral  tVayne  took  posmBttion  of  the  ground  whore  (jeiieral  St. 
Clair  had  Iteen  defeated,  and  there  erected  a  fort,  to  which  ho  gave  the  nunie 
of  Recovery,  in  which  the  urujy  spent  the  winter  of  179IJ-4.  Many  censures 
were  pot^sed  U|K)n  the  general  for  his  slow  progress ;  luit  he  knew  tiiiich 
l)cttcr  what  he  was  doing  than  newspaper  writers  did  what  they  were 
writing,  when  they  undertook  to  censure  him,  as  the  event  proved. 

It  was  the  8  August,  171)4,  when  the  ormy  arrived  at  the  confluence  of  the 
rivers  All  Glai7.e  and  Maumee,  where  they  huilt  Fort  Defiance.  It  was  the 
general's  design  to  have  met  the  enemy  unpre|Mired,  in  this  move ;  hut  a 
fellow  deserted  his  camp,  and  notified  the  Indians.  He  now  tried  again  to 
bring  tliem  to  an  accommodation,  and  from  the  answers  which  he  received 
from  them,  it  was  some  time  revolved  in  his  mind,  whether  they  were  for 
peace  or  war;  so  artful  was  the  manner  in  which  their  replies  were  fbrmed.f 
At  length,  being  fully  satisfied,  he  marched  down  the  Maumee,  and  arrived 
at  the  rapids,  18  August,  two  (lays  liofbre  the  battle.  His  army  cimsinted  of 
upwards  of  3000  men,  2000  of  whom  were  regulars.  Fort  Deposit  wps 
erected  at  this  place,  for  the  security  of  their  supplies.  They  now  set  out  to 
meet  the  enemy,  who  had  chosen  his  position  u|W)n  the  bank  of  the  river, 
with  much  iudgr.tent  They  had  a  breat<IWork  of  fallen  trees  in  front,  and 
the  high  rocky  shore  of  the  river  gave  them  much  security,  as  also  did  the 
thick  wood  of  Presque  Isle.  Their  force  was  divided,  and  disposed  at 
supporting  distances  for  about  two  miles.  When  the  Americans  had  arrived 
at  proper  distance,  a  body  was  sent  out  to  begin  the  attack,  "  with  orders  to 
rouse  the  enemy  from  their  covert  with  the  bayonet ;  and  when  up,  to  deliver 
a  close  fire  upon  their  hacks,  and  press  them  so  hard  as  not  to  give  them  time  to 
reload."!  Tliis  order  was  so  well  executed,  and  the  battle  at  the  point  of  attack 
so  short,  that  only  alwut  900  Americans  participated  in  it.  But  they  pursued 
the  Indians  with  great  slaughter  through  the  woods  to  Fort  Maumee,  where 
the  carnage  ended.  Tho  Indians  were  so  unexpectedly  driven  from  their 
strong  hold,  that  their  numbers  only  increased  their  distress  and  confusion ; 
and  the  cavalry  made  horrible  havoc  among  them  with  their  long  sabres. 
Of  the  Americans,  there  were  killed  and  wounded  about  J  30.  The  loss  of 
the  Indians  could  not  he  ascertained,  but  must  have  been  very  severe.  The 
American  loss  was  chiefly  at  the  commencement  of  the  action,  as  they 
advanced  upon  the  mouths  of  the  Indians'  rifles,  who  could  not  be  seen  until 
they  had  discharged  upon  them.  They  maintained  their  coverts  but  a  short 
time,  being  forced  in  evsry  direction  by  the  bayonet  But  until  that  was 
effected,  the  Americans  fell  fast,  and  we  only  wonder  that  men  could  be 
found  thus  to  advance  in  the  face  of  certain  death. 

This  liorrid  catastrophe  in  our  Indian  annals  is  chargeable  to  certain  white 
men,  or  at  least  mainly  so ;  for  some  days  before  the  battle,  General  Wayne 
sent  a  flag  of  truce  to  them,  and  desired  them  to  come  and  treat  with  lum. 
The  letter  which  he  sent  was  taken  to  Colonel  ATKee,  who,  it  appears,  was 
their  ill-adviser,  and  he,  by  putting  a  false  construction  upon  it,  increased  the 
rage  of  tlie  Indians :  he  then  informed  them  that  they  must  forthwith  fight 
the  American  army.  Some  of  the  chiefs,  learning  the  truth  of  tho  letter,  were 
for  peace  ;  but  it  was  too  late.  Litllt-turUe  was  known  to  have  been  in  favor 
of  making  peace,  and  seemed  well  aware  of  the  abilities  of  the  American 


Indian  Treaties,  90.  f  Marshall's  Washington,  v.  481.  ed.  4to.         ^  Bchookraji. 


inooK  V. 

daiightPr 
of  I  hi)  lnti> 
lulrod  and 

Wr  |)|-|Hf!tlt 

K.  Nidt!  of 


were  ron- 
nt  t<»  efli'ct 
tliciii  were 
ards    their 

Fort  Jef. 
•••iuthI  St. 
13  the  iiuriie 
y  c«;iiHiire8 
new  much 
tlioy    were 

ence  of  the 
It  was  tlie 
Dvo ;  but  a 
m1  again  to 
le  received 
y  were  for 
re  ibrrned.f 
iiid  arrived 
unlisted  of 

L'posit     WP8 

V  Ret  out  to 
f  the  river, 
front,  and 
ilso  (lid  the 
isposed  at 
had  arrived 
th  ordera  to 
1,  to  deliver 
lem  time  to 
nt  of  attack 
ey  pursued 
nee,  where 
from  tlieir 
confusion ; 
)ng  sahres. 
i"he  loss  of 
k-ere.  The 
n,  as  they 
!  seen  until 
but  a  short 
I  that  was 
1  could  be 

rtain  white 
iral  Wayne 
with  him. 
•pears,  was 
Teased  the 
iwith  fight 
etter,  were 
en  in  fiivor 
American 

'choolcraji. 


'"i! 


..V  r|!j| 


S-*iil 


Chu'. 


i 


^.ii 


r 


genen 
nieiitu 
wiien 
wliito 

Tlu 
jtosed 
to  bv 

III 
iiiiinb 
alter 
of  Ion 
wlmt 
sionei 


'''' '//  //.;  y//.^'f""  I 


m^ 


J n n  K  li m  t'^ lay ¥. nwia n  ii^: k  k  n 


A  IVllID!liTA\\\ViK    rili|!lll<:)l'V. 


It"* 


Chai'.  V,] 


TflAVVNDANECA,  OR  BRANT. 


SI 


gpiieral ;  but  sllch  was  the  intiuniice  ol"  tiadcrH  uinoii!,'  tlietii,  that  no  iirgii- 
iiient«  could  prevail.  Thurf,  iiirttunctis  without  iiunihet-  might  be  adduced, 
wliere  these  people  have  been  destroyed  by  placing  conridence  in  deceiving 
whit(!  men. 

The  night  before  the  battle,  the  chiefs  a8seml)led  in  council,  and  some  pro- 
i)osed  attacking  the  army  in  ita  encampment,  but  the  proposal  was  objected 
to  by  others;  tinally  the  proposition  of  fighting  at  l'rosi|ne  Isle  prevailed. 

In  tiiis  battle  all  the  chiefs  of  the  Wyaudots  were  killed,  being  nine  in 
nund)er.  Some  of  the  nations  escaped  the  slaughter  by  not  coming  up  iiiiiil 
alter  the  defeat  This  severe  blow  satistied  the  western  Indians  of  the  lolly 
of  longer  contending  against  the  Americans;  they  tlierefore  were  glad  to  get 
what  terms  they  could  trom  them.  The  chiefs  of  twelve  tribes  ms't  commis- 
sioners at  Fort  Greenville,  3  August,  1795,  and,  as  a  price  of  their  peace, 
gave  up  an  extensive  tract  of  country  south  of  the  lakes,  and  west  of  the  Ohio ; 
and  such  other  tracts  as  comprehended  all  the  military  posts  in  the  western 
region.  The  government  showed  some  liberality  to  these  tribes,  on  their  re- 
linquishing to  it  what  they  could  not  withhold,  and  us  a  gratuity  gave  them 
i20,U00  dollars  in  goods,  and  agreed  to  pay  them  9000  dollars  a  year  forever; 
to  be  divided  among  those  tribes  in  proportion  to  their  numbers.* 


■^■■i'r-"^ 

W^'i' 

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9iite 


CHAPTER  V. 

Life  of  Thavandaneca,  called  by  the  whites,  Brant — Hia  education — P'isits  En<r- 
land — Commissioned  there — Hi.a  sister  a  companion  to  Hir  Wm.  Johnson — His 
letter  to  the  Oneidas—'JIffair  with  Herkimer  at  UnndiUa — Cuts  off  Herkimer  and 
200  men  at  Oriskana—-^inecdote  of  Herkimer — Burns  Springfield — Horrid  affair 
of  Wyoming — Incidents — Destrous  Cherry  Valley — Barbarities  of  the  tnrics — Sul- 
livan's depredations  among  the  Five  jYations — Brant  defeated  by  the  Americans  at 
JVcwtoion — Destruction  of  Minisink,  and  slaughter  of  100  people — Destructiun  of 
Harpcrsfield — 'Brant's  letter  to  M'  Causland — Marriage  of  his  daughter — Her  hus- 
hand  killed— Brant  becomes  the  friend  of  peace — Visits  Philadelphm — Hisjti  -riage 
— Lands  granted  him  by  the  king — His  death — His  son  John — Traits  of  rhavicter 
— One  of  his  sons  killed  by  him,  in  an  attempt  to  kill  his  father — Account  of  Brant's 
arrival  in  England — Some  account  of  his  children. 

Colonel  Joseph  Brant  was  an  Onondaga  of  the  Mohawk  tribe,  whose  In- 
dian name  was  Thayendaneca,\  or  Tayadanaga,X  signifying  o6ran<.§  But  as  he 
was  seldom  called  by  that  name  after  he  became  known  to  the  whites,  it  was 
generally  forgotten.  He  received  a  very  ^ood  English  education  at  "  Moor's 
charity  school,"  at  Lebanon,  in  Connecticut,  where  he  was  placed  by  Sir 
H'Uliam  Johnson,  in  July,  1761.    His  age,  at  this  time,  we  have  not  learned. 

The  story  that  he  was  but  half  Indian,  the  son  of  a  German,  has  been 
widely  spread,  but  is  denied  by  his  son,  and  now  believed  to  be  a  falsehood, 
ignorantly  circulated.  This  error  might  have  ai'iaen  either  from  the  known 
fact  of  his  being  of  rather  a  lighter  complexion  than  his  countryiueu  in  general, 
or  from  his  having  married  a  woman  who  was  a  half-breed.|| 

Braivl  went  to  England  in  1775,  in  the  beginning  of  the  great  revolutionary 
rupture,  where  lie  was  received  with  attention,  and  doubtless  had  there  his 
mind  prepared  for  the  part  he  acted  in  the  memorable  struggle  which  ensued. 

*  The  terms  of  this  treaty  were  the  same  as  were  olTcrecl  to  them  before  the  battle,  which 
.shuiil<l  be  menlioned,  as  additiir  materially  to  our  good  feelings  towards  its  authors.  It  is 
generally  denominated  H'iiyn*'*  treaty.    It  is  worthy  of  him. 

t  Carey's  Museum,  v.  18.  \  Annals  Trj'on  County,  15. 

\  Generally  written  Brandt  by  those  who  are  unacquainted  with  the  meaning  of  his  In- 
dian name. 

11  It  has  been  mentioned  to  me  by  a  gentleman,  (the  editor  of  Washington's  Writinos,) 
that  he  had  no  doubt  of  the  fact  that  Brant  was  the  son  of  Sir  William  Johnson.  I  am  not 
eatisfird  upon  the  subject,  and,  therefore,  note  the  opinion  of  one  which  claims  primary  con- 
sideration on  all  subjects  connected  with  our  history.  The  only  author,  that  I  recollect,  who 
tiM  circulated  a  printed  opiaion  of  this  kind,  it  Cltapman.    See  Hi*t,  Wyoming,  I2i,- 


m 


m 


BUANT  MEETS  THE  AMERICANS  AT  UNADlLLA.       [Hook  V. 


u 


1.M 


fr 


He  had  n  colonel's  commission  in  the  English  army  upon  the  frontiers,  which 
consiMted  ol'such  of  tlio  Six  Nations  and  tories,  as  took  part  against  the  coun- 
try. Gi-ncral  Sir  fVUliam  Johnson  was  agent  of  Indian  atiairs,  and  had  greatly 
ingratiated  iiimself  into  the  cHteem  of  the  Six  Nations,  He  lived  at  the  j)hice 
fiinci;  named  ii-om  him,  upon  the  north  bank  of  the  Mohawk,  about  40  miles 
iVom  Albany.  Here  he  had  an  elegant  seat,  and  would  often  entertain  seve- 
ral hundreds  of  his  red  friends,  and  share  all  in  common  with  tluMii.  They 
so  niucli  respected  him,  that,  notwiihstanding  they  had  the  full  liberty  of  liifi 
iiouse,  yet  they  would  take  nothing  that  did  not  belong  to  them.  Tiie  better 
to  riv.'t  their  esteem,  he  would,  at  certain  seasons,  accommodate  himself  to 
their  mode  of  dress,  and,  being  a  widower,  took  as  a  kind  of  coini)anion  a 
isister  of  Urant,  by  the  name  of  Molley.  He  had  received  honors  and  einohi- 
Mieiits  from  the  British  goverimient,  and  the  Indians  received  also,  through 
his  airency,  every  thing  which,  in  their  opinion,  conduced  to  their  happiness. 
Hence  it  is  not  strange  that  they  should  hold  in  the  greatest  reverenee  tlie 
(i.uno  (A'  their  "great  iiither,"  the  king,  and  think  l\\efew  rebels  who  ojjposed 
his  authority,  vvlicn  the  revolution  began,  most  ungrateflilly  wicked,  and  un- 
Avorthy  all  mercy.  Sir  William  died  in  1774,  about  a  year  before  the  batthj 
of  Hunker's  Hill. 

'I'lie  Butlers,  John  and  Walter,  whose  names  arc  associated  with  the  repollee- 
tion  of  the  horrid  barbarities  upon  Cherry- valley  and  Wyoming,  lived  at  Cauirli- 
iiewaga,  four  miles  south-easterly  from  the  village  of  Johnston,  and  upon  the 
same  side  of  the  Mohawk. 

In  1775,  in  a  letter  to  the  Oneidas,  our  chief  subscribes  himself  "sncretan- 
to  Chuj  Johnson.^*  This  was  early  in  the  summer  of  that  year,  and  heniv;  he 
wj<3  immediately  from  England.  Colonel  Guy  Johnson  was  son-in-law  of 
Sir  WilHanu  The  letter  was  found  in  an  Indian  path,  and  was  supposed  to 
have  been  lost  by  the  jjerson  who  was  intrusted  with  it.  It  was  in  the  Mo- 
hawk language,  the  translation  of  which  commences  thus :  "  Written  at  (Juy 
Jolmson's,  May,  1775.  This  is  your  letter,  you  great  ones  or  sachems.  Guy 
Johnson  says  he  will  he  glad  if  you  gel  this  intelligence,  you  Oneidas,  how  it  goi.s 
with  him  now,  and  he  is  note  more  certain  concerning  the  intention  of  the  Bostori 
people.  Guy  Johnson  is  in  great  fear  of  being  taken  prisoner  by  the  Bostonians. 
We  Mohaivks  arc  obliged  to  tvatch  him  constantly,"  &c. 

After  this,  Brant  accompanied  Guy  Johnson  when  he  fled  to  Canada.  The 
two  Butla'S  were  also  in  the  train.  Being  now  in  a  place  of  safety,  and  the 
means  in  their  hands,  plots  of  destruction  were  put  in  execution  in  rapid 
succession. 

Having  had  some  disagreement  with  Johnson^  Brant  came  again  to  the 
frontiers.  Some  of  the  peaceable  Mohawks-had  been  confined,  to  prevent 
their  doing  mischief,  as  were  some  of  the  Massachusetts  Indians  in  Philip's 
war.  Brant  was  displeased  at  this,  for  he  said,  if  the  distant  Indians  should 
come  down,  they  would  destroy  them  indiscriminately  with  the  whites.  He 
was  accoinpanied  by  a  band  of  70  or  80  warriors,  who,  in  their  rambles, 
visited  ITiiadilla,  where  they  assembled  the  inhabitants,  and  told  them  that 
they  stood  in  need  of  provisions,  and  if  they  did  not  give  them  some,  they 
should  take  it  by  force;  a  ref\isal,  therefore,  would  have  been  worse  than 
tiseless.  Brant  further  observed, "  Hint  their  agreement  loith  the  king  teas  strong, 
and  that  they  were  not  such  villains  as  to  break  their  covenant  with  him."  Genera! 
Herkimer  marched  up  to  Unadiila,  in  July,  with  380  men,  where  he  f()und 
Brant  with  lllOof  his  warriora.  Here  he  had  an  interview  with  him,  in  which 
he  held  the  following  language  : — "  That  the  Indians  ivere  in  concert  with  tlic 
king,  as  their  fathers  and  grandfathers  had  been.  That  the  king's  belts  were  yet 
lodged  with  them,  and  thnf  could  not  falsify  their  pledge.  That  General  HerKi- 
mer  and  the  rest  had  joined  the  Boston  people  against  their  king.  Tliat  Boston 
people  loere  resolute,  h\d  the  king  v^md  humme  them.  That  Mr,  Schuyler,  or 
general,  or  what  you  please  to  call  him,  was  very  smart  on  the  Indians  at  the  treaty 
at  Gfrmtn  Flatts ;  but  was  not,  at  the  same  time,  able  to  afford  them  tlie  smallest 
article  of  clothing.  That  the  Indians  had  formerly  made  war  on  the  tohite  people 
all  united ;  and  now  they  were  divided,  the  Indians  were  not  frightened."  Colonel 
Cox,  who  accompanied  Herkimer,  said,  if  war  was  his  determination,  the 
matter  was  ended.    Brant  then  spoke  to  his  warriors,  and  they  shouted,  and 


Chap.  V.l 


BRANT— BATTLE  OP  ORISKANA. 


83 


ran  to  their  place  of  encampment,  seized  their  arms,  fired  several  guns,  and, 
ailer  giving  the  war-whoop,  returned  in  warlike  array.  General  Ilirkimer 
then  told  Brant  he  did  not  come  to  fight,  and  the  chief  motioned  for  his  men 
to  rcniiiiii  quiet.  Perhaps,  as  a  worthy  author  observed  upon  a  transiirtion 
in  Philip's  war,  it  ia  better  to  omit  the  cause  of  the  conduct  of  Ihrkimrr, 
than  too  critically  to  inquire  into  it.  His  men  vastly  outnmnbered  tlie  Indians, 
and  Ilia  authority  was  ample ;  but  his  motives  were  no  doubt  pure,  and  his 
courage  must  not  now  be  called  in  question,  as  will  appear  from  wliat  is  to 
bo  rt3lated.  To  put  the  most  tiivorable  construction  upon  his  neglecting  to 
break  clown  the  power  oi'  Brant,  is  to  suppose  that  he  was  impressed  witii 
the  b  lief  that  the  Indians  would  not  join  Avith  the  English  in  conniiitfiuif 
hostilities;  if  this  were  the  case,  he  too  late  discovered  the  error  of  hi-* 
judgment. 

Alter  the  general  had  said  that  he  did  not  come  tofu^ht,  Brant,  witli  an  air  of 
im)>ortance,  said,  ^^  If  your  purpose  is  loiir,  I  am  really  for  you."  A  tenipesr, 
wliich  came  up  suddenly,  sepjirated  the  parties,  and  each  retired  peaceably. 
This  is  said  to  be  the  last  talk  held  by  any  of  the  Americans  with  the  Si\ 
Nations,  j)revious  to  hostilities,  except  with  the  Oueidas;  all,  save  a  very 
few  of  whoui  retnaiued  neutral. 

Towards  the  antunui  of  this  year,  (1777,)  Brant  was  tmder  the  direction  of 
General  St.  Lea;er,  who  di'ta".hed  him  with  a  considerable  body  oi"  warrinrr- 
for  tile  investment  of  Fort  Stanwix.  Colonel  Butler  wascommander-iii-eliief, 
with  a  banil  of  tories.  The  inhabitants  in  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  deter-' 
mined  to  inarch  for  the  relief  of  Colonel  Gansevoort,  who  commanded  the 
fort,  which  they  did,  in  two  regiments,  with  Gen-ral  Herkimer  at  tlnir  head. 
As  is  usual  with  militia,  they  marched  in  great  disordei',and  when  tin;  gene- 
ral ordered  scouting  parties  to  march,  as  security  again.st  surprise,  upon  the 
flanks  of  the  main  body,  they  accused  him  with  cowardice,  whicii,  most 
unwarrantably,  had  more  influence  upon  his  mind,  than  tin;  safety  of  his 
army.  A  catastrophe  ensued,  which,  though  not  so  momentouH  in  that  day, 
as  was  that  of  Lntkrop  in  1(57(5,  nor  so  complete  a  victory  on  the  part  of  the 
Indians,  yet  it  was  a  severe  flght,  in  which  'iOO  Americans  were  slain.*     The 

Klact!  of  attack  Was  selected  by  Brant  or  Butler,  and  was  a  ravine  of  a  broad 
ottom,  nearly  impassable,  except  a  rough  track  covered  with  logs  of  frons 
12  to  15  feet  in  length,  laid  transversely,!  which  extended  across  it.  (ien(  ral 
Herkimer  arrived  at  this  place  flbout  two  hours  before  mid-day,  August  (J. 
He  might  reasonably  have  expected  an  ambush,  but  his  first  intimatioiia  of 
the  vicinity  of  an  enemy  were  the  terrifying  yells  of  the  Indians,  and  the 
still  more  lasting  impressions  of  their  rifles.  The  iidvanced  gunrd  were  all 
cut  off  Such  as  survived  the  first  fire,  were  hewn  down  with  the  tomahawk. 
The  flital  causeway  was  semicircular,  and  Brant  and  his  forces  occupied  the 
surrotniding  heights.  These  arc  the  principal  events  in  the  battle  of  (Jriskana. 
A  surgeon.  Dr.  Moses  Younirlove,  was  taken  prisoner  in  this  battle,  and  afler 
his  return  from  captivity,  he  wrote  a  poem  upon  the  affair,  from  which  we 
extract  the  following : — 

"Tho  time  nnd  place  of  our  unhappy  fi^ht, 
To  you  at  large  wci  •  needless  to  recite: 
When  in  the  wood  our  fierce  inhuman  foes, 
With  piercing;  yell  from  circling  auihush  rose, 
A  3udilen  volleV  rends  the  vaulted  sky  ; 
Their  painted  bodies  hi<leous  to  the  eye, 
Thev  rush  like  hellish  fu-ios  on  our  band.s, 
Their  slaughter  weapons  brandish'd  in  their  hands." 

Ruiming  down  from  every  direction,  they  prevented  the  two  regiments 
from  forming  a  junction,  one  of  them  not  having  entered  the  cau.seway ; 
and  a  part  of  the  assailants  fell  upon  those  without,  and  the  remainder 
upon  those  within  it.     The  former  fared  worse  than  the  latter,  for  in  such 


X  =',!i 


*  Til  ir  whole  loss  was  about  KX),    lys  Marshall,  Life  Washintflon,  v.  2(>1. 

t  All  vho  have  travelled,  even  within  a  few  years,  in  this  part  of  the  state  of  New  Vork, 
cannot  but  well  remember  the  "  Corduroy"  roads.  Such  wa.s  the  roatl  over  this  memorabl« 
ravine. 


84 


BRANT.-BATTLE  OP  ORISKANA. 


[nooK  V. 


cases  a  flight  has  almost  always  been  a  dismal  defeat.  It  was  now  the 
case.  The  other  regiment,  hemmed  in  as  they  were,  saw,  in  a  moment, 
that, 

To  fight,  or  not  to  fight,  was  death. 

They,  therefore,  back  to  back,  forming  a  front  in  every  direction,  fought  like 
men  in  despair.    This,  Dr.  Younglove  thus  forcibly  depicts  :— 

"  Now,  hand  to  hand,  the  contest  is  for  life, 
With  bay 'net,  tom'hawk,  sword,  and  scalping  knife: 
Now  more  remote  Uie  work  of  death  we  ply, 
And  thick  as  hail  the  show'ring  bullets  Qy; 
Pull  n"  iny  a  hardy  warrior  siiiKs  supine  ; 
Yells,  shrieks,  groans,  shouts  and  tliund'ring  volleys  join  ) 
The  dismal  din  the  ringing  forest  fills, 
The  sounding  echo  roars  along  the  bills." 

The  poet  thus  presents  to  our  view  th«  attacking  parties  :— 

"  Of  two  departments  were  the  assailing  foes  3 
Wild  savage  natives  lead  the  first  of  those ; 
Their  almost  naked  frames,  of  various  dyes. 
And  rings  of  black  and  red  surround  their  eyes: 
On  one  side  they  present  a  shaven  head ; 
The  naked  half  ot  the  vermilion  red  ; 
In  spots  the  party-color'd  face  they  drew, 
Beyond  description  horrible  to  view ; 
Their  ebon  locks  in  braid,  with  paint  o'erspread  3 
The  silver'd  ears  depending  from  the  head ; 
Their  gaudry  my  descriptive  power  exceeds. 
In  plumes  of  feathers,  glitt'ring  plates  and  beads." 

He  thus  speaks  of  the  tories : — 

"  These  for  the  first  attack  their  force  unite, 
And  most  sustain  the  fury  of  the  fight ; 
Their  rule  of  warfare,  devastation  dire. 
By  undistinguish'd  plunder,  death  and  fire  3 
They  torture  man  and  beast,  with  barbarous  rage, 
Nor  tender  infant  spare,  nor  rev'rend  sage." 

And  Butter  is  noticed  as  follows : — 


Chap.  V.l 

Major  fVaL 
the  battle-j 

In  the  in 
which  info 
tached  Col 
remnant  ol 
jrround,  an 
events  of  t 

General 
its  commo 
killed.    H( 
iiiniself  u[ 
to  a  place 
the  histori 
battle,  he 
pipe,  whic 

The  Iiid 
.^nd  our  p 


BranVs  los 
Indians  c^ 


TheSe 
fled  suffer 
suers  bee 
ravine,  wl 
Colonel  C 
Campbell  t 

The  see 
Dr.  Young 


"  O'er  them  a  horrid  monster  bore  command. 
Whose  inauspicious  birth  disgrac'd  our  land  j 
By  malice  urg'd  to  ev'ry  barb'rous  art  5 
Of  cruel  temper,  but  of  coward  heart," 

With  such  braverv  did  they  fight  in  this  forlorn  condition,  that  the  Indians 
began  to  give  way ;  and,  but  for  a  reinforcement  of  tories,  under  Major  fVat' 
son,  they  would  have  been  entirely  dispersed.*  This  reinforcement  is  thus 
characterized  by  the  surgeon : — 

"  The  second  was  a  rcncgado  crew. 
Who  arm  and  dress  as  Christian  nations  do, 
Led  by  a  chief  who  bore  the  first  comm  md  j 
A  bold  invader  of  his  native  land." 


The  sight  of  this  reinforcement  greatly  increased  the  rage  of  the  Ameri^ 
cans.  It  was  composed  of  the  very  men  who  had  left  that  part  of  the  coun- 
try at  the  commencement  of  the  war,  and  were  held  in  abhorrence  for  their 
loyalty  to  the  king.  The  fight  was  renewed  with  vigor,  and  the  reinforcement 
fought  also  with  bravery,  until  about  thirty  of  their  number  were  killed. 

*  Dr.  Gordon  says  the  tories  and  Indians  got  into  a  most  wretched  confusion,  and  fought 
one  another  3  and  tliat  the  latter,  at  last,  thought  it  was  a  plot  of  the  whites  on  both  sides,  to 
get  llicm  into  that  situation,  that  they  might  cut  them  ofT. 


Thep 
ground; 


Ch/»p.  V.l 


DRANT.— ANECDOTE  OF  GEN.  HERKIMER. 


8/. 


\b  Indians 
ajor  JVat' 
It  is  thus 


Major  fValson-,  their  leader,  was  wounded  and  taken  prisoner,  but  left  upon 
the  battle-ground. 

In  the  mean  time,  General  Herkimer  had  got  forward  to  the  fort  an  express, 
wliich  informed  Colonel  Ganeavoort  of  his  situation.  He  immediately  de- 
tached Colonel  Marinus  Wilkt  witli  207  men,  who  succeeded  in  rescuing  the 
remnant  of  this  brave  band  from  destruction.  He  beat  the  enemy  from  the 
j,'round,  and  returned  to  the  fort  with  considerable  plunder.  Such  were  the 
events  of  the  battle  of  Oriskana. 

General  Herkimer  died  of  a  wound  which  he  i-eceived  in  this  fight.  Near 
its  commencement,  he  was  severely  wounded  in  the  leg,  and  his  horse  was 
killed.  He  directed  his  saddle  to  be  placed  upon  a  little  knoll,  and  resting 
himself  upon  it,  continued  to  issue  his  orders.  On  being  advised  to  remove 
to  a  place  of  great(;r  safety,  he  said,  "  No — /  icill  face  tlie  enemy  ;  "  and,  adds 
the  historian  of  Tryon  countv,  "  In  this  situation,  and  in  the  heat  of  tlie 
battle,  he  very  delilwrately  took  from  his  pocket  his  tinderbox,  and  lit  his 
pipe,  which  he  smoked  with  great  composure." 

The  Indians,  us  well  as  the  Americans,  suffered  dreadfully  in  this  fight. 
.4nd  our  poet  writes, 

"  Such  was  the  bloody  fight :  and  si.ch  the  foe : 
Our  smaller  I'orce  rcluru'd  tliein  blow  I'or  blow  ; 
Hy  turns  successfully  ilieir  force  dcfy'd, 
And  conquest  wav'riug  seein'd  from  side  to  side.'' 

Branfs  loss  being  about  100  men  ;  we  are  inclined  to  think  the  loss  of  the 
Indians  exaggerated  in  these  lines: — 


"  Not  half  the  sava|!;es  relumed  from  fight ; 
They  to  their  native  wilds  had  sped  their  flight.'' 


The  Senecas  alone  lost  30,  and  the  tories  about  100.  The  regiment  which 
fled  suffered  severely,  but  would  have  suffered  still  more,  had  not  their  pur- 
suers been  apprized  of  the  desperate  case  of  their  fellows  engaged  in  the 
ravine,  which  caused  them  to  abandon  the  pursuit.  The  commanding  oflScer, 
Colonel  CoXt  was  killed,  and  the  command  devolved  upon  Lieutenant  Colonel 
Campbell  and  Major  Clyde,  who  conducted  the  retreat 

The  scene  in  the  night  following  the  battle  is  thus  strikingly  presented  by 
Dr.  Yourtfrlove,  the  eye-witness: — 

"  Those  that  reinain'd  a  long  encampment  made, 
And  rising  fires  illumiu'd  all  the  shade  : 
In  vengeance  for  their  num'rous  brothers  sla'n, 
For  torture  sundry  prisoners  they  retain ; 
And  three  fell  monsters,  horrible  to  view, 
A  fellow  pris'nci  from  the  sentries  drew ; 
The  guards  before  received  their  chief's  command, 
To  not  withhold  from  the  slaught'ring  band  ; 
But  now  the  sufferer's  fate  they  sympathize, 
And  for  him  supplicate  with  earnest  cries. 
I  saw  the  general  *  slowly  passing  by, 
The  sergeant  on  his  knees,  with  tearful  eye, 
Implor'd  the  guards  might  wrest  him  from  their  hands, 
Since  now  the  troops  could  awe  their  lessen'd  bands. 
With  lifted  cane  the  gen'ral  thus  replies, 
(While  indignation  sparkles  from  his  eyes: ) 
'  Go  !  sirrah !  mind  your  orders  giv'n  before  ! 
'  And  for  infernal  rebels  plead  no  more ! ' 
For  help  the  wretched  victim  vainly  cries, 
With  supplicating  voice  and  ardent  eyes ; 
With  horror  chili'd,  I  turn  away  my  face, 
While  instantly  they  bear  him  from  the  place. 
Dread  scene !— with  an^ish  stung  I  inly  groan. 
To  think  the  next  hard  Tot  may  be  my  own." 

The  poet  next  describes  his  dream,  in  which  he  was  carried  to  the  battle- 
ground; and  then  thus  opens  the  morning  scene  :— 


8 


•  Butler. 


m 


■  -f  V 


t'-t,. 


T: 


i  K 


[Book  V. 


86  BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  CHERRY-VALLEY. 

"  When  savages,  for  horrid  sport  prcpar'd, 
Demand  another  pris'ner  from  the  piard, 
We  saw  their  fcar'd  apnroach,  with  mortal  fright, 
Their  scniping-kiiives  they  sharpen'd  in  our  siglit, 
Btside  the  guard  they  sal  them  on  the  ground, 
And  view'd,  with  piercing  eyes,  the  prisoners  round." 

"  At  length,  one  rising  seized  me  by  the  hand  ; 
By  him  drawn  forth,  on  trembling  knees  I  stand ; 
I  bid  my  fellows  all  n  long  adieu, 
With  answering  grief,  my  wretched  case  they  view. 
They  led  me  bound  along  the  winding  flood. 
Far  in  the  gloomy  bosom  of  the  wood  ; 
There,  (horrid  sight!)  a  pris'ncr  roasted  lay. 
The  carving-knife  had  cut  his  flesh  away."' 

After  eiKhifing  every  thing  but  dcatli  in  liis  captivity,  Dr.  Younglove  returned 
home  ill  safety. 

In  1778,  a  Ibrt  was  built  at  Cherry-valley,  where  lamilies  for  considorabln 
extent  about  took  up  their  abode,  or  retired  occasionally  for  .safety.  Brani 
intended  to  destroy  this,  and  came  into  the  neighborhood  for  the  purjjose. 
It  hap|»('ned  that,  at  the  time  he  chose  to  make  the  discoveiT  of  the  strength 
of  the  garrison,  the  boys  were  assembled  in  a  training,  with  wooden  gunw, 
for  amtisement:  not  having  a  clear  view  of  them  from  the  foliage  of  liie  trees 
which  intervened,  Brant  thought  them  to  be  men.  It  was  his  design  to  have 
made  the  attack  the  following  night ;  but  on  this  discovery,  ho  gave;  up  ihe 
design.  He  still  remained  in  the  neighborhood ;  secreted  behind  a  large  rock 
near  the  main  road  to  the  Mohawk,  and  about  two  miles  north  of  the  fort  in 
the  vallev.  Here  he  waited  to  intercept  some  unwary  passenger,  and  gain 
more  certain  intelligence.  Near  this  place  is  the  little  cascade  called  by  the 
natives,  Tekaharawa.  The  inhabitants  of  the  valley  were  in  ex])ectation  Of  a 
company  of  soldiers  from  the  Mohawk,  to  reinforce  them,  and  the  same  dav 
Lieutenant  Wormwood  came  from  thence,  and  informed  them  that  Colonel 
Klock  would  ariive  the  next  day  with  the  party.  Near  night  he  set  out  to 
return,  accompanied  by  one  Peter  Sitz,  the  bearer  of  some  despatches.  He 
was  a  young  officer,  of  fine  personal  appearance,  and  was  to  return  the  next 
day  with  one  of  the  companies  of  soldiers.  He  had  been  out  of  siglit  but  a 
few  minutes,  when,  as  he  passed  the  ambush  of  Brant,  his  warriors  fired 
upon  him,  and  he  fell  from  his  horse.  The  chief,  springing  from  his  hiding- 
place,  tomahi\wked  him  with  his  own  hands.  Wormwood  and  his  companion 
were  ordered  to  stand,  but  not  obeying,  occasioned  their  being  fired  upon. 
Brant  was  acquainted  with  Lieutenant  Wormwood  before  the  war,  and  after- 
wards expressed  sorrow  at  his  fate,  pretending  that  he  took  him  to  be  a  con- 
tinental oflicer.  His  horse  immediately  running  back  to  the  fort,  with  blood 
upon  the  saddle,  gave  some  indication  of  what  had  happened.  His  coiiij)an- 
ion,  Sitz,  wiis  taken  jirisoner. 

In  June,  the  same  summer.  Brant  came  tipon  Springfield,  which  he  burned, 
and  carried  off  a  number  of  prisoners.  The  women  and  children  were  not 
maltreated,  but  were  loft  in  one  house  unmolested.  About  this  time,  great 
pains  were  taken  to  seize  the  wary  chief,  but  there  was  no  Captain  Church, 
or,  unlike  Philip  of  Pokanoket,  Brant  had  the  remote  nations  to  fly  to  without 
fear  of  being  killed  by  them.  Captain  M'Kean  hunted  him  for  some  time, 
and,  not  being  able  to  find  him,  wrote  an  insulting  letter  for  him,  and  left  it 
in  an  Inditm  jiath.  Among  other  things,  he  challenged  him  to  single  combat, 
or  to  meet  him  with  an  eqttal  number  of  men ;  and  "that  if  he  would  come  to 
Cherry-valh^y,  and  have  a  fair  fight,  they  would  change  him  fi^om  a  Brant 
into  a  Goos.''^  This  letter,  it  is  supposed,  Brant  received,  from  an  intimation 
contained  in  one  which  he  wrote  about  the  same  time  to  a  tory.  To  this  man 
(Pardfer  Carr,  of  Edmeston)  he  writes  from  Tunadilla  [Unadilla]  inidur  date 
9  July,  1778, — ^^  Sir :  I  understand  hy  the  Indians  that  was  at  your  house  last 
week,  that  one  Smith  lives  near  with  you,  has  little  more  com  to  spare.  I  should  be 
much  obliged  to  you,  if  you  ivould  be  so  kind  as  to  try  to  set  as  much  corn  as 
Smith  can  spared;  he  has  sent  me  Jive  skipples  already,  of  which  I  am  much  oblig- 
ed to  him,  and  wUl  see  him  paid,  and  would  be  very  glad  if  you  coidd  spare  one 
or  two  your  men  to  join  us,  especially  Elias.    /  toould  be  glad  to  see  him,  and  1 


t:k 


[Book  V. 


ove  returned 

cnnsidorabln 
<ety,  lirant 
he  purpose, 
the  strength 
oodcii  t:m)H, 

of  llio  trees 
sign  to  imve 
gav(!  up  ihe 
11  large  rock 
('  the  fort  ill 
3r,  and  gain 
died  i)y  the 
etation  of  a 
le  same  day 
iiat  CoJoneJ 
e  set  out  to 
tttches.  He 
n-n  tlie  next 
sigiit  but  a 
irriors  fired 
!  his  iiiding- 

coinpanion 
fired  uj)oii. 
•,  and  alter- 
to  l)e  a  eon- 
I  with  blood 
lis  coni])an- 

he  burned, 
jn  were  not 

time,  great 
tain  Church, 
y  to  witliout 

some  time, 

and  lell  it 
L'ie  combat, 
dd  come  to 
m  a  Brant 
I  intimation 
Vo  this  man 

under  date 
r  house  last 

I  should  be 
ich  com  as 
mtich  oblig- 
d  spare  one 

him,  and  1 


ChAP.  v.] 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  WYOMING. 


m 


xcfuih  you  could  sent  me  as  many  guns  you  have,  as  I  know  you  have  no  tise  for 
thmi,  if  you  any ;  as  I  mean  now  tofght  the  ruel  rebels  <«  well  as  I  can ;  what- 
ever you  roill  able  to  senl^d  me,  you  must  senVd  l/y  the  hearer,  I  am  your  sincere 
friend  and  himble  set^t,  Joseph  Hrant.  P.  S.  I  heard  that  Chemj-valley 
people  is  verjf  bold,  and  intended  to  make  nothing  of  us  ;  they  caJlcd  us  wild  geese, 
but  I  know  ihe  contrary"  Tliis  we  suppose  to  Imj  a  fair  specimen  of  the  corn- 
position  of  the  chief  who  atlerwards  translated  the  Gospel  according  to  John 
into  the  iMoliav.'k  language,  also  the  Book  of  Common  I'rayer ;  cojiies  of  wliicli 
are  in  tiie  library  of  Harvard  college.* 

TIk!  next  event  of  importance  in  which  Brant  was  engaged,  was  tlie  destruc- 
tion of  Wyoming,!  one  of  the  most  heart-rending  ,'ecords  in  tlit;  aimals  of  the 
revolutionary  war.  In  tliat  horrid  affair,  about  300  settlers  were  killed  oi 
carried  into  captivity ;  from  the  greater  part  of  whom  no  intelligence  was  evt.i 
obtained. 

It  wt  ,  known  early  in  the  spring  of  1778,  that  n  large  force  was  collecting 
at  Niagara  for  the  object  of  laying  waste  the  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania,  Vir- 
ginia and  Now  York,  and  even  as  early  as  February,  General  Scuutlkr  wrote; 
to  congress  to- inform  them  that  such  was  his  belief.  In  March  he  wrote 
again  to  congress,  saying.  "A  ntnnber  of  Mohawks,  and  many  of  the  Oiiomla- 
goes,  Cayugas,  and  Senecas,  will  commence  hostilities  against  us  a.s  soon  as 
they  can;  it  would  be  prudent,  therefore,  early  to  take  measures  to  carry  the 
war  into  their  country;  it  would  require  no  greater  body  of  troops  to  destroy 
their  towns tlian  to  protect  the  frontier  inhabitants."!  But  congress  had  more 
than  tlieir  hands  full  in  other  directions,  and  nothing  was  done.  In  the  Ix'- 
gtiming  of  July,  the  tory  and  Indian  force,  amounting  together  to  alwut  KiOO 
men,  were  discovered  in  po.ssession  of  Fort  VVintermoot,§  a  short  di.stancc  from 
tlie  village  of  Wyoming.  Here  was  also  a  fort,  at  which  were  collected  near 
400  men  for  the  defence  of  the  country,  who  Avere  under  the  immediate  com- 
mand of  Colonel  Zebulon  Butler.\\  On  the  3  July,  a  council  of  war  was  held 
upon  the  propriety  of  inarching  out  and  attacking  the  tory  and  Indian  army, 
and  ii;  was  finally  agreed  that  the  enemy  should  be  sought.  Accordingly  the 
Americans  inarched  out  upon  this  expedition  the  same  day.  Having  sent 
forward  spies,  they  had  not  proceeded  fiir,  when  they  were  discovered  by  two 
Indians,  who  were,  doubtless,  upon  the  sfune  business.  The  scouts  fired  each 
upon  the  other,  and  then  hastened  to  their  respective  head-quarters.  Both 
parties  were  immediately  in  motion,  and  joined  battle  near  a  thick  swamp. 
The  Indians  and  tories,  being  the  more  numerous,  outflanked  the  Americans, 
and  Brant,  at  the  head  of  his  furious  warriors,  issuing  from  the  swamp,  turned 
their  left  flank,  and  creating  thereby  a  confusion,  which  greatly  favored  his 
kind  of  warfare,  and  enabled  him  to  make  dreadful  havoc  among  them. 

The  Americans  were  in  two  lines,  and  it  was  the  line  commanded  by  Col- 
onel Dennison  that  Brant  successfully  encoimtcred.  Butler,  at  the  same  time, 
was  gaining  some  advantage  over  the  other  line,  under  his  cousin  Zebulon, 
which,  added  to  the  raging  disaster  in  the  left,  became  immediately  a  flight. 
Colonel  Dennison's  order  to  fall  back,  by  which  he  designed  to  make  an  ad- 
vantageous evolution,  was  distorted,  by  the  terrified  troops,  into  an  order  for 
flight ;  and  all  was  in  a  few  moments  lost.  And  from  Judge  Marshall  we  add 
as  follows: — "The  troops  fled  towards  the  river,  which  they  endeavored  to 
pass,  in  order  to  enter  Fort  Wilkesbarre,  [in  the  village  of  that  name  on  the 
opposite  side  of  the  Susquehannah.]     The  enemy  pursued  '  with  the  fury  of 

*  It  would  seem  from  Mr.  Weld,  (Travels  in  America,  '185.)  lliat  he  translated  those 
works  before  the  war ;  but  I  have  heard  it  said  that  they  were  the  production  of  the  chief 
John  Norton ;  my  authority,  however,  I  do  not  remember. 

t  This  name  is  said  to  signify  ajield  of  hinnd,  from  a  great  baUle  fought  there  by  the 
Indians  before  its  settlement  by  the  whites.  This  derivation,  however,  is  not  according  to 
Heckewelder,  but  I  must  refer  the  curious  philologist  to  Chapman's  Ilisl.  Wyoming,  p.  10, 
or  to  his  authority,  since  printed  in  the  Trans.  Amer.  Philos.  Sot; 

X  (rordon's  American  Revolution,  iii.  184. 

^  This  was  garrisoned  by  a  company  of  men,  who  had  been  suspected  of  toryism,  and  it 
now  appeared  that  they  had  not  only  given  up  the  fort,  but  joined  the  hostile  party.  Mar- 
shatl's  Washington,  iii.  357. 

II  He  was  cousin  to  John  Euiler,  the  leader  of  the  tories  MarshoUl,  ibid.  656,  and  iv. 
Appendix,  13. 


■  -■»; 


*>-,» 

:■  ft 

88 


BRANT.— DESTRUCTION  OF  WYOMING. 


IBooK  V. 


i 


'St 


m 


devils ; '  and  of  the  400  who  had  inurched  out  on  this  unfortunate  parley 
only  alwut  20  escaped,"  anions  whom  were  the  conunanding  officers. 

The  fort  at  Wyoming  was  now  closely  Ix-sicged,  and  seeing  no  chance  of 
escape,  Colonel  Butler  projwsed  a  parley  with  hiB/nV,n</and  namesake,  which 
was  a'isented  to.  The  place  of  meeting  was  appointed  at  some  distance  from 
the  fort,  and  the  Americans  marched  out  in  cousiderahle  Ibrce,  to  prevent 
treachery,  to  the  place  ap|K)inted ;  but  when  t)iey  arrived  there,  they  found 
nobody  with  whom  to  parley.  The  commander  of  ilie  tories  has  been  brand- 
ed with  gross  infamy,  for  this  piece  of  treachery  with  his  kinsman ;  for  he 
feigned  fear  from  his  approach,  and  had  retired  as  they  advanced,  displaying 
meanwhile  the  flag  of  truce.  The  unwary  Americans  were,  by  this  treacher- 
ous stratagem,  led  into  an  ambush  in  nearly  tlie  sanje  manner  as  were  Hutch- 
inson and  fVheeUr,  at  Wickahnug  Pond,  in  Philip's  war.  They  were,  in  a 
moment,  nearly  surrounded  by  Brant's  wa.riorti,  and  the  work  of  death  raged 
in  all  its  fury.*  The  turies  "  were  not  a  whit  Itehiiid  the  very  chiefest "  of  them 
in  this  bloody  day.  A  remnant  only  regained  tiie  fort,  out  of  several  hundreds 
that  went  forth.  They  were  now  more  closely  besieged  than  before ;  and 
the  more  to  insult  the  vanquished,  a  demand  was  sent  iu  to  them  to  surrender, 
"  accompanied  by  19G  bloody  scalps,  taken  from  those  who  had  just  been 
slain."  When  the  best  terms  were  asked  of  the  besiegers,  the  "  infamous 
JSuWcr "  replied  in  these  two  words,  "  <Ae  hatchd.'"  This  was  the  only  truth 
wo  hear  of  his  uttering.  It  was  the  hatchet,  indeed — a  few  only  fled  to  the 
surrounding  wilderness,  there  to  meet  a  more  lingering  death  by  famine. 
These  were  chiefly  women  and  children. 

Thus  passed  the  fourth  of  JtUy,  177H,  in  the  before  flourishing  settlement 
of  Wyoming,  on  the  eastern  branch  of  the  Susquehannah.  Barlow  knew 
well,  in  his  early  day,  who  was  forever  to  be  branded  with  infamy  for  the  acts 
of  this  memorable  tragedy.    He  says, — 

"  Ills  savage  hordes  the  nuirdrrous  Johnson  leads, 
Files  through  the  woods  and  trends  the  tangled  weeds, 
Shuns  open  combat,  teaches  wlierc  to  run. 
Skulk,  couch  the  ambush,  aim  the  hunter's  gun. 
Whirl  the  sly  tomahawk,  the  war-whoop  sing. 
Divide  the  spoils,  and  pack  the  scalps  tney  bring." 

Columbiad,  vi.  389,  &c 

Having  now  got  full  possession  of  Wyoming,  and,  observes  Dr.  Thacher, 
•*  after  selecting  a  few  prisoners,  the  remainder  of  the  people,  including 
women  and  children,  were  enclosed  in  the  houses  and  barracks,  which  were 
immediately  set  on  fire,  and  the  whole  consiuned  together.  Another  fort  was 
near  at  hand,  in  which  were  70  continental  soldiers ;  on  surrendering  without 
conditions,  these  were,  to  a  man,  butchered  in  a  barbarous  manner ;  when 
the  remainder  of  the  men,  women  and  children  were  shut  up  in  the  houses, 
and  the  demons  of  hell  glutted  their  vengeance  in  beholding  their  destruction 
in  one  general  conflagration."  The  houses  of  the  tories  were  spared.  As 
though  they  could  not  exercise  their  cruelty  enough  U[)on  human  beings, 
they  fell  upon  the  beasts  in  the  field — shooting  some,  wounding  and  man- 
gling others,  by  cutting  out  their  tongues,  &c.  and  leaving  them  alive.  Well 
does  Campbell  make  his  Oneida  chief  to  say,  (who  comes  as  a  friend  to 
warn  the  settlement  of  the  approach  of  the  combined  army  of  tories  and 
Indians,) 

"  '  But  this  is  not  a  time,' — he  started  up, 

And  smote  his  breast  with  woe-denouncing  hand— 

'  This  is  no  time  to  fill  thy  joyous  cup : 

The  mammoth  comes — the  foe — the  monster  Brandt, 

With  all  his  bowling  desolating  band  ;— 

These  eyes  have  seen  their  blade,  and  burning  pine, 

Awake  at  once  and  silence  half  your  land. 

Red  is  the  cup  they  drink  ;  but  not  with  wine : 
Awake  and  watch  to-night !  or  see  no  morning  shine. 

*  There  is  much  incongruity  in  relation  to  the  affairs  of  Wyoming.  Chapman  distinctly 
States  that  Brant  commanded  the  right  wing  of  the  army  under  Butter,  when  he  was  met  by 
the  forces  that  marched  out  to  meet  them ;  but  it  has  lately  been  denied  that  Brant  was  even 
at  Wyoming  during  these  affairs. 


[Book  V. 

inate  parley 
icers. 

10  chance  of 
esake,  wliicli 
liatatice  i'roiu 
i',  to  prevent 
',  they  found 
been  brund- 
unan ;  for  he 
d,  displaying 
his  treacher- 
were  Hutch- 
were,  in  a 
death  raged 
f(Kt"oftheni 
ral  hundreds 
before;  and 
to  surrender, 
id  just  been 
e  "infamous 
he  only  truth 
y  fled  to  the 
by  iamine. 

g  settlement 
iarlow  knew 
y  for  the  acts 


Chip.  V.] 


BRANT.— CRUELTIES  AT  WYOMING. 


80 


,  vi.  389,  &c 

Dr.  Thacher, 
le,  including 

which  were 
ther  fort  was 
ring  without 
nner;  when 
1  the  houses, 
•  destruction 
spared.  As 
man  beings, 
g  and  man- 
alive.    Well 

a  friend  to 
'  tories  and 


man  distinctly 
3  ivas  met  by 
'ant  was  even 


"'Srnmin?  to  wield  the  h.Mchel  for  his  bribe, 

'Gainst  jurandt  himself  1  went  to  bailie  forth  : 

Accursod  Brandt !  he  UJl  of  all  mu  tribe 

Nor  man,  nor  child,  nor  thiii<r  of  living  birth  : 

No !  not  the  do^,  that  watched  my  household  hearth, 

Escaped,  that  night  of  blood,  upon  our  plains! 

All  perished  !— I  alone  am  left  on  earth ! 

To  whom  nor  relulive  nor  blood  remains, 
No !— not  a  kindred  drop  that  runs  in  human  veins  ! '  " 

Gertrude  of  Wyoming;. 

The  tories,  ns  was  often  the  case,  were  attired  like  Indian.s,  and,  from  every 
account,  it  appears  that  they  exceeded  them  in  ferocity. 

Dr.  Thacher  gives  us  the  following  examples  of  horror,  which  were  of  no- 
toriety at  the  tune,  and  "promulgated  from  authentic  sources.  One  of  the 
prisoners,  a  Captain  Badlock,  was  committed  to  torture,  by  having  his  Imdy 
stuck  full  of  splinters  of  pine  knots,  and  a  fire  of  dir  wood  made  roimd  liim, 
when  his  two  companions,  Caj)taitis  Ranson  and  Dtirkee,  were  thrown  into 
tlie  same  fire,  and  held  down  with  pitchforks,  till  consumed.  One  Partial 
Terry,  the  son  of  a  man  of  respectable  charactisr,  having  joined  the  Indian 
party,  .several  times  sent  his  father  word  that  he.  hoped  to  toash  his  hands  in  his 
hearts  blood.  The  monster,  with  his  own  hands,  murdered  his  father,  mother, 
brothers  and  sisters,  stripped  off  their  scalps,  and  cut  off  his  father's  head ! "  * 

It  was  upon  such  scenes  as  these,  that  the  mind  of  the  poet  just  cited  had 
dwelt,  which  caused  him  to  wield  the  pen  of  denimciation  with  such  effect 
upon  the  memory  of  Brant.  That  Butler  .vas  the  far  greater  savage,  none 
car  dispute,  and  Mr.  Campbell  has  long  since  acknowledged  his  too  great 
severity  upon  the  character  of  the  former.  We  should  explain  here,  that  a 
son  of  Colonel  Brant,  a  cliief  Mohawk,  of  the  name  of  Jlhyonwaes;lui,  called 
by  the  English  John  Brum  was  in  London  in  18^,  and  furnished  Mr.  Camp- 
brll  with  documents,  whici .  in  »he  poet's  own  words,  "changed  his  opinion 
of  his  father."  This  passage  was  contained  in  a  long  and  interestitig  letter 
upon  the  subject,  to  Jihyonwaeghs,  which  appeared  at  that  time  in  the  news- 
papers. 

With  Wyoming  were  destroyed  Wilkesbarre  and  Kingston,  upon  the  other 
side  of  the  Susctuehannah.  Though  Wyonting  is  generally  imderstood  to  be 
the  place  destroyed,  it  should  be  remembered  that  in  the  valley  bearing  that 
name,  there  were  three  other  towns,  which  were  all  destroyed,  as  well  as 
Wyoming.f  These  towns  were  settled  by  emigrants  from  Connecticut,  and 
\vhen  destroyed  contained  more  than  1000  families,  and  had  furnished  the 
continental  army  with  more  than  1000  men,  who  were  generally  the  young 
and  active  part  of  the  population.^  The  opposite  sides  which  the  inhabitants 
took  in  the  great  revolutionary  question,  created  the  most  violent  rancor  in 
the  bosoms  of  both  parties,  and  henccs  the  barbarities  which  ensued. 

In  November  following.  Cherry-valley  met  with  a  fate  similar  to  Wyoining. 
At  this  time.  Brant  was  returning  to  winter-quarters,  wlien  he  was  met  by  a 
tory  captaiti,  and  persuaded  to  engage  in  one  expedition  more.  This  was 
Walter  Butler,  son  of  John,  the  hero  of  Wyoming.  He  went  to  Canada  with 
Guy  Johnson,  in  1775,  as  has  been  mentioned;  and  now  some  circumstances 
brought  him  among  the  frontier  settlements  of  New  York.  What  his  object 
was,  we  are  not  informed  ;  but  it  was,  doubtless,  that  of  a  spy.  However, 
he  was  taken  up  on  susjjicion,  at  least,  and  confined  in  jail  at  Albany;  falling 
sick,  he  was  removed  to  a  private  dwelling,  from  whence  he  soon  found 
meatis  to  escape.  Joining  his  father  at  Niagara,  he  succeeded  in  detaching  u 
[)art  of  liis  njgiinent  upon  an  incursion.  Meeting  with  Brant,  as  was  just 
mentioned,  they  returned  to  the  frontier.    It  is  said  that  Brant  was  at  first 

*   Thacher'' s  Journal. 

f  The  setllfiincnt  of  Wyoming  con-<isted  of  eight  townships,  each  five  miles  .square.  Annual 
Reg.  for  1779,  page  9.  ■'  Each  rontnining  a  square  of  live  miles,"  is  the  language  of  the 
Register;  but  it  is  thought  unlikely  thai  these  towns  were  so  small.  Writers,  and  good 
writers  loo,  often  commit  mathematical  errors  of  this  kind  ;  not  dislinguishing  between  milei 
square,  An<\  square  miles:  Thus,  the  difference  between  five  square  miles,  and  five  miles 
square,  i.  e.  6' — 5=20  square  miles,  the  true  difference  between  the  two  quantities. 

1  Marshall,  iii.  655. 
8» 


m 


:mi 


::  1^ 


uo 


DRANT.— DESTRUCTION   OF  ClIERRY-VALLKY 


[Book  V. 


(lisplonsed  with  tlio  project,  undcrsUmdiiig  that  Captuiu  fValtfr  liad  hecMi  put 
ill  ofKcu  ovor  hiin  by  lim  uld  geiu-ral,  fVaiteya  llitlier,  but  Htitk-d  liis  icsciit- 
merit.  Tli»;ir  wliolc  Ibrcc  was  700  niuu,  500  of  wlioiii  were  the  warriors  of 
lirant. 

(JoloiicI  Ichabod  Alden,  of  MaHsacliuHctts,  was  in  couiniaiid  at  Ciicrry- 
vaUcy,  and  to  liis  iiiiHgiiidod  jiulKint^nt  is  to  be  attributed  tiie  diwisicr  which 
ensued.  JJut,  liito  IVcddron  of  Cocheebo,  lie  was  doomed  to  tjscape  the  dis- 
grace. He  was  early  ajiprized  of  tlie  murcii  of  Brant,  and  vviieii  nrg<'d  to 
receive  tlie  inhabitants  into  tlie  fort,  observed  tiiat  there  was  no  danj^er,  as 
he  would  keep  out  scouts  who  would  apjirize  them  of  the  approach  of  an 
enemy  in  season  to  remove.  Scouts  were  accordingly  sent  out ;  one  ot' 
which,  either  ibrgetting  the  business  they  were  upon,  or,  what  wjus  e(|iiallv 
reprehensible,  made  a  large  fire  and  lay  down  to  sleep.  BranCa  warriors 
were  not  misled  by  so  luminous  u  beacon,  and  the  whole  were  made  jirisou- 
ers.  This  was  on  the  night  of  the  t)  November,  I77d  The  j)risoners  now 
in  th(!  hands  of  Bmnt  were  obliged  t(»  give  the  most  e.\act  intelligence  con- 
ceriung  the  garrison.  On  the  morning  of  the  1 1,  favored  l»y  a  thick  and  lia/\ 
atmosi)liere,  they  approached  the  f(»rt.  Colonels  Jlldtn  and  Stacia  (luarttnli 
at  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Wells.  A  IMr.  Hainblc  was  fired  upon  as  he  was  coming 
iVoni  his  bouse  to  the  fort,  by  a  scout,  which  gave  the  first  notice  of  the 
enemy.  IIo  escaped,  and  gave  the  alarm  to  Colonel  Mden,  who,  strange  as 
it  may  appear,  was  still  incredulous,  and  said  it  was  nothing  more  than  .some 
straggling  Indians.  The  last  sjiace  of  time  was  thus  lost ! — and,  in  less  than 
half  an  hour,  all  parts  of  the  place  were  mvested  at  once.  Such  of  \.\w  sol- 
diers as  were  collected  being  immediately  all  killed  or  taken,  the  |)Oor  inhali- 
itauts  fell  an  easy  prey.  Colonel  Mden  was  among  the  first  victims.  Like 
Choparl,  in  the  massacre  at  Natchez,  be  fled  from  liis  bouse,  and  was  jtur- 
sueu  by  an  Indian  with  his  hatchet,  at  whom  the  colonel  endeavored  s(!veral 
times  to  discharge  his  [)istol ;  but  it  missing  fire,  and  losing  time  in  liuing 
about  for  this  nurpose,  the  Indian  was  sufficiently  near  to  throw  his  toma- 
hawk with  deadly  effect.  He  did  so.  Colonel  ^/aeu  fell  upon  his  liice,  ami 
Ins  scalp  was  in  a  moment  borne  oft'  in  triumph.  "A  tory  boasted  that  he 
killed  Mr.  IFeMs  while  at  prayer."  His  daughter,  u  young  lady  of  great 
amiableness,  fled  from  the  liouse  to  a  pile  of  wood  for  shelter ;  but  an  In- 
dian i)ursued  her,  who,  coming  near,  composedly  wiped  his  long  knife, 
already  bloody,  upon  liis  leggins,  then  returning  it  to  his  belt,  Btizecl  her  by 
the  arm,  and  v.  Ji  a  blow  of  his  tomahawk  ended  her  existence.  She  could 
speak  some  Indian,  and  begged  her  murderer  to  spare  her  life,  and  a  lory 
interceded,  who  stood  near,  urging  that  she  was  his  sister;  but  he  would 
bear  to  neither.  Other  transactions  in  this  affTair,  of  still  greater  horror,  we 
must  pass  in  silence. 

Between  30  and  40  prisoners  were  carried  off";  but  the  fort,  containing 
about  200  soldiers,  was  not  taken,  although  several  trials  were  made  upon  it. 

Brant  was  the  only  person  engaged  in  this  tragedy  of  whom  we  hear  any 
acts  of  clemency ;  one  of  which  was  the  preservation  of  a  jjoor  woman  and 
her  children,  who,  but  for  him,  would  have  met  the  tomahawk.  He  inciuired 
for  Captain  M^Kean,  (who  wrote  him  the  letter  before  mentioned,)  saying  he 
bad  now  come  to  accept  his  challenge.  Being  answered  that "  Capt.  M'Kean 
would  not  turn  his  back  upon  an  enemy,"  lie  replied,  "  I  know  it.  He  is  a 
brave  man,  and  I  would  have  given  more  to  have  taken  him  than  any  otiiei 
man  in  (cherry-valley ;  but  I  would  not  have  hurt  a  hair  of  his  head." 

Brant  had  seen  and  heard  so  much  of  what  is  called  civUiztd  warfare,  that 
he  was  afraid  of  the  traduction  of  his  character,  and  always  said  that,  in  his 
councils,  he  had  tried  to  make  his  warriors  humane  ;  and  to  his  honor  it  is 
said,  (but  in  jiropoitiou  as  his  character  is  raised,  that  of  the  white  man 
must  sink,)  that  where  lie  had  the  chief  command,  few  barbarities  were 
committed. 

The  night  before  Brant  and  Bviler  fell  upon  Cherry-valley,  some  of  the 
tories  who  had  friends  there,  requested  liberty  to  go  in  secretly  and  advise 
them  to  retire.  Butler,  though  some  of  his  own  friends  were  among  the 
inhabitants,  refused,  saying,  "  that  there  were  so  many  families  connected, 
that  the  one  would  inform  the  others,  and  all  would  escape.    He  thus  sacri* 


cans. 


•I. 


[Book  V. 

"1  Ijeeii  put 

liis  rcst.'ut- 

vvurriorM  of 

Ht  CliciT}  . 
iiMicr  w)ii(h 

(>•'     till!    (lis. 

til  iirjfrd  to 

oacli  uf  nil 

lit;    OIK!  of 

was  «;i|imll_v 

I'n  NMiniors 

ailf  piisoii- 

ioiKTH  now 

^'<'ii(!(;  coii- 

k  and  liazy 

«  <iuait(  rcil 

Was  coiiiiii)' 

till!   of  lllc 

•^truii<.M'  a.- 

tliaii  .soiiio 

1    loss    tllHll 

of  the  sol- 
)oor  iiiliali- 
iiiiy.     Ijki! 
I  was  jiiir- 
ircd  «(!Vf!ral 
e  ill  Hieing 
liis  toina- 
s  fiicu,  and 
ti'd  that  he 
ly  of  ori'at 
but  an  In- 
oufjr    knife, 
50(1  hvv  by 
She  could 
and  a  lory 
1)0  would 
lionor,  wo 

containing! 
Je  u[)oii  it. 
e  bear  any 
Oman  and 
e  iiKjuired 
sayiiiij  he 
»t.  jU'A'eaH 
L  lie  is  a 
any  otiiei 
1." 

ttfare,  that 
hat,  in  his 
onor  it  is 
vh'Uii  man 
ties    were 

ne  of  the 
nd  advise 
tnong  tlie 
onuected, 
liua  sacri- 


Chap.  V.] 


BRANT— DEFEATED  BY  COLONEL   VVILLET. 


01 


ficed  hiH  frierds,  for  tlio  sake  of  punishing  his  enemies."  Tliis,  whether 
reporte«i  l)y  Jirant  to  iiiagnity  bis  own  iuiinanity,  by  a  contrust  willi  the 
depravity  (»f  bis  associate,  is  not  known,  but  it  may  bave  lM;eii  the  fact. 

lint  this  iiiidnigbt  assassin  did  not  escupe  bis  retribution;  bo  was  killed 
by  an  Oneidii  Indian,  on  .')U  October,  17H1,  under  the  following  ciicumstaii'-os: 
Colonel  H'ilUl  buving  Iweii  ordered  witb  about  400  men  to  make  an  e\|  edi- 
tion into  the  country  of  the  Mohawk,  bo  surprised  a  party  of  tlOO  torio, 
and  i;iO  Indians  nt  Jobnston,  and  drovi!  them  into  the  woods,  and  severely 
distressed  thorn  by  cutting  off  their  retreat  to  their  boats.  About  this  lime 
Colonel  n'illd  was  ioiiiod  by  (iO  Oneidu  Indians,  and  be  shortly  altir  came 
U|)  with  a  party  wbicb  fbrnutd  the*  rear  of  tjie  Itritisb  and  Indians,  and  killed 
and  took  prisoners  the  most  of  tbem.  fyaller  Butler  was  among  the  vaii- 
ipiished,  and  being  wounded  by  one  of  ff'iUtl's  Indians,  cried  for  (piarter; 
upon  wbicb  the  Indian  screamed  out  witb  a  drcadliil  voice, "  fc?herry  Valley," 
ut  the  same  time  cleaving  bis  bead  witb  bis  tomabuwk !  * 

VV  hetlier  the  following  interesting  alliiir  belongs  to  fyaltrr  or  John  liuller, 
or  whether  it  happened  at  Wyoming  or  at  Cherry-valley,  it  ccpially  allbcls 
the  charactor  of  lirnnl.  It  is  said,  that  Butler,  on  entering  a  bouse,  ordered 
u  woman  and  child  to  be  killed,  whom  they  found  in  a  bed ;  but  Brant  said, 
"  What'/  kill  a  ipomnn  and  child!  Ao  /  f/uit  child  is  tiot  an  encimj  to  the  Aiii^', 
nor  a  friend  to  the  compress.  Lov^  before  he  mil  be  big  enough  to  do  ani) 
misrhifj]  the  dispute  unll  be  setlled."} 

Tilt!  depr<;datioiis  of  the  Indians  and  lories  at  Wyoming  and  other  plncts 
in  that  region,  caused  (leneral  IVashington  to  order  General  Sullivan  with 
yfiOO  iiK  n  into  the  Indian  country.  Considerubit!  delay  was  experienced, 
and  the  liirces  were  not  concoiitrated  at  Wyoming  until  u  year  aller  it  was 
destroyed.  On  22  July,  a  company  of  Pennsylvania  militia  who  had  marched 
from  this  jdace  to  Lackawaxeii  to  protect  tlie  settlers  there,  wen!  attacked 
by  140,  Indians  and  40  or  HO  of  tbem  were  killed  or  made  prisoners.  | 

It  was  said  that  this  summer,  (1779,)  100,000  bushels  of  their  corn  was 
destroyed.  As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  SiUlivan  was  advancing  into  the 
country.  Brant  and  Butler,  with  (iOO  Indians,  and  Johnson,  with  iiOO  tories, 
took  a  position  on  bis  route,  to  cut  h.\in  oft!  Sutiivan  came  upon  them, 
August  iiy,  at  a  jilace  called  JVewtoum,  on  Tiogu  Uivt  r,§  where  they  bad  en- 
trenched themselves,  and  immediately  attacked  tbem.  Tlie  battle  lasted 
about  two  hours,  vvlien,  by  a  successful  movement  of  General  Poor,  at  the 
bead  of  his  New  Hampshire  regiment,  BranCs  warriors  were  thrown  into 
confusion,  and  the  whole  were  |)ut  lo  flight.||  Few  wore  killed,  and  they 
made  no  other  stand  against  the  Americans  during  the  expedition.lf  The 
historian  adds,  "  They  utterly  destroyed  40  villages,  and  left  no  single  trace 
of  vegetation  upon  the  surface  of  the  ground."**  All  their  cattle  were  either 
killed  or  brought  off,  many  of  which  they  bad  before  taken  from  the  Ameri- 
cans. "None  of  the  bounties  of  nature,  none  of  the  products  of  human 
industry,  escaped  the  fury  of  the  Americans."ft  Upon  this  business  the 
same  author  writes,  that  "  the  officers  charged  witb  the  execu.lon  of  these 
devastations,  were  themselves  ashamed  of  them;  some  even  ventured  ti, 
remnstrate  that  they  were  not  accustomed  to  exercise  the  vocation  of  ban- 
ditti." (icneral  Poor,  doubtless,  was  the  etHcieiit  man  in  this  expedition, 
but  the  ostentation  of  SiUlivan  gained  him  the  honor!  of  it.     Thus  were  the 


*  Marshall's  Wasiiington,  iv.  Appendix,  13. — Allen's  Biog.  Diet.  Article,  Butler,  John. 

t  Allen,  ibid. 

i  CImpman,  131.  J  Chapman's  Hist.  Wyoming,  132. 

II  Nine  only  of  the  Indians  were  killed  ;  of  the  Americans,  fonr.  It  is  said  lo  be  owing  lo 
the  sagariiy  of  Brant,  that  his  whole  force  escaped  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans. 
Annals  Tryon  Co.  125. 

II  Bolta,  Hist.  Rev.  ii.  SOT). 

**  Ibid.  Some  of  the  officers  thought  it  too  degrading  lo  the  army  to  be  employed  in 
destroying  fruit-trees,  and  remonstrated  to  Gen.  SHitii'an  against  the  order.  lie  replied, 
"  The  Indians  .«hall  see  that  there  is  malice  enough  in  our  hearts  lo  destroy  every  thing  that 
contributes  to  ineir  support."     Gordon,  Amer.  Rev.  ill.  21. 

ft  Gordon,  Amer.  Rev.  iii.  207. 


4 


•.-'i 


.12 


DKANT— DESrriOVd  MIMSINK. 


[DooK  V. 


Five  NatioiiH  clin.stiw«(l  for  acting  uh  tiiey  hud  l>eon  taught  by  tlie  white 
jMMHilo  ;  y«>ii,  hy  tlio  AiiioricaiiH  thfiiiHolvoH.* 

'I  Ik-  lollowiiig  Miumiior,  ('£]  July,  177!»,)  Colonel  Brant,  with  (iO  of  his  war- 


(I  '^7  wliito 


two  niillN, 
II  ml   plari'H 


riora  uiui  4/  wniio  riifMi,  cinno  Hiuuienly  upon  Muiiwink,  in  Uniii>,'(i 
New  York,  when;  they  killed  sundry  of  the  inliuliitantH  and  mad 
vaptives.  They  hurnt  ten  houHew,  twelve  harnw,  u  garriHon  am 
and  then  eoiiinieiieed  their  retreat.  The  militia  from  (Jonhen 
adjaeent,  to  the  nundier  of  N!»,  eolleeted,  pursued,  and  eante  U|t  with  theni, 
wlu-n  u  most  bloody  buttle  was  fought.  The  Indians  were  tinaliy  victorious, 
iind  30  only,  out  ot  the  Il!>  whites,  eneaped.  Sonit;  were  carried  into  cap- 
tivity, and  the  rest  were  killed.  Not  being  suthcienlly  cautious,  they  fell 
into  an  ambush,  and  so  lijught  at  great  disadvaiitage.f 

In  1H'21,  a  county  nieetinj^  vva«  held,  by  which  it  was  voted  that  the  hones 
of  the  slain  should  be  collected,  and  deposited  muler  a  suitable  monument 
at.  the  same  time  ordered  to  he  erecte«I.J  In  IHiJii,  the  committee  appointed 
to  collect  the  bones  "  which  hud  been  eX[)Osed  to  tlie  suns  and  snows  lor  4.'{ 
years,"  had  foiuul  those  of  44  |)ersons,  which  were,  witli  much  liunialitv, 
|>uhlicly  interred.^ 

In  the  Sluing  of  1780, /?/•««<  surprised  Ilarpersfield,  with  a  company  of 
his  warriors,  and  a  few  tories.  lie  took  10  prisoners,  and  killed  several 
others.  On  !>  August  foUowuig,  he  fell  upon  Cnnajohurrie,  with  about 
400  mixed  warriors,  killed  1(!  peoj)l»>,  took  about  55  prisoners,  chiefly  women 
and  children  ;  they  killed  und  drove  away,  ut  the  same  time,  about  JJOO  cuttle 
and  horses,  burnt  53  houses,  and  us  muny  barns,  besides  out-houses,  a  new 
and  elei^ant  chmvli,  a  grist-mill  und  two  garrisons. 

Doubtless  there  were  many  other  warlike  scenes  in  which  Brant  was 
engng  h1  personally ;  but  we  have  ulreudy  dwelt  longer  upon  tlicni  than  we 
intended. 

European  %vritcrs,  for  a  long  time,  contended  that  the  N.  Airierican  Indians 
hud,  naturally,  no  beurds.[|  A  Mr.  AVCausland  took  the  trouble  of  writing 
to  Brant,  alter  the  revolution,  to  get  the  truth  of  the  matter.  The  following 
is  BraiiCs  letter  to  his  inquiry: — ^^JViagara,  19  ^Ipril,  1783^  The  men  of  the 
Six  Al/Zions  have  all  beards  by  nature  ;  as  have  likewise  all  other  Indian  nations 
vf  JVorth  Jhnerica,  ivhich  I  have  seen.  Sonte.  Indians  allow  a  part  of  tlv  heard 
upon  the  chin  and  upper  lip  to  grow,  and  a  few  of  the  Mohawks  shave  with  razors. 
in  the  same  manner  us  Europeans;  but  tlie  generality  pluck  out  the  hairs  if  thr 
heard  by  the  roots,  as  soon  as  tliey  begin  to  appear ;  and  as  they  coidimie  this  prac- 
tice alt  their  lives,  thty  appear  to  have  no  br.ard,  or,  at  most,  only  a  few  slrngt:;linz 
hairs,  ivhich  they  ftitve  neglected  to  pluck  old.  I  am,  however,  of  opinim  .  thiit  if 
the  Indians  ivere  to  shave,  they  would  never  have  beards  altogether  so  thick  as  t'u 
Euiopeana ;  and  there  are  some  to  be  me<  iviUi  who  have  actually  very  little  beurd.^ 

Jos.  Brant  Thaykndanega  " 

A  daugliter  of  Colonel  Brant  married  a  Frenchman,  who  in  June,  1780. 
was  killed  by  a  party  of  Indians,  while  peaceably  travelling  up  the  Wabash 
River.  lie  was  in  con  nuny  with  nine  others,  four  ol'  whom  were  killed  and 
three  wounded.     When  the  hostile  party  came  up  to  them,  and  discovered 


*  See  llip  speech  of  Biff-lrtf,  Corn-plant,  and  Half-town,  to  which  nothing  need  be  added 
hy  way  of  commentary  uijon  such  afl'airs. 

t  Gordon's  America,  iii.  22.  {  Spafforits  Gaz.  328. 

ij  Holmes's  Amor.  Amials,  ii.  302. 

li  Even  Ihe  great  luminary  Voltaire  fell  into  this  error.  He  says,  "  Les  Iroquois,  les 
Fluroiis,  et  tous  les  pfuples  Jusqu'ci  la  Floride,  parurent  olivfitres  et  sans  aiicun  poll  siir  U 
corps  excepts  la  tele."  Tiiat  is,  all  from  the  60"  of  N.  latitude.  \oye%  CEui^res  completes, 
iv.  708,  ed.  Paris,  1817,  8vo.    See  also  Raynal,  viii.  210. 

A  gentleman,  Mr.  W.  J.  Sitellinff,  who  resided  among  the  western  Lidiaus  for  some  time, 
says,  It  is  not  an  error  that  the  Indians  have  no  beard  ;  ihat  the  "  Saques  and  Foxes  have  but 
very  few  hairs  upon  ihcir  faces,  nor  have  they  any  instrument  for  extirpating  it ;  and  what 
makes  the  fact  certain  is,  they  have  no  hair  on  the  concealed  parts  of  their  bodies."  Accord- 
ing to  Lawson,  Account  of  the  Indians  of  North  Carolina,  190,  191,  the  same  is  true  willi 
regard  to  them.     Laieson  travelled  much  among  the  southern  Indians, 

TF  This  is  the  case  with  many  of  the  whites. 


lUooK  V. 

y  the  while 

of  liiH  wnr- 
ii>fo  rdiiiilv, 
iitulf'  otliern 

•     two    IllillH, 

mill  \>liu'v» 
with  ili,.|i,, 
I  victorioiiK, 
'•'  into  nip- 
i»,  tlity  Ml 

ittlio  bones 
iiioniiiticm 

iip|)oi/itt'il 
lows  fiir  4.'{ 

loiiiiality, 

oiiijmiiy  of 
led  ni'vcrul 
witli  ahout 
efly  vvoijieii 
It  ;{00  cuttle 
ises,  a  new 

Brayit  was 
ni  tlian  we 

Ban  Indians 
of  writing 
e  followinir 
men  of  the 
urn  nations 
>f  thf  heard 
with  razors, 
hairs  of  the 
lie  this  pritc- 
<  strair.u;ti7i!r 
noil,  that  if 
'hick  as  the 
iltle  beards 

)ANEGA.'* 

Fuiie,  178!>, 
le  Wubush 
itilled  and 
discovered 

ed  be  added 

Ga2.  328. 

Iroquois,  les 
n  poil  siir  U 
•es  completes, 

r  some  lime, 
xes  have  but 
I ;  and  what 
."  Accord- 
is  true  witb 


Chap,  v.] 


BRANT— HIS  EXERTIONS  FOR  PEACE. 


93 


the  son-in-law  of  Brant,  they  asaisted  in  drawing  tliu  arrows  from  t)ie  wound- 
ed, and  tlien  went  otl'.* 

Wlicn  tli<!  Indians  upon  the  Houtliorii  and  wentcrn  frontier  were  nliowing 
thetnHelvcH  liowtile,  in  1791,  Colonel  Uraiit  u.sed  his  cxertiona  to  prevent  hos- 
tihtie.>i,  by  viNiting  hucIi  tril>eH  as  ap|iuarod  hoNtile.  lii.s  nanii;  appearti  in 
many  itnportant  trantuictiunH  of  tlio.s!-  timcH.  The  boundary  liix;  Intweru 
the  United  States  and  the  Indian  nations  had  nut  been  eatiHlactorily  cstab- 
lished,  whi(;h  waH  the  cauHe  of  much  trouble.  A  gentleman  in  Canada  wrote 
to  another  in  the  Htate  of  New  York,  under  tiate  of  12  Augu.si,  17!M, 
wherein  Colontil  Brnnt  i.s  thus  mentioned:  "Cupt.  Joseph  Brant,  alter  having 
attended  tijr  Home  time  the  councils  of  the  we.>4tern  IndiaiiH  at  the  Miami 
Kivei,  set  otl"  a  few  days  ago  for  CIucImt,  attended  with  several  of  the  chiefs 
from  that  <|nart(;r ;  as  they  avowedly  go  to  ask  Ijord  Dorchester's  advice,  and 
as  we  well  know  his  ami  govtTUiuent's  strong  desin^  fur  peace,  we  would 
gladly  hope  that  it  may  be  thi>  means  of  bringing  on  an  accommodation." 

In  \7\f2,  his  arrival  in  Philadelphia  is  thus  jMiblicly  noticetl  in  the  (>azettu 
of  that  city: — '* Capt.  yo»e/>A  Brant,  the  principal  warrior  chief  of  the  Six 
Nations,  arrived  in  this  city  on  Wednesday  evening  last,  (June  )H).)  It  is  said 
his  itrratid  is  a  visit  to  a  iiuml)cr  of  his  accpiaintance  residing  here,  and  to 
pay  his  resjtects  to  the  president  of  the  United  States."  He  lelV  there  about 
the  beginning  of  July,  upon  another  peace  excursion  among  the  western 
tribes,  wiiich  still  riMuained  hostile. 

When  (ieneral  fVayne  was  marching  into  the  Indian  country,  in  17!).'{,  many 
of  the  tribes  were  alarmed,  having  heard  that  his  army  consisted  of  HUOO 
men.  Learning,  also,  that  conuuissioners  accompanied  the  army,  authorized 
to.treat  of  peace,  and  wishing  to  know  the  strength  of  the  Americans,  thirty 
chiefs  of  ditl'erent  tribes  were  despatched  upon  this  important  business. 
Colonel  Brant  was  one  of  these  30  Indian  ambassadors.  If  the  Americans 
would  make  the  Ohio  the  boundary,  they  wished  peace.  The  whole  cause 
of  General  IVayne^'s  war  appears  to  liave  Iteeu  about  the  lands  lying  wt-st  of 
the  Ohio  and  Alleghany  Rivers.  We  have  no  doubt  Brant  secretly,  if  not 
openly,  advocated  the  establisiunent  of  this  boundary ;  yes.  and  we  must 
acknowledge  that  if  he  diil,  it  was  from  the  best  of  reasons.  We  know  tiiat 
Tecutnseh  labored  incessantly  for  tliis  boundary.  Rightly  did  they  (lonceive 
of  the  mighty  wave  of  population  rolling  westward,  southward  and  north- 
ward. Truly,  they  must  have  l)eeu  blind  not  to  have  seen  that  it  was  about 
to  engulf  them  forever!  When  they  had  iriet  !he  commissioners,  and  found 
them  infl(!xible  in  their  determination.  Brant,  with  most  of  the  chiels  of  the 
Six  Nation.s,  gave  up  the  point  as  hopeless,  preferring  peace,  on  any  ti-rms, 
to  war.  Rut  the  Wyandots,  Delawares,  Shawanees  and  Miatnis  would  not 
agree  to  it 

Mention  will  be  found  in  the  accoimt  of  Farmers-brother  of  a  great  council 
held  by  the  chiefs  of  most  of  the  western  nations  at  Niagara,  in  April,  1793. 
In  this  council  it  was  agreed  that  peace  should  be  maintained ;  and  "  they 
unanimously  agreed  to  meet  the;  Americans  in  a  grand  council,  to  be  holden 
the  June  following,  upon  the  south  side  of  Lake  Erie  ;  and  for  the  purpo.se 
of  making  tlie  peace  more  permanent  and  extensive,  they  have  appointed 
Brant  who  is  now  their  king  of  kings,  to  go  and  convene  all  those  tribes  who 
live  to  the  north-west  of  Lcke  Ontario.  lIi?  accordingly,  the  day  afler, 
set  out  for  that  purpose."  The  Indians  did  not  assemble  until  July,  from  the 
difficulty  of  their  journeys  and  other  causes,  which  is  generally  tliecase  with 
meetings  of  this  kind.  Tlie  council  was  held  at  Sandusky,  and  Colonel 
Brant  set  out  from  Niagara  for  that  place  in  May.  Hefore  leaving,  he  had 
frequent  conversations  with  a  gentleman  of  respectability,  to  whom  In;  gave 
it  as  his  opinion,  that  no  peace  could  take  place,  until  the  Ohio  and  Muskin- 
gum should  make  the  boundary  between  the  Americans  and  the  red  men. 
He  still  exi)ressed  good  feelings  towards  tin;  United  States,  and  hojjed  that 
they  would  see  it  to  be  their  interest  to  agree  to  that  boundary,  as  he  tirmly 
believed  war  would  ensue  should  th(!y  refuse.  He  even  said,  that,  in  case 
they  would  not  consent  to  make  these  rivers  the  boundary,  he  should  take 


% 

■4 

p„    i    I    .1 


Carey's  Museum,  vi.  178 


94 


KRANT.— CONTENDS  FOR  THE  OHIO  BOUNDARY.       [Book  V. 


part  against  them.     It  was  not  agreed  to  ;  but  ^e  do  not  hear  that  the  old 
chief  was  actually  engaged  in  the  hostilities  that  followed. 

How  much  the  English  of  Canada  influenced  the  measures  of  the  Indians, 
it  is  difficult  to  determine ;  *  but  men  like  Ponliac,  Brant  and  Tecumseh  could 
easily  see  through  sucii  duplicity  as  was  practised  by  a  few  unprincipled 
speculators,  as  MKee,  Girty  and  Elliot.  They  had,  doubtless,  conceived  that 
if  the  Ohio  and  Muskingum  were  made  the  boundary,  it  would  be  an  easy 
matter  for  them  to  possess  themselves  of  the  country  from  thence  to  the 
lakes,  and  thus  enlarge  the  extent  of  Canada.  They  knew  well  that  if  the 
Indians  possessed  this  tract  of  country,  it  would  be  no  difficult  matter  to 
purchase  it  from  them  by  means  of  a  lew  trifling  articles,  comparatively  of 
no  consideration,  and  that  worst  of  calamities,  ardent  spirits !  In  this  they 
were  disappointed,  and,  with  the  battle  of  Presque  Isle,  resigned  their  hopes, 
at  least  for  a  season.  They  urged  upon  the  Indians  what  they  must  have 
beeji  well  assured  of— their  destruction ! 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  of  the  cold-blooded  atrocities  of  Brant, 
but  which,  in  our  opinion,  will  be  much  lessened  on  being  able  to  come 
pretty  near  the  truth  of  his  history.  Every  successful  warrior,  at  least  in  his 
day,  is  denounced  by  the  vanquished  as  a  barbarian.  JVapoleon  was  thus 
branded  by  all  the  world — we  ask  no  excuse  for  our  chief  on  this  score — all 
wars  are  barbarous,  and  hence  those  who  wage  them  are  barbarians  I  This 
we  know  to  be  strong  language ;  but  we  are  prepared  to  prove  our  assertion. 
When  mankind  shall  have  been  cultivated  and  improved  to  that  extent  which 
liuman  nature  is  capable  of  attaining, — when  the  causes  of  avarice  and 
dissension  are  driven  out  of  the  human  mind,  by  taking  away  the  means 
which  excite  them, — then,  and  not  till  then,  will  wars  and  a  multitude  of 
attending  calamities  cease. 

As  a  sample  of  the  stories  circulating  about  Colonel  Brant,  while  the  af- 
fairs of  Wyoming  and  Cherry-valley  were  fresh  in  the  recollections  of  all, 
we  extract  from  Weld's  Travels  the  following: — t 

With  a  considerable  body  of  his  troops  he  joined  the  forces  under  the 
command  of  Sir  John  Johnston."  "  A  skirmish  took  place  with  a  body  of 
American  troops ;  the  ar-tion  was  warm,  and  Brant  was  shot  by  a  musket 
ball  in  his  heel ;  but  the  Americans,  in  the  end,  were  defeated,  and  an  officer 
with  about  GO  men  were  taken  prisoners.  The  officer,  after  having  delivered 
up  his  sword,  had  entered  into  conversation  with  Colonel  Johnston,  wiio  com- 
manded the  British  troops,  and  they  were  talking  together  in  the  most  (riiind- 
ly  luiiimer,  when  Brant  having  stolen  slily  behind  them,  laid  the  American 
officer  lifeless  on  the  ground  with  a  blow  of  his  tomahawk.  The  indignation 
of  Sir  John  Johnston,  as  may  be  readily  supposed,  was  roused  by  such  an  act 
of  treachery,  and  he  resented  it  in  the  warmest  terms.  Brant  listened  to 
him  unconcernedly,  and  when  he  had  finished,  told  him,  that  he  was  sorry  for 
his  displeasure,  but  that,  indeed,  his  heel  loas  extremely  painful  at  the  moment,  and 
he  could  not  help  revenging  himself  07i  the  only  chief  of  the  party  that  he  saw  taken." 

Upon  this  passage  the  author  of  the  Annals  of  Tryon  County  X  observes : 
"  I  have  heard  a  story  somewhat  similar  told  of  him,  but  it  was  said  that 
the  officer  wiis  killed  to  prevent  his  being  retaken  by  the  Americans,  who 
were  in  [)ursuit."    This  we  should  pronounce  very  dis-  similar  to  the  storj' 


*  We  will  hear  a  ^real  writer  and  traveller  upon  this  subject,  whose  means  of  forming  a 
correct  judgiiieiit,  it  is  presumed,  will  not  be  questioned.  "  Je  remarquerai  u  cette  occasion 
sans  m't'iendre  davantage  sur  co  sujel,  que  toutp  la  politque  de  I'Angleterre  avec  les  hidiens 
est  absolument  dans  les  mains:  des  agens,  qui  seuls  en  enlendent  la  langue  ;  et  qui  sculs  sont 
ies  distributeiirs  des  presens;"  &c.  Voyage  dans  les  Etats-unis  en  1795,  etc.  Par  La 
Koclie/oucauhl-Liancoiirt,  ii.  78.  The  duke  was  at  Newark,  U.  C,  at  this  lime,  where  he 
witnessed  a  business  assomlilaffe  of  Indians.  After  a  dance,  which  they  lield  before  their 
audience  with  tlie  governor  of  Canada,  the  duke  says  that,  "Pendant  ces  joux,  I'agcnt  s'esi 
approch^'  du  general  avec  un  des  chefs,  ct  lui  a  dit  que  sa  nation  de  Tuscorora  le  consultail 

f)our  snvoir  si  clle  irait  a  un  conseil  tenu  par  les  Indiens  Oneydas  a  Onondago  pour  vendre 
ears  terres  de  reserve,  que  I'Elat  de  Nevi'  Yorck  desirail  acheter.  Le  gouverneur  a  repondu 
ir^-s-vaguenient  a  ceiie  question  ;  I'agenl  a  iraduit  commc  il  a  voulu  celte  reponse;  mais  il  a 
repliqur  au  gouverneur  de  la  part  des  Indiens  qui  comme  ils  croyaienl  Ctre  plus  agri'ables  au 
roy  d'Angk'ierrc  en  n'y  allant  pas  ;  ils  u'iraient  pas."    Ibid.  77. 

*  Page  4iJG,  octavo  ed.  London,  1800.  J  In  the  Appendix,  p.  16. 


Chap.  V.] 


BRANT.— HIS  DEATH. 


95 


told  by  Mr.  fFdd.    But  there  was,  no  doubt,  some  circumstance  out  of  which 
a  story  has  grown,  the  truth  of  which,  we  apprehend,  is  now  past  find 
ing  out. 

Colonel  Brant  was  married,  in  the  winter  rf  1779,  to  a  daughter  of  Colonel 
Croghan  by  an  Indian  woman.  He  had  lived  with  lier  some  time  ad  libitum, 
according  to  the  Indian  manner,  but  at  this  time  being  present  at  the  wcddiug 
of  a  Miss  Moore,  at  Niagara,  (one  of  the  captives  taken  from  Cherry- valley,) 
insisted  on  being  married  himself;  and  thus  his  consort's  name  was  no 
longer  Miss  Crogfian,  but  Mrs.  Brant.  The  ceremotiy  was  perlbrmed  by  his 
compuniun-in-arms.  Colonel  John  Butler,  who,  although  he  had  lett  his 
country,  yet  carried  so  much  of  his  magistrate's  commission  with  hiui,  as  to 
solemnize  marriages  according  to  law. 

King  George  conferred  on  his  famous  ally  a  valuable  tract  of  land  situated 
upon  the  west  shore  of  Lake  Ontario,  where  he  tinally  settled  and  lived  aftei 
the  English  fashi-ii.  His  wife,  however,  would  never  conform  to  this  mode 
of  life,  but  would  adhere  to  the  custom  of  the  Indians,  and  on  the  death  of 
her  husband,  which  liappened  24  November,  1807,  she  repaired  to  (irand 
River,  there  to  spend  her  days  in  a  wigwam,  with  some  of  her  children, 
while  she  lell  behind  others  in  a  commodious  dwelling.*  A  son,  of  whom 
we  have  spoken,  with  a  sister,  lately  occupied  this  mansion  of  their  father, 
and  constituted  an  amiable  and  hospitable  family.  This  son,  whose  name  is 
John,  is  u  man  of  note,  and  is  the  same  who  was  in  England  in  1822,  as  lias 
bnen  mentioned,  and  the  same,  we  conclude,  who  has  been  returned  a  mem- 
ber of  the  colonial  assembly  of  Upper  Canada.  His  place  of  residence  was 
in  the  county  of  Haldiman,  in  Brantford,  so  called,  probably,  in  honor  of  the 
old  chief  f  Several  other  places  are  mentioned  as  having  been  the  residence 
of  Brant — Unadilla,  or  Anaquaqua,  (which  is  about  3G  miles  south-west  from 
the  present  site  of  Cooperstown,)  and  Niagara.  He  resided  at  these  jtlaces 
before  the  Moliawks  removed  to  Canada,  which  was  soon  after  the  war  of 
the  revolution  was  ended.  They  made  their  principal  residence  upon 
Grand  River,  which  falls  into  Lake  Erie  on  the  north  side,  about  (JO  mile.s 
from  the  town  of  Newark,  or  Niagara.  At  one  time,  he  had  no  less  than  liO 
or  40  negroes,  who  took  care  of  his  horses  and  lands.  "  These  poor  crea- 
tures," says  Mr.  ffeW,  "  are  kept  in  the  greatest  subjection,  and  they  dare  not 
attempt  to  make  their  escape,  for  he  has  assured  them,  that  if  they  did  so,  he 
would  follow  them  himself,  though  it  were  to  the  confines  of  Georgia,  and 
would  tomahawk  them  wherever  he  met  ihem.  They  know  his  disposition 
too  well  not  to  think  that  he  would  adhere  strictly  to  his  word."  The  same 
author  says  that  Brant  received  presents,  which,  together  with  his  half-pay 
as  captain,  amounted  to  £500  per  annum. 

An  idea  of  the  importance  of  this  chief,  in  1795,  may  be  formed  from  the 
circumstance,  that  a  gentleman  considered  himself  a  loser  to  the  amount  of 
£100,  at  least,  by  not  being  able  to  arrive  at  Niagara  in  season  to  attend  to 
some  law  case  for  him.  Contrary  winds  had  prevented  his  arrival,  and  the 
business  had  been  given  to  another.^ 

"Wiienever  the  affairs  of  his  nation  shall  permit  him  to  do  so,  Brant  de- 
clares it  to  be  his  intention  to  sit  down  to  the  further  study  of  the  Greek 
language,  of  which  he  professes  himself  to  be  a  great  admirer,  and  to  trans- 
late from  the  original,  into  the  Mohawk  language,  more  of  the  New  Testament ; 
yet  this  same  man,  shortly  before  we  arrived  at  Niagara,  killed  his  own  son, 
witi\  his  own  hand.  The  son,  it  seems,  was  a  drunken,  good-fbr-riothing 
fcik  w,  who  had  often  avowed  his  intention  of  destroying  his  Itithei.  One 
evening,  he  absolutely  entered  the  apartment  of  his  fiither,  and  had  begun  to 
grapple  with  him,  perhaps  with  a  view  to  put  his  unnatural  threats  in  execu- 
lioii,  when  Brant  drew  a  short  sword,  and  felled  him  to  tiie  ground.  He 
speaks  of  this  affair  with  regret,  but,  at  the  same  time,  without  any  of  that 
emotion  which  another  person  than  an  Lidian  might  be  supposed  to  feel.    He 

*  Buchanan's  Sketches,  i.  36. 

t  Mr.  Camf)b->ll's  Annals  ofTryon  County  has  been  one  of  our  main  sources  of  informatioa 
ttiroughout  this  account,  especially  of  the  revolutionary  period. 
t  PKeW,  Travels,  487. 


■■<■<'■< 


m^^ 


96 


BRANT. 


[Book  V. 


# 


li 
w 


i 


consolns  himself  for  the  act,  by  thinking  that  he  has  benefited  the  nation,  by 
ridding  it  of  a  rascal."  * 

Willi  regard  to  tlie  dress  of  the  sachem,  there  has  been  some  contradiction. 
Mr.  Held,  though  he  did  not  see  him,  says  he  wore  his  hair  in  the  Indian 
fashion,  as  he  also  did  his  clothes ;  except  that,  instead  of  the  blanket,  he  wore 
a  kind  of  hunting  frock.  This  was  in  179().  But  it  was  reported,  that,  in 
1792,  Brant  having  waited  on  Lord  Dorchester,  the  governor  of  Canada,  upon 
some  business,  his  lordshij)  told  him,  that  as  he  was  an  officer  in  the  British 
service,  he  ought  to  lay  aside  the  Indian  dress,  and  assume  that  of  an  English 
captain ;  aiid  tliat,  if  he  persisted  in  wearing  an  Indian  dress,  he  should  stop 
his  pay.    It  is  added  that  thereupon  he  changed  his  dress.f 

\Vht;n  Colonel  Brant  arrived  at  any  principal  city,  his  arrival  was  publicly 
announced  in  the  gazettes  with  great  minuteness.  Although  we  have  given 
SCI   J  specimens  of  these,  we  will  add  one  more  : — 

•  New  York,  June  20,1792.  On  Monday  last  arrived  in  this  city,  from 
his  settlement  on  Grand  River,  on  a  visit  to  some  of  his  friends  in  this  quar- 
ter. Captain  Joseph  Brandt,  of  the  British  army,  the  famous  Mohawk  chief, 
who  so  eminently  distinguished  himself  during  the  late  war,  as  the  military 
leader  of  tin  Six  Nations.  We  are  informed  that  he  intends  to  visit  the  city 
of  Philadel|)liia,  and  pay  his  respects  to  the  president  of  the  U.  States,"  | 
General  IVashinglon,  which  he  did.  We  have  before  mentioned  his  visit  to 
that  city. 

The  very  respectable  traveller  §  Rochefoucauld  thus  notices  our  chief:  "At 
24  miles  from  this  place,  (Newark,  U.  C.)  upon  Grand  River,  is  an  establish- 
ment which  I  had  been  curious  to  visit  It  is  that  of  Colonel  Brant.  But 
the  colonel  not  being  at  home,  and  being  assured  that  I  should  see  little  else 
than  what  I  had  already  seen  among  those  people,  I  gave  over  my  intention. 
Colonel  Brant  is  an  Indian  who  took  part  with  the  English,  and  having  been 
in  England,  was  commissioned  by  the  king,  and  politely  treated  by  every  one. 
His  niannera  are  half  European.  He  is  accompanied  by  two  negro  servants, 
and  is  in  appearance  like  an  Englishman.  He  has  a  garden  and  farm  under 
cultivation  ;  dresses  almost  entirely  like  an  European,  and  has  great  influence 
over  the  Indians.  He  is  at  present  [1795]  at  Miami,  holding  a  treaty  with 
the  United  States,  in  company  with  the  Indians  of  the  west  He  is  equally 
respected  by  the  Americans,  who  extol  so  much  his  character,  that  I  regret 
much  not  to  Iiave  seen  him."  || 

The  great  respect  in  which  Brant  was  held  in  England  will  be  very  appar- 
ent from  a  perusal  of  the  following  letter,11  dated  12  December,  1785 :  "  Mon- 
day last,  Colonel  Joseph  Brant,  the  celebrated  king  of  the  Mohawks,  arrived 
in  this  city,  [Salisbury,]  from  America,  and  alter  dining  with  Colonel  de  Peis- 
ter,  at  the  head-quai'ters  here,  proceeded  immediately  on  his  journey  to 
London.  This  extraordinary  pereonage  is  said  to  have  presided  at  the  late 
grand  congress  of  confederate  chiefs  of  the  Indian  nation  in  America,  and  to 
be  by  them  appointed  to  the  conduct  and  chief  command  in  the  war  which 
they  now  meditate  against  the  United  States  of  America.  He  took  his  de- 
parture for  England  immediately  as  that  assembly  broke  up ;  and  it  is  con- 

*  WM,  Travels,  489.  f  Apollo  for  1792.  {  American  Apollo,  297. 
&  Duke  de  Liattcourt,  Travels,  ii.  81,  before  ciled,  from  whom  we  translate  this. 

(l  This  French  traveller  seems  to  have  been  in  advance  of  history,  in  as  far  as  he  thus  early 
sets  in  their  proper  light  the  cliaracters  of  the  heroes  of  Wyoming.  After  speaking  of  the 
influence  of  Indian  agents  over  those  people,  as  we  have  extracted  in  a  previous  nole,lie  thus 
consigns  to  Colonel  Bu//er  the  place  which  he  is  doubtless  to  hold  in  all  after-time  in  the 
annals  of  his  country:—"  L'agent  anglais  dont  ilcst  ici  queston,  est  le  Colonel  BwH/er,  fameux 
par  ses  incciidies,  ses  pillages  et  sos  meurtres  dans  la  guerre  d'Amcrique.  II  est  lui-mCme 
Americain  d'auprcs  de  Wilkcsbarre  ;  [one  of  the  towns  in  the  valley  of  Wyoming ;]  son  pre- 
tendu  loynlisme  qu'il  a  su  se  faire  payer  de  brevets  et  de  traitemens,  lui  a  fail  commetire  plus 
de  barbaries,  plus  d'infamies  contre  sa  patrie,  axx'k  qui  que  ce  soit.  II  conduisait  les  Indiens, 
lour  indiquait  les  fermes,  les  maisons  k  bruler,  les  viclimes  a  scarpeler,  les  enfans  a  d^chirer. 
L'Angletcrre  a  recompense  son  loyalisme  de  cinq  mille  acres  de  lerre  pour  lui,  d'unc  quantite 
pareilfe  pour  ses  entans,  d'une  pension  de  deux  a  trois  cents  livres  sterlings,  d'uiic  place 
d'ageni  aupr^s  des  Indiens,  qui  lui  en  vaut  cinq  cents  autres,  avcc  la  facility  de  puiser  a  vo- 
lonte  dans  les  magasins  de  presens."    Roche/vucautU,  ut  supra,  (ii.  78—9.) 

If  There  is  no  name  to  this  letter;  but  it  was  written  in  Salisbury,  Eng.,  and  thence  leot  to 
Loudon,  where  it  was  published, 


Chap. 


f 


I 


[Book  V. 
e  nation,  by 

ntradiction. 

I  the  Indian 
it't,  lie  wore 
tt'd,  that,  ia 
uiadii,  upon 

the  Kritish 
an  Englisli 
sliould  stop 

raa  (tublicly 
have  given 

city,  from 

II  this  quar- 
lawk  chief, 
lie  military 
isit  the  city 
J.  States,"  t 

his  visit  to 


Chap.  VI.] 


REDJ.4CKET 


97 


I 


jectured  tiiat  his  enibas.sy  to  the  British  court  i.s  of  great  importance.  This 
country  owc^s  much  to  the  services  of  Colonel  Brant  during  the  latt;  war  in 
America,  lie  was  educated  at  Ptiiladelphia,  [at  the  Moor's  charity  school 
ill  Lebanon,  Connecticut,]  is  a  very  shrewd,  intelligent  person,  posses.ses  great 
rourage  and  abilities  as  a  warrior,  and  is  inviolably  atmched  to  the  English 
nation." 

It  has  been  denied  that  Brant  was  in  any  way  engaged  in  the  mas-sacrea 
at  Wyoming,  but  it  seems  liardly  possible  that  so  many  should  hav(!  been 
deceived  at  that  time;  and,  moreover,  we  do  not  lind  that  it  was  denied  until 
almost  every  one  of  that  age  had  left  the  stage  of  action.  Those  w  ho  deny 
that  he  was  at  Wyoming  should,  at  least,  prove  an  alibi,  or  they  cannot  e.\- 
p  ct  to  b(!  l)elievea.* 

Brant  was  said  to  have  been  65  years  old  at  his  death.  A  daugliter  of  his  mar- 
ried fVUlian  J.  Ker,  Escj.  of  Niagimi,  and  he  had  several  other  children  besides 
those  we  have  mentioned.  The  son  who  visited  England  in  lS"i2,  and 
another  named  Jacob,  entered  Moor's  school  at  Hanover,  N.  11.  in  IHOl,  under 
the  care  of  Dr.  Wkedock.  The  former  son,  John,  died  about  two  years  since, 
in  the  winter  of  1831. 


9titt 


■    ■  h! 

••,->r.>| 

-.■•■' If  I 

m 


chief:  "At 
u  estabiish- 
3rant,  But 
!e  little  else 
y  intention, 
lavitig  been 

every  one. 
ro  servants, 
farm  under 
at  influence 
treaty  with 

is  equally 
lat  I  regret 

very  appar- 
'85:"Mon- 
.^ks,  arrived 
nel  <fe  Peis- 
journey  to 
at  the  late 
ica,  and  to 
war  which 
)ok  his  de- 
1  it  is  con- 

Lpollo,  297. 
s. 

he  thus  early 
eiiking  of  the 
note, lie  thus 
r-time  in  the 
itller,  fameux 
est  lui-mome 
1^  ij  son  pre- 
mmt'tlre  plus 
t  les  Iiidieiis, 
IS  ii  (l^rhirer. 
'uiic  quantity 
,  (I'liiiP  place 
I  puiser  a  vo- 

hence  seat  to 


CHAPTER  VI. 

Facts  in  the  history  of  the  Seneca  nation — Saqoyewatha,  or  Red-jacket — His  fa- 
mous speech  to  a  missionary — His  interview  icith  Colonel  Snelling — British  invade 
his  country — Resolves  to  repel  them — His  speech  upon  the  event — Governor  Clinton's 
account  of  him— Witchcraft  affair — Complains  of  encroachments — One  of  his  people 
put  to  death  for  being  a  witch — He  defends  the  executioner — His  interview  with 
Lafayette — Council  at  Canandaigua — Farmers-brnthcr — Red-jacket  visits  Phila- 
delphia— His  speech  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania — Speech  uf  Agicelondongwas, 
or  Good-peter — JVarrative  of  his  capture  during  the  revohuionary  war — Farmers- 
brother,  or  HoNAYAwus — Visits  Philadelphia — Peter-jaquette — Visits  France 
— Account  of  his  death — Memorable  speech  of  Farmers-brother — His  letter  to  the  sec- 
retary of  war — JVotice  of  several  other  Seneca  chiefs — KoyiNGQCATAH,  or  Yoiino- 

KING — JusKAKAKA,<;rLlTTLE-BILLV — AcHIOUT,  Or  HaLF-TOWN — KlANHOnEWA, Or 

Bio-TREE — 'GvENTWAiA,  oT  CoKN-pi.ANT — Address  of  the  three  latter  to  President 
Washington — Grant  of  land  to  Big- tree — His  visit  to  Philadelphia,  and  death — 
Further  account  of  Corn-plant — His  oion  account  of  himself— Interesting  events  in 
his  life — His  sons. 

The  Senecas  were  the  most  important  tribe  among  the  Iroquois,  or  Five 
Nations,  and,  according  to  Conrad  fVeiser,  they  were  the  fourth  nation  that 
joined  that  confederacy.  He  cqlls  them  t  "  leuontowanois  or  Sinikers,"  and 
says,  "  they  are  styled  by  the  Mohawks  and  Onondagos,  brothers ; "  and  that 
their  title  in  councils  is  Onughkaurydaaug.  The  F-ench  call  them  Tsonnon- 
thouans,  from  their  principal  castle,  or  council-house,  the  name  of  which, 
according  to  Colden,  is  Sinondowans.  |  Other  paiticulars  of  this  nation  will 
be  related  as  s«e  iiroceed  in  detailing  the  lives  of  its  chiefs.  Among  these, 
perhaps,  the  most  illustrious  was 

SAQOYEWATHA,  §  called  by  the  whites.  Red-jacket.    His  place  of  resi- 

*  In  a  late  criminal  trial  which  has  much  ag-itatcd  New  England,  reasonable  people  said, 
the  defendaat,  out  of  respect  to  public  opinion,  ought  to  make  it  appear  where  he  was  at  the 
time  a  murder  was  committed,  although  iu  law  he  was  not  bound  so  t;>  do.  An  advocate  for 
his  innocence  told  the  writer,  that  "  ne  was  not  obliged  to  tell  where  he  was,"  and  it  wai 
nobody's  business  ;  and,  therefore,  we  were  bound,  according  to  law,  to  believe  him  innocent 
This  we  offer  as  a  parallel  case  to  the  one  in  hand.  But  it  happens  we  are  not  "  bound  by 
law  "  to  bel'pve  our  chief  entirely  innocent  of  the  blood  shed  at  Wyoming. 

t  American  Mag.  t  Hist.  Five  Nations,  i.  42. 

$  Tlic  common  method  of  spelling.  Governor  Clinton  writes,  Saguoaha.  Written  to 
the  treaty  of  "  Kanondaigua,"  (Nov.  1794,)  8oggooyawatUlmu ;  to  that  of  Buffalo  Creek, 
(June,  1802,]  SoogoouaieautaM ;  to  that  of  Moscow,  (Sept.  1823.)  Sagouata.  It  is  said 
to  signify  "  One  wno  keeps  awake,"  or  simply,  Keeper-awake.  "  S6-gio^'-i'-w)au''-t6h  ;  he 
is  wide  awake,  and  keeps  avery  body  els*  awake,  a  rety  appropriate  name  fof  the  Cicero 
9 


:  ■■>" 


i 


!« 


s 


I 


f 


98 


RED-JACKET.— SPEECH  TO  A  MISSION'ARV. 


fBooK  V 


dence  was,  for  many  years  previous  to  his  death,  (which  happened  20  Jnnuar)' 
ISiO,  at  his  own  house,)  about  lour  miles  froni  linffulo,  and  one  niilo  north 
ol'the  road  that  leads  through  the  land  reserved  for  the  remnant  of  the  Seneca 
nation,  called  the  Reservation.  His  house  was  a  log-cabin,  situated  in  a  retired 
place.  Home  of  his  tribe  are  Christians,  but  Red-jacket  would  never  hear 
to  any  tiling  of  the  kind.  He  was  formerly  considered  of  superior  wisdom  in 
council,  and  of  a  noble  and  dignified  behavior,  which  would  have  honored 
any  man.  But,  like  nearly  all  his  race,  he  could  not  withstand  the  temptation 
of  ardent  spirits,  which,  together  with  his  age,  rendered  him  latterly  less 
worthy  notice.  Formerly,  scarce  a  traveller  passed  near  his  place  of  resi- 
dence, who  would  not  go  out  of  his  way  to  see  this  wonderful  man,  and  to 
hear  his  profound  observations. 

In  the  yf'ar  1805,  a  council  was  held  at  Buffalo,  in  the  state  of  New  York, 
at  wJiich  were  present  many  of  the  Seneca  chiefs  and  warriors,  assembled  at 
the;  n!(iuest  of  a  missionary,  Mr.  Cram,  from  Massachusetts.  It  was  at  this 
time  that  Red-jacket  delivered  his  famous  speech,  about  which  so  much  has 
been  said  and  written,  and  which  we  propose  to  give  here  at  length,  and  cor- 
rectly ;  as  some  omissions  and  errors  were  contained  in  it  as  published  at  the 
time.  It  may  be  taken  as  geimine,  at  least  as  nearly  so  as  the  Indian  lan- 
guage can  be  tnuislat<!d,  in  Avhich  it  was  delivered,  for  Red-jacket  would  not 
speak  in  Englisii,  although  he  understood  it.  The  missionary  first  made  a 
speech  to  the  Indians,  in  which  he  explained  the  object  for  which  he  had  called 
them  together ;  namely,  to  inform  them  that  he  was  sent  by  the  missionary 
society  of  Boston  to  instruct  them  "how  to  worshij)  the  Great  Spirit"  and 
not  to  get  away  their  lands  and  money ;  that  there  was  but  one  religion,  and 
unless  they  embraced  it  they  could  not  be  happy ;  that  they  had  lived  in 
darkness  and  great  errors  all  their  lives ;  he  wished  that,  if  they  had  any 
objections  to  his  religion,  they  would  state  them ;  that  he  had  visited  some 
smaller  tribes,  who  waited  their  decision  before  they  would  consent  to 
receive  him,  as  they  were  their  "older  brothers." 

After  the  missionary  had  done  speaking,  the  Indians  conferred  together 
about  two  hours,  by  themselves,  when  they  gave  an  answer  by  Red-jacket, 
which  follows : — 

*^  Friend  and  brother,  it  was  the  will  of  the  Great  Spirit  that  we  should  meet 
together  this  day.  He  orders  all  things,  and  he  has  given  us  a  fine  day  for 
our  council.  He  has  taken  his  garment  from  before  the  sun,  and  caused  it 
to  shine  with  brightness  upon  us  ;  our  eyes  are  opened,  that  we  see  clearly  ; 
our  ears  are  unstopped,  that  we  have  been  able  to  hear  distinctly  the  words 
that  you  have  spoken ;  for  all  these  favors  we  thank  the  Great  Sijirit,  and 
him  only. 

"  Brother,  this  council  fire  was  kindled  by  you ;  it  was  at  your  request  that 
we  came  together  ot  this  time  ;  we  have  listened  with  attention  to  what  you 
have  said ;  you  requested  us  to  speak  our  minds  freely ;  this  gives  us  great 
joy,  for  we  now  consider  that  we  stand  upright  before  you,  and  can  speak 
what  we  think  r  all  have  heard  your  voice,  and  all  speak  to  you  as  one  man  ; 
our  mi?ids  are  agreed. 

"  Brother,  you  say  you  want  an  answer  to  your  talk  before  you  leave  this 
place.  It  is  right  you  should  have  one,  as  you  are  a  great  distance  from 
home,  and  we  do  not  wish  to  detain  you ;  but  we  will  first  look  back  a  little, 
and  tell  you  what  our  fathers  have  told  us,  and  what  we  have  heard  from  the 
white  people. 

"  Brother,  listen  to  what  we  say.  There  was  a  time  when  our  forefatLers 
owned  this  great  island.*  Their  seats  extended  from  the  rising  to  the  set- 
ting sun.  The  Great  Spirit  had  made  it  for  the  use  of  Indians.  He  had  cre- 
ated the  buflTalo,  the  deer,  and  other  animals  for  food.  He  made  the  bear 
and  the  beaver,  and  their  skins  served  us  for  clothing.    He  had  scattered 


of  tlie  west.     His  English  appellation  had  its  origin  from  the  circumstance  of  his  wearing, 
when  a  cliild,  a  red  jacket.''    Alden's  Account  of  Missions,   162. — This  is  a  very  natural 
derivation  ;  but  from  what  circumstance  some  of  the  Indians  derived  their  names,  it  would  b« 
hard  to  <livine  :  thus,  Red-jacket  had  an  uncle  whose  name  meant  a  heap  of  dogs,  ib.  164. 
*  A  gtiueral  opinion  among  all  the  Indians  that  this  country  was  an  island. 


fRooK  V 

20  Jnnuarj' 
mile  north 
the  Seneca 
in  a  retired 
never  hear 
wisdom  ill 
re  honored 
temptation 
latterly  less 
ice  of  resi- 
lan,  and  to 

New  York, 
ssenihled  at 
rt'as  at  this 
much  has 
th,  and  cor- 
shed  at  the 
Indian  Ian- 
would  not 
rst  niade  a 
■■  had  called 
missionary 
Spirit,"  and 
!ligion,  and 
id  lived  in 
iy  had  any 
sited  some 
consent  to 

d  together 
Red-jacket, 

lould  meet 
ine  day  for 
I  caused  it 
ce  clearly ; 
the  words 
Spirit,  and 

equest  that 
I  what  you 
!8  us  great 
can  speak 
one  man ; 

leave  this 
ance  from 
ick  a  little, 
1  from  the 

■orefatLers 
to  the  set- 
e  had  cre- 
!  the  bear 
scattered 


his  weanng;. 
ery  natural 
,  it  would  b« 
,  ib.  164. 


Chap.  VI.]  RED-JACKET.— SPEECH  TO  A  MISSIONARY. 


90 


them  over  the  country,  and  tauj,ht,  us  how  to  take  them.  Ho  had  caused 
the  eailh  to  produce  corn  for  bread.  All  this  he  had  done  foi  his  red  chil- 
dren because  lie  loved  them.  If  we  had  any  disputes  about  hunting  ground.*, 
thoy  were  generally  settled  without  the  shedding  of  much  blood  :  but  an  evil 
day  came  ui)on  us;  your  forefathers  crossed  the  great  waters,  and  landed  ou 
thi.s  island.  Their  numbers  were  small ;  they  found  friends,  aiid  not  enemies ; 
they  told  u.*:  they  had  fled  from  their  own  country  ibr  fear  of  wicked  men, 
and  come  here  to  enjoy  their  religion.  They  asketl  for  a  small  seat;  wo  took 
pity  on  them,  granted  their  request,  and  they  sat  tiown  amongst  us ;  we  gave 
them  corn  and  meat;  they  gave  us  poison*  in  return.  The  white  jieojde  had 
now  foimd  our  country,  tidings  were  carried  back,  and  more  came  timongsl 
us;  yet  we  did  not  fear  them,  we  took  them  to  be  friends;  they  called  us 
brothers ;  we  believed  them,  and  gave  them  a  larger  seat.  At  length  their 
numbers  had  greatly  increased;  they  wanted  more  land;  they  wanted  our 
country.  Our  eyes  were  opened,  and  our  minds  became  uneasy.  Wars  took 
place;  Indians  were  hired  to  fight  against  Indians,  and  many  of  our  peoplo 
were  destroyed.  They  also  brought  strong  liquors  among  us :  it  was  stronj; 
and  powerful,  and  has  slain  thousands. 

"lirotlier,  our  scats  were  once  large,  and  yours  were  very  small ;  you  have 
now  become  a  great  people,  and  we  litive  scarcely  a  place  left  to  s[)rcad 
our  blankets ;  you  have  got  our  country,  but  are  not  satisfied ;  you  want  to 
force  your  religion  upon  us. 

"lirother,  contimie  to  listen.  You  say  that  you  are  seiit  to  instruct  us  how 
to  worship  the  Great  Spirit  agreeably  to  his  mind,  and  If  we  do  not  take  hold 
of  the  religion  which  you  white  people  teach,  we  sJiall  be  unhappy  here- 
after;  you  say  that  you  are  right,  and  we  are  lost ;  how  do  we  know  this  to 
be  true  ?  We  understand  that  your  religion  is  written  in  a  book ;  if  it  was 
intended  for  us  as  well  as  you,  why  has  not  the  Great  Spirit  given  it  to  us, 
and  not  only  to  us,  but  why  did  he  not  give  to  our  forefathers  the  knowledge 
of  that  book,  with  the  means  of  understanding  it  rightly?  Wc  only  know 
what  you  tell  us  about  it ;  how  shall  we  know  when  to  believe,  being  so 
oflen  deceived  by  the  white  people  ? 

"  Brother,  you  say  there  is  but  one  way  to  worship  and  serve  the  GreaC 
Spirit ;  if  there  is  but  one  religion,  why  do  you  white  peoj)le  differ  so  much 
about  it  ?  why  not  all  agree,  as  you  can  all  read  the  book  ? 

"  Brother,  we  do  not  understand  these  things ;  we  are  told  that  your 
religion  was  given  to  your  forefathers,  and  has  been  handed  down  from 
father  to  son.  We  also  have  a  religion  which  was  given  to  our  forefathers, 
and  has  been  handed  down  to  us  their  children.  We  worship  that  way.  // 
teachcth  us  to  be  thankful  for  all  Vie  favors  we  receive ;  to  love  each  other,  and  to 
oe  united ;  ive  never  quarrel  about  religion. 

"Brother,  the  Great  Spirit  has  mtide  us  all ;  but  ho  has  made  a  great  differ- 
ence lietween  his  white  and  red  children  ;  he  has  given  us  a  difF(;rent  com- 
plexion, and  different  customs ;  to  you  he  has  given  the  arts ;  to  these  he 
has  not  opened  our  eyes ;  we  know  these  things  to  be  true.  Since  he  has 
made  so  great  a  difference  between  us  in  other  things,  why  may  we  not  con- 
clude that  he  has  given  us  a  different  religion  according  to  our  understand- 
ing ;  the  Great  Spirit  does  right ;  he  knows  what  is  best  for  his  children ; 
we  are  satisfied. 

"  Brother,  we  do  not  wish  to  destroy  your  religion,  or  take  it  from  you ;  we 
only  want  to  enjoy  our  own. 

"Brother,  you  say  you  have  not  come  to  get  our  land  or  our  money,  but  to 
enlighten  our  minds.  I  will  now  tell  you  that  I  have  been  at  your  meetings, 
and  saw  you  collecting  money  from  the  meeting.  I  cannot  tell  what  this 
money  was  intended  for,  but  suppose  it  was  lor  your  minister,  and  if 
we  should  conform  to  your  way  of  thinking,  {lerhaps  you  may  want  some 
from  us. 

"Brother,  we  are  told  that  you  have  been  preaching  to  white  people  in  thia 
place ;  these  people  are  our  neighbors,  we  are  acquainted  with  them ;  we 
will  wait  a  little  while  and  see  what  effect  your  preaching  has  upon  them, 

*  Spirituouii  liquor  is  alluded  to,  it  is  supposed. 


-^^^'-,^ 


» ,  -I 


100  RED-JACKET.— ENGAGES  IN  THE  WAR  OP  1812.        [Book  V. 

If  we  find  it  does  them  good,  makes  them  honest,  and  less  disposed  to  cheat 
Indians,  we  will  then  consider  again  what  you  have  said. 

^^  Brother,  you  have  now  lieard  our  answer  to  your  talk,  and  this  is  all  we 
have  to  say  at  present.  As  we  are  going  to  part,  we  will  come  and  take  you 
by  the  liand,  and  hope  the  Great  Spirit  will  protect  you  on  your  journey,  and 
return  you  safe  to  your  friends." 

The  chiefs  and  otherd  then  drew  near  the  missionary  to  take  him  by  the 
hand;  but  lie  would  not  receive  them,  and  hastily  rising  from  his  seat,  said, 
"  that  there  was  no  fellowship  between  the  religion  of  God  and  the  works 
of  the  DevU,  and,  therefore,  coidd  not  join  hands  with  tliem."  Upon  this 
being  interpreted  to  them,  "  they  smiled,  and  retired  in  a  jieaceable  manner." 

The  Indians  cannot  well  conceive  how  they  have  any  ]i'irticipation  iu  the 
guilt  of  the  crucifixion ;  inasmuch  as  they  do  not  believe  themselves  of  tlie 
same  origin  as  the  whites ;  and  there  bemg  no  dispute  but  that  they  com- 
mitted that  act.  Red-jacket  once  said  to  a  clergyman  who  was  importuning 
him  on  this  subject, 

"  Brother,  if  you  tohite  men  murdered  tlve.  Son  of  the  Great  Spirit,  tve  Indians 
had  nothing  to  do  mth  it,  and  it  is  none  of  our  affair.  If  he  had  come  among  us, 
tve  would  not  have  killed  him ;  we  would  have  treated  him  uxU.  You  must  make 
amends  for  that  crime  yourselves."  * 

Red-jacket  took  jiart  with  the  Americans  in  the  war  of  1812,  but  was  not 
distinguished  for  that  prodigality  of  life  which  marked  the  character  of 
Tecuwwe/i,  and  many  others,  but,  o.  all  occasions,  was  cool  and  collected. 
He  had  become  attached  to  Colonel  Sntllins  during  the  war,  and  when  he 
heard  that  that  officer  was  ordered  to  a  distant  station,  he  went  to  take  his 
farewell  of  him.    At  that  interview  he  said, 

^^  Brother,  I  hear  you  are  going  to  a  place  called  Governor's  Island.  /  hope 
you  tvill  be  a  governor  yourself.  I  understand  thai  you  while  people  think  children 
a  blessing.  1  hope  you  may  have  a  thousand,  And^  above  all,  I  hope,  wherever 
you  go,  you  may  never  fiul  whisky  more  than  two  shillings  a  quarl.^j 

Grand  Island,  in  N  iagara  River,  just  above  the  mmous  Niagara  Falls,  is 
owned  by  the  Senecas.  When  it  was  rumored  that  the  British  had  taken 
possession  of  it,  in  their  last  war  with  the  Americans,  Red-jacket  nscem- 
bled  his  people,  to  consult  with  Mr.  Granger,  their  agent  After  having 
stated  to  him  the  information,  the  old  chief  made  the  following  profound 
speech : — 

"  Brother,  you  have  told  u^  thai  tve  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  war  thai  has 
taken  place  betwee7i  you  and  the  British.  But  we  find  the  war  has  come  to  our 
doors.  Our  property  is  taken  possession  of  by  the  British  and  their  Indian 
friends.  It  w  necessary  now  for  us  to  take  up  the  business^  deftnd  our  property, 
and  drive  the  enemy  from  it.  If  we  sit  stUl  upon  our  seals,  and  take  no  means 
of  redress,  the  British  (according  to  the  customs  of  you  white  people'j  will  hold 
it  by  'onquest.  And  should  you  conquer  the  Canadas,  you  unit  claim  it  upon 
the  same  principles,  as  [though]  conxiu^red  from  ilve  British.  We,  therefore,  re- 
quest permission  to  go  with  our  warriors,  and  drive  off  those  bad  people,  and  take 
possession  of  our  lands."  Whereupon,  such  of  the  Senecas  as  had  an  in- 
clination, were  permitted  to  join  the  American  army. 

Iu  one  action  Red-jacket  acted  a  conspicuous  part,  and  is  most  honorably 
mentioned  by  the  commanding  general.  The  action  took  place  near  Fort 
George,  on  the  17  August,  1813,  between  about  300  volunteers  and  Indians, 
supported  by  200  regulars.  These  surprised  the  British  and  Indian  camp  at 
day-light,  killed  75  and  took  16  prisoners.  The  success  of  the  expedition 
was  almost  entirely  owing  to  a  stratagem  of  the  Indians,  who,  when  they 
had  formed  their  plan  of  attack,  decoyed  their  brethren,  on  the  British  side, 
into  an  ambush,  by  giving  a  war-whoop  which  they  mistook  for  that  of 
their  friends.  General  Boyd,  who  commanded  here,  sayS;  "The  ])rincipBl 
chiefs  who  led  the  warriors  this  day,  were  Farmer's  Brother,  Red-jacket, 

*  "  This  occurred  in  a  conversalion  between  Red-jacket  and  the  Reverend  Mr.  Bracken 
ridge :  Tommy- Jemmy,  Jack-Berry  aud  myself  were  present.  I  heard  the  remark,  and  v/ill 
vouch  for  it."     W.  J.  Snelling. 

\  N.  E.  Galaxy,  13  July,  1833. 


long. 


Chap.  VI. ]        REDsJACKET.— REFORMATION   l.N    MIS  TKllU;, 


101 


Little  Billy,  Poli.aud,  Dlack  S.vakk,  Jou.v.son,  Silvkrhkels,  Captain 
Half-town,  Major  IIk.nhv  O.  JSall,  (Corii-plaiitur's  son,)  audCuptuiii  Cold, 
chief  of  Ouondago,  vvlio  was  wouiidtd.  In  a  council  wliicli  was  held  witli 
thoni  yesterday,  they  covenanted  not  to  scalp  or  murder ;  and  I  am  happy  to 
say,  that  they  treated  the  prisoners  with  humanity,  and  committed  no  wanton 
cruelties  upon  the  dead."  "Their  !)ravery  and  humanity  were  equally  con- 
spicuous. Already  the  (juictnt'ss  in  which  om-  [)ickits  are  suffered  to  remain, 
evinces  the  benefit  arising  from  their  assistance."* 

Governor  De  Witt  Clinton,  in  iii.s  most  valualile  discourse  before  the  His- 
torical Society  of  New  York,  thus  notices  liel-juckil : — "  Within  a  few  years, 
an  extraordinary  orator  has  risen  among  the  Scnecas ;  his  real  name  is 
Saguoaha.  Without  tho  advantagt  s  of  illustrious  (h.scent,  and  with  no 
extraordinary  talents  for  war,  he  lias  attained  the  first  distinctions  in  the 
nation  by  the  force  of  his  (ilocpiencc"  Red-jacket  having,  by  some  means, 
lost  the  confidence  of  liis  countrymen,  in  order,  as  it  is  reported,  to  retrieve 
it,  prevailed  upon  his  brother  to  announce  himself  a  projjhet,  commissioned 
by  the  Great  Spirit  to  redeem  tliein  from  their  miserabii'  condition. — 
It  required  nothing  but  an  adroit  and  skilful  reasoner  to  ])ersuade  the  igno- 
rant multitude,  given  to  tiie  grossist  superstition,  of  his  infallibility  in  the 
pretended  art  or  mystery.  If  good  ever  came  out  of  evil,  it  did  at  this  time. 
The  Onondagas  were,  at  that  pericjd,  the  most  drunken  and  profligate  of  all 
the  Iroquois.  They  were  now  so  lin-  prevailed  U|)on  as  almost  entirely  to 
abstain  from  ardent  spirits,  b(!caine  sober  and  industrious,  and  observed  and 
respected  the  laws  of  morality.  This  good  effect  was  not  confined  to  the 
Onondagas,  but  shed  its  b  :nign  infhutnce  tlnough  the  nations  adjacent.  I)ut 
as  this  reform  was  begun  in  hypt)crisy,  it  necessarily  ended  with  its  hypo- 
critical author.  The  greatest  check,  perha[»s,  which  can  be  thrown  in  the 
way  of  imposture,  is  its  own  exposition.  In  this  case,  like  witchcraft  among 
us  in  former  times,  it  was  stayed  by  its  own  operations.  Many  were  de- 
nounced as  witches,  and  some  would  iiavc  been  executed  but  for  the  inter- 
ference of  their  white  neighbors.  Rtd-jackct  was  denounced  in  a  great 
council  of  Indiana,  held  at  Buffalo  Creek,  as  the  chief  author  of  their 
troubles.  He  was  accordingly  brought  to  trial,  and  his  clotjiience  saved  his 
life,  and  greatly  increased  his  reputation.  His  defence  was  near  three  hours 
long.  And,  in  the  language  of  Govc^rnor  Clinton,  "  the  iron  brow  of  super- 
stition relented  under  the  magic  of  his  eloquence :  he  declared  the  proj)het 
[his  brother]  an  impostor  and  a  cheat;  he  prevailed;  the  Indians  divided, 
and  a  small  majority  appeared  in  his  favor.  Perhaps  the  annals  of  history 
cannot  furnish  a  more  conspicuous  instance  of  the  triumph  and  power  of 
oratory,  in  a  barbarous  nation,  devoted  to  superstition,  and  looking  uj)  to  the 
accuser  as  a  delegated  minister  of  the  Almighty.  lam  well  aware  that  the 
speech  of  Logan  will  be  triumphantly  cpioted  against  me,  and  that  it  will 
be  said,  that  the  moat  splendid  exliibition  of  Indian  eloquence  may  be  found 
out  of  the  pale  of  the  Six  Nations.  I  fully  subscribe  to  the  eulogium  of  Mr. 
Jefferson,  when  he  says,  'I  may  challenge  the  whole  orations  of  Demostheiuts 
and  Cicero,  and  of  any  more  eminent  orator,  if  Europe  has  furnished  more 
eminent,  to  produce  a  single  passage  superior  to  the  speech  of  Logan.''  But 
let  it  be  remembered  that  Logan  was  a  Ming')  chief,"  that  is,  an  Iroquois. 

The  time  is  not  far  distant,  if  not  ahculy  arrived,  when  the  name  of  Red' 
jacket  will  be  heard,  in  the  most  august  assemblies,  to  give  weight  to  the 
mightiest  efforts  of  eloquence.  In  the  debate  on  the  Indian  bill,  in  1830,  in 
congress,  Mr.  Crockett,\  of  Tennessee,  said,  "  I  am  forcibly  reminded  of  the 
remark  made  by  the  famous  Red-jaikd,  in  the  rotunda  of  this  building, 
when  he  was  shown  the  panel  which  represented  in  sculpture  the  first 
landing  of  tne  Pilgrims,  with  an  Indian  chief  presenting  to  them  an  ear  of 
corn,  in  token  of  friendly  welcome.    The  aged    Indian  said,   '  That  vtxu 

*  NUes'  Register,  iv.  418,  and  v.  7. — Bramian's  OJiciat  Letters,  200. — Shallus's  Tables,  ii. 
120. 

t  The  pitiful  crusade  in  which  this  brave  man  lost  his  life,  will  as  loni^  be  remembered  for 
Us  unjustifiable  ongin,  as  the  many  valuable  but  misguided  men  who  have  been  sacrificed  in 
it.  Having  joined  the  army  of  Texas,  Colonel  Crockett  was  there  murdered  with  the  rest 
«f  a  erarrison  which  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Mexicans  ;  this  present  year,  1836. 


•■Ml 

■    'M 

'■■•>! 


y:-f' 


102  RED-JACKET.— COMPLAINS  OP  THE   MISSIONARIES.     [Book  V. 

^ond,^  He  snid  lie  knew  they  came  fnnii  the  Great  Spirit,  and  he  was  will- 
ing to  share  the  soil  with  his  hroth(!rs.  But  when  he  tunied  round  to  view 
another  panel,  representing  Prn/i's  treaty,  he  said,  '■Ah!  aWs  gone  now.' 
There  was  a  great  deal  of  trutli  in  liiis  short  Hiiying." 

Nothing  seems  more  to  have  trouhliul  tiie  peace  of  Bed-jacket  than  the 
intrusion  of  missionaries  among  Ids  j»eople.  With  the  merits  or  demerits 
of  the  manner  in  which  particidar  creeds  have  heen  forced  upon  tiie  In- 
dians in  general,  we  liave  nothing  to  do,  hut  we  will  refer  the  rea<ler  to  Mr. 
Buchannn^s  Sketches,*  where,  in  our  ojtinion,  every  sectarian  will  glean  some 
n>eful  hints  upon  that  head. 

ite</-J«cfref  and  his  council,  in  1821,  made  a  formal  complaint  to  the  gov 
eriior  of  New  York,  of  the  arhitrarj   conduct  of  some  teachers  among  hie 
people,  and  of  their  undue  influence  generally.     Considering  it  to  contain  a 
most  im[»ortant  and  valunhle  pieces  of  information,  we  will  give  it  entire  : — 

"  Brother  Parish,  I  addnfss  myself  to  you,  and  through  you  to  the  govern- 
or. The  chiefs  of  Onondaga  have  accom[)anie;l  you  to  Albany,  to  do  busi- 
ness with  the  governor;  I  al.so  was  to  have  been  with  you,  but  I  am  sorry 
to  say  that  bad  health  has  put  it  out  of  my  jiower.  For  this  yoii  must  not 
think  hard  of  me.  I  am  not  to  blame  for  it.  It  is  the  will  of  the  (Jreat 
Sj)irit  that  it  should  be  so.  The  object  of  the  Onondagus  is  to  purchase  our 
lands  at  Tonnewanta.  This  and  all  other  business  that  they  may  have  to  d(» 
at  Albany,  must  be  transacted  in  the  prestMice  of  the  governor.  lie  will 
.see  that  the  bargain  is  fairly  made,  so  that  all  parties  may  have  reason  to  be 
satisfied  with  >viiat  shall  be  done ;  and  when  our  sanction  shall  be  wanted 
to  the  transaction,  it  will  be  freely  given.  I  much  regret  that,  at  this  time, 
the  8tat(!  of  my  health  shoidd  have  [)revented  me  from  accompanying  you  to 
Albany,  as  it  was  the  wish  of  the  nation  that  I  should  state  to  the  governor 
some  circumstances  which  show  that  the  chain  of  friendship  between  us 
and  the  white  people  is  wearing  out,  and  wants  brightening.  I  proceed 
now,  however,  to  lay  them  before  you  by  letter,  that  you  may  mention  them 
to  the  governor,  and  solicit  redress.  He  is  appointed  to  do  justice  to  all. 
and  the  Indians  fully  confide  that  he  will  not  suffer  them  to  be  wronged 
with  impunity.  The  first  subject  to  which  we  would  call  the  attention  of 
the  governor,  is  the  depredations  that  are  daily  committed  by  the  white 
people  iipon  the  most  valuable  timber  on  our  reservations.  This  has  hf:en  a 
subject  of  complaint  with  us  for  many  years ;  but  now,  and  particularly  at 
this  season  of  the  year,  it  has  become  an  alarming  evil,  and  calls  lor  the 
immediate  interposition  of  the  governor  in  our  behalf.  Our  next  subject 
of  complaint  is,  the  frequent  thefts  of  our  horses  and  cattle  by  the  white 
people,  and  their  habit  of  taking  and  using  them  whenever  they  please,  and 
without  our  leave.  These  are  evils  which  seem  to  increase  upon  us 
with  the  increase  of  our  white  neighbors,  and  they  call  loudly  for  redress. 
Another  evil  arising  from  the  pressure  of  the  whites  upon  us,  and  our 
unavoidable  communication  with  them,  is  the  frequency  with  which  our 
chiefs,  and  warriors,  and  Indians,  are  thrown  into  jail,  and  that,  too,  for 
the  most  trifling  causes.  This  is  veiy  galling  to  our  feelings,  and  ought  not 
to  be  permitted  to  the  extent  to  which,  to  gratify  their  bad  passions,  our 
white  neighbors  now  carry  this  practice.  In  our  hunting  and  fishing,  too, 
we  are  greatly  interrupted  by  the  whites.  Our  venison  is  stolen  fronj  the 
trees  where  we  have  hung  ii  to  be  reclaimed  af\er  the  chase.  Our  hunting 
'amps  have  heen  fired  into,  and  we  have  been  warned  that  we  shall  no 
longer  be  permitted  to  pursue  the  deer  in  those  forests  which  were  so  lately 
all  our  own.  The  fish,  which,  in  the  Buffalo  and  Tonnewanta  Creeks,  used 
to  supply  us  with  food,  are  now,  by  the  dams  and  other  obstructions  of  the 
white  people,  prevented  from  multiplying,  and  we  are  almost  entirely  de- 
prived of  that  accustomed  sustenance.  Our  great  father,  the  president,  has 
recommended  to  oiu*  young  men  to  be  industrious,  to  plough,  and  to  sow. 
This  we  have  done,  and  we  are  thankfid  for  the  advice,  and  for  the  means 
he  has  afforded  us  of  carrying  it  into  effect.  We  are  happier  m  conse- 
quence of  it.    Bid  another  thing  recommended  to  lis,  has  created  great  confusion 


Vol.  i.  chap.  ix. 


S.     [Book  V. 

he  was  will- 
)Uiid  to  view 
»  gone  jioj/.' 

cket  than  thf; 
s  or  deiiu-rits 
tpon  tlid  In- 
!!ulcr  to  Mr. 
I  glean  souk 

to  the  gov 
'8  among  liis 
to  contain  a 
3  it  entin> : — 

I  tfie  govern - 
,  to  do  bim- 
it  I  am  sorry 
ou  must  not 
of  tlio  (Jreat 
[jurciinsc  our 
y  liave  to  do 
or.  He  will 
reason  to  bf- 

II  be  wanted 
at  tliis  tiuif. 
myiiig  you  to 
tlie  governor 
t  between  izs 
.  1  proceed 
lention  them 
ustice  to  all. 
»  be  wronged 

attention  of 
»y  the  white 
is  has  been  a 
u'ticularly  at 
calls  for  the 
next  subject 
)y  the  white 
please,  and 
se  upon  ua 
r  for  redress, 
us,  and  our 
h  whieli  our 
that,  too,  for 
nd  ought  not 
jassions,  our 
1  fishing,  too, 
en  from  tlie 
Our  hunting 
we  shall  no 
ere  so  lately 
Creeks,  used 
3tions  of  the 
entirely  de- 
resident,  has 
and  to  sow. 
r  the  means 
3r  iu  conse- 
•eat  confusion 


Chap.  V!.] 


RKD-JACKET.— WITCHCRAFT  AFFAIR. 


103 


i 

f.- 


amofifc  u»,  and  is  making  ua  a  quarrtlxome  and  divided  people  ;  and  that  is,  thr 
inlrodudion  of  prenclirrs  into  our  nation.  'I'hese  black  croats  contrive  to  get 
tiie  consent  of  some  of  tiie  Indians  to  pnvich  luriong  us,  aiul  wherever  this 
is  the  case,  confusion  and  disorder  are  sure  to  follow,  and  tlie  encroa(!h- 
nients  of  the  whites  upon  our  lands  an;  the  invariable  eonse(pieiic(;.  The 
gov«Mnor  must  not  think  lianl  of  me  for  speaking  thus  of  the  pn'acherx,  I 
have  observed  their  progress,  and  wiicu  I  look  back  to  s  ■<;  what  has  taken 
place  of  old,  I  perceive  that  whenever  they  came  amtwig  the  Indians,  they 
wen;  the  (oiTrinmers  of  their  dispersion  ;  that  they  always  excited  enmities 
and  (piarnds  among  them  ;  that  they  introtluced  the  white  jtcople  on  their 
lands,  by  whom  they  were  robbed  niid  phmdired  of  their  property  ;  and 
that  the  Indians  were  sure  to  dwiii<lle  and  decrease,  and  be  driven  back  in 
l)roportion  to  the  numl)cr  of  preachers  that  came  aittoiig  them.  Each  nation 
lias  its  own  customs  and  its  own  religion.  The  Itidians  have  theirs,  given  to 
them  by  the  Great  Sjiirit,  umler  which  they  were  happy.  It  wa.s  m)t  in- 
teiiih'fl  that  they  should  em!)race  tlic  religion  of  the  whites,  and  l)e  destroyed 
lpy  tlie  attemjit  to  make  them  think  ditlerently  on  that  subject  from  their 
liithers.*  It  is  irui!,  thesis  preachers  have  got  the  consent  of  some  of  the 
chii'ls  to  stay  ami  prca(;h  among  us,  but  1  and  my  friends  know  this  to  be 
wrong,  and  that  th<!y  ought  to  Im;  removed  ;  besides,  we  hav(!  been  threatened 
by  Mr.  Hifde,  who  came  among  us  as  a  school-master  and  a  teacher  of  our 
<'hildreri,  but  has  now  become  a  black  coat,  and  refused  to  teach  them  any 
more,  that  unless  we  listen  to  bis  preaching  and  become  Christians,  we  will 
be  turned  off  our  lands.  We  wish  to  know  from  the  governor  if  this  is  to 
b(!  so  ;  and  if  he  has  no  right  to  siiy  so,  we  think  he  ought  to  bu  turned  ofT 
our  lands,  and  not  allowed  to  plague  us  any  more.  We  shall  never  be  at 
peace  while  he  is  among  us.  Let  tlient  lie  removed,  and  we  will  be  happy 
and  contented  among  ourselves.  We  now  cry  to  the  governor  for  help,  and 
ho[)e  that  he  will  attend  to  our  com[)laints,  and  speedily  give  us  redress. 

Red-jacket." 

"  This  letter  was  dictated  by  Red-jacket,  and  interpreted  by  Henry  Oheal,\ 
in  the  presence  of  the  following  Indians:  Ked-jackefs  son,  Com-plnrUnr,  John- 
cobb,  Peter,  Young-kings-brother,  Tom-the-inf'anl,  [Onnonggaiheko,]  Blue-sky, 
[  Towijocauna,]  Jolm-sky,  Jemmy-johnson,  Marcus,  Bhr-fire,  Captain- Jcmrn;/" 

The  success  this  petition  met  witlt,  it  is  presutned,  was  fidl  and  satisfactory 
to  him,  in  r-spect  to  one  particular;  for  no  ministers,  for  some  time  afterwards, 
wtsrc  admitted  upon  the  reservation. 

In  the  spring  of  1821,  a  man  of  Rvd-jackefs  tribe  fell  into  a  languishment  and 
died.  His  complaint  was  unknown,  and  some  circumstances  attended  his 
illness  which  caused  his  fi'iends  to  l)clieve  that  he  was  bewitched.  The  wo- 
man that  attended  him  was  fixed  upon  as  the  witch,  and  by  the  law,  or 
custom,  of  the  nation,  she  was  doomed  to  suffer  death.  A  chipf  by  the  name 
of  Tom-jem/rtJ/,  called  by  his  own  iKiojile  A'oo-non^-g-i'se,  executed  the  decree 
by  cutting  her  throat.  The  Americans  took  up  the  matter,  seized  Tom-jemmy, 
and  threw  him  into  prison.|  Some  timi;  after,  when  his  trial  came  on,  Red- 
jacket  appeared  in  court  as  an  evidence.  The  counsel  for  the  prisoner  denied 
that  the  court  had  any  jurisdiction  over  the  case,  and  after  it  was  carried 
through  three  terms,  Soo-nong-gise  was  finally  cleared.  Red-jacket  and  the 
other  witnesses  testified  that  the  woman  was  a  witch,  and  that  she  had  been 
tried,  condemned  and  executed  in  pursuance  of  their  laws,  which  had  been 
established  from  time  immemorial;  lo.  g  before  the  English  came  into 
the  country.  The  witch  doctrine  of  the  Senecas  was  much  ridiculed  by 
some  of  the  Americans,  to  which  Red-jacket  thus  aptly  alludes  in  a  speech 
which  he  made  while  upon  the  stand : — 

"  fVhat !  do  you  denounce  its  as  fools  and  bigots,  because  we  still  continue  to 
believe  that  which  you  yourselves  sedulously  incidcaied  two  centuries  ago  ?  I'bur 
divines  have  thundered  this  doctrine  from  the  pulpit,  your  judges  have  pronounced 

*  A  happy  illustralion  of  the  force  of  education,     f  Son  of  Com-plarUer,  or  Corn-plant. 

X  Informalion  of  a  pfenlleman  (  W.  J.  SneUing,  Esq.)  who  was  on  the  spot,  anti  sr.w  him 
brought  to  Buffalo.  This  was  the  next  day  after  the  murder,  and  .he  blood  was  yet  upon 
his  hands. 


i 


;  "V-.t; 


'At* 


.■Mt 


104 


REDJACKET.-INTERVIEW  WITH  I-AFAYETTE.         [U..ok  V 


^^yim 


Ufrom  the  hcnc/i,  your  courts  oj"  jiulicc  have  sanctioned  it  with  the  formalllies  of 
law,  and  you  would  now  punwh  our  unj'orlunnle  brother  for  adherence  to  the  su- 
perstitions of  his  fathers !  Go  to  Salem !  Look  at  the  records  of  your  government, 
and  you  ivill  find  hundreds  executed  for  the  very  crime  which  has  called  forth  the 
sentence  of  coiulemnation  upon  tliis  woman,  and  drawn  down  the  arm  of  veni^eanr/ 
upon  her.  fVhai  have  our  brothers  done  more  tlum  the  rulers  of  your  iteojite  luive 
done  i  and  what  ctime  has  this  nuin  committed  by  exccutini^,  in  a  sumnutrij  wai/, 
the  laws  of  his  country,  and  the  injunctions  of  his  God"}"  Hefore  Hcd-jackd 
was  adiiiittod  to  give  tividciico  in  tlus  oitsc,  lie  vvus  asked  if  he  believed  in 
future  rewirds  uiid  piiiiiMliiiieiitH,  uiid  tlie  existence  «il' Clod.  With  a  piercing; 
look  into  llie  iiiceof  liiu  intcrro/rutnr,  >ind  with  iiu  little  indignutiuii  of  expreh- 
Hion,  he  replied:  "  Yes!  much  mire  than  the  white  men,  if  we  are  to  jxu^e  bij 
their  actions,"  Upon  the  appeuratie"  of  llrd-jackit  upon  tliiw  occaHion,  one 
observes:  "There  is  not,  perhaps,  in  nature,  a  more  expreswive  eye  than  that 
of  Red'jacket ;  when  fired  by  indignation  or  revenge,  it  is  terrible ;  and  when 
he  chooses  to  display  hit)  unrivalled  tiileiit  for  irony,  iiis  keen  sarcastic  glance 
is  irresistible."  * 

When  Lafayette,  in  18^5,  was  at  liiitlUlo,  aniorij"-  the  |»ersons  of  distinction 
who  called  upon  iiim,  was  Jied-jack't.  Of  the  old  chieij  M.  Ltvasseur  ob- 
serves :t  This  extraordinary  man,  altliouiih  nnieh  worn  down  by  time  ami 
intemperance,  preserves  yet,  in  a  sim  prisiiig  degree,  the  exercise  of  all  his 
fiiculties.  He  had  ever  remembered  Lafaydle  since  1784,  at  which  time  he, 
with  others,  met  a  great  council  of  all  tlie  Indian  nations  at  Fort  Schuyler, 
when  the  mtercst  of  all  those  nations,  friends  and  enemies,  was  regulated 
with  the  United  States.  He  asked  the  general  if  he  recollected  that  mectin;:. 
He  replied  that  he  had  not  ibrgotten  that  great  event,  and  lusked  Red-jacket  it" 
he  knew  what  had  become  of  the  young  chief,  who,  in  that  council,  opposed 
with  such  eloquence  the  "  burying  of  the  tomahawk."  Red-Jacket  replied, 
"//e  is  before  you"  His  speech  was  a  master-piece,  and  every  warrior  w ho 
heard  him  was  carried  away  with  his  eloquence.  He  urged  a  continuation  ofthe 
war  against  the  Americans,  having  joined  against  them  in  tlie  revolution. 
The  general  observed  to  him  that  time  had  much  changed  them  since  that 
meeting.  "Ah!  "  said  Iled-jacket,  "time  has  not  been  so  severe  upon  you  as 
it  has  upon  me.    It  has  lelt  to  you  a  I'resh  countenance,  and  hair  to  cover 

your  head ;  while  to  me behold ! "  and  taking  a  handkerchief  from 

his  head,  with  an  air  of  much  i'eeling,  showed  his  head,  wiiich  was  almost 
entirely  bakLJ 

At  this  interview,  was  fully  confirmed  what  we  have  before  stated.  Le- 
vasseur  continues :  Red-jacket  ol)stinately  refuses  to  speak  any  language  but 
tliat  of  his  own  country,  and  affects  a  great  dislike  to  all  others ;  although 
it  is  easy  to  discern  that  he  perfectly  understands  the  English ;  and  refused, 
nevertheless,  to  r»>ply  to  the  general  before  his  interpreter  had  translated  his 
questions  into  the  Seneca  language.  The  general  spoke  a  few  words  in 
Indian,  which  he  had  learned  in  liis  youth,  at  which  Red-Jacket  was  highly 
pleased,  and  which  augmented  much  his  high  o])ituon  oi'  Lafayette. 

The  author  of  the  following  passage  is  unknown  to  us ;  but  presuming  it 
to  be  authentic,  we  quote  it.  "More  than  30  years  §  have  rolled  away  since 
a  treaty  was  held  on  the  beautiful  acclivity  that  overlooks  the  Canaudaigiia  |1 

*  Nilcs's  Weekly  Register,  vol.  xx.  359,  411. 

■f  In  his  Lafayette  en  Amerique,  tome  ii.  437-8. 

+  "  Les  assistants  ne  parent  s'emp^cher  de.  sourire  de  la  simplicite  de  I'lndien,  qui  semblait 
ignorer  I'art  de  riparer  les  injures  du  temps ;  inais  on  se  garda  bien  de  dilruire  son  erreur  ; 
et  peul-itre  fit-on  bien,  car  il  eiU  pu  confondre  une  perruqne  avec  une  chevelure  scalpee,  et 
foiicevoir  I'idAe  de  regamir  sa  tSte  aux  drperis  de  la  tHe  d'une  de  ses  voisons."  Ibid. 
— This  attempt  at  facctiousncss  by  Mens.  Levasseur  is  enlireiy  a  failure,  and  in  very  bad 
taste.  Had  it  had  reference  to  an  obscure  person,  it  would  have  been  different.  For  a  parcel 
of  white  ignoramuses  to  make  themselves  merry  at  the  simple  but  dignified  appearance  of  the 
old  chief,  only  shows  them  off  in  their  true  light ;  and  the  assertion  that  he  covered  his  own 
head  at  the  expense  of  that  of  his  neighbor,  too  nearly  classes  the  writer  with  his  companions. 

§  This  writer,  I  conclude,  wrote  in  1822.  I  copj  it  from  Miscellanies  selected  from  th^ 
Public  Journals,  by  Mr.  Buckingham. 

11  Signifying,  in  the  Seneca  language,  a  tmen  set  off.  The  lake  received  its  name  from 
the  town  upon  its  shore.*— Spo^ora'f  Gaz. 


[Hook  V 

fornuJiticH  of 
encf  to  lilt  su- 
it- f^ovnnmnit, 
ailed  Jhrlh  the 
II  of  wuireancF. 
w  people  have, 
suinnian/  way, 
)ro  /ieJ-jack'et 
b(!li(;v«'(l  in 
ilh  a  piiTciiig 
ion  of  cxprew- 
rc  to  jtulfre  by 
orciiHioii,  oni! 
•■yo  tliun  tliiit 
lo  ;  and  when 
reastic  glanot! 

of  (llHtinciion 

Livasseur  oU- 

l)y  time  ami 

•ise  of  all  his 

hich  tinio  he, 

'ort  Schuyler, 

was  regulated 

that  iiiectin;.'. 

Red-jacket  it" 

Liiieil,  opposed 

luckel  replied, 

y  warrior  who 

iiiuation  of  the 

he  revolution. 

em  since  that 

•e  upon  you  as 

hair  to  cover 

kerchief  from 

h  was  almost 

B  stated.  Lt- 
language  but 
ers;  althougii 
;  aiid  refused, 
translated  iiis 
few  words  in 
'eel  was  highly 
mtle. 

presuming  it 
id  away  since 
^anandaigiia  {| 


Uen,  qui  semhluit 
•uire  son  erreur  ; 
elure  scalpee,  et 
voisons."  ibid. 
nd  in  very  bad 
t.  For  a  parcel 
ppearance  of  ihe 
overcd  liis  own 
his  companions. 
elected  from  the 

its  name  firom 


Chap.  VI.] 


RED-JACKET— VISIT  TO  PIIILADELPIMA. 


l(Vi 


Lake.  The  witnoBses  of  the  scene  will  never  forget  the  [lowers  of  native 
oratory.  Two  (hiys  had  iiassed  away  in  negotiation  with  the  Indian.^^  ftjr  a 
cession  of  their  lands.  'Ihe  contract  was  supposed  to  Imj  nearly  completed, 
when  Red-}arket  arose.  With  the  grace  and  dig-.ity  of  a  Roman  senator,  he 
drew  his  hianket  around  him,  and,  with  a  piercing  eye,  survi-yed  the  multi- 
turle.  All  was  hushed.  Nothing  interposed  to  break  the  silence,  save  the 
gentle  rustling  of  the  tree  tops,  under  whose  shade  they  wore  gathered.  .\t>er 
a  long  luul  sole/nil,  but  not  unmeauini;  jiause,  he  commenced  his  s|ieech  in  a 
low  voice  and  sententious  style.  Rising  gradually  with  the  subj(;ct,  he  de- 
picted the  |»ririutive  simplicity  aiul  happiness  of  hia  nation,  and  tiie  wrongs 
they  had  sustained  li'om  the  usurpations  of  white  men,  with  such  a  bold  but 
(aithful  pencil,  that  every  auditor  was  soon  roused  to  vengeance,  <ir  melti'd 
into  tears.  The  eflect  was  inexpressiblt;.  Hut  ere  the  emotions  of  atlmira- 
tion  and  sympathy  bad  subsided,  the  wiiite  men  became  alarmed.  They  were 
ill  the  heart  of  an  Indian  comitry — surroimded  by  more  than  ten  times  their 
number,  who  were  iiiHaiiurd  by  the  rt'meiiibraiice  of  lli(!ir  injuries,  and  ex- 
cited to  indignation  liy  the  eio(pience  of  a  favorite  chitif.  Afipalled  and 
terrified,  the  white  men  cast  a  clieerless  g.i/e  upon  the  hordes  around  them. 
A  no(!  from  the  chiefs  migiit  bi'  the  onset  of  destrn  "tion.  At  this  portentous 
moment,  Fnrmers-hrother  interposed.  lie  replied  i  ot  to  his  brother  chief, 
but,  with  a  sagacity  truly  aboriginal,  be  caused  a  c<!.ssation  of  the  cojuicil,  in- 
troduced good  cheer,  (Mimtnended  the  eloquence  of  Red-jacket,  and,  before 
the  meeting  had  reassembli'd,  with  tiie  aid  of  other  prudent  chiefs,  he  had 
moderated  the  furv  of  bis  nation  to  a  more  saliivHry  review  of  the  (piestion 
before  them.  SufHce  it  to  say,  the  treaty  was  concluded,  and  the  Weste"ii 
District,  at  this  day,  owes  no  small  jiortion  of  its  power  and  influence  lo  the 
counsels  of  a  savage,  in  comparison  with  whom  Ibr  genius,  heroism,  virtue, 
or  any  other  quality  that  can  adorn  the  hawbleofadiwiem,  not  only  George  \\\v. 
IV.  and  Louis  le  Desir^,  but  the  German  emfieror  and  the  czar  of  Muscovy,  alike 
tlwindle  into  insignificance."     We  can  add  nothing  to  this  high  encomium. 

Red-jacket  was  of  the  number  who  visited  Philadelphia  in  1792,  as  will  be 
found  mentioned  in  the  account  of  Jaquette;  at  which  time  he  was  welcomed 
by  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  to  that  city,  and  addressed  by  him,  in  behalf 
of  the  comnkonwealth,  in  the  council-chamber.  The  fiillowing  is  the  closing 
paragraph  of  the  governor's  speech :  "Brothers!  I  know  the  kindness  with 
which  you  treat  the  strangers  that  visit  your  country;  and  it  is  my  sincere 
wish,  that,  when  you  return  to  your  families,  you  may  be  able  to  assure  them 
that  the  virtues  of  friendship  and  hospitality  are  also  practised  by  the  citi- 
zcns  of  Pennsylvania."  He  had  before  obsei-ved  that  the  government  had 
furnished  every  thing  to  make  them  comfortable  during  their  stay'  at  Phila- 
delphia. This  was  upon  the  28  March,  175)2,  and  on  2  April  following, 
they  met  again,  when  Red-jacket  s[ioke  in  answer  to  the  governor  as  fol- 
lows : — 

"Brother,  Onas*  Governor,  open  unprejudiced  ears  to  wl  ?t  we  have  to 
say.  Some  days  since  you  addressed  us,  and  what  you  said  gave  us  great 
jileasure.  This  day  the  Great  Spirit  has  allowed  us  to  irieet  you  again,  in 
this  coimcil-chamber.  We  hope  that  your  not  receiving  an  immediate  an- 
swer to  your  address,  will  make  no  iinfiroper  imfiression  upon  your  mind. 
We  mention  this  lest  you  should  suspect  that  your  kind  welcome  and  friendly 
address  has  not  had  a  proj)er  efiect  upon  our  hearts.  WV  assure  you  it  is  far 
oiherwise.  In  your  address  to  us  the  other  day,  in  this  am  ient  council-cham- 
ber, where  our  forefathers  have  often  conversed  together,  several  things 
struck  our  attention  very  forcibly.  When  you  told  us  this  was  the  place  in 
which  our  forefathers  otlen  met  on  peaceable  terms,  it  gave  us  sensible  pleas 
ure,  and  more  joy  than  we  could  express.  Though  we  have  no  writings 
like  you,  yet  we  remember  often  to  have  heard  of  the  friendship  that  existed 
between  our  fathers  and  yours.     The  picture  f  to  which  you  drew  our  atten- 


*  Onas  was  the  name  the  Indians  gave  William  Penn,  and  they  rontiiiuc  tin'  srimB  naiilf} 
to  all  the  governors  of  Pennsylvania, 
t  A  fine  picture  representing  Penn's  treaty  with  the  Indians, 


I 


r:M 


106 


KKD-JACKET— no.MlMK-l'F/l'KR. 


[UooE  V. 


■dm 


H 


tion,  hroiii^lit  (Vciih  to  niir  iiiIikIh  tlit;  iVieiKlly  <'i)nl*:i-('nt-(;H  tliut  UM'd  to  lio  held 
iM'twccii  tli(!  fonner  govttriiorH  of  I'riiiiHylvania  aiitl  our  trilMiH^  uiid  Hhowcd 
tilt'  lovi;  wliich  your  tbrnlatlierH  had  of  piiu-c,  and  th(^  friendly  di»<|ioNiti(iri  of 
our  |M'0|i|('.  It  is  Htill  our  wish,  as  wt-ll  as  yours,  to  prcsiirvo  jieact!  hetwi-cu 
our  trilii's  and  you,  and  it  would  hr  well  if  the  .>aiuc  sjiiril  rxihtcd  anioii^'  the 
IiidiariH  to  tho  westward,  and  throu<rh  every  part  of  tlie  LiiittMl  States.  \'iiii 
partieidariy  exi'ressed  that  you  were  well  pleused  to  fimi  that  we  did'ered  iti 
disposition  from  the  Indians  westward.  S Our  disposition  is  that  for  \>liirii 
the  ancient  Onns  (ioviirnors  were  reinarkalile.  As  you  love  peace,  so  do  wi- 
also;  luul  we  wish  it  could  h(!  extended  to  the  most  distant  part  of  this  <:reat 
comitry.  We  agreed  in  council,  this  morning,  that  the  sentiments  1  havis 
ex|)ressed  should  he  communiciitod  to  you,  heiitre  tlu;  delegates  ol'  the  I'ive 
Nations,  and  to  tell  you  that  your  (;or(lial  welcome  to  this  <'ity,  and  the  good 
.sentiments  contained  in  your  address,  have  made  a  de«!p  impremsion  on  our 
liearts,  iiavo  given  lis  great  joy,  oH<i^hjm //te  Atar/  V /t7/^ou  so.  This  is  all  I 
have  to  say." 

When  fted-jackrl  had  finished,  anotiier  chief,  called  ^Ifrwelondunffwna,  (and 
sometimes  (jood-pdn\*)  addressiul  tin;  as.>*end)iy.  His  speech  is  much  in  the 
style  ol"  livd-jnckcCs,  and  was  chitdly  a  re|)etition,  in  other  words,  of  it.  It 
was  short,  and  contained  this  passag(! :  "  NV'liat  is  there  more  desirahle  than 
that  we,  who  live  within  liearing  of  eacli  otiier,  should  imite  for  the  common 
good?  Tiiis  is  my  wish.  It  is  tin;  wish  id'  my  nation,  although  1  am  sorry  [ 
can't  suy  HO  of  every  individual  in  it;  for  there  are  tliilerencea  of  opinions 
among  us,  as  well  ua  among  our  white  hrethren." 

Since  we  have  here  introductMl  Jhminie  Pitvr,  we  will  so  far  digress  as 
to  relate  what  follows  concerning  him.  lie  was  oin;  of  those  who  took  |mrt 
against  the  Americans  in  the  revolutionary  war,  and  when  hostilities  com- 
inenccl,  he  retired  ami  Joined  the  nmiote  trihes  towards  Canada.  Colonel 
John  hcrper  (one  of  the  fiindly  from  whom  llarpersfield,  New  York,  takes 
its  name;  was  statioinul  at  the  Ibrt  at  Schorrie,  in  the  state  of  New  York. 
Karly  in  the  spring  of  1777,  in  the  season  of  making  ma|»le  sugar,  when  all 
wore  upon  the  look-out  to  avoid  smprise  l)y  the  Indians,  Colonel  Harper  U'il 
the  garrison  and  proceeded  through  the  woods  to  llarperslield ;  thence  hy 
an  Indian  path  to  Cherry-valley.  In  his  way,  as  he  was  turning  the  point  ol' 
a  hill,  he  saw  a  comjmny  of  Indians,  who,  at  the  same  time,  saw  him.  He 
dared  not  attempt  flight,  as  he  could  expect  no  other  than  to  be  shot  down  in 
such  attempt.  lie,  therefore,  determined  to  advance  and  me(  t  them  witliont 
discovering  fear.  Concealing  his  regimentals  as  well  as  he  could  with  hi.s 
great  coat,  he  hastened  onward  to  mi-et  them.  Hefore  they  met  him,  he  dis- 
covered thai  Peter  was  their  chief,  with  whom  he  had  Ibrmerly  traded  mucii 
at  Oquago,  but  who  did  not  know  him.  Harper  was  the  first  to  speak,  as  they 
met,  and  his  words  were,  "  How  do  you  do,  brothers'^  "  The  chief  answered, 
"  Hdl. — How  do  you  do,  brother?  0'hich  watf  are  you  boimd7"  TIk;  colonel 
replied,  ^^  On  a  secret  expedition.  And  which  ivat/ are  you  bound,  brothers'?" 
Tliey  answered  without  hesitation  or  distrust,  tiunking,  no  dout)t,  they  had 
tullen  in  with  one  of  the  king's  men,  "  Down  the  Smcpiehannah,  to  cut  off  the 
Johnstone  settlenvent"    This  place,  since  called  Sidney  Plains,  consisted  of  u  ■;  j 

lew  Scotch  families,  and  their  minister's  name  was  Johnstone ;  henco  the  *    ' 

name  of  the  settlement.  The  colonel  next  asked  them  where  they  lodged 
that  night,  and  they  told  him,  "  At  the  mouth  of  Schencva's  Creek."  Atler 
shaking  hands,  they  separated.  As  soon  as  they  were  out  of  sight.  Harper 
made  a  circuit  through  the  woods  with  ail  speed,  and  soon  arrived  at  the 
head  of  Charlotte  River,  where  were  several  men  making  sugar.  This  place 
was  about  ten  miles  I'rom  Decatur  Hill,  where  he  met  the  Indians.  He 
ordered  them  to  take  each  a  rope  and  provisions  in  their  packs,  and  lissem- 
ble  at  Evan's  Place,  where  he  would  soon  meet  them :  thence  he  returned 
to  llarpersfield,  and  collected  the  men  there,  which,  including  the  others  and 
himself,  made  15,  just  equal  to  Peter's  force.  When  they  arrived  at  Evan's 
Place,  upon  the  Charlotte,  Harper  made  known  his  project.  They  set  of^ 
and  bt'fore  day  the  next  morning,  came  into  the  neighborhood  of  the  In- 


And  oflcn  Domine-pelcr.    2  Coll.  N.  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  74. 


[UooK  V. 

<<l  to  Im>  lifid 
iiikI  Hliowcd 
imposition  of 

IK-C  lM't>\C('|| 
'•I  IIIIKili;:  ill,, 
lutes.        \',,|| 

•  lilli'ifd  ill 
It  (or  wliirl, 
n'f,  so  do  \\,, 
id"  tlii.s  ;rrciit 
••'lltH    I    Ikiv.) 

«*■  tilt!  Fiv,, 
lid  tin;  ^'ood 
nfiitin  on  our 

liis  is  all  I 

nsrwa,<>,  (mid 

Mitlcll  ill  tilt, 

•Is,  <d"  it.  It 
:«inil»l(i  tliau 
tlif  coiiiiiioii 
I  uiii  sorry  I 
ol"  ojiiiiioiis 

!•  iliji^rcss  as 
i<>  took  part 
tilitics  coiii- 
lu.     Colonel 

^'ork,  taki's 

New  York. 
Ill",  wlien  all 
I  Harper  W\Y 

tlience  liy 
•  lie  point  ot" 
w  liiin.  He 
liot  down  in 
"'111  witlioiit 
III  Nvitli  his 
liiin,  lie  dis- 
aiK'd  niiicii 
)eak,  as  tliey 
f  answered, 
riie  colonel 
,  brothers'^'' 
lit,  they  had 
0  cut  off"  the 
isisted  of"  a 
;  lieneo  the 
ihev  lodjfcd 
ek."  Afler 
fiht,  Harper 
ived  at  the 

This  plaee 
ciians.  He 
iiid  iisseni- 
le  returned 
others  and 

at  Evan's 
ley  set  of^ 
of  the  In- 


CUAP.   VI.] 


FARMEI18-UROTHER. 


107 


dinns'  rnriip.  From  a  small  enilnencti,  just  ut  duwn  nf  day,  their  firi!  wm* 
seen  hiirnini^,  and  Piter,  amidst  his  warriors,  lyiii)(  iijion  llie  ground.  All 
were  fast  asleep.  Harper  and  his  coiiipaiiions  eaeli  erepi  silently  up,  with 
their  ropi^s  in  their  hands,  man  to  inan  ;  and  each,  staiidiii<;  in  a  position  to 
gras[»  his  adversary,  waited  for  the  word  to  he  ^iven  l»y  their  leader.  The 
colonel  jojf^'ed  his  Indian,  and,  iih  he  was  wakinj^,  said  to  him,  "  fomf,  i7  w 
tune/or  intii  of  Inminens  la  he  ini  their  waif."  This  was  the  watehword  ;  and 
iio  .sooner  was  it  pronounced,  tlian  each"  Indian  felt  the  warm  ;,'rasp  of  his 
foe.  The  striiffi^'le  was  desjierate,  tl  .„!i  short,  and  resulted  in  the;  capluri! 
of  every  one  of  the  parly.  When  it  was  aulHeii-ntly  li;jfht  to  di.stiii;,'uish 
couuleiiances, /V^r,  ohservin;,'  Colonel  Harper,  naul,'"  flu  I  Colonel  Hurper ! 
.Vow  I  know  ifon!  li'kn  did  I  not  know  youife/iterditij  J"  The  colonel  ul>ser\ed, 
"  Some  polieu  in  wur,  Peter."  To  wliicli  /'(/(A  replied,  ".M.'  me  find  em 
so  now.  These  captives  were  marched  to  Albany,  and  delivered  up  to 
the  commanding  otfieer.  Ity  this  capital  it.xploit  no  doiiht  many  lives  were 
•saved.* 

As  Idus  been  noted.  Red-jacket  died  Jit  his  residence  mar  lliiHalo,  on  the 
20th  of  January,  ld;{0,  agcMl  ahout  bU  years.  In  18;W,  a  yraiidson  of  his  was 
chosen  chief  of  the  Stnecas. 

The  limioiisrfeneca  chief;  called  the  FARMEIIS-IUIOTIIKR,  is  ollen  men- 
tioned in  the  accounts  of  Red-jacket.     Hi.i  native  name  was  Ho  na-i/a-aui.i. 

In  ITll'i,  Faumkrh-ukotiikr  was  in  I'hiladelphia,  and  was  amoni,'  those 
who  attended  the  hurial  of  Mr.  Peter  Jaiptelte,  ami  '  ■>  thus  noticed  in  the 
Pennsylvania  (Gazette  of 'iH  March,  of  that  year:  "On  Monday  last,  the 
cliiul's  and  warriors  of  the  Five  Nations  assembled  at  the  state-house,  and 
were  welcomed  to  the  city  of  Philadelphia  in  an  luhhess  delivered  by  the 
f^overnor.  Three  of  the  chiefs  made  a  {General  ackiiowledj.'ment  for  the  cor- 
dial reception  which  they  had  experienced,  but  [lostponed  their  formal  answer 
until  another  o|iporliinity.  The  room  in  whii  ■  they  assembled  was  mentioned 
us  the  ancient  council-chamber,  in  wliiidi  tlnir  ancestors  and  ours  had  often 
met  to  brighten  the  chain  of  friendship;  and  this  circmnatance, tojjisther  with 
the  presence  of  u  "(reat  part  of  thi!  beauty  of  the  city,  had  an  evident  ellijct 
upon  the  fet;lin<^s  of  the  Iiidiuns,  and  seemed  |)urticularly  to  embarrass  the 
elocution  of  the  Parmer.i-brotker."  This  last  cluiise  does  not  correspond  witli 
our  ideas  of  the  great  chief. 

Throuj(h  his  whole  life,  Furners-brother  seems  to  have  been  a  peai'eniaker. 
In  the  .sj)riig  of  the  next  year,  there  was  a  great  council  held  at  Niagara, 
consisting  of  the  chief's  of  a  great  many  nations,  dwelling  npon  thi!  shores 
of  the  western  lakes.  At  this  time,  many  long  and  laborious  speeches  were 
made,  some  for  and  others  against  tlie  conduct  of  the  United  States.  Farm- 
ers-brother shone  conspicuous  ut  this  time.  His  speech  was  nearly  tiiree 
hours  long,  and  the  final  determination  of  the  council  was  [leace.  We 
know  of  no  speeches  being  pr.'S.-rvei'  at  this  time,  but  if  there  could  have 
been,  doubtless  mncdi  true  history  might  have  been  collected  from  them. 
He  seems  not  only  to  have  been  est(;emed  by  the  Americans,  but  also  by  the 
English.f 

Of  Peter  Jitquettr,  whom  we  have  several  times  incidentally  mentiou'.'d, 
we  will  give  some  account  before  proceeding  with  Honnyawus.  He  was 
one  of  the  iirincipal  sachems  of  the  Oneidas.  This  chief  died  in  Phila- 
delphia, 19  March,  171)2.  He  had  been  taken  t(j  I'rance  by  General  Lafaij- 
ette,  at  the  close  of  the  revolutionary  war,  where  he  received  an  education. 
Mr.  Jaquette,  having  died  on  Monday,  was  interred  on  the  following  Wednes- 
day. " His  funeral  was  attended  fiom  Oder's  hotel  to  the  Presbyterian 
burying-ground  in  Mulberry-street.  The  corpse  was  preceded  by  a  detach- 
ment of  the  light  infantry  of  the  city,  with  arms  reversed,  drums  muflled, 
music  playing  a-  solemn  dirge.    The   corpse  was  followed   by  si.\  of  the 

*  Amials  of  Trvon  Co.  8ro.  N,  York,  18. 

\  "  Le  village  cfe  Buffalo  est  habile  par  les  Senecas.  Le  chef  do  cettc  nation  est  Brothers^ 
farmer,  estinit'  par  loulos  les  tribus  coiniiic  ffraiul  ^ucrrier  el  grand  politique,  et  fort  caresse 
a  ce  litre  par  les  a^eiis  anglais  et  les  agens  Amoricains.  nufmio  est  le  chef  lieu  ile  la  natiou 
Seneca."     Rochejoucauld,  Voyage  dans  I' Aiiieri(pie  en  1795,  C,  and  7,  t.  i.  299. 


1\ 

•J. 

'4. 


:t«ll 


■■■  'r. 


108        FARMERS-BROTHER.— Ills  ACCOUNT  OF  THE  MOUNDS.     [Book  V 


0. 


c.hiofs  as  mourners,  succeeded  by  all  the  warriors  •.  the  reverend  clergy 
of  all  denominations  ;  secretary  of  war,  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  war  de- 
jiartment ;  officors  of  the  federal  army,  an<l  of  the  militia;  and  a  number  of 
citizens."  * 

One  of  the  most  celebrated  speeches  of  Farmers-brother  was  delivered 
in  a  council  at  Genesee  River,  in  171)8,  and  afler  being  interpreted,  was 
signed  l)y  the  cliiufs  present,  and  sent  to  the  legislature  of  New  York.  It 
loliows : — 

"  Brothers,  as  you  are  once  mono  assembled  in  council  for  the  purpose  of 
<loing  honor  to  yourselves  and  justice  to  your  country,  we,  your  broilicrs, 
I  he  sac!  If -IMS,  chiefs  and  warrioijof  the  Seneca  niition,  request  you  to  open 
your  ears  and  give  attt'ntion  to  our  voice  and  wishes. — You  will  recollect  the 
late  contest  between  you  uud  y(»ur  lather,  the  great  king  of  England.  Tiii.s 
contest  threw  the  inliiihitants  of  this  whole  island  into  a  great  tumult  and 
commotion,  like  a  raging  whirlwind  which  tears  up  tlie  trees,  and  tosses  to 
and  tio  tlie  leaves,  so  that  no  one  Icnows  from  whence  they  come,  or  where 
they  will  tiiil. — This  whirlwind  was  so  direett^d  by  the  Great  Spirit  above,  us 
to  throw  into  our  arms  two  of  your  intimt  children,  Joa/jcr  ParrishanA  Horatio 
Jmits.\  We  adopted  them  into  our  lamilies,  and  mailc  tliem  our  children. 
VVc  loved  them  and  nourished  them.  They  lived  with  us  many  years.  ^2t 
length  the  Great  Spirit  spoke  i  the  whirlwind,  and  it  ivas  still,  A  clear  and  un- 
interru|>ted  sky  appeared.  The  path  of  peace  was  opened,  md  the  chain  of 
iiiendsiiip  wiis  once  more  made  bright.  Then  'hese  our  adopted  children 
left  us,  to  seek  their  r<  i.<.)ions ;  we  wished  them  to  remain  among  us,  and 
promised,  if  they  would  return  and  live  in  om-  country,  to  give  each  of  them 
a  seat  of  land  for  them  and  their  children  to  sit  ddwn  upon. — They  liave  re- 
tin-ned,  and  have,  for  several  years  past,  been  serviceable  to  us  as  interpret- 
'us.  We  still  feel  our  hearts  beat  with  affection  for  them,  and  now  wish  to 
ilHl  the  promise!  we  made  them,  and  reward  them  for  their  services.  We 
have,  therefore,  made  up  our.  minds  to  give  them  a  seat  of  two  square  miles 
of  land,  lying  on  the  outlets  of  Lake  Erie,  about  three  miles  below  Black- 
rock,  begiiming  at  the  mouth  of  a  creek  known  by  the  name  of  Scoygnquo)^- 
dcucrcch;  running  one  mile  from  the  River  Niagara  up  said  creek,  thence 
noriherly  as  the  riv(!r  runs  tw^o  mic.'*,  thence  wes'  -rly  one  mile  to  the  river, 
tiic2ice  u[)  the  river  as  the  river  iuns,  tsvo  miles,  to  the  pla^-e  of  begiiming,  so 
as  to  contain  two  square  miles. — Wo  have  now  made  known  to  you  our 
minds.  We  expect  and  earnest  ;'  reqiU>st  that  you  will  permit  our  friends 
to  receive  this  our  gilt,  and  will  limke  the  samt  good  to  them,  according  to 
the  laws  and  customs  of  your  nation. — Why  should  you  hesitate  to  make  our 
minds  easy  with  regard  to  this  our  reqdest  ?  To  you  it  is  but  a  little  thing ; 
and  have  you  not  com|)lied  with  the  request  and  confirmed  the  gifts  of  our 
brothers  the  Oneidas,  the  Ononiiagas  and  Cayugas  to  their  hiterjjreters  ? 
And  shall  we  ask  and  not  be  heard  ?  We  send  you  this  our  speech,  to 
whicli  we  expect  your  answer  before  the  breaking  u[)  our  great  council 
fire." 

A  gentleman  J  who  visited  Buffalo  in  1810,  observes  tiiat  Farmets-hroihei 
was  never  known  to  drink  ardent  spirits,  and  although  then  94  years  old, 
walked  perfectly  ui)right,  and  was  remarkably  straight  and  well  formed ; 
\ery  grave,  and  answered  his  incpiirics  with  great  precision,  but  throuirh  his 
iinerjueter,  Mr.  Parrish,  before  named.  His  account  of  the  mounds  in  that 
region  will  not  give  satisfaction.  He  told  Dr.  King  that  they  were  thrown 
up  against  the  incursions  of  the  Fn-nch,  and  that  the  implements  found  in 
them  were  taken  from  them  ;  a  great  army  of  Franch  having  been  overthrown 
and  mostly  cut  ofl*  the  Indians  became  possessed  of  their  aeoutrements, 
which,  being  of  no  use  to  them,  were  buried  with  their  owners. 

Ho  was  a  great  warrior,  and  although  "eighty  snows  in  years"  when  the 
var  of  1812  began,  yet  he  engaged  in  it,  and  fought  with  the  Americans. 

*  Peiinsylvaiiia  GazeUe. 

t  Taken  prfsoiiers  at  the  deslruction  of  Wyoming  by  the  lories  and  Indians  under  Butler 
and  Brant. 

i  Dr.  William  King,  the  celebrated  electrician,  "aIio  givs  the  author  tills  information 
verbally. 


S.     [Book  V 

?rend  clergy 
the  war  de- 
i  number  of 

as  delivered 
I)roted,  was 
w  York.     It 

purpose  of 
ur  brotiieis, 
you  to  open 
ecollect  tlie 
[land.     Tliis 

tiiiiiult  -dud 
lid  tosses  to 
le,  or  where 
rit  above,  jis 
and  Horatio 
iir  children, 
y  years.  Jt 
lear  and  un- 
he  chain  of 
ed  children 
ong  us,  and 
ich  of  thent 
ey  have  re- 
is  interpret- 
low  wish  to 
ivices.  We 
quare  miles 
(low  Jilack- 

Scoi/gliquoif- 

reek,  thence 
to  the  river, 
pginning,  so 
to  you  our 
our  friends 
ccording  to 
to  make  our 
little  thing; 
gifts  of  our 
iterj)reters  r 
sj)eech,  to 
•eat  council 


Chap.  VI.]  FARMERS-BROTHER.— SURPRISE  AT  DEVIL'S  HOLE. 


109 


under  Butler 
s  inrormation 


He  did  not  live  till  its  close,  but  died  at  the  Seneca  village,  just  after  the 
battle  of  Bridgewater,  and  was  interred  with  military  honors  by  the  fifth 
regiment  of  United  States  infantry.  He  usually  wore  a  medal  presented 
him  by  General  Washington.  In  the  revolution,  be  fought  successfully 
against  the  Americans.  Perhaps  there  never  flowed  from  the  lips  of  man 
a  more  sublime  metaphor  than  that  made  use  of  by  this  chief,  in  the 
speech  given  above,  when  alluding  te  the  revolutionary  contest.  It  is 
worth  repeating :  "  The  Great  Spirit  ^poke  to  the  lohirlicind,  and  it  was 
still." 

This  celebrated  chief  was  engaged  in  the  cause  of  the  French,  in  the  old 
French  war,  as  it  is  termed,  and  he  once  pointed  out  the  spot  to  a  traveller, 
where,  at  the  head  of  a  band  of  his  warriors,  he  ambushed  a  guard  that  ac- 
companied the  English  teams,  employed  bi-tween  the  Falls  of  Niagara  and 
Fort  Niagara,  which  had  then  recently  surrendered  to  the  English  under 
Sir  WiUiam  Johnson.  The  place  of  the  ambush  is  now  called  the  Devil's 
Hole,  and  is  a  very  noted  place  to  inquisitive  visitors  of  that  romantic  region, 
as  it  is  but  three  and  a  half  miles  below  the  great  Falls,  and  upon  the  Ameri- 
can shore.  It  is  said  of  this  place,  that  "  the  mind  can  scarcely  conceive  of 
a  more  dismal  looking  den.  A  large  ravine,  made  by  the  falling  in  of  the 
perpr;ndicular  bank,  darkened  by  the  spreading  branches  of  the  birch  and 
cedar,  which  had  taken  root  below,  and  the  low  murmuring  of  the  rapids  in 
the  chas.m,  added  to  the  solemn  thunder  of  the  cataract  itself,  contribute  to 
render  the  scene  truly  awful.  The  English  party  were  not  aware  of  the  dread- 
liil  fate  that  awaited  them.  Unconscious  of  danger,  the  drivers  were  gayly 
whistling  to  their  dull  ox-teams.  Fanners-brother  ami  his  l)and,  on  their 
arrival  at  this  spot,  rushed  from  the  thicket  which  had  concealed  them,  and 
commenced  a  horrid  butchery."  So  imexpected  was  thi;  attack  that  all  pres- 
ence of  mind  forsook  the  English,  and  th<>v  made  little  or  no  resistance.  The 
guard,  the  teamsters,  the  oxen  and  the  wagons  were  precipitated  down  into 
the  gulf  But  two  of  the  men  escaped  ;  a  Mr.  Stedman,  who  lived  at  Schlos- 
ser,  above  the  falls,  who,  being  mounted  on  a  fleet  horse,  effected  his  esca|)e  ; 
and  one  of  ihe  soldiers,  who  was  caught  on  the  projecting  root  of  a  cedar, 
which  sustained  him  until  the  Indians  had  left  the  place.  He  soon  after  got 
to  Fort  Niagara,  and  there  gave  an  account  of  what  had  happened.  The 
small  rivulet  that  runs  into  the  Niagara  through  the  Devil's  Hole,  was,  it  is 
said,  colored  with  the  blood  of  the  slain  on  that  unfortunate  day,  and  it  now 
bears  the  name  of  Bloody-Run. 

Farmers-brother  fought  against  the  Americans  in  the  Revolution,  and  was 
no  inconsiderable  foe ;  but  his  acts  were  probably  mostly  in  coimcil.  as  we 
hear  of  no  important  achievements  by  him  in  the  field. 

The  following  remarkable  incident  should  not  be  omitted  in  the  life  of 
this  chief.  In  the  war  of  1812,  a  fugitive  Mohawk  from  the  enemy  had  en- 
deavored to  pass  for  a  Seneca,  and  accordingly  came  among  those  under 
Red-jacket  and  Farmers-brother.  The  latter  discovered  him,  and  immediately 
appeared  in  h!s  presence,  and  thus  accosted  him.  "/  know  you  ivell.  You 
belonif  to  tlie  Mohaioks.  You  are  a  spy.  Here  is  my  rijle — my  tomahawk — my 
scalping-knifc.  Say,  ivhich  I  shall  use.  I  am  in  haste."  The  yoimg  fllo- 
hawk  knew  there  was  no  reprieve,  nor  time  to  deliberate.  He  chose  the 
rifle.  The  old  chief  ordered  him  to  lie  down  upon  the  grass,  and  with  one  foot 
upon  his  breast,  he  discharged  his  lifle  into  his  head.* 

The  following  letter  will,  besides  exhibitinjr  the  condition  of  the  Senecas, 
develoj)  some  other  interesting  facts  in  their  biographical  history. 

"  To  the  Honorable  William  EuMis,  secretary  at  war. 

"The  sachems  and  chief  warriors  of  the  Seneca  nation  of  Indians,  under- 
stxmdii  g  you  are  the  person  ajipointed  by  the  great  council  of  your  nation  to 
manage  and  conduct  the  affairs  of  the  several  nations  of  Indians  with  whom 
you  are  at  peace  and  on  terms  of  friendship,  come,  at  this  time,  as 
children  to  a  father,  to  lay  before  you  the  trouble  which  we  have  on  our 
minds. 


M 


■■-J  ! 


"S8 


10 


Buckingham's  Miscellanies,  i.  33,  34, 


I* 


110 


FARMERS-BROTHER. 


[Book  V 


Chap. 


"Brotlier,  we  do  not  think  it  best  to  multiply  words:  we  will,  therefore, 
tell  you  what  our  complaint  is. — Brother,  listen  to  what  we  say :  Some  years 
since,  we  held  a  treaty  at  Bigtree,  near  the  Genesee  River.  This  treaty  was 
called  by  our  great  lather,  the  jjresideut  of  the  United  States.  He  .sunt  an 
agent.  Col.  Wadsworth,  to  attend  this  treaty,  for  the  purpose  of  advising  us  in 
the  business,  and  seeing  that  we  had  justice  done  us.  At  this  treaty,  we  sold 
to  Robert  Morris  the  greatest  part  of  our  country ;  the  sum  he  gave  us  was 
100,000  dollars.  The  eonnnissioncrs  who  were  appointed  on  your  j)art, 
atUised  ns  to  place  this  money  in  the  hands  of  our  great  ladier,  the  i)resi(leni 
of  the  United  States.  He  told  us  our  tiither  loved  his  red  chiklrcn,  juul 
would  take  care  of  our  money,  and  plant,  it  in  a  field  where  it  woulil  hiur 
.seed  tijn.'ver,  us  long  as  trees  grow,  or  waters  run.  Our  money  has  hereto- 
fore been  of  great  service  to  us  ;  it  has  helped  us  to  support  our  old  people, 
and  our  women  and  children ;  but  we  arc  told  the  field  where  our  money  was 
planted  is  become  barren. — IJrother,  we  do  not  understand  your  way  of  doing 
business.  This  thing  is  very  heavy  on  our  minds.  We  mean  to  hold  our 
white  brethren  of  the  United  States  by  the  hand  ;  but  this  weight  lies  heavy  ; 
we  hope  you  will  remove  it. — We  have  heard  of  the  bad  conduct  of  our 
brothers  towards  the  setting  sun.  We  are  sorry  for  what  they  have  done ; 
but  you  must  not  blame  us ;  we  have  had  no  htuid  in  this  bad  business. 
They  have  had  bad  people  among  them.  It  is  your  enemies  have  done  this. 
— We  have  persuaded  our  agcut  to  take  this  talk  to  your  great  council.  He 
k^ows  our  situations,  and  will  sjjak  our  minds. 
[Subscribed  with  the  muri:s  of] 

Wheelbarrow, 

Jack-berry, 

Twenty  Canoes,  [Cachaunwasst,] 


Big-kettle,  [Sessewa  ?] 

Half-town,  [Jlchiovi,^ 

Keyandeande, 

Captain-cold, 

Esq.  Blinkney, 

CAii>T.  Johnson,  [TalmpMha.] 


Farmer's  Brother,  \Honayaw'us,'\ 
Little  Billy,  {Gishkaka,'\ 
Young  Kino,  \^Koyingquaulah^ 
Pol  LA  R  D,  [Kuo  undooivimd,] 
Chief- WARRIOR,  [Lunucltshewa,] 
Two-guns, 
John  Sky, 

Parrot-nose,  [Soocoowa,] 
John  Pierce,  [Teskaiy,] 
Strong,  [Kahcdsta,] 

"  N.  I{.  The  foregoing  s|)eech  was  delivered  in  council  by  Farmers- Brothtr, 
at  Biiffido  Creek,  19  Dec.  1811,  and  subscribed  to  in  my  presence  by  the 
chiefs  whose  names  are  annexed. 

Erastus  Granger." 

Eight  thousand  dollai's  *  was  appropriated  immediately  upon  receipt  of  the 
abov '. 

Little-bUli/,  or  GiMaka,  is  the  same  of  whom  we  have  spoken  in  a  prcce 
ding  cha|)ter,  and  called  by  Washington,  Jiiskakaka. 

YQunii;-kiim,  the  third  signer  of  the  above  talk,  was  engaged  in  fighting 
for  the  Americans  in  the  last  war  with  England,  and  by  an  act  of  congn^ss 
was  to  be  |iaid  yearly,  in  quarterly  jjayments,  200  dollars,  during  life.  The 
act  states  that  it  was  "  a  compensation  for  the  brave  and  meritorious  services 
which  he  rendered"  in  that  war,  "and  as  a  provision  for  the  wound  and 
disability  which  lie  received  in  the  perfo  niance  of  those  services."  This 
was  in  the  spring  of  1810. 

Of  Pollard,  or  Captain  Pollard,  we  shall  have  occasion  elsewhere  to  say 
more. 

Jack-hernf  was  sometimes  interpreter  for  Red-jacket. 

HalJ'-lown  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  affairs  of  the  Senecas,  but  as  he 
is  generally  mentioned,  in  our  documents,  in  connection  with  Corn-plant,  or 
Corn-planter,  and  Bis;-lrec,  we  had  designed  to  s|)eak  of  the  three  collectively. 

We  find  among  the  acts  of  the  Pennsylvania  legislature  of  1791,  one  "  for 


*  '•■  In  lit-ii  of  the  dividend  on  the  bank  shares,  held  by  the  president  of  the  U.  Slates,  'n 
trust  for  llio  Seneca  nation,  in  the  hank  of  tlie  U.  States." 
t  Or  Kiiindosewa,  KayeiUhoglike,  &c. 
I  Bemoti's  Jtlvmo'ii,  before  the  N.  Y.  Hisi.  Soc.  page  20.    Also  Araer.  Magazine. 


upon 


Chap.  VI] 


HALF-TOWN— CORN-PLANT— BIG-TREE. 


Ill 


liere  to  sav 


granting  800  dollars  to  Corn-planter,  Half-town  a.id  Big-tree,  Seneca  chiefs, 
in  trust  lor  the  Seneca  nation."  At  this  time  n)uch  was  appreheutltd  I'roni 
an  Indian  war.  Settlers  were  intruding  themselves  upon  their  country,  and 
all  experience  has  shown  that  whenever  the  whites  have  gotio  among  tlem, 
troul)les  were  sure  to  follow.  Every  movement  of  the  LidLuis  was  looked 
upon  with  jealousy  by  them  at  this  period.  Half-toum  was  the  "white 
man's  friend,"  and  communicated  to  the  garrisons  in  his  country  every  sus- 
picious movement  of  tribes  of  whom  doubts  were  entertained.  It  i;3  evident 
that  lioslile  bands,  for  a  long  time,  hovered  about  the  post  at  Venango,  and, 
but  tor  the  vigilance  of  Half-town,  and  other  friendly  chiefs,  it  would  have 
been  cut  off.  hi  April  this  year,  (1791,)  Corn-plant  and  HalJ-ioitm  had  up- 
wards of  100  warriors  in  and  about  the  garrison,  and  kept  runners  out  con- 
tinually, "  being  determined  to  protect  it  at  all  events."  Their  spies  made 
fre(]uent  discoveries  of  war  parties.  On  the  12  August,  1791,  Half-town  and 
.Vew-arroio  gave  iidbrmation  at  Fort  Franklin,  that  a  sloop  full  of  Indians 
had  heen  seen  on  Lake  Erie,  sailing  for  Presque  k'le ;  and  tJieir  object  was 
supposed  to  be  Fort  Franklin ;  but  the  conjecture  proved  groiuidless. 

Tiie  Indian  name  of  Half-town  was  Achiout.  We  hear  of  him  at  Fort 
Ilarmer,  in  1789,  where,  with  23  othera,  lie  executed  a  treaty  with  the  United 
States.  The  commissioners  on  the  part  of  the  latter  were  General  Arthur 
St.  Clair,  Oliver  H'ulcut,  Richard  Butler  and  Arthur  Lee.  Among  the  signers 
on  tiie  part  of  the  Senecas  were  also  Big-tree,  or  Kiandogtwa,  Corn-planter, 
or  Gijardwaia,  besides  several  others  whose  names  are  familiar  in  history. 
Big-tree  was  often  called  GrecU-tree,  which,  in  the  language  of  the  Five 
Nations,  was  JVthorontagowa^*  which  also  was  the  name  of  the  Oneida 
nation,  f  Big-tree  was  with  General  Washington  during  the  summer  of 
1778,  but  return;;d  in  the  Indian  nations  in  the  autumn.  He  proceeded  to 
the  Senecas,  and  used  his  eloquence  to  dissuade  them  from  fighting  under 
Brant  against  the  Americans.  The  Oneidas  were  friendly  at  this  time,  and 
Big-tree  was  received  among  them  with  hospitality,  in  his  way,  upon  this 
mission.  Having  staid  longer  than  was  expected  among  the  Sijnecas,  the 
Oneidas  sent  a  messenger  to  him  to  know  the  reason.  He  returned  answer 
that  when  he  arrived  among  his  nation,  he  found  them  all  in  arms,  and  their 
villages,  Kanadaseago  and  Jennessec,  crowded  with  warriors  from  remote 
tribes  ;  that  they  at  first  seemed  inclined  to  hearken  to  his  wishes,  but  soon 
learning  by  a  spy  that  the  Americans  were  alwut  to  invade  their  country,  all 
flew  to  arms,  and  Big-tree  put  himself  at  their  head,  ^^  determined  to  chastise," 
he  said,  "  the  enemy  that  dared  presume  to  think  of  penetratiiig  ttveir  country." 
But  we  do  not  learn  that  he  was  obliged  to  maintain  that  hostile  attitude, 
and  doubtless  returned  soon  after. 

Corn-planter  was  a  warrior  at  Braddock^s  defeat,  but  whether  a  chief  I  do 
notletini;  we  will,  however,  according  to  oin-  design,  give  an  account  of 
that  signal  disaster,  in  this  connection.  The  French  having  established 
themselves  upon  the  Ohio,  within  the  territory  claimed  by  the  English,  and 
built  a  fort  upon  it,  as  low  down  as  the  conHueuce  of  that  river  with  the  Mo- 
nongahela,  the  latter  were  determined  to  dispossess  them.  This  was  under- 
taken by  a  force  of  about  2200  men  under  the  conunand  of  General  Edward 
Biaddock.  With  about  1300  of  tli(!st!  he  proceeded  on  the  expedition,  leaving 
the  rest  to  follow  under  Colonel  Dunbar.  \.  Through  nearly  the  whole 
course  of  his  march,  he  was  watciujd  by  spies  from  Fort  Diupiesne,  (the  name 
of  the  French  fort  on  the  Ohio,)  and  the  earliest  intelligence  of  bis  move- 
ments was  carried  there  by  Indian  runners  with  the  utmost  despatch.  When 
it  was  told  among  the  Indians  tiiat  the  army  was  nmrching  upon  them  in 
solid  colunnis,  they  laughed  with  surprise,  and  said,  one  to  another,  "  fVe'U 
shoot  \m  down,  (dl  one  pigeon ! "  §  and  it  will  always  be  acknowledged  that, 
in  this,  the  Indians  were  not  mistaken. 

The  French,  it  seems,  formed  but  a  small  part  of  the  force  that  defeated 


*  Or  Kiandogewa,  Kayenthoghke,  &.C. 
t  Benson's  Memoir,  beii)re  (he  N,  Y.  Hist.  Soc.  paee  20. 
X  Afoount  of  tiie  Ohio  Dofent.  p.  4,  4".   Boston,  1755. 
\   Withers'!  Ckronklcs,  33.  5-1. 


Also  Amer.  Magazine. 


4 


112 


CORN-PLANTER." BRADDOCK'S  DEFEAT. 


!;■■ 


[Book  V. 


Braddock^s  army ;  the  Indians  planned  and  executed  the  operations  chiefly 
themselves,  and  their  whole  force  is  said  not  to  have  exceeded  400  men  ;  hut 
from  the  c.tMunts  of  the  French  themselves,  it  is  evidjsnt  there  were 
about  (iOO  Indians,  and  not  fur  from  250  French,*  who  marched  out  to  meet 
Bratldock. 

FiUrly  in  the  morninjr  of  the  9  July,  1755,  the  English  army  arrived  at  a 
Ibrdiiig-place  on  the  Monongaheln,  at  the  junction  of  the  Youghioguny,  which 
it  pass;  d  in  fine  order,  and  pursued  its  march  upon  the  southern  margin  of 
the  river,  to  avoid  the  high  and  rugged  ground  on  tlie  north,  which  tlicy 
woidd  have  had  to  encounter  ujmn  the  other  side  of  it  Washington  ofh  li  said 
afterwards,  "that  '.^  most  beautiful  spectacle  which  he  had  ever  beheld  was 
the  display  of  the  JJritish  troops  on  this  eventful  morning."  They  were  in 
full  uiiitbrin,  and  marched  in  the  most  perfect  order,  and  dreamed  of  nothing 
but  an  easy  conquest.  About  noon  they  arrived  at  their  second  cr  ;siiig 
place,  which  was  distant  only  10  miles  from  Fort  Duquesne.  It  wfi  lere 
that  the  Indians  and  French  had  intended  to  commence  their  attacK ;  hut 
owing  to  some  delay,  they  did  not  arrive  in  season,  and  therefore  took  a  posi- 
tion further  in  advance,  and  awaited  the  approach  of  the  English. 

The  Freneli  were  eominanded  by  M.  rfe  Beaujeu,  who  had  for  his  lieuten- 
ant, M.  Dianas.  The  place  chosen  for  the  acnbush  was  the  best  possible,  and 
the  Indians  never  showed  greater  courage  and  finnness.  It  is  said  by  tlie 
French,  that  they  were  for  some  time  opposed  to  going  out  to  fight  the 
English,  but  that  afl(!r  several  solicitations  from  M.  Beaujeu,  they  consented; 
but  the  Indian  account  is  as  we  have  before  stated- 

Inunediately  on  crossing  the  river  the  army  were  formed  in  three  divisions, 
which  was  tlio  order  of  uiarch.  A  plain,  or  kind  of  prairie,  which  the  army 
had  to  crots,  extended  from  the  river  about  half  a  mile,  and  then  its  route 
lay  over  an  ascending  grounc!,  of  very  gentle  ascent,  covered  with  trees  and 
high  prairie  grass.  At  the  coinmencement  of  this  elevation  liegan  a  ravine, 
which,  as  it  extended  up  the  rising  ground,  formed  a  figure  resembling  nearly 
that  of  a  horse-shoe,  and  about  150  yards  in  extent.  Into  this  inclosnre  two 
divisions  of  the  army  had  passed  when  tfie  attack  began. 

Notwithstanding  Washington  had  urged  upon  the  general  the  {jropriety  of 
keeping  out  scouting  parties  to  avoid  surprise,  yet  he  would  bike  no  advice, 
and  it  is  said,  that  on  ont-  occasion,  he  boisterously  replied,  "that  it  was  high 
times  for  a  young  Buckskin  to  teach  a  British  general  how  to  fight ! "  t«iich 
was  his  contempt  for  s<!Outing  parties,  that  he  accepted  with  cold  indiffer- 
ence the  services  of  George  Croghan,  who  had  ofiiired  himself  with  100 
Indians  for  the  important  business  of  scouring  the  woods.  The  conseqiieni-e 
was,  the  Imlians,  one  after  another,  left  the  army  in  its  march,  much  to  the 
regret  of  Washington  and  other  provincial  officers,  who  knew  how  to  ap- 
preciate their  value. 

When  the  first  division  of  the  army  had  nearly  ascended  the  hill,  ns  the 
rising  ground  was  called,  the  Indians  broke  the  silence  of  the  morning  with 
a  most  appalling  yell,  and  at  the  same  moment  poured  a  most  deadly  fire 
from  their  coverts  upon  the  devot«'d  column.  The  first  shocks  were  sus- 
tained with  firmness,  and  the  fire  was  returned,  by  which  a  few  Indians  were 
killed,  and  the  French  (•ommander-in-cliief|  M.  de  Beaujeu,  mortally  wouiiflcd. 
It  is  said  that  the  Indiana  now  began  to  waver,  and  but  lor  the  good  conduct 
of  M.  Dumas,  second  in  conniiand,  would  have  fled ;  but  by  his  exertions 
order  was  restored,  and  the  firing,  which  had  not  ceased,  was  redoubled. 

The  advanced  column  was  .^omnianded  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Goj^e,  since 
so  well  known  as  governor  of  Massachusetts,  in  1775.  This  column  was 
about  100  yards  in  advance  of  the  second,  which  had  just  begun  to  ascend 
the  hill  when  the  attack  began,  and  the  main  body,  under  the  general  in 
person,  was  but  a  few  rods  in  the  rear  of  this,  and  on  hearing  the  firing  he 
presseji  forward  to  8upi)ort  the  engaged  [larly. 

Meanwhile  the  extensive  line  of  Indians  upon  the  right  flank  made  an 
onset  from  their  section  of  the  ravine,  and  from  their  superior  numbers,  the 
Bhock  could  not  be  withstood,  and  the  column  was  immediately  broken,  and 


I    1 


S/htiks'ii   Washington,  ii.  4<38 — 76. 


i  lb.  c.  1.469. 


Chap.  VI]       CORN-PLANT.— MLS  tilM'KCH  TO   \VASIII.^(i TON. 


113 


ons  chiefly 
0  men ;  but 
there  were 
3ut  to  meet 

irrived  at  n 
jany,  which 

margin  of 
kviiich  they 
n  ofli  i.saiJl 
I'ehohi  was 
;y  were  in 

ofnothinif 
d  cr  vsinj,' 
t  wa  lere 
ittacK ;  hut 
ouk  a  posi- 


e  divisions, 
I  the  army 
n  its  route 
trees  and 
n  a  ravine, 
>Hng  nearly 
losnre  two 

ropriety  of 
no  advice;, 
it  was  high 
It!"  finch 
Id  indifU'r- 
■  witii  100 
)nac()ucnce 
incii  to  the 
low  to  ap- 

hill,  as  the 
rning  with 
deadly  fire 
were  sus- 
rlians  were 

wounded, 
id  conduct 

exertions 
ibied. 
JagC)  since 
lumn  was 
to  ascend 
gon»>ral  in 
!  firing  he 

made  an 
nbcrs,  the 
okcn,  and 

c.  1.469. 


began  to  retreat  in  diborder  down  the  hill — coiirusioii  and  di.^inay  cnsUiMl— 
no  exertions  of  the  odicers  could  jirevcnt  liie  jianic  from  spreading  aming 
the  regular  troops,  and  thu  fight  was  afterwards  coutinncd  in  the  utmost  irreg- 
ularity. Jmlioldened  by  the  confusion  of  the  EnglijJi,  the  Indians  now 
rushi'd  u|)on  them  with  their  tomahawks,  which,  after  near  two  hours,  ter- 
minated th(!  battle,  and  the  field  was  left  in  their  jKwsessioii.  Not  only  the 
field  of  battle,  but  all  the  killed  and  many  of  the  wounded,  all  the  artillery, 
(eleven  jiieces  of  cannon,)  all  the  general's  baggagi",  and  evtsn  [nivate  jiapeis, 
and  all  the  ammunition  and  proviHions,  fell  into  the  bunds  of  the  victors. 

All  liuttli(!  Virginians  fought  for  some  time  in  the  most  wretched  confu- 
sion; but  the  olficers  were  mournfully  sacrificed — sometimes  diaiging  tin- 
enemy  in  a  body  by  themselvea,  hoping  by  their  example  to  draw  out  their 
men  ill  a  manner  to  repel  their  adversju'ies ;  l»ut  all  to  no  purpose  :  and  it  is 
not  doubted  but  that  the  confused  multitude  of  regulars  kilhid  iii.uiy  ol"  tiieir 
comi)anions,  as  they  often  fired  fifty  or  a  hundred  in  a  hiulille  togetlu  r, 
seemingly  l(:)r  no  other  object  but  to  get  rid  of  their  ammunition.  The  \  ir- 
ginians  fought  in  the  Indian  manner,  beii'.id  trees  and  coverts ;  and  it  was 
owing  to  their  good  conduct  that  any  of  tlie  wretclu'd  army  escaped. 

After  iiaving  five  horses  wliot  under  him,  (Jeneral  Braddock  received  a 
wound  in  bis  lungs,  of  whicli  he  died  on  the  J3th  of  July,  4  days  after  the 
battle,  at  Fort  Cumberland,  'illier  he  had  arrived  with  a  part  of  his  shat- 
tered army,  ff'ashinglon  haci  ueen  sufiering,  li)r  some  lime  beliire  iirriviiig 
at  the  fatal  battle-field,  from  u  fever;  antl  in  a  letter  which  he  wrote  to  his 
mother,  dated  July  18th,  he  thus  speaks  of  himself: — "  The  Virginia  troops 
showed  a  good  deal  of  bravery,  and  were  nearly  all  killed ;  for  1  believe,  out 
of  three  companies  that  were  there,  scarcely  SO  men  are  left  alive.  Cap- 
tain Ptyrouny,  and  all  his  officers  down  to  a  corporal,  were  killed.  Captain 
Poison  had  nearly  as  hard  a  iiite,  for  only  one  of  his  were  left.  In  short,  iho 
dastardly  behavior  of  those  they  call  "gulars  exposed  all  others,  that  were 
inclined  to  do  their  duty,  to  uiniost  certain  death,  and  at  last,  in  despite  of 
all  the  (ifforts  of  the  oflicers  to  the  contrary,  they  ran,  as  sheep  pmsiied  by 
dogs,  and  it  was  impossible  to  rally  them."  "Sir  Pekr  Halktt  wixa  killed 
in  the  field,  where  died  many  other  brave  oflicers.  I  luckily  escaped  with- 
out a  wound,  though  I  had  4  bullets  through  uiy  coat,  and  two  horses  shot 
under  me.  Captains  Orim  and  Morris,  two  of  the  aids-de-camp,  were  wound- 
ed early  in  the  engagement,  which  rendered  the  duty  haider  upon  iik;,  as  1 
was  the  only  person  then  left  to  distribute  the  general's  orders,  which  1  was 
scarcely  able  to  do,  as  I  was  not  half  recovered  from  a  violent  illness,  that 
had  confined  me  to  my  bed  and  wagon  fc^-  above  10  days." 

We  know  of  no  battle,  in  which  so  ^reat  a  proportion  of  officers  fell. 
There  were  8t)  engaged  in  it,  and  (W  were  killed  and  wounded,  of  whom  2t) 
W(ue  killed.  Besides  those  already  named,  there  were  among  the  wounded 
Colonel  Burton,  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  Colonel  Orrne,  and  Major  Sparks.  Of  the 
private  soldiers  there  were  killed  and  wounded  714,  half  of  whom  were 
killed,  or  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  suffered  a  cruel  ileath  after- 
wards. Mr.  John  Field,  then  a  lieutenant,  and  Mr.  Charles  Lems,  two  ilis- 
tinguislied  officei-s  afterwards,  escaped  the  carnage  of  Braddock's  field  to 
fill!  in  a  more  fortunate  place.  Thev  were  colonels  under  General  Andrew 
Lewis,  and  were  killed  hi  the  battle  of  Point  Pleasant,  as  will  be  found  men- 
tioned in  the  life  of  Logan, 

In  the  year  1790,  Big-tree,  Corn-plant  and  HaJf-toxov  appeared  at  Philadel- 
phia, and,  by  their  interpreter,  communicated  to  President  IVashinglnn  as 
follows : — 

"  Father :  The  voice  of  tlie  Seneca  nations  speaks  to  you  ;  the  great  coun- 
sellor, in  whose  heart  the  wise  men  of  all  the  thiiieen  fires  [13  U.  S.]  have 
placed  their  wisdom.  It  may  be  very  small  in  your  ears,  and  we,  therefore, 
entreat  you  to  hearken  with  attention ;  for  we  are  able  to  speak  of  things 
which  are  to  us  veiy  great. 

"  When  your  army  entered  the  country  of  the  Six  Nations,  we  called  you 
the  town  destroyer ;  to  this  day,  when  your  name  is  heard,  our  women  look 
behind  ttieni  and  turn  pale,  aud  our  eliildreu  eliog  cluee  to  the  Decks  of  tiieir 
mothers." 

10» 


'■tt:. 


114 


CORN-PI.ANT.— Ills  SrEECII  TO  U'ASIIFNGTON.         [Book  V. 


I"tt 


It' 


"When  our  chinfs  returned  from  Fort  Stanwix,  and  laid  before  our  roun- 
oil  what  had  hecii  done  tlicre,  onr  nation  was  surprised  to  hear  how  great  a 
country  you  had  compelled  tiietn  to  give  up  to  you,  without  your  paying  to 
us  any  thing  for  it.  Every  one  said,  that  your  hearts  were  yet  swelled  with 
rcsenttncnt  against  us  for  wliat  had  hap[)ened  during  the  war,  but  that  one 
day  you  would  consider  it  with  more  kindness.  We  asked  each  other,  lyiiat 
have  Joe  done  to  deserve  stwh  severe  chastisement  ? 

^'Father:  wlien  you  kindled  your  13  fires  separately,  tJie  wise  men  assctn- 
liled  Jit  tlicin  told  us  tliat  you  were  all  brothers;  the  children  of  one  great 
tlitliiT,  who  regarded  the  red  people  as  his  children.  They  called  ua 
lirotlicrs,  and  invited  us  to  his  protection.  They  told  us  that  he  resided 
lieyond  the  great  water  where  the  sun  first  rises;  and  that  he  was  a  king 
wiio.-ii'  power  no  |)eople  could  resist,  and  that  iiis  goodness  was  as  bright  as 
t!if  sun.  What  they  said  went  to  our  hearts.  We  accepted  the  invitation, 
.ind  promised  to  oix'y  bin).  What  t'.ie  Seneca  nation  [)romises,  they  faith- 
fully p(!''fonn.  When  you  refused  ohedience  to  that  king,  he  couunanded 
us  to  jissist  his  beloved  men  in  making  you  sober.  In  ol>eying  him,  we  did 
no  more  than  yourselves  had  led  us  to  promise."  "  ',Ve  were  deceived  ;  l)ut 
yoiu-  people  teaching  us  to  confide  in  that  king,  had  helped  to  deceive  us ; 
and  we  now  a[)p(!al  to  your  breast.     Is  all  the  blame  ours  ? 

^^  Father:  when  we  saw  that  we  had  been  deceived,  and  heard  the  invita- 
tion which  you  gave  us  to  draw  near  to  the  fire  you  had  kindled,  and  talk 
with  you  concerning  peace,  we  made  haste  towards  it.  You  told  us  yon 
eoulil  erush  us  to  nothing;  and  you  demanded  from  us  a  great  country,  as 
the  i)riee  of  that  peace  which  you  had  ofl^ered  to  us :  as  if  our  want  of 
strength  had  destroyed  our  riglds.  Our  chiefs  had  felt  your  power,  and  were 
unable  to  contend  against  you,  and  they  therefore  gave  up  that  country. 
What  they  agi*eed  to  has  bound  our  nation,  but  your  anger  against  us  must 
by  this  time  be  cooled,  and  although  our  strength  is  not  increased,  nor  your 
power  become  less,  we  ask  you  to  consider  calmly — Were  the  terms  dictated 
to  lis  b;/  your  commissioners  reasonable  and  just  ?  " 

They  also  remind  the  president  of  the  solemn  promise  of  the  commission- 
ers, that  they  should  be  secured  in  the  peaceable  possession  of  what  was 
left  to  them,  and  then  ask,  "7>oes  this  promise  bind  you'}"  And  that  no 
sooner  was  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  concluded,  than  commissioners  from 
I'eruisylvania  came  to  piu'chase  of  them  what  was  included  witliiv  the  lines 
of  their  state.  These  they  inlbrmed  that  they  did  not  wish  to  sell,  but  being 
further  urged,  consented  to  sell  a  [)art.  But  the  commissioners  said  that "  theif 
must  have  the  whok  ; "  for  it  was  already  ceded  to  them  by  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, at  the  peace  following  the  revolution ;  but  still,  as  tlieir  ancestors  had 
always  paid  the  Indians  for  land,  they  were  willing  to  pay  them  for  it.  Being 
not  able  to  contend,  the  land  was  sold.  Soon  alter  this,  they  empowered  a 
person  to  lot  out  part  of  their  land,  who  said  congress  had  sent  him  for  the 
purpose,  but  who,  it  seems,  fraudulently  procured  a  cfcerf  instead  of  a  power 
to  lease  ;  for  there  soon  came  another  person  claiming  all  their  country  north- 
ward of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania,  saying  that  he  purchased  it  of  the  other, 
and  tor  which  he  had  paid  20,000  dollars  to  him  and  20,000  more  to  the 
United  States.  He  now  demanded  the  land,  and,  on  being  refused,  threaten- 
ed innnediate  war.  Knowing  their  weak  situation,  they  held  a  council,  and 
took  the  advice  of  a  white  man,  whom  they  took  to  be  their  friend,  but  who, 
as  it  ])roved,  had  plotted  with  the  other,  and  was  to  receive  some  of  the 
land  for  his  agency.  He,  therefore,  told  them  they  must  comply.  "  Astonish- 
ed at  what  we  heard  from  every  quarter,"  they  say,  "with  hearts  aching  with 
compassion  for  our  women  and  ciiildren,  we  were  thus  compelled  to  give  up 
all  our  country  north  of  the  line  of  Pennsylvania,  and  east  of  the  Genesee 
River,  up  to  the  great  forks,  and  east  of  a  south  line  drawn  up  from  that 
fork  to  the  line  of  Pennsylvania,"  For  this  he  agreed  to  give  them  10,000 
dollars  down,  and  1000  dollars  a  year  forever.  Instead  of  that,  he  paid  them 
2500  dollars,  and  some  time  after  offered  500  dollars  more,  insisting  that 
that  was  all  he  owed  them,  which  he  allowed  to  be  yearly.    They  add, 

^^ Father:  you  have  said  that  we  were  in  your  hand,  and  that  by  closing  it 
you  could  crush  us  to  uothiug.    Are  you  determined  to  crush  us  ?  If  you 


Chap. 

arc,  t( 
have 
has  s!i 
not  th 
retire 
])eare 


[Rook  V. 
e  our  coun- 

lOW   glOdt  „ 

ir  paying  to 
wollJd  with 
lit  that  one 
other,  Hhnt 

nen  iisscm- 

(■  one  jrreat 

culled    us 

he  rc^iflefl 

was  a  king 

s  hrijrht  ae 

invitation, 

tliey  fiiith- 

oinnianderl 

lini,  we  (lid 

•eived  ;  l)ut 

leceiv(3  us; 

the  invita- 
d,  and  talk 
»ld  us  you 
country,  an 
tr  tcant  of 
,  and  were 
tt  country, 
it  U8  must 
I,  nor  your 
m  dictated 

immission- 
what  was 
id  that  no 
mers  from 
'^  tile  lines 

but  being 
I  that « iheij 
g  of  Eng- 
estors  had 
it.  Being 
lowered  a 
im  for  tlie 
>f"  a  power 
try  north- 
tlie  other, 
M-e  to  the 

threaten- 
uncil,  and 
,  but  who, 
Tie  of  the 
Astonish- 
hing  with 
o  give  up 

Genesee 
from  that 
!m  10,000 
laid  them 
3ting  that 
idd, 

closing  it 
i?  If  you 


Chap.  VI] 


CORN-PLANT.— DEATH  OF  I$tG-TREE. 


115 


arc,  tell  us  so ;  that  those  of  our  nation  who  have  become  your  children,  and 
have  determined  to  die  so,  may  know  what  to  do.  In  this  case,  one  chief 
has  said,  he  would  ask  you  to  put  him  out  of  his  pain.  Another,  who  will 
not  think  of  dying  by  the  hand  of  his  father,  or  his  brother,  has  said  he  will 
retin!  to  the  Chataughque,  cat  of  the  fatal  root,  and  sleep  with  his  fathers  in 
peace." 

■•'  All  the  land  we  have  been  speaking  of  lielonged  to  the  Six  Nations.  No  part 
of  it  ever  belonged  to  the  kin<'  of  England,  and  he  could  not  give  it  to  you.'" 

"  l[i',ir  us  once  more.  At  I'ort  Stanwix  we  agreed  to  deliver  up  tiiose  <it" 
our  pcopli^  wlio  sliould  do  you  any  wrong,  and  that  you  might  try  tiicin  and 
punifiji  them  according  to  your  law.  We  delivered  up  two  men  accordingly. 
Kut  itistcad  of  trying  them  according  to  your  law,  the  lowest  of  your  i)e()i)l.' 
took  ihcni  from  your  magistrate,  and  |)ur  tlicrn  immediately  to  death.  It  i^ 
just  to  jmnish  the  murder  witii  death  ;  but  the  Scnccas  will  not  deliver  up 
th(Mr  [)uople  to  men  who  disregard  the  treaties  of  their  own  nation." 

There  were  many  other  grievances  enumerated,  and  all  iti  a  strain  wliicli. 
we  should  think,  would  have  drawn  i'orth  immediate  relief.  In  his  answer. 
President  Washington  said  all,  perhaps,  which  could  be  said  in  his  situation  ; 
and  his  good  feelings  are  manifest  throughout :  still  there  is  something  like 
evasion  in  answering  some  of  their  grievances,  and  an  omission  of  notice  to 
others.  His  answer,  nevertheless,  gave  them  much  encotn-ageinent  Hv 
assured  them  that  the  lands  olitained  from  them  by  fraud  was  not  sanctioned 
by  the  government,  and  that  the  whole  transaction  was  declared  null  and 
void  ;  and  that  the  persons  who  murdered  their  people  should  be  dealt  with 
as  though  they  had  murdered  white  men,  and  that  all  possible  ineans  would 
be  used  for  their  apprehension,  and  rewards  shoidd  continue  to  be  offered  to 
effect  it.  But  we  have  not  learned  that  they  were  ever  apprehended.  The  land 
conveyed  by  treaty,  the  president  informed  them,  he  had  no  authority  to  con- 
cern with,  as  that  act  was  before  his  administration. 

The  above  speech,  although,  appearing  to  be  a  joint  production,  is  believed 
to  have  been  dictated  by  Corn-planttr.  It,  however,  was  no  doubt  the  aenti- 
ments  of  the  whole  nation,  as  Avell  as  those  of  hitnsidf.  Half-town  a?id  Big- 
tree.  Of  this  last-named  chief  we  will  here  speak  as  follows:— In  17iM,  an  act 
l)as8ed  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  "to  empower  the  governor  to  grant  ;i 
patent  to  Big-tree,  a  Seneca  chief,  for  a  certain  island  in  the  All<>ghany 
River."  He  lamented  the  disaster  of  St.  Clnir\i  army,  and  was  heard  to  say 
afterwards,  that  fie  wonHhave  two  scalps  for  General  Butler'' s,  who  lell  and  wa? 
scalped  in  that  fight.  John  Deckard,  another  Seneca  chief,  repeated  the  aariic 
words.  Being  on  a  mission  to  Philadelphia,  in  April,  ITl^^,  he  was  taken 
sick  ut  his  lodgings,  and  died  atler  about  20  hoius'  illness.  Three  days  after, 
being  Sunday,  the  22d,  he  was  buried  with  all  requisite  attention.  The  river 
Big-tree  was  probably  named  from  the  circumstance  of  this  chief  having 
lived  upon  it.  His  name  still  exists  among  some  of  his  descendants,  or 
others  of  his  tribe,  as  we  have  soon  it  subscribed  to  several  instruments 
within  a  few  years.     To  return  to  Corn-planter, 

His  Indian  name,  as  we  have  before  noted,  was  Gyantwaia ;  and  most  of 
our  knowledge  concerning  him  is  derived  from  himself,  and  is  contained  in 
a  letter  sent  from  him  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania;  and,  although  writ- 
ten by  an  interpreter,  is  believed  to  be  the  real  production  of  Corn-plarder. 
It  was  dated  "  Alleghany  River,  ^d  mo.  2d,  1822,"  and  is  as  follows : — 

"  I  feel  it  my  duty  to  send  a  speech  to  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  at 
this  time,  and  inform  him  the  place  where  I  was  from — which  was  at  Cone- 
waugus,*  on  the  Genesee  River. 

"  When  I  was  a  child.  I  played  with  the  bntterflj',  the  grasshopper  and  the 
frogs ;  and  as  I  grew  up,  I  began  to  jiay  some  attention  and  play  with  the 
Indian  boys  in  the  neighl)orhood,  and  they  took  notice  of  my  skin  being  a 
different  color  from  theirs,  and  spoke  about  it.  I  inquired  of  my  mother  the 
cause,  and  she  told  me  that  my  father  Avas  a  residenter  in  Albany.f    I  still 


-JM 


*  Th  s  was  the  Iroquois  term  to  designate  a  place  of  Christian  Indians ;  bcncc  many 
places  bear  it.    Il  is  the  same  as  Cauglineioaga. 
t  It  IS  said  (Amer,  Keg.  ii.  228)  that  he  was  an  Irishman. 


I 


IIG 


COKN-PLANT.— COMPLAINT  TO  PENNSVLVAN'A.        [Hook  V. 


Chap. 


p. 


I 

ii 


lilt  my  victualB  out  of  n  buik  disli.  I  grew  up  to  be  a  young  man,  and  mar- 
ried me  a  wile,  and  I  liad  no  kettle  or  gun.  I  then  knew  where  my  father 
lived,  and  went  to  see  him,  and  found  he  was  a  white  man,  and  spoke  tlie 
English  lar'guage.  He  gave  me  vietuals  whilst  I  was  at  his  house,  but  when 
I  started  to  return  home,  lie  gave  me  no  provision  to  eat  on  the  way.  He 
gave  me  neither  kettle  nor  gun,  neither  did  he  tell  me  that  the  United  Staten 
\vere  about  to  rebel  against  the  government  of  England. 

"1  will  now  tell  you,  brothers,  who  are  in  session  of  the  legislature  of 
J'»;nnsylvania,  that  the  Great  Spirit  has  made  known  to  me  that  I  liave  been 
wicked ;  and  the  cause  thereof  was  the  revolutionary  war  in  America.  The 
cau.se  of  Indians  having  been  led  into  sin,  at  tliat  time,  was  that  many  of 
tliem  were  in  the  practice  of  drinking  and  getting  intoxicated,  (heat 
]5ritain  requested  us  to  join  with  them  in  the  conflict  against  the  Americans, 
i.iid  promised  the  Indians  land  and  li(pior.  I  myself  was  opposed  to  joining 
ill  the  conflict,  as  I  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  diflliculty  that  existed  between 
the  two  j)arties.  I  have  now  inlbrmed  you  how  it  happened  that  the  Indians 
took  a  fjarc  in  the  revolution,  and  will  relate  to  you  some  circumstanccH  that 
oicurred  alter  the  clu.sc  ol"  tlie  war.  General  Putnam,  who  was  then  at 
I'liiladelphia,  told  mc  there  was  to  be  a  council  at  Fort  Stairvix;  and  the 
Indians  requested  me  to  attend  on  behalf  of  the  Six  Nations;  which  I  did, 
and  there  met  with  three  connnissioners,  who  had  been  appointed  to  hold  the 
founcil.  They  told  me  they  would  inform  mc  of  tlie  cause  of  the  r  volu- 
tion, which  I  requested  them  to  do  minutely.  They  then  said  that  it  had 
originated  on  account  of  the  heavy  taxes  that  had  been  imposed  upon  theni 
by  the  Hritish  goverumeiit,  which  had  been  for  My  years  increasing  upon 
liiem ;  that  the  Americans  had  grown  weary  thereof,  and  refused  to  j)ay, 
which  affionted  the  king.  There  had  likewise  a  difliculty  taken  place  about 
some  tea,  which  they  wished  mc  not  to  use,  as  it  had  been  one  of  the  causes 
that  many  people  had  lost  their  lives.  And  the  British  government  now 
being  aflrontetl,  the  war  commenced,  and  the  cannons  began  to  roar  in  our 
country.  General  Putnam  then  told  me,  at  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix, 
tliat,  by  the  late  war,  the  Americans  had  gained  two  objects:  they  hail 
established  themselves  an  independent  nation,  and  had  obtained  some  land 
to  live  upon:  the  division  line  of  which,  from  Great  Britain,  run  through 
the  lakes.  I  then  spoke,  and  said  that  I  wanted  some  land  for  the  Indians  to 
live  on,  and  General  Putnam  said  that  it  should  be  granted,  and  I  should  have 
land  in  the  state  of  New  York  for  the  Indians.  General  Putnam  then  en- 
couraged me  to  use  my  endeavors  to  pacify  the  Indians  generally ;  and,  aH 
he  considered  it  an  arduous  task  to  perlbrni,  wished  to  know  what  I  wanted 
for  pay  therefor.  I  replied  to  him,  that  I  would  use  my  endeavors  to  do  as 
lie  had  reijuested,  with  the  Indians,  and  for  pay  thereof,  I  would  take  land. 
1  told  him  not  to  pay  me  money  or  dry  goods,  but  land.  And  for  having 
attended  thereto,  I  received  the  tract  of  land  on  which  I  now  live,  which  was 
presented  to  me  by  Governor  M\flin.  I  told  General  Putnam  that  I  wished 
the  Indians  to  have  the  exclusive  privilege  of  the  deer  and  wild  game,  which 
he  assented  to.  I  also  wished  the  Indians  to  have  the  privilege  of  hunting 
in  the  woods,  and  making  fires,  which  he  likewise  assented  to. 

"  The  treaty  that  was  made  at  the  aforementioned  council,  has  been  broken 
by  some  of  the  white  people,  which  I  now  intend  acquainting  the  governor 
with.  Some  white  people  are  not  willing  that  Indians  should  hunt  any  more, 
whilst  others  are  satisfied  therewith ;  and  those  white  people  who  reside 
near  our  reservation,  tell  us  that  the  woods  are  theirs,  and  they  have 
obtained  them  from  the  governor.  The  treaty  has  been  also  broken 
by  the  white  jieople  using  their  endeavors  to  destroy  all  the  wolves,  which 
Was  not  sjioken  about  in  the  council  at  Fort  Stanwix,  by  General  Putnam, 
but  has  originated  lately. 

"  It  has  been  broken  again,  which  is  of  recent  origin.  Wiiite  peojile  wish 
to  get  credit  from  Indians,  and  do  not  pay  them  honestly,  according  to  their 
agreement.  In  another  respect,  it  h.'s  also  bccu  broken  by  white  people, 
who  reside  near  my  dwelling;  f)r  wlienlplant  melons  and  vinos  in  my 
field,  they  take  them  as  their  ow;i.  It  has  been  broken  again  by  white 
people  using  their  endeavors  to  obtain  our  pine-trees  from  as.    We  have 


(Book  V. 


Chap.  VI.l 


CORN-PLANT. 


117 


nil,  and  mar- 
re  niy  father 
id  Hjjokc  tlie 
ise,  but  wlieii 
le  waj.  lie 
United  Statoa 

Jgislatnro  of 
1 1  liave  been 
lerica.  The 
lat  many  of 
uied.  (jrcat 
!  Americans, 
t'd  to  joining,' 
ited  bt'tweei! 
t  tiie  IndiariH 
istancew  that 
waK  then  at 
ix;  and  the 
whicli  I  did, 
I  to  liold  the 
r  the  r  volu- 

that  it  had 

uj)on  them 
easing  u|)on 
sed  to  j)ay, 

place  about 
f  the  causes 
ninent  now 
roar  in  our 
Mt  Stanwix, 
:    they    had 

.some  land 
•uu  tlirough 
e  Indians  to 
should  have 
m  tiien  en- 
dly ;  and,  aw 
lat  I  wanted 
irs  to  do  as 
1  take  land. 
I  for  having 
,  which  waw 
at  I  wii<hed 
;ame,  which 

of  bunting 

)eeu  broken 
16  governor 
It  any  more, 
who  reside 
they  have 
Iso  broken 
)lvcs,  which 
al  Putnam, 

eople  wish 
ing  to  their 
lite  people, 
ines  in  my 
1  by  white 
We  have 


very  few  pine-trees  on  our  land,  iti  the  state  of  New  York  ;  and  white  people 
and  Indians  oflen  get  into  dis|)iite  res|)eeting  them.  There  is  also  u  great 
tiuantity  of  whisky  brought  near  otir  reservation  by  white  people,  and  the 
Indians  obtain  it  and  become  drunken.  Another  circumstauce  has  taken 
place  which  is  very  trying  to  me,  and  I  wish  the  interference  of  the  governor. 

"  The  white  peo[»le,  who  live  at  Warren,  called  upon  me,  some  time  ago, 
to  pay  taxes  for  my  land ;  which  I  objected  to,  as  1  had  never  licen  callccl 
upon  for  that  purpo.se  before ;  and  having  refused  to  pay,  the  white  people 
l)ecame  irritateil,  called  upon  me  frequently,  and  at  length  brought  four  guns 
with  tiiem  and  seized  our  cattle.  I  still  i-efused  to  puy,  and  was  not  vviHing 
to  let  the  cattle  go.  After  a  time  of  dispute,  they  returned  home,  and  I  under- 
stood the  militia  was  ordered  out  to  enforce  the  collection  of  the  tax.  I 
went  to  Warren,  and,  to  avert  the  impending  ditliculty,  was  obliged  to  give 
my  note  for  the  tax,  the  amount  of  wliich  was  43  dollars  and  79  cents.  It  is 
my  desire  that  the  governor  will  exempt  me  from  paying  taxes  for  my  land 
to  white  people ;  and  also  cause  that  the  monev  I  am  now  obliged  to  pay, 
may  be  refunded  to  me,  as  I  am  very  poor.  "^The  governor  is  the  peison 
who  attends  to  the  situation  of  the  people,  and  I  wish  him  to  send  a  person 
to  Alleghany,  that  I  may  inform  him  of  the  particulars  of  our  situation,  and 
he  be  authorized  to  instruct  the  white  people  in  what  manner  to  conduct 
themselves  towards  the  Indians. 

"  The  government  has  told  us  that  when  any  ditficulties  aro.se  between  the 
Indians  and  white  people,  they  would  attend  to  having  them  removed.  We 
are  now  in  a  trying  situation,  and  I  wish  the  governor  to  send  a  person 
authorized  to  attend  thereto,  the  forepart  of  next  summer,  about  the  time 
tliat  grass  has  grown  big  enough  for  pasture. 

"  The  governor  formerly  requested  me  to  [)ay  attention  to  the  Indians  and 
take  care  of  them.  We  are"  now  arrived  at  a  situation  that  I  believe  In- 
dians cannot  exist,  unless  the  governor  should  comply  with  my  request,  and 
send  a  person  authorized  to  treat  between  us  and  the  white  people,  the 
approaching  summer.    I  have  now  no  more  to  speak."* 

Whether  the  government  of  Pennsylvania  acted  at  all,  or,  if  at  all,  i^  hat 
order  they  took,  upon  this  pathetic  appeal,  our  author  does  not  state.  But 
that  an  independent  tribe  of  Indians  should  be  taxeu  bv  a  neighboring 
people,  is  absurd  in  the  extreme;  and  we  hope  we  shall  learn  that  not 
only  the  tax  was  remitted,  but  a  remuneration  granted  for  the  vexation  and 
damage. 

Corn-plarU  was  very  early  distinguished  for  his  wisdom  in  council,  not- 
withstanding he  confirmed  the  treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix  of  1784 ;  five  years 
afler,  at  the  treaty  of  Fort  Harmer,  he  gave  up  an  immense  tract  of  their 
country,  and  for  which  his  nation  very  much  reproached  him,  and  even 
threatened  his  life.  Himself  and  other  chiefs  committed  this  act  for  the  best 
of  reasons.  The  Six  Nations  having  taken  part  with  England  in  the  revolu- 
tion, when  the  king's  power  fell  in  America,  the  Indian  nations  were  reduced 
to  the  miserable  alternative  of  giving  up  so  much  of  their  country  as  the 
Americans  required,  or  the  whole  of  it.  In  1790,  Corn-plant,  Half-town  and 
Big4ree,  made  a  most  pathetic  appeal  to  congress  for  an  amelioration  of 
their  condition,  and  a  reconsideration  of  former  treaties,  in  which  the  fol- 
lowing memorable  passage  occm's  : — 

"  Falker :  we  will  not  conceal  from  you  that  the  great  God,  and  not  men, 
has  preserved  the  Corn-plant  from  the  hands  of  his  own  nation.  For  they 
ask  continually,  "  Where  is  the  land  on  which  our  children,  and  their  chil- 
dren after  them,  are  to  lie  down  upon  ?  You  told  us  that  the  line  drawn 
from  Pennsylvania  to  Lake  Ontario,  would  mark  it  forever  on  the  east,  and 
the  line  running  from  Beaver  Creek  to  Pennsylvania,  would  mark  it  on  the 
west,  and  we  see  that  it  is  not  so ;  for,  first  one,  and  tlien  another,  come  and 
take  it  away  by  order  of  that  people  which  you  tell  us  promised  to  secure  it 
to  us.'  He  is  silent,  for  he  has  nothing  to  answer.  When  the  sun  goes 
down,  he  opens  his  heart  before  God,  and  earlier  than  the  sun  appears, 
again  upon  the  hills  he  gives  thanks  for  liis  protection  during  the  night 

*  Buchanan's  Sketches. 


".,■^^1 


I 

I 


' 


"!S 


■A  MM' 


118 


CORN-PLANT. 


fnooK  V. 


For  ho  fcela  that  nmonf»  men  Ijerotnn  doHpnrnto  by  tlie  injurioH  they  siistnin, 
it  iH  Cod  only  that  cuii  pniscrve  liiiii.  lli;  loves  pen"*;,  "tid  nil  Im  had  in 
itoH!  he  lias  given  to  thoHo  who  iiavo  hoi-n  rohhod  b^  ■'  nr  j)('(»[)ie,  lest 
they  filinnld  plunder  the  innocent  to  repay  theniHelves.  'J  whole  .seanon, 
whieli  othcTH  have  employed  in  providing  for  their  liiinilieN.  huH  spent  in 
endeavors  to  preserve  peace ;  and  this  moment  his  wife  and  chihiren  are 
lying  on  the  gronn<l,  and  in  want  of  fond." 

In  Presidetit  h^ttshington^s  answer,  we  are  gmtified  by  his  particidar  notice 
of  this  chief  He  says,  "The  merits  of  the  Com-plmit,  and  his  friendsliip 
for  the  United  States,  are  well  known  to  me,  and  shall  not  |je  fo-gotten :  and, 
Jis  a  mark  of  esteem  of  the  United  States,  I  have  directed  the  secretary  of 
war  to  tnake  him  a  present  of  two  kuiulred  and  Jljly  dollars,  either  in  money 
or  goods,  as  the  Corn-plant  shall  like  best." 

There  was,  in  178!),  a  treaty  h(;ld  at  Marietta,  between  the  Indians  and 
Americans,  which  terminated  "to  the  entire  satisfaction  of  all  concerned. 
On  this  occasion,  an  elegant  enteHainment  was  provided.  The  Indian 
chiefs  i)ehavcd  with  the  greatest  decornm  throughont  the  day.  After  dinner, 
we  were  served  with  good  wine,  and  Corn-planter,  one  of  the  first  chiefs  of 
the  Five  Nations,  an(l  a  very  great  warrior,  took  nj)  his  glass  and  said,  "  / 
thank  the  Great  Spirit  for  this  opportuniti/  of  mnoking  tlie  pipe  of  friend  nhip  and 

piai 
maintain  them^ 

In  17!>0,  an  act  passed  the  legislature  of  Pennsylvania,  for  "  gi*anting  80P 
dollars  to  Corn-planter,  Half-town  and  Big-tree,  in  trust  for  the  Seneca  nation, 
and  other  jiurposes  therein  mentioned."  In  February,  1791,  Corn-plant  was 
in  Philadeij)hia,  and  was  employed  in  an  extremely  hazardous  exjjedition  to 
undertake  the  pacification  of  the  western  tribes,  that  had  already  shown 
them  selves  hostile.  The  mission  terminated  unfavorably,  from  insurmount- 
able difficulties.!  There  were  many,  at  this  time,  as  in  all  Indian  wars,  who 
entertained  doubts  of  the  fidelity  of  such  Indians  as  pretended  friendship 
Corn-plant  did  not  escape  suspicion  ;  but,  as  his  afler-conduct  showed,  it 
was  entirely  without  foundation.  In  the  midst  of  these  imputations,  a  letter 
written  at  Fort  Franklin  says,  "  I  have  only  to  observe  that  the  Corn-plant 
has  been  here,  and,  in  my  opinion,  he  is  as  friendly  as  one  of  our  own 
people.  He  has  advised  me  to  take  care ;  ^for,^  said  he,  't/om  ivill  soon  have  a 
chance  to  let  the  world  know  ivhether  yon  are  a  soldier  or  not.''  When  he  went 
oft",  he  ordered  two  chiefs  and  ten  warriors  to  remain  here,  and  scout  al)out 


love.    May  ive  plant  our  own  vines— be  the  fathers  of  our  own  children — and 


the 


and  let  me  know  if  the  bad  Indians  should  either  advance 
any  of  the  frontiers  of  the  United   States.    He  thinks  the 


garrison, 
against   me,  or 

people  at  Pittsburgh  should  keep  out  spies  towards  the  salt  licks,  for  he 
says,  by  and  by,  he  thinks,  the  bad  Indians  will  come  from  that  way." 

In  1792,  the  following  advertisement  ap])eared,  signed  by  Corn-plant :  "  My 
people  having  been  charged  with  committing  dejjredations  on  the  frontier 
inhabitants  near  Pittsburgh,  I  hereby  contradict  the  assertion,  as  it  is  cer- 
tainly without  foundation,  and  pledge  myself  to  those  inhabitants,  that  they 
may  rest  perfectly  secure  from  any  danger  from  the  Senecas  residing  on  the 
Alleghany  waters,  and  that  my  people  have  been  and  still  are  friendly  to  the 
U.  States." 

About  the  time  Corn-plant  left  his  nation  to  proceed  on  his  mission  to  the 
hostile  tribes,  as  three  of  his  people  were  travelling  through  a  settlement 
upon  the  Genesee,  they  stopped  at  a  house  to  light  their  pipes.  There  hap- 
pened to  be  several  men  within,  one  of  whom,  as  the  foremost  Indian  stoop- 
ed down  to  light  his  pipe,  killed  him  with  an  axe.  One  of  the  others  was 
badly  wounded  with  the  same  weapon,  while  escaping  from  the  house. 
They  were  not  pursued,  and  the  oiher,  a  boy,  escaped  unhurt.  (The  poor 
wounded  man,  when  nearly  well  of  the  wound,  was  bitten  by  a  snake,  which 
reused  his  immediate  death.)  When  Corn-plant  knew  what  had  happened, 
he  charged  his  warriors  to  remain  quiet,  and  not  to  seek  revenge,  and  was 

*  Carey's  Museum,  v.  415. 

t  "  Causes  of  the  existing  Ho»t'!'.iies,"  &c.  drawn  up  by  the  sec'y  jf  war,  General  Knox, 
in  1791. 


Chap.  VI  ] 


rORN-Pl, ANT  —NOTION  OF  CIVILIZATION. 


119 


heard  only  to  nny,  "  It  i.i  hard,  when  I  ami  my  people  are  tn/in^  to  mnkr  peace 
for  the  white.t,  tfutt  u<c  should  rireiv  mich  reward,  I  can  froveni  inij  i/ouriir  nun 
and  wnrrion  hrtter  thnn  the  thirlrrn  firai  can  Ifuirs."  How  is  it  thiit  tlii.s  iiiun 
should  pru('ti:<f  upon  t\u'  niiixiiiis  of  ConJ'uciiut,  ol'  wliutn  lie  iHivef'  lit'iird  ? 
{Do  ye  to  othem  a,s  >fe  would  thiit  thiy  should  do  unto  you;)  and  iho  nionstor  in 
iuiriiati  tbrin,  ill  a  ;,'OHp<d  lund,  taught  tiioin  from  Iiih  yuiitli,  c<iiould  hIiow,  liy 
liis  actions,  liis  utttr  conHunpt  of  tliciii,  and  evt'ii  of  tlic  divine  inandate  ? 

Ill  IHKi,  tho  Reverend  Timothy  .dlden,  then  (iresideiit  of  Aih'f,'hany  eollep', 
in  Meadvillo,  Peniisylvunia,  visited  tlie  tioiiecii  nation.  At  tiiia  time,  ('oni- 
plant  lived  seven  miles  below  the  jiinci.on  of  the  Connewango  witli  the 
Alle<,'hany,  U|H)n  the  lianks  of  the  latter,  "on  n  pi«!ee  of  firsf-ratr«  lioitom 
land,  a  little  within  the  limits  of  Pennsylvania."  Hen;  was  hi.s  villaj,'e," 
wlii(;h  exhibited  si;rns  of  industrious  inhabitants.  lie  then  owned  |:{0() 
iieres  of  land,  <!00  of  whicli  comjtreiieiided  his  town.  "It  was  frniteful  to 
notice,"  observes  Mr.  Mdcn,  "the  present  agricultural  habits  of  tlu;  place, 
from  the  iniinerous  enclosures  of  buck-wheat,  corn  and  oats.  VVe  al.-^o  saw 
a  number  of  oxen,  cows  niid  horses;  and  many  logs  designed  for  the  saw- 
mill and  the  Pittsburgh  market."  Corn-pUuU  had,  lor  some  time,  Uvv,\i  very 
much  in  iavorof  the  Christian  religion,  and  hailed  with  joy  such  as  prolb.ssed 
it.  When  he  was  apprized  of  Mr.  JlUIeti's  arrival,  he  hustencd  to  wel- 
ronie  him  to  his  village,  and  wait  upon  binu  And  notwithstanding  bis  high 
{Station  as  a  chief,  having  many  men  under  his  command,  he  chose  ratlutr, 
"  in  the  ancient  jmtriarchal  style,"  to  serve  his  visitors  himself;  he,  there- 
fore, took  care  of  their  horses,  and  went  into  the  field,  cut  and  liroiight  outs 
ibr  them. 

The  Western  Missionary  Society  had,  in  1815,  at  Com-ptarWs  "  urgent 
request,"  established  a  school  at  his  village,  which,  at  this  time,  promised 
success. 

Corn-plant,  received  an  annual  annuity  from  the  U.  States  of  250  dollars, 
besides  his  proportion  of  9000  divide<l  equally  among  every  member  of  the 
nation. 

Gos-kuk-ke-^wa-na-kon-ne-di-yu,  commonly  called  the  Prophet,  was  brother 
to  Corn-plant,  and  resided  in  his  village.  He  was  of  little  note,  and  died 
previous  to  1816.t  Corn-plant,  we  believe,  was,  when  living,  like  all  other 
unenlightened  people,  very  superstitious.  Not  long  since,  he  said  the  Good 
Sjiirit  had  told  him  not  to  have  any  thing  to  do  with  the  whites,  or  even  to 
preserve  any  mementoes  or  relics  they  liad  from  time  to  time  given  him ; 
whereupon,  among  other  things,  he  burnt  up  liis  belt  and  broke  his  elegant 
sword.  He  often  mentions  his  having  been  at  Braddock^s  defeat.  Henry 
Obecde,  his  son,  ho  sent  to  be  educated  among  the  whites.  He  became  a 
drunkard  on  returning  to  his  home,  and  is  now  discarded  by  his  father. 
Corn-plant  las  other  sons ;  but  he  says  no  more  of  them  shall  be  educated 
among  the  whites,  for  he  says,  "  It  entirely  spoil  Indian,"  And  although  he 
countenances  Christianity,  be  does  not  do  it,  it  is  thought,  from  a  belief  of 
it,  but  probably  from  the  same  motives  as  too  many  whites  do.  | 

The  following  story,  M,  Bayard  says,§  v\as  told  him  by  Corn-planter,  We 
have  often  heard  a  similar  one,  and  as  oflen  a  new  origin  ;  but  never  before 
that  it  originated  with  William  Penn,  However,  as  our  author  observes,  as 
we  have  niore  respect  for  tmth  than  great  names,  we  will  relate  it.  Penn 
proposed  to  the  Indians  to  sell  him  as  much  lancl  as  he  could  encompass 
with  the  hide  of  a  bullock.  They,  supposing  he  meant  only  what  ground 
would  be  covered  by  it,  when  it  was  spread  out,  and  looking  upon  what 
was  offered  as  a  good  price,  consented  to  tlie  proposition.  Penn,  like  Didon, 
cut  the  skin  into  a  line  of  immen>-e  length,  to  the  astonishment  of  the  vend- 
ers, who,  in  silent  indignation,  religiously  observed  their  contract.  The 
quantity  of  land  encompassed  by  the  line  is  not  mentioned ;  but,  more  or 
less,  the  Indians  had  passed  their  word,  and  they  scorned  to  break  it,  even 

*  Formerly  called  Obaletmon.  See  Pa.  Gaz.  1792,  and  Stanbury's  Jour, 
t  Amer.  Register  for  1816,  vol  ii.  226,  &,c. 

\  Veibal  account  of  E.  T.  Foote,  Estj.  of  Chatauque  co.  N.  Y.  who  possesses  mucfc 
valuable  information  upon  matters  of  this  kmd. 
^  Voyage  data  VInUriturdesEtati-Unit,eice\.pa.306.WJ,  .    . 


.  *ir\!.| 


120 


TECUM8EFI. 


OOK    V. 


thoii>(h  they  would  hnvc  liom  jiistiticd  by  llin  dwcovery  of  tho  frmid.  We 
do  not  vouch  for  tlio  trutli  of  thiH  iiiutt«-r,  nor  do  we  l)«!li«'vo  IVilliam  Ptnn 
over  prartiHcd  n  trick  of  tlic  kind.  No  doiiitt  Hoine  perHoii  did  ;  uiid  perliapa 
Corn-planter  hud  Itocii  told  that  it  wuh  Penn. 

We  havo  now  to  record  the  death  of  the  venerable  Com-nUmt.  lie  died 
nt  his  rcflidencn  on  the  Henecu  reservation,  on  the  7ih  of  March  luHt,  IbUG, 
aged  upwardH  of  !00  years. 

Teaslae/ree,  or  Charles  Corn-planter,  was  a  jmrty  to  the  treaty  of  Moscow, 
N,  Y.  in  l^Mi.    Ho  wuh  probuuly  a  son  of  Koeenttvahk,  or  Cyantwauu 


9ii0e 


h? 

fi. 


CHAPTER   VH. 

^'ecumseh — His  great  exertions  to  prrrent  the  vliilrs  from  overrunning  his  country 

His  expedition  on  Hackrr's  Creek — CoOpertilion  of  his  brother,  the  Prophet — Rise,  of 
the  difficulties  between  Te.cumsr.h  and  (ioteinor  Harrison — Speech  of  the  former  in 
o.  council  at  Vincennes — Fearful  occurrence  in  that  council — vVinnemak — Tecumsth 
visited  by  Governor  Harrison  at  his  camp— Determination  of  war  the  result  of  the 
interview  on  both  sides — Characteristic  anecdote  of  the  chief — Determines,  in  the 
event  of  war,  to  prevent  barbarities — liattli;  of  'llppecanoe — Battle  of  the  Thames, 
and  death  of  Tecumseh — Description  of  his  person — Important  events  in  his  life — 
PuKEKSHENo,/M</i«r  of  Tccumsch — ///*  death — Battle  of  Magaugo — Specimen  of 
the  Shawanee  language — Particular  account  if  Ei.i.skvvatawa,  or  the  Pkopiik.t — 
Account  of  RouNO-HKAD — Capture  and  massacre  of  General  Winchester's  army  at 
the  River  Raisin — M  ye  eh  ah,  «■</<«  Cuank,  commonly  called  Wai,k-in-the-W  ater 
— Teyoninhokerawen,  or  John  N«Mn()N — Logan  the  Shawanee — Black-bikd — 
Massacreat  Chicago — Wawnahton — 1$i.A(  k-tiii:.ni>er — Ongpatonoa,  or  Big-elk 
— Petalesharo — Mete  A. 


TECUMSEII,  by  birth  a  Shawanee,  and  brij^ndier-ffeneral  in  the  army 
rrent  Britain,  in  the  war  of  181'i,  was  born  about  1770,  and,  like  his  gn 


.  of 
Great  Britain,  in  the  war  of  181'i,  was  born  about  1770,  and,  like  his  great 

prototype,  Pometacmn,  the  Wampanoag,  seems  always  to   have  made  his 

aversion  to  civilization  appear  a  prominent  trait  in  liis  character ;  and  it  is 

not  presumed  that  he  joined  the  British  army,  and  received  the  red  sash  and 

other  badges  of  office,  because  he  was  fond  of  imitating  the  whites ;  but  he 

employed  them,  more  probably,  as  a  means  of  inspiring  his  countrymen  with 

that  respect  and  veneration  for  himself  which  was  so  necessary  in  the  work 

of  expulsion,  which  he  had  undertaken. 

The  first  exj)loit  in  which  we  find  Tecumseh  engaged  was  upon  a  branch 
of  Hacker's  Cfreek,  in  May,  1792.  With  a  small  band  of  warriors,  he  came 
upon  the  family  of  John  Waggoner,  about  dusk.  They  found  Waggoner 
a  short  distance  from  his  house,  sitting  upon  a  log,  resting  himself  after  the 
fatigues  of  the  day.  Tecumseh  directed  his  men  to  capture  the  family,  while 
himself  was  engaged  with  Waggoner,  To  inake  sure  work,  he  took  deliberate 
aim  at  him  with  his  rifle  ;  but  fortunately  he  did  not  even  wound  him,  though 
the  ball  passed  next  to  his  skin.  Waggoner  threw  himself  off  the  leg,  and 
ran  with  all  his  might,  and  Tecumseh  ibllowed.  Having  the  advantage  of  an 
accurate  knowledge  of  the  ground,  Waggoner  made  good  his  escape.  Mean- 
while his  men  succeeded  in  carrying  on  the  family,  some  of  whom  they  bar- 
barously murdered.  Aniong  these  were  Mrs.  Waggoner  and  two  of  her 
children.     Several  of  the  children  remained  a  long  time  with  the  Indians. 

This  persevering  and  extraordinary  man  had  made  himself  noted  and  con- 
spicuous in  the  war  which  terminated  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville,  in  1795, 
He  was  brother  to  that  famous  impostor  well  known  by  the  name  of  the 
Prophet,  and  seems  to  have  joined  in  his  views  just  in  season  to  prevent  his 
falling  into  entire  disrepute  among  his  own  followers.  His  principal  j)lace 
of  rendezvous  was  near  the  confluence  of  the  Tippecanoe  with  the  Wabash, 
upon  the  north  bank  of  the  latter.  This  tract  of  country  was  none  of  his, 
but  had  been  possessed  by  his  brother  the  Prophet,  in  1808,  with  a  motley 
band  of  about  1000  young  warriors  from  among  the  Shawanese,  Dela- 
wares,  .Wyandots,  Potowatomies,  Ottowas,  Kikkapoos  and  Cbippeways.    The 


rwAP.  vn,| 


TnniMSEii. 


m 


Minmirs  wore  vorv  much  opposnil  to  this  intriiNion  into  thnir  country,  but 
wore  iiof  Mowcrfiif  cnoii^'h  to  r<|Ml  it,  and  nimiy  of  their  cliit-fs  wore  put  to 
(li'iith  ill  the  iiioMt  hiirlmioiiH  iiiniiiicr,  tor  ri'inoiiHtnitiiij,'  iipiinst  their  conduct. 
The  iiialiuiiiiiiiisfratioii  of  the  I'ropliel,  hoMcvcr,  in  a  short  time,  very  much 
reihiced  his  iiiiiiihers,  so  that,  in  alioiit  a  year,  his  followers  coiisisteil  of  hut 
ahoiit  .'{(H),  and  these  in  the  most  nii-'erahir  state  of  existence.  Their  hahits 
had  heeii  siieli  as  to  hriiifr  liiiiiinc  ii|toii  them;  and  hut  for  tlio  provisions 
furnished  hy  fieneral  Ifitrrison,  (ioin  ViiieeiiiK^s,  starvation  would  donhticss 
have  ensued.*  At  this  jiinetiire,  Trninutch  riiiuh;  liis  ap[»earanei'  aiiioiif,' 
them  ;  and  althoiifjli  in  thechaniet  r  of  a  suhordinat<'  ehiel,  y«!t  it  wasitnowu 
that  he  dirreted  every  thiiiir  afterwards,  idtiiou^h  in  the  name  of  th(^  Prophet. 
His  exertions  now  liecaiiie  inmiense  to  enjiage  every  trihe  upon  the  continent 
ill  H  confeik'racy,  witli  the  open  and  avowed  ohject  of  arresting  the  pmgress 
of  the  wliites. 

•Agreeahly  to  the  direction  of  the  governinont,  Gov<!rnor  Tlarrinon  purclmsed 
of  the  Dulawares,  Miamies,  and  I'ottowatomies,  a  hirgo  tract  of  country  on 
hoth  sidles  of  the  Wahash,  and  extending  up  the  river  (iO  miles  ahov(!  Vin- 
c  luies.  This  was  in  1H()!>,  ahoiit  a  year  af\er  the  Prophet  settled  with  liis  colony 
upon  the  Walia.sli,  as  hetore  stated.  Trcitmsrh  was  absent  at  this  time,  anil 
his  brother,  the  Prophet,  was  not  considered  ns  having  any  claim  to  the  (!oun- 
try,  lieiiig  there  without  the  constuit  of  the  Miamies.  TemmHeh  did  not  view 
it  in  this  light,  atid  at  his  nitiirn  was  exceedingly  vexed  with  tliose  chiefs 
who  had  made  the  conveyance  ;  many  of  whom,  it  is  asserted,  he  threatened 
with  diMitli.  Tecunuieh's  displeasure  and  dissatisfaction  reached  Governor 
Harrison,  who  (h'spatched  a  messenger  to  him,  to  state  "that  any  claims  he 
might  have  to  tin;  lands  wiiich  had  been  ceded,  were  not  affected  by  the 
l.eaty;  that  he  might  come  to  Viiiceniies  and  exhibit  his  pretensions,  and  if 
they  were  found  to  he  solid,  that  the  land  would  either  be  given  up,  or  an 
ample  compensation  made  for  ii."t  This,  it  niuBt  lie  confessed,  was  not  in  a 
strain  calculated  to  soothe  a  mighty  mind,  when  once  justly  irritate*!,  as  was 
that  of  Tecnmseh.  However,  upon  the  1*2  August,  1810,  (a  day  which  cannot 
fail  to  remind  the  reader  of  the  fate  of  his  great  archetype,  Philip,  of  Pokan- 
oket,)  he  met  the  governor  in  council  at  Vincennes,  with  many  of  his  war- 
riors; at  which  time  he  spoke  to  him  as  follows: — 

"  It  is  true  I  am  a  Slmwanee.  .My  fiirefathcrs  wen^  warriors.  Their  son  is 
a  warrior.  From  them  I  only  take  iriy  existence  ;  from  my  trihe  I  take  noth- 
ing. I  am  the  maker  of  my  own  fbitune  ;  and  oh !  that  I  could  make  that 
of  my  red  people,  and  of  my  country,  as  great  as  the  conceptions  of  i.iy 
mind,  when  I  think  of  the  Spirit  that  rules  the  universe.  I  would  not  then 
come  to  Governor  Harrison,  to  ask  him  to  tear  the  treaty,  and  to  obliterate 
the  landmark;  but  I  would  say  to  him,  Sir,  you  have  liberty  to  return  to 
your  own  country.  The  being  within,  communing  with  past  ages,  tells  me, 
that  once,  nor  until  lately,  there  was  no  white  man  on  this  continent  That 
it  then  all  belonged  to  red  men,  children  of  the  same  parents,  placed  on  it  by 
the  Gr<?at  Spirit  that  made  them,  to  keep  it,  to  traverse  it,  to  enjoy  its  jirodiic- 
lions,  and  to  fill  it  with  the  same  race.  Once  a  happy  race.  Since  made 
misenibli'  by  the  white  people,  who  are  never  contented,  but  always  encroach- 
ing. The  way,  and  the  only  way  to  check  and  to  stop  this  evil,  ife,,  for  all  the 
r<'il  m:Mi  to  unite  in  claiming  a  common  and  equal  right  in  the  land,  as  it  was 
at  first,  and  should  be  yet ;  for  it  never  was  divided,  but  belongs  to  all,  for  the 
use  of  each.  That  no  part  has  a  right  to  sell,  even  to  each  other,  much  less 
to  strangers ;  tliosu  who  want  all,  and  will  not  do  with  less.  The  white  peo- 
ple have  no  right  to  take  the  land  from  the  Indians,  because  they  had  it  first; 
it  is  theirs.  They  may  sell,  but  all  must  join.  Any  sale  not  made  by  all  is 
not  valid.  The  late  sale  is  bad.  It  was  made  by  a  part  oiily.  Part  do  not 
know  how  to  sell.  It  requires  all  to  make  a  bargain  for  all.  All  red  men 
have  equal  rights  to  the  unoccupied  land.  The  right  of  occupancy  is  as 
good  in  one  place  as  in  another.  There  cannot  be  two  occupations  in  the 
same  jilace.  The  first  excludes  all  others.  It  is  not  so  in  hunting  or  travel- 
ling; for  there  the  same  ground  will  serve  many,  as  they  may  follow  each 


?..'J, 


'■'•'mi 

4 

•I 


*  Memoirs  of  Harrison. 
11 


t  M'A/ee. 


122 


TECUMSEH.— CONFERENCE  AT  VINCENNES. 


[Book  V. 


M 
h'': 


Other  ull  day ;  but  tlie  camp  is  stationary,  and  that  is  occupancy.  It  belongs 
to  the  first  who  sits  down  on  his  blanitet  or  skins,  whicli  lie  lias  thrown  upon 
the  ground,  and  till  he  leaves  it  no  other  has  a  right."  * 

How  nea;  this  is  to  the  original  is  unknown  to  us,  but  it  appears  too  much 
Americani.'ed  to  correspond  with  our  notions  ot!  Tecumseh;  nevertheless  it 
may  give  the  true  meaning.  One  ini|Jorlant  paragraph  ouglit  to  be  added, 
which  we  do  not  find  in  the  a-thor  fi-oin  wiiich  we  have  extracted  tiic  above  ; 
which  was,  "that  the  Americans  iiad  driven  them  fi'oin  the  sea-coasts,  and 
that  they  would  shortly  push  them  into  the  lakes,  and  ilnf  they  were  dcter- 
mincul  to  make  a  stand  wliere  they  were."  f  Tliis  language  forcibly  reminds 
us  of  what  the  ancient  Britons  said  of  their  enemies,  when  they  besought  aid 
of  the  Romans.  "  The  barbarians  (said  they)  drive  us  to  the  sea,  and  the  sea 
beats  us  back  upon  them  ;  between  tlie.si!  extremes  we  are  exposed,  eitiier  to 
be  slain  with  the  sword,  or  drowned  in  tlie  waves."  | 

Tecumsth,  having  thus  explained  his  reasons  against  the  validity  of  the 
purchase,  took  his  seat  amidst  his  warriors.  Governor  Harrison,  in  his  reply, 
said,  "that  the  white  people,  when  they  arrived  upon  this  continent,  liad 
found  tb(!  Miamies  in  the  occupation  of  all  the  country  on  the  Wabash,  and 
at  that  time  the  Shawanese  were  residents  ol"  G(  orgia,  from  whicJi  they 
were  driven  by  the  Creeks.  That  the  lands  had  been  purchased  fro  n  the 
Miamies,  who  were  the  true  and  original  owners  of  it.  That  it  was  ridicu- 
lous to  assert  that  all  the  Indians  were  one  nation  ;  for  if  such  had  been  the 
intention  of  the  Great  Sjiirit,  he  would  not  have  put  six  different  tongues 
into  their  heads,  but  have  taught  them  all  to  speak  a  language  tjiat  all  could 
undtirstand.  That  the  Miajinies  fciund  it  for  their  interest  to  sell  a  part  of 
the  r  lands,  and  receive  for  them  a  further  annuity,  the  benefit  of  which  they 
had  long  experienced,  from  the  punctuality  with  which  the  seventeen  fires 
[the  seventeen  United  States]  compliijd  witli  th(.'ir  engagements;  and  that  the 
Shawanese  had  no  right  to  come  from  a  distant  country  and  control  the 
Miamies  in  the  dis[)osal  of  their  own  property."  The  governor  tiien  took 
his  seat,  and  the  interpreter  proceeded  to  explain  to  TtcuinstI  \  hat  he  had 
said,  who,  when  he  bad  nearly  finished,  suddenly  interrupted  him,  and  ex- 
claimed, "// is  a// /aZse ; "  at  the  same  time  giving  to  his  warriors  a  signal, 
they  seized  their  war  clubs,  and  sprung  upon  their  feet,  from  the  green  grass 
on  which  they  had  been  sitting.  The  governor  now  thought  himself  in  im- 
minent danger,  and,  freeiiig  himself  from  his  arm-chair,  drew  bis  sword,  and 
j)rei)ired  to  defend  hii'iself.  He  was  attended  by  some  officers  of  his  gov- 
ernment, and  many  citizens,  more  numerous  than  the  Indians,  but  all  luiarmcd : 
most  of  whom,  however,  seized  upon  some  weapon,  such  as  stones  and  clubs. 
Tecumseh  continued  to  make  gestures  and  speak  with  great  emotion;  and  a 
guard  of  12  armed  men  stationed  by  the  governor  in  the  rear  were  ordered 
u|).  For  a  few  minutes,  it  was  expected  blood  would  je  shed.  Major  G.  I{. 
Floydc,  who  stood  near  the  governor,  drew  his  dirk,  and  JVinnemak  cocked  bis 
])istol,  which  be  had  ready  primed ;  be  said  Tecumseh  had  threatened  bis 
life  for  having  signed  the  treaty  and  sale  of  the  disi)uted  land.  A  Mr.  Winas, 
the  Methodist  miiuster,  ran  to  the  governor's  house,  and,  taking  a  gun,  stood 
in  the  door  to  defend  the  family. 

On  being  informed  what  Tecumseh  had  said,  the  governor  replied  to  him. 
that  "  lie  was  a  bad  man — that  lie  would  have  no  further  talk  with  him — that 
he  nust  return  to  hia  camp,  and  set  out  for  his  home  inimediately."  Thus 
ended  the  cenference.  Tecumseh  did  not  leave  the  neighborhoud,  but,  the 
next  morning,  having  reflected  upon  the  imjiropriety  of  his  conJuct,  sent  to 
the  governor  to  have  the  council  renewed,  and  apologized  for  t!ie  affront 
offered;  to  which  the  governor,  after  some  time,  consented,  having  taken  the 
jirecaution  to  have  two  additional  companies  of  armed  men  in  rcadinci^s,  in 
case  of  insult. 

Having  mci;  a  seconu  umo,  Tecumseh  was  asked  whether  he  had  any  other 
grounds,  than  those  he  had  stated,  by  which  he  could  lay  claim  to  the  land 
in  question  ;  to  whicli  be  replied,  "  No  other."  Here,  then,  was  an  end  of 
all  argument.    The  indignani  soul  of  Tecumseh  could  not  but  be  enraged  at 


Hist.  Kentucky', 


t  Mem,  Harrison, 


i  Seller's  Englaiid. 


Chap.  VII.] 


TECUMSEH. 


123 


the  idea  of  an  "  equivalent  for  a  country,"  or,  what  meant  the  same  thing,  a 
compensation  for  lund,  which,  ollen  reiieated,  as  it  had  huen,  would  soon  amount 
to  a  country!  "The  behavior  of  Tecumseli,  at  this  interview,  was  very  difl'er- 
ent  from  what  it  had  been  tlie  lay  before.  His  deportment  wa.-i  dignified 
and  collected,  and  lie  showed  not  the  least  disposition  to  be  insolent.  lit' 
denied  having  any  intention  of  attacking  tlie  governor,  but  said  lie  had  been 
advised  by  white  men  "  *  to  do  as  he  had  done  ;  that  two  white  men  had  visited 
him  at  his  place  of  residence,  and  told  him  that  half  the  white  peo|>le  were  op- 
posed to  Governor  Harrison,  and  willing  to  relintpiish  the  land,  and  told  him 
to  advise  the  tribes  not  to  receive  pay  for  it;  Jbr  that  the  governor  wuak!  be 
soon  put  out  of  office,  and  a  "good  man"  sent  in  his  |)lace,  who  would  live  up 
tiie  land  to  the  Indians.  The  governor  asked  him  whether  he  would  |  re  vent 
the  survey  of  the  land:  he  replied  that  he  was  determined  to  adhere  to  the 
old  boundanj.  Then  arose  a  Wyandot,  a  Kikkapoo,  a  Pottowattomie,  an 
Ottowas,  and  a  Wimiebago  chiefj  each  declaring  his  determination  to  stand 
by  Tecumseh,  whom  they  had  chosen  their  chief.  Alter  the  governor  had 
iidbrmed  Tccumsth  that  his  words  should  be  tndy  reported  lo  tiie  |)resi- 
dent,  alleging,  at  the  same  time,  that  he  knew  the  land  would  net  be  re- 
linquished, and  that  it  would  be  maintained  by  the  sword,  the  council 
closed. 

The  governor  wished  yet  to  prolong  xhv.  interview,  and  thongiit  that, 
possilily,  Tecumsili  might  apjR'ar  more  submissive,  sliould  he  m«'(  t  him  in 
his  own  tent.  Accordingly  he  took  with  him  an  interpreter,  and  visited 
the  chiel"  in  his  camp  the  next  day.  The  governor  was  received  \vith  kind- 
ness and  attention,  and  Tecumseli  conversed  w  itii  him  a  considerable  time. 
On  being  asked  by  the  governor  if  his  determination  really  was  as  he  had 
expressed  himself  in  the  council,  he  said,  "Yes:"  and  added,  "  that  it  was 
with  great  reluctance  he  wouhl  make  war  with  the  United  States — against 
whom  he  had  no  other  complaint,  l)Ut  their  purchasing  llie  Indians'  land  ; 
that  he  was  extremely  anxious  to  l)e  their  iriend,  and  if  he  (the  governor) 
would  prevail  upon  the  president  to  giv<!  up  the  laiuls  lately  purchased,  and 
agree  never  to  juake  another  treaty,  without  the  consent  ol'  all  the  tribes,  he 
would  be  their  faithful  ally,  and  assist  them  in  all  their  wars  with  the  English," 
whom  he  knew  were  always  treating  the  Indians  like  dogs,  clapjiing  their 
liands  and  hallooing  sla-hoy  ;  that  In;  would  nuich  rather  join  the  seventeen 
fires;  but  if  they  would  not  give  up  said  laiuls,  and  conq)ly  with  his  re(piest 
in  other  respects,  he  would  join  tiie  English.  V\'hen  the  governcu-  told  him 
there  was  no  |)robability  that  the  president  would  comply,  he  said,  "Well,  as 
the  great  chief  is  to  determine  tla;  matter,  I  hope  the  (ireat  Spirit  will  put 
sense  enough  into  his  head,  to  induce  iiirn  t(»  direct  you  to  give  up  this  land. 
It  is  true,  he  is  so  far  ofl"  he  \vill  not  be  injured  by  the  war.  He  may  sit  still 
in  his  town,  ami  drink  his  wine,  whilst  you  ami  I  will  havt;  to  fight  it  out." 
He  had  said  before,  when  asked  if  it  were  his  determination  to  make  war 
unless  his  terms  were  complied  with,  "// ia  mjj  deti.rmindlion;  nor  will  1  give 
rest  to  my  feet,  until  1  have  united  all  tlie  red  men  ni  Ihe  like  rinolution." 

Thus  is  exhibited  the  determini^d  character  of  Tecnmseh,  in  which  no 
duplicity  apjjcars,  and  whose  resentment  might  have  hi  en  expected,  when 
questioned,  again  and  again,  u|)on  the  same  subject.  Most  religiously  did  he 
prosecute  this  plan;  ami  could  his  extraordinary  and  wonderful  exertions  b(! 
known,  no  fiction,  it  is  believed,  could  scarcely  surpass  the  reality.  The 
tribes  to  the  west  of  the  IMississippi,  and  th((f;(!  about  Lakes  Superior  tmd 
Hiu-on,  were  visited  and  revisited  by  him  prmioiis  to  the  \va\y  IHI  I.  He  hatl 
raised  in  these  tribes  the  higii  exjicctation  that  they  should  be  able  to  drive 
the  Americans  to  tin  east  of  tlie  Ohio.  The  famous  Blue-jucket  was  as  san- 
"•uine  as  Tecumseh,  and  was  his  abettor  in  imiting  distant  tribes. 

The  following  cliaracterinlic  circum^ianci!  occurred  at  one  of  the  meet- 
ings at  Vineennes.  After  Ttcumseh  had  made  a  spei'cli  to  (ioM  rnor  Har- 
rison, and  WHS  about  to  seat  himself  in  a  chair,  he  observed  that  none  had 
been  pliiced  for  him.  One  was  innnediately  ordered  by  the  governor,  and, 
as  the  interpreter  handed  it  to  him,  he  said,  "  Your  father  reipiests  you  to  take 


■'Ml 

•    >  J 


m 


.'I 


*  Memoirs  of  Harrison, 


J  24 


TECUMSEH.— BATTLE  OF  TIPPECANOE. 


[Book  V- 


Chap. 


a  chair."  ^^Mif  father?"  .says  Tecumseh,  with  great  indignity  of  expression, 
"  ttie  sun  is  m;/ father,  and  the  earth  is  my  mother ;  and  on  her  bosom  I  mil  repose ; ' 
mid  iinincdiutely  seated  himself,  in  tlu'  Indian  manner,  npon  the  ground.* 

Tlie  fight  at  'Fippecanoe  followed  soon  after.  This  affair  took  place  in  the 
iiiglit  of  Nov.  (i,  1811,  in  which  G2  Americans  were  killed,  and  126  woinided. 
Tecumstk  was  not  in  this  fight,  but  liis  brother,  the  Prophet,  conducted  or 
onlered  the  attack.  During  the  action,  he  was  perlbrming  conjurations  on 
an  euiineiice  not  liir  off,  hut  out  of  danger.  His  men  di.sj)layed  great  hraveiy, 
and  the  fight  was  long  and  bloody.  Harrison  lost  some  of  his  bravest  offi- 
cers. T h(!  late  Colonel  Snellini;,  of  IJoston,  then  a  cajjtain,  was  in  this  fight, 
and  took  jirisoner  with  his  own  hands  an  Indian  chief)  the  only  Indian  taken 
by  th(!  Americans.  The  name  of  tiie  captured  chief  we  <lo  not  learn,  but 
from  his  fi;ar  ot'  being  taken  for  a  Shawanec,  it  is  evideut  he  was  not  of  that 
triiie.  When  he  was  seized  by  Capt.  Snellins^,  lie  cjnculated,  with  hurried 
accents,  "  Good  man,  mc  no  Shawanee.^^  t  The  chiefs  White-lion  ( iVapamangwa,) 
Stone-eater  (Sanamakhons^a,)  and  ffinnemak,  were  conspicuous  >'t  this  time. 
Th(!  latter  had  been  the  pretended  fiieiid  of  the  governor,  but  now  ajjpeared 
his  enemy.     He  was  killed  the  next  year  by  the  lamented  Logan. 

Just  before  hostilities  commenced,  in  a  talk  Governor  Harrison  had  with 
Tecumseh,  the  f()rmer  cxjiressed  a  wish,  if  war  must  follow,  that  cruelty  to 
prisoners  should  not  be  allowed  on  either  side.  Tecvmseh  assured  him  that 
he  would  do  all  in  his  jiower  to  prevent  it;  and  it  is  believed  he  strictly 
adhered  to  this  resolution.  Indeed,  we  iiavo  one  example,  which  bus  ncvcV 
lieen  called  in  question,  and  is  worthy  the  great  mhid  of  this  chief.  Wlien 
Colonel  Dudleij  was  cut  off,  and  nisar  400  of  his  men,  not  far  from  Fort  Meigs, 
by  falling  into  an  ambush,  Tecumseh  arrived  at  the  scene  of  action  when  the 
Americans  could  resist  no  longer.  He  exerted  himself  to  put  a  stop  to  the 
massiicrc  of  the  soldiers,  which  was  then  going  on ;  and  meeting  with  a 
Chipj)eway  chief  who  would  not  desist  by  persuasion  nor  threats,  he  buried 
his  tomahawk  in  his  head.  | 

It  is  said  that  Tecumseh  had  been  in  almost  every  important  battle  with  the 
Americans,  from  the  destruction  of  General  Harmer^s  army  till  his  death  upon 
the  Thames  He  was  under  the  direction  of  General  Proctor,  in  this  last 
great  act  of  his  life,  but  was  greatly  dissatisfied  with  his  course  of  proceed- 
ings, and  is  said  to  have  remonstrated  against  retreating  before  the  Americans 
in  very  [tointed  terms.  Pernfs  victory  had  just  given  the  Americnis  th»- 
command  of  Lake  Erie ;  and  immediately  after.  Proctor  abandoned  Detroit, 
and  marched  his  majesty's  army  up  the  River  Thames,  accompanied  by  Gen- 
eral Ticmnseh,  v/'uli  about  1500  warriors.  Harrison  overtook  them  near  tin- 
Moravian  town,  Oct.  .5,  1818,  and,  after  a  bloody  battle  \vith  the  Indians, 
routed  and  took  jirisoneis  nearly  the  whole  IJritish  army;  Proctor  saving 
himself  only  by  flight.  After  withstanding  almost  the  whole  force  of  the 
Americans  for  some  time,  Tecumseh  received  a  severe  wound  in  the  arm,  but 
continued  to  fight  with  desperation,  until  a  shot  in  the  head  from  an  uid<nnwi» 
hand  laid  him  jirostrate  in  the  thickest  of  the  fight.  §  Of  his  warriors  ViO 
were  left  upon  the  field  of  battle. 

Thus  fi'll  Tecumseh,  in  the  foity-fourth  year  of  h"s  age.  He  was  about  five 
feet  ten  inches  in  height,  of  a  noble  appearance,  anJ  a  perfectly  synmietrical 
form.  "His  carriage  was  erect  and  lofty — his  motijiis  quick — his  eyes  pen- 
etrating— his  visage  stern,  with  an  air  of  hauteur  in  bis  countenance,  which 
arose  from  nii  elevated  ftride  of  sold.  It  did  not  leave  him  even  in  death." 
He  is  tlins  spoken  of  by  one  who  knew  hiin. 

At  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  a  chief  by  the  name  of  Shane  served  as  a 
guide  to  Colonel  Johnson^s  n  'nient.  He  informs  us  that  he  knew  TecumstU 
well,  and  that  he  onc(^  had  had  his  thigh  broken,  which  not  being  properly 
set,  caused  a  considerable  ridge  in  it  always  after.  This  was  published  in  ii 
K<!ntucky  newsjiaper  lately,  as  necessary  to  prove  that  the  Indian  killed  by 

*  Sclioolrraf'l.  t  hil'oriuation  of  his  son,  W.  J.  SneUing,  Esq.  o{  Boslon. 

t  J.inws   \.'^Z'J\  — Perkins,  221. 

ij  The  slory  llial  ho  fell  in  ;i  porsoiial  rniiroiinlnr  will)  Colonel  Johnson,  must  no  lonpor  ho 
believed.  Fads  »re  <;iilirely  opposed  lo  siicli  a  conelusion.  h»<ieud,  we  cannot  '  aru  thai 
the  colonel  ever  claimed  the  hoiwr  of  the  acluevemeul. 


[Book  V- 

expression, 
mil  repose ; ' 
ground.* 
place  in  the 
W  wounded. 
Hidurtcd  or 
jnrutions  on 
eat  l)raveiT, 
bravest  offi. 
11  tills  Hfiln, 
iidian  taken 
t  learn,  hut 

IlOt  of  lilHl. 

itli  lnn-rie({ 

pnmangwa,) 

this  time. 

«■  appearett 

n  Jiad  vvitl* 
t  cruelty  to 

d  him  tliat 

he  strictly 

has  never 

ief.     When 

'ort  MeifTs, 
n  wlieii  the 

stop  to  the 
ing  with  a 
i,  he  burie(i! 

le  with  the 
ileatli  upon 
in  this  last 
if"  proceed- 
Aniericans 
M-icans  the 
ed  Detioit, 
ed  hy  Geii- 
II  near  the 
le  Indians, 
dor  saving- 
irce  of  the 
le  arm,  but 
1  unknown 
iirriors  V'O 

about  five 
iiinietrical 
eyes  j)en- 
ice,  which 
ill  death." 

■rved  as  a 
TecxtiuKth 
<i  properly 
ished  in  !> 
1  kiilcd  hy 

of  Boston. 

o  longer  hfi 
t  '  aru  lliai 


Chap.  VFI] 


TECUMSEir.— BATTLE  OF  MAGAUGO. 


r25 


Colonel  Johnson  was  Tecumseh.  From  the  same  paper  it  would  seem,  that, 
even  on  the  day  of  battle,  it  was  doubted  by  some  whether  the  chief  killed 
were  Tecumseh,  and  that  a  critical  inquest  was  held  over  his  body;  and 
although  it  was  decided  to  be  he,  yet  to  the  fact  that  the  colonel  killed  hitn, 
there  was  a  demur,  even  then.  IJut,  no  doubt,  many  were  willing  it  should 
so  pass,  thinking  it  a  iriatter  of  not  much  consequence,  so  long  as  Tecumseh, 
their  most  dreaded  enemy,  was  actually  slain  ;  and,  perhaps,  too,  so  near  the 
event,  many  Felt  a  delicacy  in  dissenting  from  the  report  of  Colonel  Johnson's 
friends;  but  when  time  had  dispelled  such  jealousy,  those  came  out  frankly 
with  tlieir  opinion,  and  hence  resulted  the  actual  truth  of  the  case. 

That  the  American  soldiers  should  have  dishonored  themselves,  afler  their 
victory,  by  outraging  all  decency  by  acts  of  astonishing  ferocity  and  barbarity 
upon  the  lifeless  body  of  the  fallen  chief,  is  grievous  to  mention,  and  cannot 
meet  with  too  severe  condemnation.  Pieces  of  his  skin  were  taken  away  by 
some  of  them  as  mementoes !  *  He  in  said  to  have  borne  a  personal  enmity  to 
General  Harrison,  at  this  time,  for  having  just  before  d'Stroyed  his  family. 
The  celebrated  speech,  said  to  have  been  delivered  by  the  great  "Shawanese 
warrior"  to  General  Proctor,  before  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  is  believed  by 
many  not  to  be  genuine.  It  may  be  seen  in  every  history  of  the  war,  and 
every  periodical  of  that  day,  and  not  a  few  sii\ce,  even  to  this.  Tlierelore  we 
omit  it  here.  The  speech  of  Logan,  perhajis,  has  not  circulated  wider. 
Another,  in  our  opinion,  more  worthy  the  mighty  mind  nf  Tecumseh,  published 
in  a  work  said  to  be  v/ritten  by  one  who  heard  it,f  is  now  generally  (on  the 
authority  of  a  public  journal  \)  discarded  as  a  fiction. 

Among  the  skirmishes  between  the  belligerents,  before  General  Hull  sur- 
rendered the  north-western  army,  Tecumseh  and  his  Indians  acted  a  con- 
spicuous part. 

Maiden,  situated  at  the  junction  of  Detroit  River  with  Lake  Erie,  was 
considered  the  Gibraltar  of  Canada,  and  it  was  expected  that  General  Hull's 
first  object  would  be  to  possess  himself  of  it.  In  a  movement  that  way. 
Colonel  M\^rthur  came  veiy  near  being  cut  off  by  a  party  of  Indians  led  by 
Tecumseh.  About  4  miles  frotn  Maiden,  he  foiuid  a  bridge  in  posficssion  of  a 
body  of  the  enemy;  and  although  the  bridge  was  carried  by  a  force  under. 
Colonel  Cnss,§  in  effecting  which,  11  of  the  enemy  were  killed,  yet  it  seems, 
that  in  a  "few  days  aflerwards "  they  were  in  possession  of  it  again,  and 
again  the  Americans  stood  ready  to  repeat  the  attack.  It  was  in  an  attempt 
to  recotmoitre,  that  Colrn< '  M^Jlrthur  "advancerl  somewhat  too  near  the 
enemy,  and  narrowly  escaped  l)ei.ig  cut  off  from  his  men "  ||  by  several 
Indians  who  had  nearly  prevented  his  retreat. 

Major  Vanhom  was  detached  on  the  4  August  from  Aux  Canards,  with  200 
men,  to  convoy  150  Ohio  militia  and  some  provisions  from  the  River  Raisin. 
In  his  second  day's  march,  near  Brownstown,  he  fell  into  an  and)ush  of  70 
Indians  tmder  Tecumseh,  who,  firing  ujion  him,  killed  20  men  ;  among  whom 
were  Captains  M^Culloch,^.  liostkr,  Gilcrease,**  and  Uhry:  9  more  were 
wounded.     The  rest  made  a  precipitate  retreat. 

Major  Vnnhorn  having  failed  in  his  attempt.  Colonel  Miller  was  sent  on 
the  8th  of  August,  with  600  men  to  protect  the  same  provisions  and  trans- 
ports. The  next  day,  August  Otb,  about  4  o'clock  in  the  atlernoon,  the  van- 
guard, conunanded  by  Captain  Snelling,  was  fired  upon  hy  an  extensive  line 
of  British  and  Indians,  at  the  lower  end  of  the  village  of  Magaugo,  14  miles 
from  Detroit.  The  main  body  was  half  a  tnile  in  the  rear  when  the  attack 
began.  Captain  Snellins  maintained  his  position  in  a  most  gallant  manner, 
under  a  heavy  fire,  until  the  linc^  was  formed  and  advanced  to  his  relief. 
The  force  against  which  the  Americans  were  now  contending  was  made  up 

*  Wn  have  oflcn  heard  it  saiil,  l)Ut  whether  in  truth  we  do  not  aver,  tiiat  there  arc  those 
who  slill  own  razor  straps  made  of  it. 

t  John  Dunn  Hunter.  X  North  American  Review. 

&  Since  jrovernor  of  MiriiiRan,  and  now  secretary  of  war. 

II  lirnckenridfre,  Hi.st.  War,  31. 

IT  III  tliis  olTicer's  |)nrkel,  it  is  gaid,  was  found  a  letter  wrilteii  for  his  wife,  giving  aa 
account  of  his  having  killed  an  Indian,  from  wliose  head  he  tore  tiie  scalp  with  his  teeth. 

•*   Gilchrist,  commonly  written. 
11* 


■  ••  s.-\»l 

M 

■ '  ■--  ':»M 

■  -n 


M 


■n 


126 


TECUMSEH. 


tBooK  V. 


of  a  body  of  500  Indiana  under  Tecumseh,  fVulk-in-the-water,  Marpot,  and  the 
riuce  (aiiious  Black-hawk,  and  u  coiisiderubie  number  of  wliites  under  Major 
Miiir.  They  were  formed  beliind  u  breastwork  of  lelled  trees.  Wlien 
Colonel  Miller  had  brouglit  his  men  into  line,  the  enemy  sprang  from  their 
hidinjr-|)laces,  and  formed  in  line  of  battle,  and  a  fierce  and  appalling  strife 
ensued.  The  British  and  Indian  ibrce  was  one  third  greater  than  the  Ameri- 
can, but  nothing  could  withstand  them,  whiai  led  on  by  such  othcers  as 
Milltr  and  SneUivg,  and  the  ground  was  disputed  inch  by  inch  lor  near 
two  miles,  to  tlie  village  of  IJrownstown.  Here  the  British  took  to  their 
boats,  and  the  Indians  to  the  woods,  and  thus  the  battle  closed.  It  was  owing 
to  a  disobedience  of  orders  on  the  part  of  the  cavalry,  that  the  Britisli 
escaped  (-ntire  destruction ;  for  Colonel  Miller  ordered  them  to  rush  U|)on 
ihem  and  cut  them  up  when  their  guns  were  unloaded,  and  their  ranks  were 
in  confusion,  but  they  would  not,  although  Captain  Smiling  offered  to  lead 
them  in  person.  In  this  affair  the  Indians  and  British  lost  100  killed  and 
200  wounded,  and  the  Aniericans  had  18  killed  and  58  wounded.* 

A  British  writer  upon  the  late  war,  f  after  having  related  the  battle  of  the 
Thames,  in  which  Tccutmeh  fell,  says:  "It  seems  extraordinary  that  General 
Harrison  should  have  omitted  to  mention,  in  his  letter,  the  death  of  a  chief, 
whose  fiill  contributed  so  largely  to  break  down  the  Indian  spirit,  and  to  give 
l)eace  and  security  to  the  whole  Jiorth-western  frontier  of  the  U.  States. 
Tecumseh,  although  he  had  received  a  musket-ball  in  the  left  arm,  was  still 
seeking  the  hottest  of  the  fire,"  when  he  received  the  mortal  wound  in  the 
head,  of  which  he  in  a  few  moments  expired.  The  error,  which  for  some 
time  prevjiiled,  of  his  being  shot  by  Colonel  Johnson,  is  cojded  into  this  author's 
work.  The  following  descriptions,  though  in  some  respects  erroneous,  are 
of  suflicient  value  to  be  j)reserved. 

Tecumseh  was  endowed  "  with  more  than  the  usual  stoutness,  jiossessed  all 
the  agility  and  perseverance,  of  the  Indian  character.  His  carriag*;  was 
dignified;  his  eye  penetrating;  his  countenance,  which,  even  in  death,  be- 
trayed the  indications  of  a  lofty  sj)irit,  rather  of  the  sterner  cast.  Had  he  not 
possessed  a  ceiuiin  austerity  of  manners,  he  could  never  have  controlled  the 
wayward  passions  of  those  who  fbllowed  him  to  battle.  He  was  of  a  silent 
habit ;  but,  when  his  eloquence  became  roused  into  action  by  the  reiterated 
tncroacliments  of  the  Americans,!  his  strong  intellect  could  supply  him  v.ith 
a  flow  of  oratory,  that  enabled  him,  as  he  governed  in  the  fie'd,  so  to  pre- 
scribe in  the  council.  Those  who  consider  that,  in  all  territorial  (piestions, 
the  ablest  diplomiitists  of  the  U.  States  are  sent  to  negotiate  with  the  Indians, 
w  ill  readily  a|)preciate  the  loss  sustained  by  the  latter  in  the  death  of  their 
cham|iion.  The  Indians,  in  general,  are  full  as  fond  as  other  savages  of  the 
gaudy  decoration  of  their  persons;  but  Tecumseh  was  an  exception.  Clothes 
and  other  valuable  articles  of  spoil  had  often  been  his;  yet  he  invariably 
wore  a  deerskin  coat  and  pantaloons.  He  had  frecpiently  levied  subsidies  to, 
comparatively,  a  large  amount;  yet  he  preserved  little  or  nothing  for  himself. 
It  was  not  wealth,  but  glory,  that  was  TecuTuseh's  ruling  passion.  Fatal  day ! 
v.?>en  the  'Christian  people'  first  penetrated  the  fore,  ts,  to  teach  the  arts  of 
'  civilization '  to  the  poor  Indian.  Till  then  water  had  been  his  only  beverage, 
and  hi.iiself  and  his  race  possessed  all  the  vigor  of  hardy  savages.  Now, 
no  Indian  opens  his  lips  to  tlie  stream  that  ripples  by  his  wigwa:  ,,  while  he 
has  a  rag  of  clothes  on  his  back,  wherewith  to  purchase  rum ;  and  he  and 
bis  s(|uaw  and  his  children  wallow  through  the  day,  in  beastly  drunkenness. 
Instead  of  the  sturdy  warrior,  with  a  head  to  plan,  and  iui  arm  to  execute, 
vengraiice  upon  the  oppressors  of  ln^  country,  we  behold  the  puny,  besotted 
wretch,  scpiatting  on  his  hams,  ready  'o  barter  his  country,  his  children,  or 
himself,  flir  a  ihw  gidps  of  that  deleter!  lus  compound,  whicii,  far  more  than 
the  arms  of  the  United  States,  [Great  lliitain  and  France,]  is  hastening  to 
extiiigiiish  all  traces  ol"  his  name  and  character.  Tecumseh,  himselfj  in  early 
life,  had  been  addicted  to  intemperance ;  but  no  sooner  did  his  judgment 


\f^h' 


•  Sketches  of  the  War,  I  22.  t  James,  i.  287,  &c. 

\  As  tlioiigli  tlie  English  of  Canada  had  never  been  guiUy  of  encroarhmciUs ! 


.  »■  ?l 


IBooK  V. 

irpot,  and  the 

under  Major 

trees.     W'lien 

iig  from  their 

imlling  strife 

111  the  Aiiieri- 

li  olHeers  as 

iich  lor  near 

took  to  their 

It  was  owing 

t  the  llritisli 

to  riisii  upon 

ir  ranks  were 

fered  to  lead 

)0  killed  and 

I.* 

hattle  of  the 

that  General 

th  of  a  chief, 

t,  and  to  give 

le  U.  Stateti. 

arm,  was  still 

wound  in  the 

lich  for  some 

0  this  author's 

iToiieous,  are 

})ossessed  all 
carriage  was 
in  death,  be- 
llad  he  not 
jontrolled  the 
as  of  a  silent 
the  reiterated 
iiply  hiin  with 
^'d,  so  to  pre- 
•ial  ([iiestions, 
h  the  Indians, 
leath  of  their 
avagcs  of  the 
ion.  Clothes 
he  invariably 

subsidies  to, 
g  for  himself. 
.  F'atal  day ! 
•h  the  arts  of 
inly  beverage, 
t'ages.  Now, 
'a-  .,  while  he 
;  and  he  and 
drunkenness, 
m  to  execute, 
uny,  besotted 
^  children,  or 
hr  more  than 
hastening  to 
iself,  in  early 
lis  judgment 


fs,  i.  287,  &c. 
is  I 


Chap.  VII.] 


TECUMSEH. 


127 


decide  against,  than  his  resolution  enabled  him  to  quit,  so  vile  a  liabit. 
Beyond  one  or  two  gliusses  of  wine,  he  never  al'terwards  indulged." 

It  was  said  not  to  be  from  good  v/ill  to  the  Americans,  that  he  would  not 
permit  his  warriors  to  exercise  any  cruelty  upon  thein,  when  fallen  into  their 
power,  but  from  principle  alone.  When  Detroit  was  taken  by  the  IJritish 
and  Indians,  Tecumsih  was  in  the  action  at  the  head  of  the  latter.  A  Her  the 
surrender,  General  Brock  requested  him  not  to  allow  his  Indians  to  ill-treat 
the  [irisoners ;  to  which  he  replied,  "JVb.'  /  despise  Ihem  too  much  to  meddle 
with  them." 

Some  of  the  English  have  said  that  there  were  few  officers  in  the  U. 
States'  service  so  able  to  command  in  the  Held  as  Tecumseh.  This  it  will  not 
us  behove  to  question ;  but  it  would  better  have  become  such  speech- 
makeiv,  if  they  had  added,  "  ir»  his  peculiar  mode  of  warfare."  That  he 
was  a  ?iiore  wily  chief  than  MishikinaJcwa,  may  be  doubted  ;  that  either  had 
natural  altilities  inferior  to  those  of  General  Wni/nc,  or  Gi-neral  Brock,  wo 
see  no  reason  to  believe.  But  this  is  no  argumcMit  that  they  could  practise 
European  warfare  as  well  as  those  generals.  It  is  obvious,  from  his  inter- 
course with  the  whites,  that  Tecumseh  must  have  been  better  skilled  in  their 
military  tactics  than  most,  if  not  all,  of  his  countrymiiii,  whether  predecessors 
or  contemporaries. 

A  military  man,*  as  we  apprehend,  says,  "He  [Tecumse''''  was  an  excellent 
judge  of  position,  and  not  only  knew,  but  could  point  out  tlie  localities  of 
the  whole  country  through  which  he  had  passed."  "  His  liicility  ot"  commu- 
nicating the  information  he  had  acquired,  was  thus  displayed  before  a  con- 
course of  spectators.  Previously  to  General  BrocKs  crossing  over  to  Dt-troit, 
he  asked  Tecumseh  what  sort  of  a  country  he  should  have  to  pass  through  in 
case  of  his  proceeding  farther,  Tecumseh,  taking  a  roll  of  elm-bark,  and  ex- 
tending it  on  the  ground  by  means  of  four  stones,  drew  Ibrth  his  scalping- 
kniiti,  and  with  the  point  presently  etched  upon  the  bark  a  plan  of  the  coun- 
try, its  hills,  woods,  rivers,  moras'-cs,  and  roads  ;  a  plan  which,  if  not  as  neat, 
was,  for  the  purpose  required,  fully  as  intelligible  as  if  Jirrowsmilh  himself 
had  pre|)ared  it.  Pleased  with  this  unex  "cted  talent  in  Tecumseh,  also  with 
his  having,  by  his  characteristic  boldness,  induced  the  Indians,  not  of  his  im- 
mediate party,  to  cross  the  Detroit,  prior  to  the  embarkation  of  tlics  regulars 
and  militia,  General  Brock,  as  soon  as  the  business  was  over,  jiublicly  took  oft" 
his  sash,  and  placed  it  round  the  body  of  the  chief.  Tecumseh  received  the 
honor  with  evident  gratification,  but  was,  the  next  day,  seen  without  his 
sash.  General  Brock,  fearing  something  had  displeased  the  Indian,  sent  his 
interpreter  for  an  explanation.  The  latter  soon  returned  with  an  accoimt 
that  Tecumseh,  not  wishing  to  wear  such  a  mark  of  distinction,  when  an 
older,  and,  as  he  said,  abler,  warrior  than  himself  was  present,  had  transferred 
the  sash  to  the  Wyandot  chief  Rormd-liead." 

The  place  of  this  renowned  warrior's  birth  was  upon  the  banks  of  the 
Scioto  Kiver,  near  what  isnowChillicothe.  His  father's  nami;  was  Pukeesheno, 
which  means,  lUsfhtfromJlyini:^.  He  vvas  killed  in  the  battle  of  Kanhawa,  in 
1774.  His  mother's  name  was  Meetheetashe,  which  signifies,  n  turtle  laifing 
her  CfTfrs  in  the  sand.  She  died  among  the  Cherokees.  She  had,  at  one  birth, 
three  sons: — Ellskwedawa,  which  signifies,  a  door  opened,  was  called  the 
Prophet ;  Tecumseti,  which  is,  a  tiger  crouching  fur  his  prey ;  and  Kumskaka,  a 
tiger  thai  flies  in  the  air.  f 

We  will  here  present  the  reader  with  a  specimen  of  the  Shawaneo  lan- 
guage, in  the  Lord^s  Prayer. 

Coe-thin-a,  spim-i-key  yea-taw-yan-oe,  o-wes-sn-yeg  yey-sey-tho-ynn-nc :  Dm/- 
pale-i-tum-any-pay-^'tch  Iha-key,  yen-issi-tay-hiiy-yon-ae  issi-nnck-i-key,  yoe-ma 
assis-key-kie  pi-sey  spim-i-kcy.  Me-li-na-key  oe  uoo-ki  cos-si-kie  ta-wa-itthin  oe 
yea-wnpa-ki  tuck-wlian-a ;  puck-i-tum-i-ivit-loo  kne-won-ot-i-lhcy-wny.  Vea-se- 
puck-i-tum-a  ma-chil-i-tow-e-ta  thick-i  vui-chaw-ki  tus-sy-ncigh-puck-sin-n  wa- 
vun-si-loo  wau  po  won-ct-i-they  yn  key-la  tay  pale-i-tum  any  iciiy  wis-sa  kia 
was-si-cul-i'We-toay  thay-pay-  we-  way. I 


*  Mr  .lamos,  ut  supra. 


t  Schoulcrajl. 


i  Carey's  Museum,  vi,  318,  (for  178'J.) 


128 


ELLSKWATAWA,  THE  PROPHET. 


[Book  V. 


Rv 


I'f 


:t.'  I, ' 


i 


In  1826,  the  only  surviving  son  of  Tecunueh,  whose  name  is  PxicMhti, 
which  signifies  crouching  or  watching  his  prey,  left  the  Ohio  to  settle  beyond 
the  Mississipj)!.*  This  son,  when  his  tiither  was  slain,  was  fighting  by  his 
side.  "The  prinoe  regent,"  says  Mr.  James,  "in  1814,  out  of  respect  to  the 
memory  to  tiie  old,  sent  out  as  a  present  to  the  young  Tecumseh  a  handsome 
sword  ; "  and  then  closes  this  paragraph  with  this  most  savage  lamentation  : 
"Unfortunately,  liowever,  for  the  Indian  cause  and  coui..-v,  faint  are  the 
pro8i)eets  tliat  Tecumseh  the  son  will  ever  equal,  in  wisdom  or  prowess, 
Tecumseh  the  father."  f 

ELLSKWATAWA.  Although  we  have  given  some  imjiortant  fiicts  m 
the  lite  of  this  impostor,  there  are  some  circumstances  which  claim  to  be 
related.  After  the  termination  of  the  war  of  1812,  he  received  a  pension 
from  the  government  of  Great  Britain,  and  resided  in  Canada.  In  182t),  he 
was  i)revailed  upon  to  leave  that  country,  and  went,  with  others,  to  settle  be- 
yond the  Mississippi.  At  the  same  time  also  went  the  only  surviving  son  of 
TecumJieh. 

Much  has  been  said  and  written  al>out  the  Prophet;  and,  as  is  generally 
the  case,  the  accounts  vary,  in  proportion  to  their  multiplicity.  From  a  well- 
written  article  in  a  foreign  periodical,^  it  is  said  that,  during  the  first  50  years 
of  his  life,  he  was  remarkajjie  for  nothing  exce[)t  his  stupidity  and  intoxica- 
tion. In  his  50fh  year,  while  in  the  act  of  lighting  his  pipe,  he  fell  back  in 
his  cabin,  upon  his  bed  ;  and,  continiung  for  some  time  lifeless,  to  all  appear- 
ances, preparations  were  made  for  his  interment ;  and  it  was  not  until  the 
tribe  was  assembled,  as  usual  on  such  occasions,  and  they  were  in  the  act  of 
removing  him,  that  he  revived.  His  first  words  were,  "  i>on7  ie  a/ormerf.  / 
have  seen  heaven.  Call  the  nation  together,  that  I  may  tell  Qvem  what  has  ippeared 
to  me."  When  tliey  were  assembled,  he  told  them  that  two  beautiful  young 
men  had  been  sent  fi*om  heaven  by  the  Great  Spirit,  who  spoke  thus  to  him : 
— The  Great  Spirit  is  angry  with  you,  and  will  destroy  all  the  red  men :  unless 
you  refrain  from  drunkenness,  lying  and  stealing,  and  turn  yourselves  to  him, 
you  shall  Jiever  enter  tiie  beautiful  place  which  we  will  now  show  you."  He 
was  tiien  conducted  to  the  gates  of  heaven,  from  whence  he  could  behold 
all  its  beauties,  but  was  not  permitted  to  enter.  After  undergoing  several 
hours'  tantalization,  from  extreme  desire  of  participating  in  its  indescribable 
joys  and  pleasures,  he  was  dismissed.  His  conductors  told  him  to  tell  all 
the  Indians  what  he  had  seen ;  to  repent  of  their  ways,  and  they  would  visit 
him  again.  My  authority  says,  that,  on  the  Prophefs  visiting  the  neigiil)oring 
nations,  his  mission  had  a  good  effect  on  their  morals,  &c.  But  this  part  of 
his  story,  at  least,  is  at  variance  with  facts ;  for  none  would  hear  to  him,  ex- 
cept the  most  abandoned  young  warriors  of  those  tribes  he  visited,  and  their 
miserable  condition  in  colonizing  themselves  upon  the  Wabash,  in  1811,  is 
well  known.  § 

There  was  an  earthquake  said  to  have  taken  place  in  the  Creek  country, 
in  December,  1811.  ||  Tlie  Prophet  visited  the  Creeks  in  the  previous  August, 
and  "pronounced  in  the  public  square,  that  shortly  a  lemp  would  apptmr  in 
the  west,  to  aid  him  in  his  hostile  attack  upon  the  whites,  and,  if  they  would 
not  be  influenced  by  bis  persuasion,  the  eartii  would  ere  long  tremble  to  its 
centre.  This  circumstance  has  had  a  powerful  effect  on  the  minds  of  these 
Indians,  and  would  certainly  have  led  them,  generally,  to  have  united  with  the 
northern  coalition,  had  it  not  been  for  the  interposition  of  travellers."  This 
statement  was  made  by  a  Mr.  Francis  M'Henry,  in  the  Georgia  Journal,  to 
contradict  that  ever  any  such  earthquake  did  take  place,  and  by  which  we 

*  Johnson's  Ind.  Nar.  217.  t  Military  Occurrences,  i.  293. 

*  The  New  i'louthly  Magazine. 

ij  Tliis  famous  vision  oi  the  Prophet  will  compare  in  slrangenoss  with  that  of  7vi°pos/i, 
head  chief  of  the  Delaware  nalion,  related  by  Loskeil,  (ii.  114.)  He  lay  to  all  appearance 
dead  for  three  days.  In  his  swoon,  he  saw  a  man  in  white  robes,  who  exhibited  a  catalogue 
of  the  people's  sins,  and  warned  him  to  repent.  In  1749,  he  was  about  80  years  of  age,  and 
was  baptized  by  the  name  of  Solomon.  We  have  related  in  Book  III.  an  account  of 
Squa7ido's  vision  ;  and  others  might  bo  mentioned. 

Jl  ''The  ea"thquakes,  which,  in  1811,  almost  destroyed  the  town  of  New  i\fadrid  of  the 
Mississippi,  wire  very  sensibly  fell  on  the  upper  portion  of  the  Mi-ssouri  country,  and  occa- 
■  sioned  much  superstitious  dread  amongst  the  Indians."     Long's  Expedition,  i.  272. 


the 


[Book  V. 

s  Puchethei, 
ttle  beyond 
ititif,'  by  hirt 
pect  to  the 
a  iiuiidsome 
imeiitation : 
lint  arc  the 
)r   prowess, 

nnt  i'actH  m 
:laini  to  be 
a  pension 
In  imi,  hr 
to  settle  bf- 
ving  son  of 

is  generally 
roni  a  weli- 
irst  50  years 
1(1  intoxica- 
fell  back  in 
)  all  appear- 
at  until  the 
n  the  act  of 

alarmed.  I 
has  ippeared 
iitiful  young 
lus  to  him : 
men :  unless 
ilves  to  him, 
V  you."  He 
:)uld  behold 
)ing  several 
idescribable 
1  to  tell  all 

would  visit 
iieiglil)oring 
his  part  of 

to  hini,  ex- 
i,  and  their 

in  1811,  is 


Chap,  Vll] 


nOL'.VD'HKAP. 


129 


ek  country, 
oils  August, 

I  appear  in 
they  would 
mble  to  its 
ids  of  these 
ed  with  the 
ei-s."  This 
Journal,  to 
which  we 

nces,  i.  293. 

lal  of  Keposh, 

II  appearnnre 

I  a  calalopje 
s  of  age,  and 

II  account  of 

Madrid  of  liie 
rv,  and  occa- 

72. 


learn  that  that  part  of  the  sni)erstitiouH  wiirid  really  belii^ved  tlwit  it  had,  and 
that  places  had  been  actually  sunk.  'J'Ik;  faiiie  coiiiuiuiiicant  says,  "1  have 
oidy  to  state  that  I  have  comfortably  r.'p()^4ed  in  houses  where  neW9paj>ers 
have  announced  evei^  disappearance!  of  earth."  He  states  also,  upon  the 
authority  of  "a  Mr.  Chadbun/,  m\  lihglisii  gciiilenian,  from  Quebec,"  that, 
"at  the  age  of  15,  this  Indian  disapi)eared  tiom  his  relativ<!S,  and  was  con- 
sidered as  finally  lost.  That  he  strolled  to  Uuebcc,  and  from  thence  to 
Montreal,  where,  taken  as  a  pilot  to  Halifax,  he  rcinaiiied  several  years  ;  and 
in  this  space  received  an  e(lucation  <pialil\  ing  him  to  act  the  part  already 
ii;:r,wii."  The  conuit  of  18 11  was  viewed  by  many,  throughout  the  country, 
as  a  liarbinger  of  evil,  and  it  was  upon  this  seiining  advantage  that  the 
Prophet*  seized  to  frighten  his  red  brethren  into  his  scliemes. f 

lie  wassaid  to  have  beeti killed  on  tlie  IB  November,  18l'-i,  when  the  Missis- 
slnaway  towns  were  destroyed  on  the  Wabash  by  a  detachment  under  Colonel 
Campbell;  but  this  was  only  a  rumor  of  the  day. 

ROUND-HEAD  was  a  Wyandot,  and  Ibught  against  the  Americans  in 
tlu!  last  war.  He  was  very  conspicuous  in  the  battle  at  Frenchtown  upon 
the  llivcr  llaisin.  Tht;  Indian  force  in  this  aflair  was  al»out  100().|  (icnerd 
fVinchester's  quarters  were  at  1  or  200  yards  from  the  main  army  when 
the  fight  commenced,  and,  in  an  endeavDr  to  render  it  assistance,  was 
fallen  upon  by  the  WyandotB,  and  himself  and  attendants  captured. 
Round-head  seized  upon  General  Wimheder  with  his  own  hands.  It  was  a 
severe  cold  morning,  22  .luniiary,  181:},  and  the  gionnil  was  covered  with 
snow. 

Our  chief,  in  a  manner  truly  characteristic,  obliged  the  general  to  divest 
himself  of  his  great  cent  and  all  his  unitbrm.  VVith  nothing  but  his  shirt 
to  protect  him  It-om  tl  cold.  Round-head  conducted  him  to  a  lire,  but  not 
until  he  had  got  on  tht  general's  co^,ked  hat,  uniform  (!oat,  vest,  &c.  It  was 
in  this  condition,  that  Colonel  Proctor  tbund  him ;  and  it  was  not  without 
much  persuasion  that  the  stern  warrior  relii!<|nished  his  important  captive ; 
and  it  was  with  still  more  reluctance,  that  he  gave  up  the  unitbrm,  in  which 
he  had  so  short  a  time  to  strut  about  and  show  himself  to  his  countrymen.^ 

This  was  a  most  disastrous  expedition  for  the  Americans:  538  were  cap- 
turtul,  according  to  the  British  account,  which  does  not  differ  materially  from 
the  American  ;  ||  and  300  killed  in  the  battle,  and  massacred  by  the  Indians 
immediately  af^er. 

In  Colonel  Proctor's  official  account  of  this  affair,  he  speaks  in  high  terms 
of  the  conduct  of  the  Indian  chiefs  and  warriois.  His  words  are:  "The 
zeal  and  courage  of  the  Indian  department  were  never  more  conspicuous 
than  on  this  occasion,  and  the  Indian  warriors  Ibught  with  their  usual 
bravery." 

Colonel  Proctor  has  been  much  censured  for  his  conduct  at  the  River  Rai- 
sin. It  was  said  that  he  agreiid  to  the  terms  asked  for  by  General  Winchester, 
and  then  ])aid  no  attention  to  their  observance,  but  rather  countenancc-d  the 
Indians  in  their  barbarities,  thinking  thereby  to  strike  the  Americans  with 
dread,  that  they  might  be  deterred  from  entering  the  service  in  future.  But 
the  British  historians  say  that  "  the  whole  of  the  left  division  surrendered  at 
discretion,"  and  not  "  on  conditi<;n  of  their  being  protected  from  the  savages, 
being  allowed  to  retain  their  private  property,  and  having  their  side-arms 
returned  to  them,"  as  stated  by  General  H'inchester:  lor,  Mr.  /amcs  adds, "  had 
this  been  the  understanding,  one  may  suppose  that  some  writing  would  have 
been  drawn  up  ;  but,  indeed,  Gen.  M'^incliester  was  not  in  a  condition  to  dictate 
terms.    Stripped  to  his  shirt  and  trowsers,  and  suffering  exceedingly  from 

*  Lambert,  who  published  three  volumes  of  travels  in  America  in  1810,  (London,)  in  speak- 
ing of  the  Prophet,  says,  "  Thus  we  find,  that  prophets  are  not  confined  to  our  own  happy 
island  ;  Inil  I  make  no  doubt,  that  many  of  our  sealed  countrymen  and  countrywomen,  who 
are  running  after  Joanna  Smtthcott  from  one  end  of  the  kingdom  to  the  other,  will  (if  they 
should  ever  read  this  speech)  turn  up  their  nose  at  the  Indian,  ^nd  quote  a  text  ftpm  Revela- 
tions to  prove  that  he  is  a  false  prophet."     Lambert,  i.  396. 

t  Halcyon  Luminary,  i.  205,  &c.  New  York,  (June,)  1812. 

X  Ferkms's  Late  War,  100.  &  James,  Milit.  Occurrences,  i.  188. 

y  Tliomson  has  522.    Hist.  Sketches,  104. 


tso 


WALK-IN-TIIE-WATER. 


[Book   V 


r'HAP. 


it. 


the  cold,  the  Americnn  gorieral  wns  found  by  Col.  Prodor,  nenr  to  one  of  the 
liidiiiii  fircp,  ill  possnsHion  ot"  tlic  Wyandot  chiff  Rowid-head.'" 

So,  according  to  llin  judjrnient  of  "this  historian,  Colonel  Prodor  was  under 
no  ohli>fation  tc  keyt  his  word,  JK^causu  th"re  was  "no  writirif^"  witii  hin 
iianm  to  it.  Tlic  historian  that  will  even  set  up  a  defence  for  treachery  may 
calculate  witii  certainty  upon  t!ie  value  posterity  will  set  upon  his  work. 
We  want  no  other  than  C;)loiici  Prodor''s  own  accoinit  from  which  to  con- 
demn iiim  of,  at  least,  jfivsat  want  of  humaiijty.  We  do  not  pretend  tliat  the 
Americins  were  always  Ine  iVoni  tin;  same  churges;  hut  we  would  as  soon 
vsc.oni  their  e\tinnalioii  as  tiiat  of  their  enemies. 

Ron.)':,'  htal  was  prcjsent  with  (Jeneral  Brock  hi\(\  Tecuniseh  when  they  took 
possis-inii  of  Detroit,  on  the  15  August,  1812.  When  ahout  to  cross  tiie 
fiv(!r  to  lay  sieg  ■  to  Detroit,  (renerai  Brock  [irosentd  Tecumsvh  with  his  red 
sash.  This  hief  had  too  much  goofl  sense  to  wear  it,  well  knowing  it  would 
create  jealousy  among  the  othoi  chiefs,  who  considered  tliemselv(!s  ecpial 
Nvitli  liini ;  he  tin  reliire  p'-  -eii'ed  it  to  Round-head,  as  has  been  mentioned  in 
tli<!  lili'  of  'J\riiin/ieh. 

Wlieih' r  this  chief  wet  '  ■  \ort  \  ise  than  Tccumseh,\n  the  last  aftair  in 
which  ;iie  latter  was  enga«  ',  we  ai,;  i?nable  to  say;  but  it  appears  highly 
probable  that  the  conduct  oi  Genere.  i  -idor  was  the  cause  of  his  being 
nbandoi:"d  by  most,  if  not  all  the  Wyandots,  previous  to  t  le  battle  of  the 
Thames.*  As  Round-head  was  their  chief,  toiiiin  will  be  attributed  the  cause 
of  tlieir  wise  proceeding. 

The  following  letter,  written  after  the  battle  of  the  River  Raisin,  (we  con- 
clude,) is  worthy  of  a  place  here, 

"  Tlie  Hurons,  ami  the  other  tribes  of  Indians,  assembled  at  the  Miami  Rapid<s, 
U)  ike  inhabitaiUs  of  the  River  Raisin. — friends,  listen !  You  have  always  told  iis 
you  imuld  giVe  us  antj  assistance  in  your  power.  We,  therefore,  as  the  enemy  is  ap- 
proaMng  tis,  within  25  miles,  call  upon  you  all  to  rise  up  and  come  here  immediately, 
orinfring  your  arms  along  tvUh  you.  ShotUd  you  fad  at  this  time,  we  urill  not 
consider  you  in  future  as  friends,  and  the  consequences  may  he  very  unpleasant. 
We  are  tvell  convinced  you  have  no  writing  forbidding  you  to  assist  us.  We  are 
your  friends  at  present. 

Round-head  Xt  ^''^  mark. 

Walk-in-tlie-ivater  {^h'm  mark. \" 

AVALK'IN-TIIf'-WATER  also  signalized  himself  in  these  events.  His 
native  name  is  Myeerak.  He  is  a  Huron,  of  the  tribe  of  the  Wyandots,  and, 
in  1817,  resided  on  a  reservation  in  Michigan,  at  a  village  called  Maguaga, 
near  Biownstown.  Mr.  Brown,  in  his  valuable  Western  Gazetteer,  justly 
styles  this  fiimous  chief  one  of  "nature's  nobles."  The  unfortunate  (Jeneral 
Hull  mentions  him  as  one  of  the  ])rincipal  "among  the  vast  nuniber  of  ciiiefs 
who  led  the  hostile  bands  "  of  the  west  when  the  war  of  1812  commenced. 
The  Kiuskaskias  Wyandots,  in  1814,  were  nearly  equally  divided  between  a 
chief  called  Tarhe,  which  signifies  the  Crane,  and  Myerrah.  The  former  was 
call(;d  the  grand  chief  of  the  nation,  and  resided  at  Sandusky.  He  was  a 
very  venerable  and  intelligent  chief.  In  1812,  MyeeraJi  told  some  American 
officers  who  were  sent  to  the  Indians  to  secure  their  fiivor,  that  the  American 
govermnent  was  acting  very  wrong  to  send  an  army  into  their  country,  which 
would  cut  off  their  communication  with  Canada.  The  Indians,  he  said,  were 
their  own  masters,  and  would  trade  where  they  pleased  ;  that  the  affair  of  the 
Wabash  was  the  fault  of  General  Harrison  entirely.  He  commanded  the 
Indian  army  with  Round-head  at  the  battle  of  the  River  Rjusin. 

After  the  battle  of  the  Thames,  in  which  also  Walk-in-the-water  was  a  con- 
spicuous commander,  he  went  to  Detroit  to  make  peace,  or  rather  to  ask  it  of 
General  Harrison.  In  crossing  from  Sandwich  with  a  white  flag,  many  were 
attracted  to  the  shore  to  see  him,  where  also  were  drawn  up  the  Kentticky 
volunteer^    All  were  strtick  with  admiration  at  his  noble  aspect  and  f«arles8 

*  General  Harrison's  oHicial  letter,  among  Brannan's  Official  Doc.  p.  237. 
t  English  Barbarities,  132. 


[Book  V 
I  one  of  ilic 

was  iimlcr 
"  with  hit, 
iclitiiy  mtiy 

I  liin  work, 
irii  to  con- 
11(1  timt,  the 
ilil  as  Hoon 

II  thry  took 
)  cro.srt  tlic 
itli  his  red 
iiff  it  would 
elvos  erjiinl 
iciitioiicd  in 

ist  nftiiir  in 
ears  higlily 
i"  liis  hciufj 
attle  of  thti 
id  tlie  cause 

II,  (we  con- 


t7?it  Rajrids, 
Bays  told  us 
'.nemif  is  ap- 
immedidieh/, 
ire  JOT*//  not 
unpleasant, 
lis.     We  an- 

•k. 

s  uiiirk.  f  " 

vents.  His 
ndots,  and, 
Maguaga, 

EK.R,  justly 
ate  Gineral 
er  of  chiefs 
onunenced. 

between  a 
former  was 

lie  was  a 

American 

3  American 

ntry,  which 

said,  were 

fliiir  of  the 
landed  the 

was  a  con- 
to  ask  it  of 
iiany  were 
Kentucky 
nd  fearlesa 


Ch-w.  V['.] 


TEYONINHOKERAWEN. 


131 


I 


caiTJage,  as  he  ascended  the  bank  and  passed  through  tiic  ranks  of  the  sol- 
di<'rs.  'I'he  greatest  firuuiess  uttendcid  his  steps,  and  the  most  dignitied  »?(Wi- 
rhnliincn  was  upon  his  counteuancc,  notwithstanding  his  condition  was  now 
••alcidatcrl  to  discover  humiliail  ;i  and  d('ep  depression.  Only  a  few  days 
before,  hi*  had  fought  hand  to  hand  with  these  same  voluiitet-rs,  whose  ranks 
he  now  passed  through. 

We  have  not  iieard  of  the  deatli  of  the  heroic  and  truly  great  chief  Mi/ef- 
rah  ;  Itur,  wlictlier  alive  or  dead,  our  veneration  is  the  same.  It  was  said  of 
his  cotit('mp«!rary,  Traiiiuvh,  that  in  the  field  he  was  tui  ,'irliilles,  and  in  the 
council  au  .li!;iiincmiion.  At  least,  we  think,  as  much  may  in  truth  be  said  of 
Mjlvinih.  The  .s'cpiel  of  the  life  of  7'(«r/(e  will  ln!  found  in  a  t'orm^n*  chapter, 
wIktc  he  figuri's  under  X\w  name  of  King  f'mnc.  hi  1807,  a  treaty  was  madt' 
at  Detroit  b(itweeu  tin-  ('hip}ieways,  Ottowas,  Pottowatiomies  and  VVyandot- 
and  the  I'nited  States.  'l\vo  chiefs  be-sides  Mijcfrnh  signed  on  behali"of  the 
last-named  trib'.  1 1  i^i  name  to  that  treaty  is  written  Mkre.  Tlu!  \w\\  year, 
18()H,  another  treaty  was  mad(!  at  IJrowiistown  with  the  same  tribes,  with  tin- 
addition  of  two  <!  'legates  from  the  Shawanees.  Three  bi!siii«'H  .Mi/ierith 
signed  at  this  time,  lie  was  also,  we  believe,  !i  party  to  the  treaty  made  ac 
Fort  Industry  in  l^iOf),  on  the  Miami  of  the  Lake. 

Less  is  known  of  the  history  of  the  two  next  chiefs,  of  which  we  shall  say 
somethiii!!.  than  otiuanv  others  less  distinguislnMl. 

Tfc:YO.\'INHOKI'M{AVVEN  was  a  Mohawk  chief,  who  is  generally  known 
under  the  a|)pllatioii  of /o/rn  .Yor/on.  "This  interesting  Indian,  about  two 
years  ago,  [1804  or  5,]  visited  England,  where  numerous  traits  of  an  amiable 
disposition  and  a  vigorous  intellect  produced  tht;  most  pleasing  impressions 
on  all  who  were  introduced  to  him.  A  jiroof  of  his  possessing,  in  a 
high  degree,  the  ipialities  of  a  good  temper  and  great  mental  quickness,  occur- 
red at  the  upper  rooms,  at  IJath,  where  he  appeared  in  the  dress  of  his  country. 
A  young  I'^nglislunan,  who  had  been  in  America,  ficcosted  the  chief  with 
several  abrupt  cpiestions  respecting  his  jilace  of  abode,  situation,  and  the 
lik(\  To  these  jVoHon  returned  answers  at  once  pertinent  and  modest.  The 
inquirer,  however,  cixpressed  himself  dissatisfied  with  them,  and  hinted,  in 
almost  plain  terms,  that  he  Ijelieved  him  to  be  an  impostor.  Still  tla;  Amer- 
ican suppressed  his  res  ntnieiit,  and  endeavored  to  convince  the  icentleman 
that  this  accotuit  of  himself  might  l)e  dejxMided  upon.  '  Well,  but,'  returned 
the  other,  '  if  you  really  are  what  you  pretend  to  be,  how  will  you  relish  re- 
turning to  the  savages  of  your  own  country  ? '  '  Sir^  rejdied  Norton,  with  a 
glance  of  inteiliirence, '  I  shall  not  experience  so  scrmt  a  chnne;e  in  mi/  socleti/  as 
you  imns;ine,  for  I  find  there  arc  savai^es  in  this  cnintn/  also.^  Animated  with 
the  spiri^  of  genuine  patriotism,  this  generous  ciiieflain  was  unw(!ariedly 
occupicul,  durinjr  the  intervals  of  his  public  business,  in  acquiring  every 
species  of  useful  knowledge,  for  tiie  jiurpose  of  transport! n::  it  to  his  own 
countiy,  for  the  benefit  of  his  p.ople;  and  whut  tlic  friends  to  tlu;  happiness 
of  men  will  hear  with  still  gretiter  aclmiration  and  pleasure,  he.  was  tdso  en- 
gaged, under  the  auspices  of  Mr.  ff'ilhrrforce  and  Mr.  IViornton,  in  the  lal)ori- 
ous  employment  of  translating  tin;  Gospel  of  St.  .John  into  his  native 
tongiK!."*  Whether  that  published  by  the  American  Bible  Society  be  the 
same  translatioti,  I  am  not  positive,  but  believe  it  is.  The  following  is  tlie  ;3d 
verse  of  Chap.  i.  Yorif^hwuf^veiron  ne  rode  tceyenokden,  ok  tsi  nikon  ne  kaglison 
yagh  o<rhnnhhoten  teyod^n  ne  ne  yas^h  rnnnhnh  te  hmjhdare. 

From  the  London  Monthly  Repository  it  appears,  that  N'orton  was  educated 
"at  one  of  the  American  universities.  There  is  an  excellent  portrait  of  him 
presented  by  the  respectable  Robert  Barclay,  hung  up  in  the  Bath  Agrieid- 
tural  Society's  great  room ;  for  he  was  made  an  honorary  member  while 
here."  And  the  same  writer  adds: — "  I  have  a  pamphlet  ])ublished  by  him 
while  in  England,  entitled  'An  address  to  the  Six  Nations,'  recommending 
the  Gospel  of  St.  John,  one  side  in  English,  the  other  in  Mohawk  language, 
in  which  are  discovered  sentences  very  similar  to  the  Welsh  ;  for  instance, 


.'':■  .:f 


jv.^l 


237. 


*  JarucTn't  Strajiger  ia  America,  273,  4to,  London,  1807, 


133 


LOGAN,  THK  SHAWANEi;. 


[nooK  V. 


Tm)ia.v.  O  Niynli  tojrIiHa  crcn  t(!.i)i:\\viffhn  no  sagrncinne  walioni. 
\Vi;i,Hii.  ()  Nliavv  juuliliij^  tTotii  dy  dcvirtliaid  grace  am  wlialiani. 
FiXfi.irtii.     O  God,  take  not  I'rom  ua  thy  grtce,  hecuuBC  we  have  erred  from 


t)iy  wayw 


"  # 


J    '* 


Soine  of  lh(>  words  wliicli  hcohi  to  ho  correHponding  and  annloirous  to  the 
eyt',  in  the  two  first  langnages,  are  not  so  in  nuianing ;  in  fact  tiierc  is  no 
uiialogy  whatever  between  the  Welsh  and  Indian  iangua<;es. 

In  IHOH,  tiiis  ciiief  was  the  hearer  of  n  long  and  exceedingly  (ixcelleiit  tail< 
from  the  rtonecas  west  of  the  Oiiio,  to  tlie  Indians  of  tlie  interior  of  Canada, 
about  JOO  miles  from  Niagara  Falls.     It  was  from  a  Prophet  named  Ska.wa- 

DARm.f 

We  learn  also  from  Mr.  Jansen  that  when  Tcyonmhohtrawen  Was  in  Eng- 
land, he  "appeared  to  be  about  4.')  years  of  age;"  tall,  muscular,  and  well  pro- 
portioned, possessing  a  fme  and  intelligent  comitenance.  His  mother  was  a 
Scotch  woman,  and  he  had  spent  two  years  in  Fidinburgh,  in  his  youth, 
namely,  from  his  L'Uh  to  his  l.'jth  year,  read  and  spoke  Ihiglish  and  jM-ench 
well.  He  was  married  to  a  female  oi"  his  own  tribe,  by  whom  Ik;  had  two 
children.  Ife  served  in  the  last  war  with  the  English,  as  will  [)resently  be 
reliited. 

Because  this  chief  spent  a  few  years  in  Scotland  when  young,  some  his- 
torians |  have  asserted  that  he  was  not  an  Indian,  but  a  Scotchman;  and  a 
writer  §  of  a  sketch  of  the  late  Canada  war  says  he  was  related  to  tlie 
French.  Of  this  we  have  no  doubt,  as  it  is  not  uncommon  for  many  of  those 
who  pass  for  Indians  to  have  white  fathers.  We  should  think,  therefore, 
that,  instead  of  his  mother's  being  a  Scotch  woman,  his  fiither  might  have  been 
a  Frenchman,  and  his  mother  an  Indian. 

Of  JSTorlon^s  orTei/oninhokerawen's  exploits  in  the  last  war,  there  were  not 
many,  we  presume,  as  there  are  not  many  recorded.  When  Col.  Murratj  sm-- 
priscd  Fort  Niagara,  on  the  19  Dec.  181:3,  JVoHon  entered  the  fort  with  him, 
at  the  head  of  a  force  of  about  400  men.  ||  Fort  Niagara  was  garrisoned  by 
about  800  Americans,  of  whom  but  '10  psca|)i'd.  All  who  resisted,  and  some 
who  did  not,  were  run  though  with  the  bayonet.  We  oidy  know  that.Vorton 
was  present  on  this  occasion. 

On  the  6  June,  1814,  General  Vincent  and  J^orton,  with  a  considerable 
force,1[  attacked  an  American  camp  ten  miles  from  Burlington  Bay,  at  a  place 
called  Fifty  Mile  Creek.  The  onset  was  made  before  day  on  a  Sunday  morn- 
ing. The  invaders  sci/ed  upon  seven  pieces  of  cannon,  and  turmd  them 
upon  their  enemies.  The  night  was  very  dark,  and  the  confusion  was  very 
great.  The  American  Generals  Chandler  and  ff'iyuier,  one  major,  five  cap- 
tains, one  lieutenant,  and  IIG  men,  were  taken  prisoners.  Nevertheless  the 
Americans  fought  with  such  resolution  that  the  attacking  party  were  obliged 
to  abandon  their  advantage,  leaving  1.10  of  their  number  behind  thorn.  Tiiev. 
however,  cnrrled  off  two  pieces  of  cannon  and  some  horses. 

LOGAN  was  a  great  Shawanee  chief,  who  was  more  brave  than  fortunate. 
He  was  no  connection  of  Loi^an  of  1774,  but  was  equally  gre.it,  and,  in  the 
hands  of  a  Jefferson,  vvoidd  have  been  equally  celebrated.  Siiortly  after  Gen- 
eral Tupprr's  expedition  to  the  Miami  Rapids,  Captain  James  Lo^an,  iis  he 
was  called  by  the  English,  was  sent  by  General  Harrison  in  the  direction  of 
those  rapids,  with  a  small  party  of  his  tribe,  to  reconnoitre.  lie  met  \\  ith  a 
superior  force  of  the  enemy  near  that  place,  by  which  he  was  so  closely  f)»r- 
sucd  that  his  men  were  obliged  to  break  and  Aee  for  safety  in  the  true  Indian 
manner.  Lo^an,  with  two  of  his  companions.  Captain  John  and  BRnarT- 
HORxN,  arrived  safe  at  General  fVinchester's  camp.  When  he  gave  an  account 
here  of  what  had  happened,  accusers  in  the  army  stood  ready  to  charge  him 
with  treachery,  and  a  design  of  aiding  the  enemy.    He  felt  the  false  charge 

*  Monthly  Repository,  iii.  716,  London,  1809.  f  ll'id.  709. 

X  James,  Military  Occurrenres,  ii.  l(i.  §  Mr.  M.  Smith,  who  livnl  then  in  Canada. 

II  Some  American  historians  say,  "British  and  Indians;"  but  Mr.  James  (ii.  16.)  says 
there  was  but  one  "Indian,"  and  he  was  a  Seotclmian  ! 
V  The  number  of  reuik  and  file  was  704,  of  ttie  Americans  about  3000. 


[Book  V 

III. 
rii. 
erred  from 


•irons  to  the 
tliero  JH  no 

"■•'llciit  talk 

of  Canada, 

ed  Ska.nva- 

vas  in  Knj^- 
id  .^«•ll  [iro- 
)tlicr  Was  u 
Ills  youth, 
iiid  iViMich 
K!  had  two 
resiiitly  he 

,  some  his- 
nan ;  and  a 
itfd  to  the 
iiy  of  those 
,  thcn'fore, 
t  have  hcen 

3  were  not 
yfurraif  !<nr- 
;  witli  liim, 
rrisont'd  by 
I,  and  Hotnc 
that  .Viirlon 

onsidcrahle 
y,  at  n  place 
iiday  moiTi- 
iriicd  them 
I  was  very 
r,  five  can- 
theli'ss  the 
3re  ohlijfed 
•m.    TJiev. 

1  fortunate, 
and,  in  the 
afVer  Gen- 
>ff«(i,  as  he 
iroction  of 
n(!t  ^^ith  a 
loscly  f»iir- 
rne  Indian 

d    IJRKiHT- 

m  arrount 
liarge  him 
Ise  charge 

Ihid.  709. 
u  Canada, 
(ii.  IG.)  says 


CUAP.   VIl] 


SinXAI,  E.XPLOIT  OF  CAPTAIN  LOGAN. 


133 


with  cutting  severity,  hut  without  any  inclination  for  revenge.  On  th*!  con- 
trary, he  dcterinincd  to  jirove  hy  sonitr  uniMjuivocal  (Uinuuncement  that  ho 
was  in)t  thuH  to  he  taken  as  a  H[)y. 

Accoi^dinjfly,  on  'i^  Novetiiher,  with  the  two  men  uImivo  numed,  he  pet  out, 
resolved  either  to  liiinj.'  in  a  [Misoncr  or  a  scalp,  or  to  liazard  Wxn  life  in  the 
attempt.  When  lie  had  proceeded  down  the  Miami  ahout  10  miles,  on  the 
north  side,  he  met  with  ( Captain  KUiul,  (son  of  him  of  infamous  memory,  hclurc 
incntioned  in  this  Imok  of  onr  history,)  a<'companied  hy  fne  Indians.  As 
this  party  was  to<i  strong  for  Loifan  and  his  two  brave  companions,  four  ol' 
them  being  on  horseback,  he  thert'ti)re  determined  to  pass  them,  pretend- 
ing to  l)e  of  the  British  party,  and  advuiice<l  with  confident  iKildiicss  and  a 
friendly  deportment.  Unt  it  unforttinately  happened,  that  the  noted  fyinne- 
mak,  of  whom  in»!iition  liaa  been  made  in  the  life  of  Tccumsch,  and  who  had 
fought  at  the  head  of  the  Pottowattoniies  in  the  battle  of  'J'ipfiecanoe,  knew 
him  and  denounced  him  as  a  s|)y.  Loi^an,  however,  pci-sist(!d  that  he  was 
the  friend  of  the  British,  and  was  then  on  his  way  to  tin-  Ua|iids  to  give  in- 
formation of  the  situation  of  thi-  Americans.  Alter  conversing  n  while,  he 
j)roceeiled  on  his  way,  and  ffinnimnk,  with  his  compatiions,  turned  and  l«)l- 
lowed  with  liim.  fVinnemnk  and  his  |)nrty  closely  watched  the  others,  nixl 
when  they  had  proceeded  ahout  eight  miles,  he  proposed  to  (ai|>tain  Hlllot  to 
seize  and  tie  the?n;  l«it  he  said  it  was  not  necessary,  for  if  they  attempted  to 
escape  they  could  lie  sliot  down,  or  easily  run  down  with  their  horses.  Lo- 
irnn,  overhearing  this,  cornnninicated  it  to  his  conijtanions,  and  it  was  agreed 
to  make  an  attuck  upon  them,  although  they  were  live  to  three.  Until  now, 
hosmn  had  intendinl  to  go  on  with  tiicni  till  night,  and  then  escape. 

No  sooner  was  the  resolution  taken  lliaii  the  fight  began.  When  they  had 
all  fired  three  rounds  apiece,  the  advantage  was  in  fiivor  of  the  three  ;  having 
tlriven  their  adversaries  considerable  distance,  and  cut  them  off  i'rum  their 
horses.  Elliot  and  Ifinrcmdk  had  both  fidleii  mortally  woiuided,  and  a  young 
Ottowa  chief  >vas  killed.  Towards  tlie  close  of  the  fight,  both  Lotran  and 
Brigld-hom  were  bailly  woimded.  As  soon  as  Loirny\  was  shot,  he  ordered  a 
retreat,  and,  seizing  the  ejieinies'  hor.«*s,  they  eflected  it  to  fyinchcsier'a  c^\m\^. 
Captain  John  escajwd  unhurt,  and  after  taking  the  scalp  ol'  the  Ottowa  chiet| 
followed,  himself,  and  arrived  there  the  next  morning. 

Loe;an  liad  now  indeed  established  his  reputation,  l»ut  he  lost  his  life  !  His 
wounds  proved  njortal  two  days  after.  In  (Jeneral  IFiticItester^s  letter  to  Gen- 
eral Harrison,  he  says,  "More  nrniuese  and  constimmate  bravery  have  seldom 
appeared  on  the  military  theatre."  "  Ho  was  buried  with  all  the  honors  due  to 
his  rank,  and  with  sorrow  as  sincerely  atid  generally  displayed  as  ever  I  wit- 
nessed."    Thus  wrote  Major  Hardin  to  Governor  Shelby: — 

"  His  physiognomy  was  formed  on  the  l)est  model,  and  exhibited  the  strong- 
est marks  of  courage,  intelligence,  good-humor  an(l  sincerity.  He  had  been 
very  serviceable  to  our  cause,  by  acting  as  a  [)ilot  and  a  8[)y.  He  had  gone 
with  General  Hull  to  Detroit,  and  with  the  first  Kentucky  troops  who  marched 
for  the  relief  of  Fort  Wayne." 

JVinnemak,  while  in  conversation  with  Los^an  before  the  fight,  declared  that 
he  comtnanded  all  the  Indians  in  that  (juarter ;  and  boasted  that  he  had 
caused  the  massacre  of  JTclls  and  tliose  who  had  surrended  at  the  battle  of 
Chicago,  after  having  gone  with  ff'ells,  as  a  friend,  to  guard  the  garrison  of 
that  place  to  Fort  Wayne. 

In  1786,  General  Lo^an,  of  Kentucky,  took  Logan,  then  a  boy,  prisoner, 
and  kept  him  some  time.  After  sending  him  to  school  till  he  had  accjuired 
considerable  education,  he  gave  him  his  liberty  and  his  own  name.  He  was 
ever  afterwards  friendly  to  tlie  whitr's.  His  mother  was  own  sister  to  Tecum- 
seh  and  the  Prophet.  He  said  that  in  llie  summer  preceding  his  death,  he  had 
talked  a  whole  night  ^vith  Tccutnseh,  tidying  to  persuade  him  against  fighting 
against  the  States ;  but  Tecumseh  urged  him  as  strongly  to  join  the  British. 
His  wife  (probably  before  she  was  known  to  Logan)  was  taken  prisoner  by 
Colonel  Hardin,  in  1789,  and  had  remained  in  his  family  until  the  treaty  of 
Greenville.  In  the  army  Logan  had  formed  an  attachment  to  Major  Hardin, 
son-in-law  of  General  Logan,  whom,  before  he  died,  he  requested  to  see  that 
what  was  due  him  for  his  services  should  be  faithfully  paid  over  to  his  family, 
13 


i\ 

1.-  ■•. 

•'•i  i 

!  'i 


131 


i!i..\rK.niiu)  rAPTtin:s  fort  nnARUoiiN. 


[nooK  V. 


whicli  w.'is  <|oi)««.     Ilia  fairiily  rnsidod  at  VVn|ioglioof,'tinta,  which  \vm  railed 


IjOU 


ran  N  villajrt'. 
HI.ACK-ltlKI) 


I' 


•liit'l'.  vvli 


dv  h 


•II 


Dtorioii 


'oftowafloii 
tilt)  iiiasrtacn- «iC  the  frarrisoii  of  Fort  Ihaihoni.  IJclun!  it  was  known  in  the 
vychtcrn  n-jjion  of  tho  uppor  hikes,  tliat  war  liaii  liieii  dtsriariMl  l)y  tin-  lUitcd 
States,  Indian  and  ('anadian  forees  were  ('(ilieeted  at  several  iinintH  ready  tor 
tli(!  word  to  he  ffiven.  That  act  weeinH  to  have  heen  anxiously  looked  li)rhvlhn 
Indians,  as  well  as  some  ot' their  advisers,  who  seem  to'have  heen  n'nich 
iKMter  prepared  to  meet  the  emerjreiiey  of  war  than  those  who  declared  it. 

Mackanaw,  or  as  it  is  jfencirally  written,  iMichiliiniakinak,  was  f,'arris(ined 
at  this  timt!  with  only  58  efVectivc!  men,  and  the  first  news  they  hud  of  the 
declaration  of  war  was  the  appearance  of  HCU  Indians  and  alwuit  the  same 
mnnher  of  (.'anadians  ready  to  attack  tliem.  The  fort  was  therefore  surrcn- 
ilered  hy  I  jentenant  Hanlfft,  on  tli((  17  of  Jidy,  IHIii. 

When  (itineral  Hull  hiard  of  the  liite  of  i\iichilliinakinak,  he  rightly  judged 
that  Fort  Dearhorn,  now  <'liicago,  woidd  he  the  next  ohject  of  attack.  Ac- 
cordingly he  desjiatcdied  orders  to  ('aptain  Ihuld,  tlien  in  command  there,  to 
evacuate  the  place  with  all  haste.  Hut  he(i>re  this  message  reached  him, 
Hlack-biril,  with  a  host  of  his  warriors,  was  |)repared  to  act  according  to  cir- 
cumstances. A  large  nundter  of  the  neighhoring  Indians,  who  iiad  pre- 
tended friendship,  hearing  that  the  |)lace  was  to  Ix;  evacuated,  came  there  to 
receive  w'lat  could  not  he  carried  away. 

On  the  !.'{  July,  t;ai)tain  Wells,  of  l''ort  Wayne,  arriv(!d  at  Fort  Diiarhorii, 
with  uhout  :U)  Miamies,  to  escort  Captain  Henld  to  Detroit.  They  marclu'd 
I'rom  the  fort  on  tin-  J5  July,  with  a  guard  cd"  Miamies  in  front,  and  another 
in  the  rear,  innhn*  Cajitain  Wells.  They  marched  upon  tin;  siiore  of  the  lake, 
and  when  they  had  proceeded  ahout  one  mile,  they  discovered  Indians  pre- 
pared to  attack  thorn  fron.  hehind  the  high  sand-hank  which  hounded  the 
bench  of  the  lake.  Captain  Hcnld  then  ascended  the  hank  willi  his  men,  and 
a  fight  was  immediately  begun  hy  the  Indians.  The  Indians  being  vastly 
numerous.  Captain  Heald  snw  that  it  was  useless  to  cont(-nd,  and  immediatelv 
retreated  to  a  small  cndneriee  in  the  adjac(Uit  prairie,  aii<l  not  being  foliowtM 
by  the  Indiims,  was  out  of  the  reach  of  their  shot.  Meantime  the  Indians 
got  j)ossessioii  of  idl  their  horses  aiul  baggage. 

The  Indians,  aller  a  short  considtation,  made  signs  for  Captain  Hcald  to 
advance  and  meet  them.  He  did  so,  and  was  met  by  Black-bird,  who,  aflor 
shaking  hands  with  him,  tohl  him,  if  he  woidd  surremler,  the  lives  of  the 
prisoners  should  be  spared.  There  was  no  alternative',  and  afier  all  their  arms 
were  surrendered,  the  party  was  marched  back  to  the  Indian  taumrnj  ineiit, 
near  the  fort,  and  divided  among  the  different  tribes.  The  next  morning, 
they  burned  the  fort,  and  left  the  place,  taking  the  prisomirs  with  them. 
Captain  Ileald's  force  was  54  regulars  and  12  militia.  In  the  fight  on  the 
bank  of  the  lake,  2(J  of  regulars  and  ail  of  the  militia  were  killed;  liesides 
two  women  and  12  children.  Eleven  women  and  children  were  among  the 
captives.  Captain  Wells  and  many  other  officers  were  killed,  and  Captain 
Heald  and  his  wifi;  were  both  badly  wounded,  and  were  taken  to  the  mouth 
of  the  St.  Joseph's,  when;  they  were  taken  into  the  family  of  an  Indian 
trader.  Soon  after.  Black-bird  set  out  with  his  warriors  for  the  capture  of 
Fort  Wayne,  and  Captain  Heald  hired  a  Frenchman  to  take  him  to  Mich- 
illimakinak.  He  was  afterwards  exchanged.  What  other  successes  this 
chief  had  during  the  war  is  unknown. 

Black-hawk,  in  speaking  of  the  ca[)ture  and  treatment  of  Captain  Heald 
and  his  men,  8ays,f  it  was  owing  to  their  not  keeping  their  word  with  the  Indians. 
The  night  before  the  fort  was  abandoned  by  the  whites,  they  threw  all  the 
powder  they  could  not  carry  with  them  into  the  well,  which  they  had  prom- 
ised to  give  them. 

The  next  chief  we  introduce  chiefly  to  illustrate  a  most  extraordinary  mode 
of  doing  penance  among  the  nations  of  the  west 


*  Taken  principally  from  Niles's  Rg^ster,  and  DamaU's  Narrative. 
t  In  his  Life,  written  by  himself,  p.  42. 


[Hook  V. 

was  cnllod 

lotDrioiiH  l)v 

iiowii  ill  till- 

till!  Hiiitrd 

tH  rcudy  lor 

'(I  Ibrhyilin 

li(:<Mi  much 

'lun-d  it. 

garrisoned 

iiud  of  tin; 

It    tlu!  KUIIK- 

"ore  Hurrcii- 

litly  jii(l;,'rd 
:ta(;k.  Ac- 
id tlnMV',  to 
ached  him, 
din;,'  to  cir- 
I)  liad  |)rc- 
ine  there  to 

t  Diiarliorii, 
7  manlicd 
iid  another 
)f  the  hike, 
iidians  pre- 
oiinded  tlie 
is  mi;n,  and 
ein;,'  vastly 
nmediiitely 
ig  followed 
the  Indian? 

n  Hcald  to 
who,  after 
ives  of  the 
I  their  arms 
catnirnent, 
t  morning, 
vitii  them, 
ght  on  the 
id;  hetiides 
among  the 
id  Captain 
the  mouth 
an  Indian 
capture  of 
1  to  Mich- 
!esses  this 

tain  Hecdd 
le  Indians, 
ew  all  the 
had  prom- 

aary  mode 


Ciivp.  VII] 


WAW.NAIITON— ni.Arrt-TIIUNDr.R 


inr, 


WAWXAMTON,*  n  bold  and  fearless  ehic^f,  of  the  tribe  of  Yankton,^ 
(whose  name,  translated,  is  "/(/•  iplio  r1uiri!;rx  Uw.  r.;ifm_y,")  was  riinsiderably 
«iittr;d  in  the  last  \var  with  ('anada.  "  He  had,"  s.iyn  my  author,  "  killed  severt 
enemies  in  battle  with  his  own  hand,  as  the  s<!ven  war-eagle  plumes  in  bis 
hair  t(;siitied,  and  reci.-ivcd  nine  wuimds,  as  v  its  shown  by  an  eijual  nmnber 
of  littli!  sti(;ks  arranged  in  his  coal-bla<;k  Iimi*,  and  painted  in  a  manner  (lint 
told  an  Indian  v.yv.  whether  they  were  intlieted  by  a  bullet,  knile  or  tomahawk, 
and  by  whom.  At  the  attack  on  I'ort  Sandusky,  in  the  late  war,  be  received 
a  bullet  and  three  buck  shot  in  his  breast,  which  glanced  on  the  bone,  and 
I)assing  niimrl  mider  tlie  skin,  came  out  at  his  back."  This,  and  other  ex- 
traordinary esca|»es,  ln!  made  use  of,  like  the  famous  Tiisinn/iihi,  two  ages 
belbre,  to  nuider  himself  of  greater  importance  among  his  nation.  At  this 
time  he  was  siippos  d  to  be  about  lU)  years  of  age,  of  a  noble  and  elegant 
ap|)earance,  and  is  still  believed  to  be  living.  { 

Major  L)ni^\<i  company  considered  U'awnahlon  a  very  interesting  man, 
Avhos(!  accpiaintance  they  cultivated  wiili  siicc(!ss  in  tin;  mdghborliood  of 
Lake  Traverse.  They  dtiscribe  him  as  upwards  of  sl\  li-et  high,  and  pos- 
sessing a  i;oimteiiancc  that  would  be  c<>nslil(;r<!d  handsome  in  any  country. 
He  |»repared  a  li'ast  for  the  party,  as  soon  as  he  knew  they  were;  <toniing  to 
his  village.  "  When  speaking  of  the  ))a<!oraH,  we  piu"pr)sely  postptnied  men- 
tioning the  fre(]ii(!nt  vows  which  they  miki-,  and  their  stri<'t  adla^nMice  to 
tiieni,  because  one  of  the  best  evidences  which  we  havi;  collected  on  this 
point  connects  itsell"  with  the  character  of  tfanoUm,  and  may  give  a  favora- 
IJe  idea  of  his  extreme  lt)rtitud<!  in  endming  pain.  In  the  sumtner  of  |rt'22, 
he  undertook  a  journey,  from  which,  apprehending  much  danger  on  the  part 
of  the  Chippewas,  h((  made  a  vow  to  the  mm,  that,  if  he  returned  safe,  he 
would  abstain  I'rom  all  food  or  drink  for  the  space  of  four  succ(!ssive  days 
and  nights,  and  that  he  would  distribul<!  among  his  peojile  all  the  iirojx'rty 
which  he  possessed,  including  all  his  lodges,  horses,  dogs,  &n\  On  his  return, 
which  happened  without  accident,  he  eel  hrated  the  dance  of  the  sun  ;  this 
consisted  in  making  threi!  cuts  through  bis  skin,  oiu;  on  his  breast,  and  one 
on  each  of  his  arms.  The  skin  was  cut  i  i  the  niiinner  of  a  loop,  so  as  to  j)er- 
niit  a  rope  to  pass  between  the  flesh  and  the  strip  of  skin  which  was  thus 
divided  iiom  the  body.  The  ropes  b  ing  passed  through,  their  ends  were 
secured  to  a  tall  vertical  poh;,  plante  at  alKiiit  40  yards  from  his  lodge.  lie 
then  began  to  dance  reund  this  pob  ,  at  the  conmuinceincnt  of  this  fast,  fre- 
quently swinging  himself  in  the  air,  so  as  to  he  supp^nliul  merely  by  the  cords 
which  were  secured  to  the  strips  of  skin  separaKid  from  his  arms  and  brciast. 
Ho  continued  this  exercise  with  few  intermissions  during  the  whole  of  his 
fast,  imtil  the  fourth  day  about  10  o'clock,  A.  M.,  when  the  strip  of  skin  from 
his  breast  gave  way ;  notwithstanding  which  he  interrupted  not  the  dance, 
although  sup|)orted  merely  by  his  arms.  At  noon  the  strip  from  his  left  arm 
snapped  oflT:  his  uncle  then  thought  that  he  had  suffered  enough,"  and  with  his 
knife  cut  the  last  loop  of  skin,  and  fFanotan  tell  down  in  a  swoon,  where  he 
lay  the  rest  of  the  day,  exposed  to  tin!  scorching  rays  of  the  sun.  After  this  he 
gave  away  all  his  jtroperty,  and  with  his  two  squaws  deserted  his  lodge.  To 
such  monstrous  follies  does  superstition  drive  her  votaries ! 

In  Tanner's  Narrative,  there  is  an  int(;resting  account  of  an  expedition  of 
an  uncle  of  JVawnahton,  ntth'  head  of  200  Sioux,  against  the  Ojibbewas.  fVaw- 
vahton  was  himself  of  the  pn  v,  but  Ik;  had  not  then  become  so  distinguished 
as  he  was  afterwards.  They  11  upon  a  small  band  of  ('rces  and  Assinne- 
boins,  and  after  a  fight  of  near  a  whole  day,  killed  all  the  Ojibbewas  but  one, 
the  lAUle-clam,  two  women  and  one  child,  about  20  in  number.  This  hap- 
pened not  far  from  Pembina. §  In  J822,  h<>  very  nnicb  alarmed  that  post,  by 
mnrdering  some  Assinneboins  in  its  neighborhood.  || 

BLACK-THUNDER,  or  Mackkatannnainakee,  was  styled  the  celebrated 
patriarch  of  the  Fox  tribe.    He  made  himself  remembered  by  many  from  an 

*    yVanotan,  in  Lonpc's  t'xpe  I.  In  St.  Peters,  i.  'US. 

t   Yanktoan.  (I.on^,  ib.  U.i,)  which  signifies  descended J^rom  the  fern  leaves, 

liy  W.J.  SiiJ'lling,  Esq.    It  is    said  by  KeoUing,  in  Lon^'*  Exped,  i. 


hi 


J  Facts  pul)lishe(l 
448,  ihnl  hfi  was  al)ont'5J8  v>  afi  of  age. 
$   Tanner's  Narrative,  138. 


This  was  in  1823. 


jl  WeH's  Red  River  Colony,  84. 


I;j(i 


liLACK-THUNDER  — ONGPATONGA. 


[Book  V. 


exccilciit  spe  cIi  wliioli  lie  mado  to  tho  Ainoricaii  commissioners,  >vlio  had 
assembled  many  chiels  at  a  place  called  the  Portage,  July,  1815,  to  hold  u 
talk  witii  thiiiu  upon  the  state  of  their  aflairs  ;  particularly  as  it  was  believed 
by  the  Americans  that  the  Indians  meditated  hostilities.  An  American  com- 
missioner opened  the  talk,  and  unbecomingly  accused  the  Indians  of  breach 
of  former  treaties.  The  first  chief  that  answered,  &[)oke  with  a  tremulous 
voice,  and  evidently  betrayed  guilt,  or  perhaps  fear.  Not  so  with  the  upright 
chief  Black-thuiidcr.  lie  felt  equally  indignant  at  the  charge  of  the  white 
man,  and  the  unmanly  cringing  of  the  chief  wlu  had  just  spoken.  He 
began : — 

"  My  father,  restrain  your  feelings,  and  hear  calmly  what  I  shall  say.  I 
shall  say  it  plainly.  I  shall  not  speak  with  i'ear  and  trembling.  I  have  never 
injured  you,  and  innocence  can  feel  no  fi!ar.  I  turn  to  you  all,  red-skins  and 
white-skins — where  is  the  man  who  will  a[)pear  us  niy  accuser?  Father,  I 
TUidcrstand  not  clearly  how  tilings  are  working.  I  have  just  been  set  at 
liberty.  Am  I  again  to  be  plunged  into  bondage?  Frowns  are  all  around 
me  ;  but  I  am  incapable  of  c'^ange.  You,  perhaps,  may  be  ignorant  of  what 
I  tell  yon ;  but  it  is  a  truth,  which  I  call  heaven  and  eartii  to  witness.  It  is  a 
fact  which  can  easily  be  jiroved,  that  I  have  been  assailed  in  almost  every 
possible  way  that  pride,  lijar,  feeling,  or  interest,  cotdd  touch  me — that  I  have 
been  |)ushed  to  tin;  last  to  raise  the  tomaiiawk  against  you  ;  but  all  in  vain.  I 
never  could  be  made  to  feel  that  you  Avero  my  enemy.  If  this  be  the  conduct 
of  an  enemy,  I  shall  never  be  your  friend.  You  are  acquainted  with  my  re- 
moval above  Prairie  des  Chiens.*  I  went,  and  formed  a  settlement,  and  called 
my  wnniors  around  me.  We  took  counsel,  and  from  that  counsel  we  never 
have  departed.  We  smoked,  and  resolved  to  make  common  cause  with  the 
IJ.  States.  I  sent  you  the  pipe — it  resembled  this — and  I  sent  it  by  the  Mis- 
souri, that  the  Indians  of  the  Mississippi  might  not  know  what  we  were  doing. 
You  received  it.  I  then  told  you  that  your  friends  should  be  my  friends — 
tiiat  your  enemies  should  be  my  enemies — and  that  I  only  awaited  your  signal 
to  make  war.  If  this  be  the  condvt  of  an  enemy,  I  shall  never  be  yourfrieivi. — 
Why  do  I  tell  you  this?  IJecause  it  is  a  truth,  and  a  melancholy  tiuth,  that 
ihe  good  things  which  men  do  are  often  bmied  in  the  ground,  while  their  evil 
deeds  are  stripped  naked,  and  exposed  to  the  world. f — When  \  came  here,  I 
came  to  you  in  friendshij).  I  little  thought  I  should  have  had  to  defend  my- 
self. I  have  no  defence  to  make.  If  I  vv^re  guilty,  I  should  have  come  pre- 
pared ;  but  I  hnve  ever  held  you  by  the  band,  and  I  am  come  without  ex- 
cuses. If  I  had  fouglit  against  you,  I  would  have  told  you  so  :  but  I  have  noth- 
ing now  to  say  here  in  your  councils,  except  to  repeat  what  I  said  before  to 
my  great  father,  the  president  of  your  nation.  You  heard  it,  and  no  doubt 
remember  it.  It  was  simply  this.  My  lands  can  never  be  surrendered ;  I 
was  cheated,  and  basely  cheated,  in  the  contract;  I  will  not  surrender  my 
country  but  with  my  life.  Again  I  call  heaven  and  earth  to  witness,  and  I 
smoke  this  pij)e  in  evidence  of  my  sincerity.  If  yon  are  sincere,  you  will 
receive  it  from  rne.  My  only  desire  is,  that  we  shoidd  smoke  it  together — 
that  I  should  grasp  your  sacred  hand,  and  I  claim  for  myself  and  my  tribe 
the  protection  of  your  country.  V/iien  this  pipe  toiichrs  ynia  lip,  may  it 
operate  as  a  blessing  upon  al'  aiy  trri>(\ — May  the  rmoke  rise  like  a  cloud,  and 
carry  away  with  it  all  the  a7iiriiosilies  ivhich  have  arisen  between  ws,"| 

Tlie  issue  of  this  council  was  amicable,  and,  on  the  14  Sept.  following, 
Black-thunder  met  commissioners  at  St.  Louis,  and  executed  a  treaty  of 
peace. 

ONGPATONGA,  §  or,  as  he  was  usually  called,  Big-elk,  was  chief  of  the 
Malias,  or  Omawhawe,  whose  residence,  in  1811,  was  upon  the  Missouri.  ||  Mr. 


^- 


i  ^ 


\ 


The  upper  military  post  upon  Ihe  Mississippi,  in  1818. 
"  This  passage  forcibly  reminds  us  of  thai  in  Shakeapeare :" 
'  The  evil  that  men  do  livts  after  them  ; 
The  good  is  often  interred  with  their  bones." 

Philadelphia  Lit.  Gazette. 

Ons;Te-pon-we,  in  Iroquoifi,  was  "  men  surpassing;  all  others."     Hist.  Fi"e  Nations. 

"  The  O'Mahas,  in  number  2250,  not  long  ago,  ul)uudi>uud  tl>eir  uld  village  on  the  south 


[Book  V. 

era,  \vho  had 
15,  to  hold  a 
was  believed 
merican  com- 
.118  of  breach 
1  u  tremulous 
h  the  upright 
of  the  white 
spoken.    He 

shall  say.  I 
I  have  never 
red-skins  and 
r?  Father,  1 
been  set  at 
•e  all  around 
orant  of  what 
tness.  It  is  a 
almost  every 
! — that  I  have 
ill  in  vain.  I 
le  the  conduct 
with  my  re- 
nt, and  called 
sel  we  never 
use  with  the 
t  by  the  Mis- 
e  were  doing, 
my  friends — 
3d  your  signal 
your  fritiid. — 
jly  tiuth,  that 
hile  their  evil 
came  here,  I 
>  defend  my- 
ve  come  pre- 
:  without  ex- 
;  I  have  noth- 
aid  before  to 
md  no  doubt 
irrendered ;  I 
surrender  my 
vitness,  and  I 
iere,  you  will 
it  together — 
and  my  tribe 
1  lip,  may  it 
;  a  cloud,  and 

X 

rt.  following, 
a  treaty  of 

1  chief  of  the 
issouri.  ||  ^fr. 


'«  Nations. 
age  ou  the  soulh 


f  ,^\"^ 


I '  H. 


fit  ^  • 


/  /  ^ 


Chap.  Vll.l 


PETALKSIIAROO. 


137 


Brackenridge  visltod  liis  town  on  the  19  May  of  that  year,  in  his  voyage  up 
that  river.  His  "  village  is  situated  about  three  miles  from  the  river,  and  con- 
tains about  8000  souls,  and  is  8;}()  miles  from  its  mouth."*  We  shall  give 
here,  as  an  introduction  to  him,  the  orition  lu;  made  over  the  grave  of  Black- 
buffalo,  a  Sioux  chief  of  t!ie  Teton  tribe,  who  di(ul  on  the  night  of  the  14 
Jiil^,  1811,  at  "  PorUige  des  Sioux,"  and  of  whom  Mr.  Brackenridf^e  remarks:! 
"  'i"he  Black-buffalo  was  the  Sioux  chief  with  whom  we  had  the  conferciu-e  at 
the  great  bend  ;  and,  from  his  appearance  and  mild  deportment,  I  was  induced 
to  form  a  high  oi)inion  of  him."  After  being  interred  with  honors  of  war, 
Om^pntonga  s|)oke  to  those  assembled  as  follows: — "Do  not  grieve.  Misf<)r- 
tuncs  will  happen  to  the  wisest  and  lu'st  men.  Death  will  come,  and  always 
comes  out  of  season.  It  is  the  command  of  the  («reat  Spirit,  atid  all  nations 
and  people  must  obey.  What  is  passed,  and  cannot  be  prevented,  should  not 
b(!  grieved  for.  Be  not  discouraged  or  displeased  then,  that  in  visiting  your 
fatherj  here,  [the  American  connnissioner,]  you  have  lost  your  chief.  A  mis- 
fortune of  this  kind  may  never  again  befall  you,  but  this  would  have  attended 
you  perhaps  at  your  own  village.  Five  times  have  I  visited  this  land,  and 
never  returned  with  sorrow  or  pain.  Misfortunes  do  not  llourish  particul;u-ly 
in  our  path.  They  grow  every  where.  What  a  misfortune  for  me,  that  I 
could  not  have  died  this  day,  instead  of  the  chief  that  lies  before  us.  The 
trifling  loss  my  nation  would  have  sustained  in  my  death,  would  have  been 
doubly  j)aid  for  by  the  honors  of  my  burial.  They  would  have  wiped  olF 
every  thing  like  regret.  Instead  of  being  covered  with  a  cloud  of  sorrow,  my 
warriors  would  have  felt  the  sunshine  of  joy  in  their  hearts.  To  me  it  would 
have  been  a  most  glorious  occurrence.  Ilereafler,  when  1  die  at  home,  instead 
of  a  noble  grave  and  a  grand  procession,  the  rolling  nuisic  and  the  thundering 
cannon,  with  a  flag  waving  at  my  head,  I  shall  be  wrap|)ed  in  a  robe,  (an  ohi 
robe  pel  haps,)  and  hpisted  on  a  slender  scaffold  to  the  whistling  winds,§  soou 
to  be  blown  down  to  the  earth  ;  ||  my  flesh  to  be  devoured  by  the  wolves,  and 
my  bones  rattled  on  the  plain  by  the  wild  beasts.  Chief  of  the  soldiers,  [ad- 
dressing Col.  Miller,]  your  labors  have  not  been  in  vain.  Your  attention  shall 
not  be  forgotten.  My  nation  shall  know  the  respect  that  is  paid  over  the 
dead.     When  I  return,  1  will  echo  the  sound  of  your  guns." 

Dr.  Morse  saw  Ongpatonga  at  Washington  in  the  winter  of  1821,  and  dis- 
coursed with  him  and  IskJ(xitappa,  chief  of  the  republican  Paunees,  "  on  the 
subject  of  their  civilization,  and  sending  instructors  among  them  lor  that 
purpose."  The  doctor  has  printed  the  conversation,  and  we  are  sorry  to 
acknowledge  that,  on  reading  it.  Big-elk  suffers  in  our  estimation ;  but  his 
age  must  be  his  excuse.  When  lie  was  asked  who  mai'e  the  red  and  white 
people,  he  answered,  "The  same  Being  who  made  the  white  people,  made 
the  red  people  ;  but  the  luhite  are  belter  than  the  red  people,"  This  acknowledg- 
ment is  too  degrading,  and  does  not  comport  with  tht;  general  character  of  the 
American  Indians.  It  is  not,  howevtr,  very  surjirising  that  such  an  expression 
should  escape  an  individual  surrounded,  as  was  Ongpatonga,  by  magnificence, 


luxury,  and  attention  from  the  great 


Big-elk  was  a  party  to  several  treaties  made  between  his  nation  and  the 
Fiiit  d  Stittes,  jJievious  to  his  visit  to  Washington  in  1821. 

PFTALI-SHAROO  was  not  a  \  liief,  but  a  brave  of  the  tribe  of  the  Pau- 
nees. (A  brave  is  a  warrior  who  has  distingtiislu'd  himself  in  battle,  and  is 
iK'Xt  in  importance  to  a  chief.H)  lie  was  the  son  of  Letelesfin,  a  liunous  chiet", 
commonly  called  tin;  Knife-chief,  or  Old-knife.  When  Major  Long  and  his 
company  travelled  across  the  continent,  in  1819  and  "20,  they  liecame  ac- 
ipiainted   with   Petalesharoo.     From   s(;veral   persons   who  were   in  Long's 


//, 


sii!(!  of  tlic  Missouri,  and  now  <lwp||   on  the  Klk-liorn  River,  duo  west  fron  tlicir  old  village, 
80  miles  west-iiorlli-west  t'roni  Council  niiiUs  ''     Morse's  Indian  Itcport,  '251. 
*  Hraekenridffp,  ut  sup.  "Jl.  t  Jour,  up  the  Missouri,  240. 

I  Governor  hdirurds  or  (^"olonel  Milhr. 

\  ll  is  a  custom  to  expose  tlie  dead  uncni  a  sciiffold  among  some  of  the  tribes  cf  llie  west. 
Bee  Bnickmridiie,  hint.,  Wt.  ;  l'ik<''s  l"x[ie<lition  ,  [Miig's  do. 

II  Tiie  enpravin^-  at  tlio  commencement  ol   liook  II.  illustrntes  this  passajfC. 
U  Loriir's  Kxt)edition.  i.  35(j ;  and  Dr.  Alvrse's  Indian  Uenori,  21-7. 

°        'l2# 


i 


5^5 


I         IV 


138 


PETALESIIAKOO. 


[Boou  V 


I'ompauy,  Dr.  Mors'   collected  tlie  purticular  of  liini  wliicli  he  gives  in  his 
iNDiA.N  itEPOR'i  n.s  .III  uiiecdote. 

'o  thf  w'nto'-  of  Id'^J,  Petnleshuroo  visited  Washington,  being  one  of  ; 
ilpputnlion  from  his   nation   to  tlie  American  government,  on   u  Ljoiuesd 
inatt(!r. 

Tliis  brave  was  of  elegant  form  and  countenance,  and  was  attired,  in  his 
visit  to  Washington,  as  re|)re8entcd  in  the  engraving.  In  J8i21,  he  was 
about  25  ycfirs  of  age.  At  the  age  of  21,  he  was  so  distinguished  by  his 
abilities  and  j)rowess,  that  he  was  called  the  ^^  bravest  of  the  braves."  Ikit  li-w 
yeu.s  previous  to  1821,  it  was  a  custom,  not  only  with  his  ni'tion,  but  thos(; 
adjacent,  to  torture  and  Ijurn  captives  as  sacrifices  to  tlie  gnat  Star.  In  an 
expedition  perfoi.iied  by  some  of  his  countrymen  against  the  Iteans,  a  ft'ni.ile 
was  taken,  v, "lo,  on  tlieir  return,  was  doomed  to  sidlbr  according  to  their 
usages.  She  was  histened  to  the  stake,  and  a  vast  crowd  assembled  upon 
the  adjoining  j)lain  to  witness  the  scene.  This  brave,  unobserved,  had  sta- 
tioned two  fleet  horse's  at  a  small  distance,  and  was  seated  among  the  crowd, 
as  a  silent  spectator.  All  were  anxiously  waiting  to  enjoy  the  spectacle  of 
the  first  contact  of  the  flames  with  their  victim  ;  when,  to  their  astonislimciit, 
a  brave  was  seen  rending  asunder  tlie  cords  which  bound  her,  and,  with  the 
swiftness  of  thought,  bearing  her  in  his  arms  beyond  the  amazed  (Multitude; 
where  placing  her  upon  one  horse,  and  mounting  himself  u|)on  the  other, 
he  bore  her  oft'  safe  to  her  friends  and  country.  This  act  would  have  endan- 
gered the  life  of  an  ordinary  chief;  but  such  was  his  sway  in  the  tribe,  that 
no  one  presumed  to  censure  the  daring  act. 

This  transaction  was  the  more  extraordinary,  as  its  performer  was  as 
much  a  son  of  nature,  and  had  had  no  juore  of  the  advantages  of  education 
than  the  multitude  whom  he  astonished  by  the  humane  act  just  recorded. 

This  account  being  circulated  at  Washington,  during  the  young  chief's 
stay  tiiere,  the  young  ladies  of  Miss  White's  seminary  in  that  place  resolved 
to  give  him  a  demonstration  of  the  high  esteem  in  which  they  lield  him  nn 
account  of  his  humane  conduct;  they  therefore  presented  him  an  elegaii' 
silver  medal,  appropriately  inscribed,  accompanied  by  the  following  short  luit 
aft'ectionate  address:  "Brother,  accept  this  token  of  our  esteem — alway.N 
wear  it  for  our  sakes,  and  when  again  'ou  have  the  power  to  save  a  jioor 
woman  from  death  and  torture,  think  >>f  this,  and  of  us,  and  fly  to  her 
relief  and  her  rescue."  The  brave^s  rep'.y : — "  This  [taking  hold  of  the 
medal  which  he  had  just  suspended  from  bin  neck]  will  give  me  more  ease  than 
I  eoer  had,  and  I  ivill  listen  more  than  I  ever  did  to  tvhitc  men.  1  am  glai' that 
my  brothers  and  sisters  have  heard  of  the  good  act  J  h'lvt  done.  J\Iij  brothers  ami 
sisters  think  that  I  did  it  in  ignorance,  but  I  lun'  Uuuv  what  I  have  done.  J 
did  it  in  ignorance,  and  did  iwt  Know  that  I  did  gan,! ;  hut  by  giving  me  this 
medal  I  know  it." 

Some  time  afler  the  attempt  to  sacrifice  the  Itean  woman,  one  of  the 
warriors  of  Leteleslm  brought  to  the  nation  a  Spanish  boy,  whom  he  had 
taken.  The  warrior  was  resolved  to  sacrifice  him  to  Venus,  and  the  time 
v\  as  appointed.  Letelesha  had  a  long  time  endeavored  to  do  away  the  custom, 
and  now  consulted  Petalesharoo  upon  tht;  course  to  be  omsued.  The  yoinig 
hrave  said,  "I  will  rescue  the  boy,  as  a  warrior  should,  by  force."  His  father 
ivas  unwilling  that  he  shoidd  expose  his  life  a  second  time,  and  used  great 
exertions  to  raise  a  sufficient  quantity  of  merchandise  for  the  j)urchuse  of  the 
captive.  All  that  were  able  contributed,  and  a  pile  was  made  of  it  at  the 
lodge  of  the  Ani/e-c/iie/",  who  then  stmmioned  the  warrior  before  him.  AV'Ihii 
he  had  arrived,  the  chief  commanded  him  to  take  the  meichandise,  and 
deliver  the  boy  to  him.  The  warrior  reftiscd.  Letdesha  then  v\avt'd  his 
war-club  in  the  air,  bade  the  warrior  obey  or  prejiare  lor  instant  death. 
'•  Jtrike,"  said  Petelesharoo,  "  /  mil  meet  the  vengeance  of  his  friends.'^  Ihit  the 
})ru(lent  and  ■  >eellent  Letelesha  resolv(,'d  to  use  one  more  endeavor  hel()re 
committing  such  an  act.  jle  therefiire  increased  the  anioimt  of  property, 
(vhich  had  the  desired  efTect.  The  boy  was  siUTendered,  and  the  valualile 
sjollectioii  ui'  goods  sacrificed  'i    his  stead.*     This,  it  is  thought,  v\  ill  be  the 


Lung,  ut  supra,  3d-78. 


•^*<l^ 


Chap.  Vll.i 


i'S  SPEECH  AGAINST  S^XLING  LAND. 


139 


last  time  thf!  inhuman  custom  will  bo  atternjtN'l  in  the  tribe,  "llio  Jiifriu 
of  this  snnf^uiiiary  sacritieo  is  miknowii;  pi-il.-abjy  't  »!xis!f(l  [ji-evioiisly  to 
tli(.'ir  iiitorcoursi!  with  tli(;  white  tradfi  ;."  *  They 'k  lievcd  that  the  siirccss 
ol'  their  eiit;T|iiis('s,  and  all  nndcrtakiiiirs,  dcpcniled  iipciii  their  laiiiiriilly 
a(lherin<,'  to  the  due  |)er(()rmaiiee  of  tiicsi;  rites. 

In  his  way  to  Wasliiii^toM,  he  staid  some  days  in  Philadelphia,  where 
Mr.  JVen<rle  had  a  fine  opportunity  of  ta!cin<r  his  jiortrait,  which  Ik;  performed 
with  wonderful  success.  Jt  was  eojjied  f()r  Dr.  Go(lman\'i  N'atnral  History, 
and  adcuiiri  tiie  second  volume  of  that  vahiMi)le  work. 

MI'lTl'^A,  eliiiif  of  the  l't>tto\vaItomies,  is  hrouj^ht  to  oiu"  notice  on  account 
of  the  opposition  lie  niadi-  to  tiie  stde  of  a  lar<re  tract  of  his  country,  bi 
IHQl,  he  resided  upon  tlu!  Wabash.  To  mimcrous  treaties,  from  1814  to 
1821,  we  find  his  name,  and  jrenerally  fit  tlu;  head  of  *liose  of  his  tribe. 
At  the  treaty  of  Chicuiro,  in  the  year  last  meiuioned.  he  delivered  the  follow- 
infjspe('(di,a!ti'r  (lovernor  CV/.whad  iidbrmed  hii'i  of  the  objects  of  his  nnssion. 

"  Aly  liither,— We  have  lisKMied  to  what  you  iiave  said.  W'o  shall  now 
retire  to  our  camps  and  coiisidt  upon  it.  You  will  hear  nothing:  more  li-otn 
us  at  |)resent.  [This  is  a  unifiirm  custom  of  all  the  bidians.  When  the 
council  was  ajrain  convened,  Meka  eontimied.j  We  meet  you  here  to-day, 
because  wi;  Iiad  ])romised  it,  to  tell  you  onr  minds,  and  what  \ve  have  airrced 
upon  amonir  our.-elvcs.  You  will  listen  to  us  with  a  L'ood  mind,  and  believe 
whiit  we  say.  Y<ni  know  that  w<>  first  came  to  this  country,  a  lonir  time  aire, 
and  when  we  s:it  ourselves  <lo\vn  upon  if,  we  met  with  a  j^reat  many  hard- 
ships and  ditliculties.  Onr  eoimtry  was  then  very  lar^'c  :  but  it  has  dwindled 
away  to  a  small  spot,  and  you  wish  to  pur(dias(>  tliat!  This  has  canst  d  us  to 
reflect  imich  upon  what  you  have  tohl  us;  and  we  have,  therefore,  brouirht 
all  the  chiefs  and  warriors,  and  the  yoiuifr  men  and  women  and  children  of 
onr  trilK',  that  one  part  may  not  do  what  the  others  object  to.  ami  that  all 
may  \u'  witness  of  \.  iiat  is  ^'oiiiir  forward.  You  know  yom-  children.  Since 
you  first  came  amoii<f  them,  they  lia\e  listened  to  your  words  with  an  at- 
tentive ear,  and  have  always  hearkened  to  your  counsels.  Whenever  you 
have  had  a  j)roposal  to  make  to  us.  w  benever  you  have  had  a  fjivor  to  ask  of 
us,  we  have  always  lent  a  favorable  ear,  and  our  invariable  answer  has  been 
'yes.'  This  you  know!  A  lonjr  time  has  passed  siiK-e  we  first  came  upon 
our  lands,  and  onr  old  people  have  all  sunk  info  tliejr  irraves.  They  had 
sense.  We  are  all  voiiii!.'  and  foolish,  and  do  not  wish  to  do  any  tliinir  that 
th(^y  woidd  not  a|)|)rove,  were  they  livinjr.  We  are  li-arlul  we  ^liall  offend 
their  spirits,  if  we  sell  our  lands;  and  we  are  fearful  we  shall  offend  you,  if 
we  dorjo^  sell  them.  This  has  caused  ns  <:reat  perplexity  of  thouirhf,  beciuise 
we  have  counselled  amon<r  ourselves,  and  do  not  know  how  we  can  part  with 
the  land.  Our  country  was  friven  to  us  by  the  (Jreat  Spirit,  who  jrave  it  fo  us 
to  hunt  upon,  to  make  oiu-  cornfields  upon,  to  live  Ujion,  and  to  make  down 
otu"  l)eds  upon  when  we  die.  Aiul  he  would  never  foririve  us,  shoidd  we 
bar<rain  it  away.  When  you  first  spoke  to  us  for  lands  at  St.  Mary'.s,  we  said 
we  had  a  little,  and  ajrreed  to  sell  you  a  piece  of  it ;  but  we  told  you  we 
could  spare  no  more.  Now  yon  ask  us  afrain.  Yon  are  never  satisfi<'d' 
We  have  sold  you  a  ;:reat  tract  of  land,  already  ;  but  if  is  not  enouirh  !  We 
sold  it  to  you  for  the  henefit  of  your  children,  to  liuin  atid  to  live  upon. 
We  have  now  but  little  left.  We  shall  want  it  all  tor  (uirselves.  We  know 
not  how  long  we  may  live,  aiul  we  wish  to  have  some  lamls  for  om*  children 
to  himt  upon.  You  are  gradually  taking  away  our  Inuitiiiff-grounds.  Your 
children  are  driving  ns  beH)re  them.  We  are  growing  im(>asy.  What  lands 
yon  have,  you  may  retain  fiirever;  but  we  shall  sell  no  more.  You  think, 
(lerhaps,  that  I  speak  in  passion  ;  but  my  heart  is  gdod  towards  you.  I  speak 
lik(^  one  of  yom-  own  children.  I  am  an  fmlian,  a  red-skin,  and  live  by 
hunting  and  fishing,  hut  my  country  is  already  too  small ;  and  I  do  not  know- 
how  to  bring  up  my  cliildren,  if  I  give  it  all  away.  We  sold  you  a  fine  tract 
of  land  at  St.  iNbirys.  We  said  to  you  then  it  was  enough  to  satisfy  yoin- 
children,  and  the  last  we  should  sell  :  and  we  tlionglit  it  would  be  the 
last  you  would  n?k    '(>r     We  have  now  told  you  what  we  had  to  say.     It  is 


Loiig,  ut  supra,  357-8. 


140 


KEEW/.GOUSHKUM.— AN    HISTORICAL  SPEECH.         [Book  V. 


:  i-v-,: 


•W- ,:,.!. 


K'^  "V.' 


what  was  dctermiiifid  on,  in  a  ronnril  anionj,'  ourselves;  and  what  I  liave 
«l)olv(-ri,  is  the  voice  of  my  nation.  On  thin  account,  all  our  p»H)[)le  have 
«ronic  here  to  listen  to  me;  but  do  nof  think  ive  liiive  a  had  opinion  of 
y<)U.  Where  .should  we  get  a  bad  o|ii!iion  of  you  ?  We  speak  to  you 
with  a  good  licsirt,  and  the  feeling.s  of  a  friend.  You  are  acquainted  with 
tliis  piece  of  huul — th(!  country  we  live  in.  Shall  we  givi;  it  up?  Tak(> 
notice,  it  is  a  .siiiall  ])iece  of  land,  and  if  we  give  it  away,  what  will  Imjcouic 
of  us  ?  Th(>  Great  Spirit,  who  has  jtrovided  it  for  our  use,  allows  us  to  keep 
it,  to  bring  up  our  young  men  and  support  our  Ihmilies.  We  should  incur  his 
anger,  if  we  hart(!rcd  it  away.  If  we  liad  moje  laud,  you  should  get  more; 
but  our  land  has  b<!en  wasting  away  ever  since  the  white  people  became  our 
iieigiihors,  and  we  iiavo  now  hardly  enougii  lvi\  to  cover  the  bones  of  our 
tril>e.  You  are  in  tlie  midst  of  yoin-  nd  children.  What  is  due  to  us  in 
money,  we  wish,  and  will  receive  at  tiiis  place;  and  we  want  nothing  more. 
We  all  shake  luuids  witli  you.  Heboid  our  warriors,  our  women,  and  chil- 
dren.    Take  pity  on  us  and  on  oiu'  words." 

Notwithstanding  the  decisive  language  held  hy  Metca  in  this  sp(;ccli,  against 
.selling  land,  yet  his  luiuie  is  to  the  inaty  of  sale.  And  in  another  s|M!ech  of 
a[)out  e(|ual  length,  deliveied  shortly  after,  upon  the  same  subject,  the  same 
deternfuiation  is  manifest  throughout. 

At  this  tiuM!  he  u|)].'eared  to  be  about  forty  years  of  age,  an<l  of  a  noble 
and  dignified  appearance.  He  Ls  allowed  to  be  the  most  eloquent  chief  of 
his  uation.  In  the  last  war,  he  fought  against  the  AmtM'icans,  and,  in  the 
attack  on  Fort  Wayne,  was  severtdy  wounded;  on  which  account  he  draws  a 
pension  tiom  the  British  government.* 

At  the  time  of  the  treaty  of  Chicago,  of  which  we  have  made  mention, 
se-  eral  other  chiefs,  liesiilt  s  Metea,  or,  as  his  name  is  sometimes  written, 
Mtelei/a,  were  very  prominent,  and  deserve  a  remembrance.  Among  them 
may  ho  particularly  named 

Kt^F.WAtjUlSHKfriVI,  a  chief  of  the  first  authority  in  the  Ottowa  iiation. 
We  shall  give  a  speech  which  he  made  at  the  time,  which  is  considered 
veiy  valuable,  as  well  on  accotmt  of  the  history  it  contains,  as  for  its  merits 
in  other  respect;;.  Indian  History  by  an  bulian,  u.ust  be  the  most  valuable 
part  of  any  work  alx'iit  them.     Keeivas^oushkuni  began  : — 

"My  father,  listen  to  me!  The  fiiXv  white  people  s<'en  by  us  wftrc  the 
Freucli.  When  they  first  veiitur  d  into  these  lakes,  they  hailed  us  as  cliildren  : 
they  cami;  with  presents  and  promises  of  i)eace,  and  we  took  them  by  the 
hand.  We  gave  them  what  they  wai:t<'d,  and  initiated  them  into  otu-  mode 
of  life,  which  they  re;>dily  fell  into.  After  some  lime,  during  which  we  had 
become  well  acijiiaipted,  we  eud)raced  tlu-ir  father,  (tlie  king  of  France,)  as 
our  t.'ither.  Shortly  after,  ;iiese  people  that  wear  red  coats,  (th(>  English,) 
came  to  this  country,  and  overthrew  the  Fretuih ;  and  they  extended  their 
haiid  to  us  in  friendship.  As  soon  as  tiie  French  w(!re  overthrown,  the  British 
told  us, '  We  will  clotlie  you  in  the  snme  manner  the  French  did.  We  will 
sup[)lyyou  with  all  you  want,  and  will  ])urcliase  all  your  peltries,  as  diey  did.' 
Sure  enough  !  after  the  British  took  j)ossession  of  the  country,  they  fulfilled 
all  their  promises.  v\  lien  they  told  us  we  should  have  any  thing,  we  were 
sure  to  get  if  Mid  Wc  not  from  them  the  best  goods. — Some  time  alter  the 
British  had  i  •  <  '■  in  pos-,.  .-«ion  of  the  country,  it  was  reported  that  another 
people,  who  -.voio  white  cf(-the.s  hau  arisen  and  driven  the  Briti.sli  out  of  the 
land.  These  peupie  \^•e  firs;  .net  at  Greenville,  [in  J7SI;),  to  treat  with  General 
fVaijne,]  and  took  them  b'  the  liand. — When  th(!  Indians  first  met  tlu;  Ameri- 
can chief,  [ffayne,]  iv  -cunci^  then^  were  but  few  Ottowas  present;  but  he 
said  to  them,  'WIkm  I  t^^it  i.ivself  down  at  Detroit,  you  will  all  see  me.' 
Shorily  alter,  he  arrivi'd  at  Detroit.  Proclamation  was  then  made  for  all  the 
Indians  to  come  in. — ^\'e  were  to'd,  [hy  the  general,]  'The  reason  I  do  not 
j)ush  thos,'  liritish  tartln  ■  is,  that  \vv  may  imt  forget  tluMr  example  in  giving 
you  preseiii.-!  of  cloth,  arms,  amnumition,  and  whatevi^r  else  you  may  require.' 
Surecnoish!  The  first  time,  we  were  clothed  with  great  liberality.  You 
gave  us  sirouds,  gund,  amnumition,  aiul  many  other  things  we  stood  in  need 


Sdwolcrajl's  Travels. 


■:tW'^: 


[Book  V. 

what  I  have 

)*H)[)le  have 

opinion  of 

ak    to  you 

iirit(!d   witk 

up  ?     Tuk(> 

will  Ix-roiiie 

s  us  to  U(>e[> 

hi  incur  liis 

<1  J,'»'t  more ; 

bocaiuu  our 

oiicM  ot'  our 

lie  to  us  ill 

>thiii<^  more. 

Ml,  and  cliil- 

^t'pli,  ai,'auist 
r  s|mm;cI)  of 
ct,  the  same 

of  a  noble 
Mit  cliief  of 
and,  in  the 
he  draws  a 

ie  mention, 

los  wifitten, 
niong  theni 

owa  nation. 

con.sidered 

or  its  merits 

ost,  valuable 

13  vvfire  the 
as  children: 
hem  by  the 

0  our  mode 
lieh  we  had 

France,)  a^ 
II'  Jiiiglish,) 
ivnded  tlieir 
,  the  British 
1.  We  will 
as  ther  did.' 
bey  fulfilled 
ig,  wc  were 
lie  aft(!r  the 
hat  anotlier 

1  out  of  tiie 
iUi  General 
the  Ameri- 

ent ;  but  he 
dl  see  me.' 
e  for  all  the 
■oil  I  do  not 
le  in  j.(iviiig 
lay  reii»iire.' 
ality.  You 
Dod  in  need 


Chap.  VIII] 


BLACK-HAWK. 


141 


J-  f 


of,  and  said,  'This  ia  the  way  you  may  always  exj)ect  to  lie  used.'  It  was 
al.so  said,  that  whenever  wc;  were  in  jrreat  necessity,  you  would  help  us. — 
When  the  Indians  on  the  Maumee  wen^  first  about  to  sell  their  lands,  we 
heard  it  with  both  ears,  but  we  never  received  a  dollar. — The  Chippewas, 
the  Pottowattomies,  and  the  Ottowas  were,  orisnnnllu,  bxtt  one  ludion.  We 
separated  from  each  other  near  Miehilimackinac.  VVe  were  related  by  the 
ties  of  blood,  langiiaj^t;  and  interest ;  but  in  the  course  of  a  lonjf  time,  these 
things  have  been  forgotten,  and  both  nations  have  sold  their  lands,  without 
consulting  us." — "Our  brothers,  the  Chippewas,  have  also  sold  you  a  large 
tract  of  land  at  Saganaw.  People  are  constantly  passing  through  the  country, 
but  we  received  neither  inv'tation  nor  money.  It  is  surprising  that  the  Pot- 
towattomies, Ottowas,  and  Chij)|»ewas,  who  are  all  one  nation,  should  sell 
their  hinds  without  giving  each  other  notice.  Have  we  then  degenerated  so 
much  that  we  can  no  longer  trust  one  another? — Perhaps  the  I'ottowattomies 
may  think  1  have  come  here  on  a  begging  journey,  that  1  wish  to  claim  a 
share  of  lands  to  which  my  i)eople  are  not  entitled.  I  tell  them  '.t  is  not  so. 
We  have  never  begged,  ami  shall  not  now  commence.  When  I  went  to 
Detroit  last  fall.  Governor  Cass  told  me  to  come  to  this  place,  at  this  time, 
and  listen  to  wliat  he  had  to  say  in  council.  As  we  live  a  great  way  in  the 
woods,  and  never  see  white  jieople  except  in  the  fall,  when  tlie  traders  come 
among  us,  we  have  not  so  many  opportunities  to  profit  by  this  intercourse  as 
our  neighbors,  and  to  get  what  necessaries  we  re(|uire  ;  but  we  make  out  to 
live  independently,  and  trade  upon  our  own  lands.  We  have,  heriitotbre, 
received  nothing  less  than  justice  from  the  Americans,  and  all  we  expect,  in 
the  present  treaty,  is  a  full  proportion  of  the  money  and  goods." 

"A  series  of  nusfortunes,"  says  Mr.  Schoolcraft,  "has  since  overtaken  this 
friendly,  modest,  and  sensible  chief.  On  returning  from  thetreaty  of  >'  icago, 
whih;  otf  the  mouth  of  Grand  River,  in  Lake  Michigan,  his  canoe  was  struck 
by  a  flaw  of  wind  and  upset.  Allei  making  every  exertion,  he  saw  his  wife 
and  all  his  children,  except  one  son,  perish.  With  his  sou  he  reached  the 
shore ;  but,  as  if  to  crown  his  tnisfortunes,  this  only  surviving  child  has  since 
been  jioisoned  ior  the  |)art  he  took  in  the  treaty." 

Tilt!  result  of  this  treaty  was  the  relinquishment,  by  the  Ottowas,  Chip- 
})ewas,  and  I*otto\vattomies,  of  a  tract  of  country  in  the  southern  |)art  of  the 
peninsula  ol' Michigan,  containing  ujiwards  of  5,000.000  acres,  and  lor  which 
they  received  of  the  United  rtfates.  in  iroods,  Jlo.OOO  dollars;  and  several  other 
sums  were  awarded  to  the  separate  tribes,  to  .some  yearly  tonwer,  and  to 
others  lor  a  limited  term  of  years,  riome  of  the  chiefs  who  attended  to  the 
treaty  were  opposed  to  this  sale,  and  hence  the  reason  that  Keewagonskkuni's 
son  was  poisoned. 

CHAPTER  Vm. 

Black-hawk's  tear — Historical,  arrmml  of  the  Irihcs  eniraffcd  in  it — Treatij  between 
them — Murders  amonir  the  Sioux  and  Chippewas — RKii-mnD — Takrn  for  murder 
—  Dies  ill  prison — Trial  and  extriUinn  of  !ii,diatK< — Bl  \<k-ii  awk — The  S(irs  murder 
•28  .Menoriinie.-i — Indians  insult  f  I—  Their  country  sold  without  the  r.ouscnl  of  a  large 
partij—This  oceasions  the  irnr — Ordered  lo  lean-  their  country — (Ivniral  (Jaines 
drives  then  beyond  the  Mississip/ii — Conrhide  a  Treaty — Treaty  brohen— Sues  re- 
turn atrain  to  their  village — Determine  on  war — Gcnr.ral  Atkinson  marches  against 
them— They  retreat  up  Rock  River. 

It  will  be  necessary,  in  this  chapter,  to  give  some  account  of  such  trilws  of 
Indians  as  will  ollen  bo  mentioned  as  we  proceed.  We  shall,  however,  con- 
fine ourselves  to  such  tribes  as  took  part  in  the  lati;  war  in  the  neighborhood 
of  tlie  Lakes  Michifjan  and  Superior,  more  especially  ;  and  firstly,  of  the  Win- 
nebagos.  This  tribe  inhabit  the  country  upon  the  Ouisconsin,  a  river  that 
rises  between  the  Lakes  Superior  and  Michigan,  and  which  disembogues 
itself  into  the  Mississippi,  near  tlie  S.  W.  angle  of  the  N,  W.  territory.  They 
were  found  seated  here  when  the  country  was  first  visited  by  whites,  about 


m 


143 


I'.LACK-HAWIv. 


[Book  V. 


150  years  ajfo,  and  hero  they  still  loinaiii.  In  1820,  they  wero  supposed  to 
liuinber  1550  soidw,  of  whom  500  were  men,  350  women,  and  700  childnn. 
and  lived  in  ten  towns  or  villaf,'es.*  A  iiody  ol"  Wiijiiebago  warriors  was  in 
the  fight  at  Tippecanoe,  under  the;  im|)ostor  Elkkwalawa.  SaiiamnhlioiiL^-a, 
called  Stone-Ktter,  and  Wiipamanirwit,  or  ff'hite-luun,  were  leaders  of  the  Win- 
iiL'l.ago  warriors.  The  latter  was  one  that  opposed  General  /rniy/je  in  17!>4, 
but  was  reconciled  to  the  Americans  in  17'J5,  by  the  treaty  of  Greenville. 
He  also  treated  with  (ieneral  Harrison,  in  180U,  at  Fort  Wayne,  and  agdin  at 
Greenville  in  1811 ;  l)iit  he  was  active  in  the  war  of  1SV2,  aiid  on  the  Ihitish 
side.  Winneltaf,^o  Lake,  which  discharffcs  its  waters  into  Gnien  Hay,  was 
l»i'(>l)alily  named  from  this  trihe  of  Indians,  or,  what  is  .piite  as  probable,  they 
received  their  name  from  the  laive. 

Secondly,  tlu^  Menominies.  This  tribe  inhabits  a  river  bearing  their  name, 
and  is  situated  about  one  degree  north  of  the  Wirniebagos,  from  whom  thej 
are  separated  by  a  range'  of  mountains.  They  num'cLjred  in  1620,  nceordinsr 
to  SOUK!,  about  355  persons,  of  whom  not  more  than  100  were  fightiMs  ;  but 
dii'  estimate  could  apply  only,  it  is  thought,  to  the  most  po[)ulous  tribe. 

Thirdly,  the;  Pottowattomies,  or  Pouteouatamis,  This  nation  was  early 
known  to  the  French.  In  the  year  lG(i8,  300  of  them  visited  Father  Jltuucz, 
at  a  place  which  the  FriMich  called  Chagouamigon,  which  is  an  island  in 
Lake  Superior.  There  was  among  them  at  this  time  an  old  man  100  years 
old,  of  whom  his  nation  reported  wonderful  things ;  among  others,  that  he 
could  go  without  Ibod  ^0  days,  and  that  he  often  saw  the  Great  Spirit.  He 
was  taken  sick  here,  and  died  in  a  few  days  atler.f 

The  country  of  the  Pottowattomies  is  adjacent  to  the  south  end  of  Lake 
Michigan,  in  Indiana  and  Illinois,  and  in  1820  their  munbers  were  set  down 
at  JUOO.  At  that  time  the  United  States  paid  them  yeiu'ly  5700  dollars.  Of 
this,  350  dollars  remained  a  jjermanent  annuity  until  the  late  war. 

Fourthly,  the  Sacs  and  Foxes.  These  are  usually  mentioned  together,  and 
are  now  really  but  one  nation.  They  also  had  the  gospel  taught  them  about 
lt)()8,  by  the  Jesuits.  They  live  to  the  west  of  the  Pottowattomies,  generall}' 
between  the  Illinois  and  Mississippi  Rivers,  in  the  state  of  Illinois.  The  chief 
of  the  Sauks,  or  Sacs,  tor  at  least  14  years,  has  been  Keokuk.  Of  him  we 
shall  |)articularly  speak  in  due  course.  The  Sacs  and  F^oxes  were  supposed 
to  amo!Uit,  in  1820,  to  about  3000  persons  in  all ;  one  fifth  of  whom  may  be 
accoimted  warriors. 

Thus  we  have  taken  a  view  of  the  most  important  points  in  the  history  of 
the  tribes  whic!\  were  engaged  in  the  late  border  war  under  Black-hawk,  and 
are,  th(>refore,  j)rej)ared  to  proceed  in  the  narration  of  the  events  of  tiiat  war. 
It  will  hi.'  necessary  for  us  to  begin  with  some  events  as  eariy  as  1823;  at 
which  period  a  chief  of  tiie  Wimiebagos,  called  Red-bird,  was  the  most  con- 
spicuous. This  year,  the  United  States'  agents  held  a  treaty  at  Prairie  du 
Ciiien,  w  itii  the  Sacs,  Foxes,  Wimiebagos,  Chippeways,  Sioux,  &c.,  for  the 
purpose,  among  other  things,  of  bringing  about  a  ))eace  between  the  first- 
named  tribe  and  *h'c  others,  who  were  carrying  on  bloody  wars  among  them- 
selves; tl>"  *uaty  stipulated  that  each  tribe  sliould  confine  itself  to  certain 
boimdaries,  which  were  designated  ;  and  as  parties  from  them  all  were  con- 
stantly visiting  the  United  States'  forts,  upon  business,  or  various  other  occa- 
sions, it  was  agrei'd  that  any  party  should  be  protected  from  insult  or  injury 
from  any  other  Indians  while  upon  such  visits.  It  would  not  seem,  however, 
that  the  makers  of  the  treaty  could  have  su|)posed  that  any  such  agreement 
would  avail  unich,  where  deep  hatred  existed  betweeii  any  of  the  parties ; 
for  the  very  circumstance  of  [)rotection  being  offered,  would  lead  directly  to 
difficulty,  by  placing  one  party  in  a  situation  exactly  to  accommodate  another, 
in  their  peculiar  metliod  of  surprise;  nor  could  any  one  have  siippos^.'d  thtit 
any  fi'ar  of  jjunishment  from  the  whites  would  have  been  equal  to  the 
gratitication  of  revenge.  Yet  the  motives  of  the  whites  were  good,  however 
little  was  effected  by  th(>m. 

1  among  the  Indians ;  and  it  was 


icpected,  frequent  i 


1 happer 


*  Dr.  Morse  rated  tliem  at  5000.    Itid.  Report,  Ap.  362, 
t  Cliarlevoix,  Hist,  de  la  Nouv.  France,  i,  393. 


[Book  V. 


Chap.  VIII] 


TRIAL  OF  SEVEN   INDIANS. 


143 


SU|)|)()S("(1   to 

00  cliil.livn. 
una  was  in 
laniiililioiif^a, 
of  i\u'  NVin- 
ine  in   17!)4, 

(jri'cnvillc. 
md  a^^'iiii  ut 

tli<!  iJritisli 
L'u  JJay,  was 
obaljlc,  tliev 

tlifir  iiaiiK!. 

wlioiii  thej 
0,  accordinsr 
i;.'iit(:rs  ;  but 

tiibe. 

1  was  early 
Ikt  .llloucz, 
in  island  in 
n  100  \oars 
ifi-s,  tiiat  he 

.Spirit,     lie 

nd  of  Lake 
■re  set  down 
iloliai-s.     Of 

01,'etlier,  am! 

tliL'iii  about 

es,  jjten(>rail\ 

'I'iie  cliief 

Of  liiin  we 
re  siii)|)osed 
loni  jnay  be 

0  lii.story  of 
ck-hdu'k,  and 

of  that  war. 
as  1823;  at 
e  most  con- 
t  I'rairic  dn 
&i'.,  for  tlio 
lu  tiic  fn'st- 
uiong  iJKMn- 
iftu  cortuin 

1  were  con- 
ollier  occa- 

iiit  or  injury 
:n,  iiowt'vcr. 
1  aj^'nonient 
tli(!  parties .; 
I  directly  to 
late  another, 
ipposed  that 
•qual  to  thi 
od,  however 

J ;  and  it  was 


i 


not  oden  that  those  guilty  of  them  could  be  found  or  recognized.  At  h:nyth, 
in  the  summer  of  IH27,  a  i)arty  of  21  Chippewas,  on  a  tour  to  Fort  rinelling, 
were  surprised  by  a  band  of  Siou,\,  who  killed  and  wounded  eight  of  them. 
The  c(umnan(huit  of  Fort  Snelling  captured  lour  of  them,  whom  he  delivered 
into  the  hands  of  the  Chippewas,  who  innnediately  shot  them,  according  t§ 
the  directions  of  the  commandant,  A  Sioux  cliief,  named  KEu-Binn,  resented 
the  proceedings  of  the  commandant,  and  res(jlved  upon  a  fiulher  retaliation 
upon  the  Chippewas.  Accordingly,  he  led  a  war  jiarly  against  them  soon 
all(;i-,  but  was  dili'ated;  and  upon  his  return  home  fiom  the  expedition,  his 
neigiiliors  derided  him,  as  being  no  brave, 

VV'hat  were  the  grounds  of  Red-bird's  enmity  in  the  first  place  is  now  un- 
known, nor  is  it  important  to  be  in(piiretl  into  in  om-  ))resent  busine.ss ;  but 
certain  it  is,  he  had,  or  conceived  that  he  had,  just  cause  for  his  attack  upon 
the  Ciiijipewas;  his  last  and  unsuccessful  expedition  against  them,  however, 
was  lo  revenge  the  execution  of  those  at  Fort  Snelling,  wiio,  he  had  been 
told,  Were  executed  for  the  murder  of  u  family  of  seven  persons,  named 
.Melliuilc,  near  Prairie  des  Chions.  This,  however,  was  not  very  likely  the 
case. 

As  he  could  not  get  revenge  of  the  Chippewas,  Rid-binl  resolved  on  seek- 
ing it  among  the  whites,  their  abettors;  therelijre,  with  two  or  tince  other 
iles|)rrado<!s,  like  himself,  of  whom  Black-hawk  was  probably  «uie,  he  repaired 
to  Prairie  des  Chillis,  where,  on  the  '24  July,  IHvJT,  they  killed  two  inrsons 
and  wounded  a  third,,  We  liear  of  no  plunder  taken,  but  with  a  keg  of  w  hisky, 
which  they  bought  of  a  trader,  they  retired  to  the  mouth  of  IJad-axe  River. 
Six  ilays  after,  July  .'50,  with  his  comj)any  augmented,  Rid-bird  wavlaid  two 
keel-boats  that  had  been  conveying  commissary  stores  to  Fort  Snelling.  One 
came  into  the  ambush  in  the  day  time,  and,  after  a  fight  of  four  hours,  es- 
caped with  the  loss  of  two  killed  and  four  wounded.  It  was  midnight  before 
the  other  fell  hito  the  snare,  and,  owing  to  the  darkness,  escaped  without 
mu(;li  injury. 

Notice  has  i)robably  been  taken  by  Black-hawk,  in  his  narrative,  of  these 
events ;  but  as  he  relates  every  thing  without  any  regard  to  dates,  it  is  impos- 
sible to  assign  some  of  his  incidents  to  their  j)roper  places  in  history. 

Not  long  after  these  events,  in  September,  1827,  General  Atkinson  marched 
into  the  Winnebago  country,  with  a  brigadt;  of  troops,  regulars  and  militia,  and 
succc  eded  in  making  prisoners  jf  Red-bird,  and  six  other  Winiubagos,  who 
wen-  held  in  confinement  at  Prairie  du  Chien  until  a  trial  could  be  had  on  tliem. 
On  the  25  October,  1828,  at  a  special  term  of  the  United  States' Circuit  Court, 
they  wen?  tried,  all  except  Red-bird,  who  had  died  in  prison.  K'anlga  or  the 
Sun,  and  Chik-hong-sic,  the  Little-biUl,  were  each  tried  on  two  indictments  ;  one 
foi  the  itn'.rdv,r  of  Rcf^istre  Gaudier,  as  accomplices  of  ./?e</-iiV(/,  in  the  murder 
o'"  wliich  mention  has  already  been  made.  On  the  second  indictmenl,  Chik- 
-i  fj^if-s/c  ,vas  tried  for  the  murder  of  Solomon  Lipcap ;  and  H'nnigu  on  the 
s  me,  as  his  accomplice.  On  the  third  indictment,  Waniga  was  tried  for 
sc.dping  Louisa  Gagniir  with  intent  to  kill.  On  the  first  iiuliclmeiit,  both 
were  brought  in  guilty.  On  the  second,  Chik-hong-sic  was  brought  in  guiltj', 
and  Ifaniga  was  acipiitt<!d.  On  the  tiiird,  Jf'aniga  was  found  guilty,  and 
Chik-hong-sic  was  ac(piitted.  They  were  sentenceil  lo  be  executed  on  the  26 
of  the  liiilowing  December. 

Th(!  two  (;liarged  with  the  murder  of  Mr.  Mdhodc  and  family  were  acquit- 
ted by  a  nolle  prosequi.  Black-hawk^  or  k'((ni-thonscj)l-hah,  as  hi.s  name  was 
then  written,  and  Kinonekuh,  the  Youngest  of  tht  Thunders,  wen;  among  the 
prisoners  charged  with  the  attack  on  the  boats  the  jireceding  year;  but  the 
charge  not  being  sustained  tor  want  of  evidence,  they  were  discharged,  as 
was  also  a  son  oi'  Red -bird. 

Thus  it  nppcfirsa  year  had  passed  since  these  Indians  were  captured,  before 
they  were  brought  to  trial.  Such  a  delay  of  justice  wiis  to  the  friends  of  the 
imprisoned  Indians  ten  times  as  insufferable,  if  possible,  as  any  punishment 
could  have  been,  inflicted  in  any  reasonable  time  after  a  crime  had  been  com- 
mitted. They  cannot  understand  why,  if  one  be  guilty,  he  should  not 
at  once  be  punished,  as  it  seldom  happens,  with  Indians,  that  they  deny  an 
act  when  guilty:  the  most  of  them  scorn  to  do  it   Hence,  the  white  people's 


144 


MURDER  OF  THE  MENOMINIES. 


rTV)OK  V, 


;'J;"  '■ 


I,  ',r,    ,•*•.  ■ 


^■^t. 


■Xi; 


jr^-"  :i  ■ 


ts  '.'• 


kwepiHL'  lli«m  impns«<np.<l,  thny  think  nn  not  of  frront  rownrHifP  ;  prosurninp 
tlii'v  (Jiirc  iiDf  |)miLsli  tli»!  i-rilprit.  [t  tins  sotiK-tiinns  liiippciu'<l,  that  iil\cr  tin 
Jiidiiiii  had  Im'cii  ini|)risoiM><l  Cor  a  Ion;.'  time,  and  Urtiu  discliarfrrd  lor  wiuitof 
evidcn*'!',  idtlinn^'h  at  the  tnno  of  hiH  ca|itiM<'  then-  wen;  no  doiihtM  of  liis  <rnilt, 
even  ii|>on  his  own  <'on)i>Hsion,  lie  lias  Im-jwi  sliot  hysoino  Hknlkiiif.' white  lior- 
drrcr  on  liis  way  to  liis  iionin.  This,  to  thi;  frieiids  of  surli  liuhan,  is  tho 
most  alM)ininahlp  r-riine ;  and  these  tliini-'s  iwui  idl  liaiipcned  in  Uhnois  helore 
the  end  of  1H!>K 

Hi.Ac  K-ii  \WK,  ;i.s  wo  liavo  just  seen,  was  cflptumd  and  held  some  time  indii- 
ranee  |or  attaekinj;  the  Intats,  whirh,  it  sec  ins,  conid  not  Im'  prov«'d  a^'ainsi  iijni, 
as  he  was  dischar<re«l ;  hut  if  tliere  were  donbts  of  his  miilt  hefitro,  there  can 
be  none  now,  aecordinfr  to  )iis  own  coidi'ssion,  which,  it  wonid  seem,  lie  had 
too  niiirli  erafV  to  aeknowledjfe  lietore  Ids  trial. 

IVlaflers  continned  in  a  niHleri  state  for  al>ont  three  years,  thoii<rli  acts  of 
violenee  seem  notofh'ii  to  iiave  oeenrred.  In  1881,  it  was  the  f,'eneral  n|iiriion 
on  till-  frojif  ITS,  that  the  Indians  iiitende<l  to  forbear  no  longer;  and  it  was 
rightly  jiidjre< I  hy  d't-neral  Jhkiuxon.  that  efl<Mtsliad  been,  or  were  being  made 
by  some  ot'tlieni  to  unite  all  the  Indians  from  Itoek  Hiver  to  Mexico  in  a  war. 
That  this  was  the  trutii  of  the  ea.se  we  will  hear  liUtck-hawk  in  evi<lenee. 
He  says,  "Knnjiers  were  s<uit  to  the  Arkansas,  Red-River  an<l  'I'exas — not  on 
the  subject  of  our  lands,  but  a  secret  mission,  which  I  am  not,  at  presetit,  jier- 
initted  to  exjilaiiL" 

Tiie  dirt'erenee  Ix^tweeii  the  Snc.<«  and  Foxes,  and  Menominies  and  Sionx, 
was  one  great  clause  of  the  troubles  j)revious  to  the  war  of  J8.'}Q.  Tlie  whiles 
uofd  tlieir  endeavors  to  bring  about  a  j>eace  between  them,  and  finally  etVected 
it,  although  at  the  very  time  murders  were  committed  by  one  party  n|K)n  the 
other,  while  on  their  May  lo  attend  a  treaty  lor  their  own  Ix'nefit.  Hut  such 
\i  their  thirst  ti)r  revenge,  that  they  will  lake  it  at  the  hazard  of  themselves 
and  all  their  connections.  Black-hawk  himself  relates,  that  on  a  certain  time, 
which,  1  believe,  was  in  the  summer  of  IHIJO,  the  chiefs  of  the  Foxes  were 
invited  to  attend  a  treaty  at  Prairie  dn  Chien  ("or  the  settlement  of  their  dif- 
ferences with  the  Sioux.  Nine  of  the  head  men  of  the  Foxes,  with  one 
woman  in  their  companv,  set  out  to  attend  the  treaty,  who,  tm  their  way,  were 
met  by  a  compaii;  of  Sioux,  near  the  Oulsconsin,  and  all  of  them,  except  one 
man,  were  killed 

TJjis  murder  %  nt  unrevenged  until  the  next  year,  wlien  a  band  of  Sioux 
and  ftlenoniinies,  who  were  encarn|)ed  within  a  mile  of  the  fort  at  Praiiiedu 
Chien,  \\ere  attacked  bj  some  I'oxes  from  Blnrk-lian'k\  party,  and  ^8  of  them 
were  kilicfl.  The  whites  now  demand(!d  tlu;  murderers,  but  Black-hawk  said 
they  had  no  right  to  make  such  a  demand,  (or  it  was  an  affair  between  the 
Indian  nations,  over  whom  they  had  no  authority  ;  and  Ix'sides,  he  said,  when 
the  Menominies  had  murdered  the  Fox  chiefs,  the  year  before,  tlicy  made  no 
such  di'iuand  for  the  murderers. 

According  to  the  treaty  of  the  l.'ith  of  July,  18"W),  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  tho 
Sacs  and  Foxes  sold  their  country  to  the  United  States,  and  tlx'  Sioux,  Onia- 
hahs,  loways,  Ottoes,  an<l  several  other  tribes  and  bands,  participated  in  the 
sale  ;  but  Black-hawk  had  nothing  to  do  with  it.  Keokuk,  or  the  WakhJ'itl-foi, 
at  this  time  headed  the  party  of  Sacs  that  mxule  the  treaty  ;  when  Black-hawk 
knew  what  was  done,  it  very  much  agitated  and  displeased  him ;  but  Kfokuk 
liad  plea>«Hl  the  whites,  and  sold  hi«  country,  as  tlie  ill-advised  MUvtosh  had 
done.  The  next  summer,  18;J1,  Black-hawk  says,  iliat  while  on  a  visit  to  the 
Indian  agent  at  Rock  Island,  he  heard,  for  the  first  time,  "tidk  of  our  having 
to  leave  my  village.  The  trader  (he  says)  explained  to  me  the  'crnisof  the 
treaty  that  had  been  made,  and  said  we  would  be  oliliged  to  leav  tiie  Illinois 
fiide  of  the  Mississijipi,  and  advised  us  to  select  a  good  place  for  our  village, 
and  remove  to  it  in  the  spring."  This  trader  was  the  adoi^ed  brother  of  the 
principal  Fox  chief,  whom  he  had  persuaded  to  leave  his  village  and  build 
another  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi.  Keokuk  had  consented  to  go, 
and  was  using  all  bis  influence  to  induce  others  to  go  with  him. 

A  jinrty  now  began  to  organize  itself  in  opposition  to  that  of  Keokuk, 
They  called  upon  5/a<;Ar-)laii)4  for  his  opinifni  about  it;  and,  says  the  old  chiefi 
**  I  gave  it  freely — and  afler  questioning  (^lash-qua-mc  about  the  sale  of  the 


r-f-  s," '  I 


[nooK  V, 


Chap.  VIII. ]       KHLIICTANCi:  TO  LKAVK  TUl'AH  COUNTRV. 


14b 


prfsiKTiing 
lit  iillcr  uii 
lor  want  of 
if  his  <riiilt, 
v\liiic  hor- 
liaii,  is  the 
Jiois  ht'loff! 

timo  iiidii- 

jruiiist  him, 

tluTc  Clin 

uni,  ii«  had 

ffJl  (icfs  of 
nil  opinion 
unii  it  wan 
u'inffninde 

0  in  a  war. 

1  ovidi'nc(>. 
a.s — not  on 
"(sent,  ppr- 

and  Sioux, 
The  whites 
Ily  circcted 
y"ii|Kin  the 
IJut  such 
themselves 
;rtain  time, 
""oxes  were 
f  their  dit- 
,  with  one 
•  way,  were 
exc«'j)t  one 

d  of  r^ioux 
I'raiiiedu 
28  of  them 
'-hawk  said 
tweeti  the 
said,  when 
y  made  no 

Chien,  tha 
otix,  Oma- 
ated  in  the 
atchjhl-fox, 
filack-hmck 
)ut  Kf'okuk 
Ivlnsli  had 
visit  to  the 
our  having 
rni.*  of  the 
the  Illinois 
iir  village, 
her  of  the 
and  build 
nted  to  go, 

of  Keokuk, 
!  old  chiefi 
sale  of  the 


lands,  he  assured  me  that  he  n«!Vt,'r  had  conMriited  to  the  side  of  our  viilHge,' 
I  now  (tromised  this  party  to  l>e  their  h  adcr,  and  nii.-^-d  the  standard  of 
opposition  to  Kcdkuk,  with  a  full  determination  not  to  tiave  my  village.*' 

The  ls\iv.  villau'e  was  on  the  |ioiiit  of  lam!  I'ormed  l»y  Kock  Kiver  and  the 
Mississippi.  TIk-  trihe  had  here  itwially  aliMtit  700  aeres  of  planiing  land, 
whi(;h  extended  ahoiit  two  and  a  half  miles  np  the  AlisHi.sHippi.  Aeeonliii^ 
to  th(^  ti.idition  ot'  tiie  liitliaiis,  a  vdli<;(^  iiad  stood  ii(;re  about  ir>0  yearx. 
The  whole  extent  of  liie  Sae  eoimtry  on  tla^  .Mississippi,  was  from  the  moutli 
of  the  ()ui>eonsin  to  the  I'ortuge  «ies  rfioiix,  almost  to  the  entrance  of  the 
Missouri,  in  lengtli  mar  700  miles. 

About  tli(.'  tinii^  of  the  treaty  of  which  we  liavt?  been  s()eaking,  some  oiit- 
r^^'es  were  eommitted  upon  the  Indians  by  th>'  wliitrs  in  kind  like  the  follow- 
ini-  :-— One  of  lilnck'luiirk's  men  haviiiu  l(>uiid  a  hive  of"  Ixrcs  in  the  woods,  in 
u  hollow  tree,  took  it  to  his  wigwam.  Some  wiiite-,  having  learned  the  cir- 
eumstaiioe,  r(;|)uired  to  the;  Indian'*  wigwam  and  demanded  the  honey  art 
theirs,  and  he  gave  it  up  to  them.  They  not  oidy  t(M»k  the  honey,  lait  made 
plunder  of  all  the  skins  lit;  had  got  during  his  winter's  hunt,  and  carried  tiieni 
off  idso.  The  case  of  the  Indian  was  e.xceturmg  hard,  litr  lie  owed  the  skind 
to  his  tradt^r.  Therefore  he  (rotild  not  jiay  him,  nor  could  he-  get  necessaries 
tor  his  tainily,  in  conse(pience  of  his  inaliility  to  meet  his  former  i-ontract. 

About  this  time  Hlnck-htwk  met  with  ;.rioss  ill  treatment  from  some  whites 
who  met  him  in  tJit;  woods  a-hunting.  I'liey  tidl  upon  him,  ami  beat  him  so 
severely  that  he  was  lame  lor  some  time  alter  it.  TIk;  whites  pniendiMl  he 
had  done  them  an  injury.  Such  outrages,  added  to  those  of  a  publie  nature, 
had  driven  the  Indians  to  desperatitni,  and  linally  determimd  lUack-lutwk  to 
net  on  the  oflensive.  Hut  he  was  sadly  deceived  in  his  real  strengiii  when 
he  came  to  trial;  tiir  he  liiid  Ix-en  assunul  that  tlu;  Chippewas,  Ottowas, 
VVimiebagos  and  I'ottowaltomies  all  stood  ready  to  helji  luid  second  him. 
.Ytapope,  who  had  been  among  some  of  them,  was  either  deceived  himsellj 
or  he  intentionally  di;ceived  his  chief.  IJut  th«!  Prophet,  fl'ahokiesliick,  was 
doubtless  the  greatest  deceiver.  He  sent  word  to  Black-hawk  that  he  had 
received  watn|iinu  from  the  nations  just  mentioned,  and  he  was  sure  of  their 
cooperation.  Besides  thi>  strong  eiicourajietnent,  it  was  also  told  to  the 
prineipid  Sac  chiefs,  that  their  Jiritish  father  at  Maiden  stood  ready  to  ludp 
tliem,  in  case  of  wrong  being  offered  them  by  the  whites;  but  this  was, 
without  doubt,  a  stratagem  of  the  Prophet,  or  .Veapopr,  the  iR^arer  of  the 
intelligence.  The  chiefs  of  the  whites  at  Maiden  and  other  places,  had  been 
visited  by  Bliick-kawk  or  his  head  men,  and,  on  being  told  their  situation  in 
respect  to  being  obliged  to  leave  their  coimtry,  these  friends  of  the  Indians 
honestly  told  them  that,  if  they  had  not  sold  their  country,  it  could  not  be 
taken  from  them. 

When  the  old  chief.  Black-hawk,  found  that  Keokvk  had  sold  the  Sac 
village,  with  the  rest  of  their  country  on  the  east  side  of  the  Mississippi,  he 
saw  and  conversed  with  him  about  it,  and  Keokuk  was  so  well  convinced  that 
he  had  done  what  he  had  no  right  to  do,  that  he  promised  to  go  to  the  whites, 
and  use  all  his  endeavors  to  get  it  back  again  by  giving  any  other  part  of  the 
country  for  it:  Black-hawk  said  he  would  giv<;  up  even  the  lead-mines,  if 
they  could  only  be  allowed  to  enjoy  their  old  village,  and  the  little  |)oint  of 
land  on  which  were  the  beautiful  cornfields  which  their  wives  had  cultivated, 
for  years,  undisturbed,  and  the  adjacent  burying-grounds  of  t ■  eir  honored  dead. 

With  strong  hojjes  that  something  would  be  effected  iv  r  them,  the  t^acs 
set  out  upon  their  usual  winter's  hunt,  in  the  fall  of  1830,  and  ineanwJiile 
the  whites  came  on  and  possessed  their  beloved  village !  When  the  Indians 
returned,  they  saw  families  of  intruders  in  their  own  wigwams  and  lodges, 
that  they  had  left  the  fall  previous — the  wives  and  children  of  the  poor 
Indians  were  now  upon  the  banks  ol"  their  own  Mississippi,  but  without  a 
hotne  or  lodge  to  cover  them!  This  was  insufferable  to  Black-hawk — where 
is  the  white  man  that  coidd  endure  such  things  ?  There  are  none  that  could, 
even  tlie  most  servile  slave. 

The  Sacs  were  encamped  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Mississippi,  having  re- 
turned from  their  hunting-grounds  earlier  than  usual,  on  account  of  infor- 
matiou  of  the  state  of  things  in  tlieir  village.  The  ice  had  not  left  tiie  3IJ»- 
13 


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IMAGE  EVALUATION 
TEST  TARGET  (MT-3) 


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Hiotographic 

Sciences 

Corporation 


33  WIST  MAIN  STREET 

WiBSTIX.N.Y.  MSSO 

(71«)  •72-4503 


146 


THEIR  VILLAGE  POSSESSED  BY  THE  WHITES.  [Book  V. 


sisslpj)!;  but  before  it  wns  time  to  plant  corn,  the  firm  rosolution  ofthechieffl 
waM  taken,  tliat  tlicir  villagt!  they  would  again  possess.  Thty  acted  in  accord- 
ance wiih  their  rofiohitiuii,  and  went  on  and  tooi{  possession.  The  whites  were 
aSarincd,  and  donl)tin<,'  of  tlieir  al)ili!y  to  drive  off  tlie  Indiatis  theriy  sjiid  they 
wniM  live  and  plant  loffciher ',  l)ut  took  care  to  seize  upon  all  the  l)est  planting 
litnd.  The  Indians  were  determined  not  to  he  the  first  to  commit  any  hostile  act, 
nnd  snhniidcd  to  <j:reat  insidts;  some  of  their  women  hciii^  shamefully  hinten 
ity  tlicir  white  neighbors  for  the  most  trifling  offence,  to  which  their  new 
sitnntion  had  unavoidably  subjected  them,  and  one  young  man  was  actually 
beaten  to  di-atli,  «)r  so  that  Ik;  soon  afler  (lied;  nevertheless,  to  the  shame  of 
those  whites  Ih'  it  told,  thore  is  no  account  which  has  ever  come  to  me  that 
the  Indians  alteinjtted  to  ref.iliate. 

Other  evils  were  ex|)ericnci!d  while  the  poor  Sacs  endeavored  to  live  with 
flio  wliit(  s  in  their  own  village.     Ardent  spirits  were  brought  in,  and  used  to 

tlicir  personal  property,  their  guns,  and  articles 


ehcat  tiie  Indians  out   of 
with  wliicli  they  liiinted. 
In  the  tiill  of  18.'J0,  the 
jirain   to  the  oast  sirle  of 


Indians  liad  been  told  that  they  must  not  come 
the  river.  Meantime  the  lands  of  the  Sac  village 
lia<l  been  sold,  or  a  jtart  of  them,  and  all  the  Indians  were  ordered  to  leave 
tlicni.  lilark-hnwk.  and  his  band,  however,  would  not  obey,  and  some  of 
them  remained  on  the  unsold  lands,  while  the  others  were  on  their  hunting 
<'xpcdition».  And  early  in  the  spring  of  1831,  afler  having  used  every  means 
for  a  reconciliation,  without  giving  up  their  village,  the  Sacs  in  a  body  re- 
crosscd  the  river  to  their  old  cornfields,  and  in  a  menacing  manner  took 
pos.«(!ssion ;  but  if  we  can  believe;  Black-hawk,  he  did  not  mean  to  l)«  pro- 
voked into  a  war  by  any  thing  less  than  the  life-blood  of  some  of  his  people; 
which  he  said  the  whites  dare  not  take,  at  least  so  long  as  he  remained  on  the 
government's  land ;  for  by  an  article  of  the  treaty  which  had  caused  these 
troubles,  the  Indians  were  not  obliged  to  leave  the  lands  so  long  as  they  re- 
mained unsold.  But  the  settlers  cried  out  against  the  eturoachmerUs  of  the 
Indians  u|K)n  them,  which  soon  became  so  loud  and  clamorous  thai  Governor 
Retinoids  forthwith  taking  the  responsibility,  declared  the  state  of  Illinf  .s  in- 
vaded by  hostile  Indians,  although  it  does  not  appear  that  any  of  them  were 
upon  other  lands  than  those  owned  by  the  United  States. 

Accordingly,  on  the  28  May,  1831,  Governor  Reynolds  wrote  from  Belleville, 
the  capital  of  the  stJite  of  Illinois,  to  General  Gaines,  the  militaiy  coirniiaiider 
of  the  western  department,  that  he  had  received  undoubted  information  that 
the  section  of  the  state  near  Rock  Island  was  at  that  time  invaded  by  a  hos- 
tile band  of  the  Sac  Indians,  headed  by  Black-hmok ;  and  that  in  order  to  re- 
pel said  invasion,  and  to  protect  the  citizens  of  the  state,  he  had  called  on 
700  of  tlu;  militia  of  the  said  state,  to  b*.  mounted  and  ready  for  that  service. 
H«  therefore,  "as  executive  of  the  state  of  Illinois,"  respectfully  solicited  his 
cooperation.  General  Gaines  said  in  answer,  the  next  day,  that  he  had  ordered 
six  companies  of  regular  troops  to  proceed  from  Jefferson  Barracks  the 
day  following.  May  30,  for  the  Sac  village,  and  if  necessary  he  would  add 
two  cotnpanies  more  from  Prairie  du  Chien.  This  force  he  considered  suf- 
ficient to  put  down  the  "  hostile  Sacs  ; "  but,  he  said,  if  the  Indian  force  hafl 
been  atigmented  by  other  Indians,  then  he  would  correspond  with  his  excel- 
lency by  express,  and  avail  himself  of  his  offer  of  the  700  mounted  volunteers. 

Governor  ReynnUls  bad  just  betbre  (26  May)  written  to  General  Clark,  the 
superintendent'of  Indian  affairs  at  St.  Louis,  and  among  other  thinfp  said,  he 
had  considered  it  necessary  to  order  out  troops  "to  protect  the  citizens  "  of 
the  state  "near  Rock  Island  yrom  invasion  and  depredation;"  but  from  his 
letter  to  Gaines,  dated  only  two  days  afler,  the  state  was  actually  invaded. 
Hence  it  ap|)ears,  that  in  something  less  than  two  days,  by  thinking  the  mat- 
ter over,  the  governor  had,  in  his  mind,  changed  the /ear  of  invasion 
into  actual  invasion.  In  the  same  letter  he  goes  on :  The  object  of  the 
govenmient  of  the  state  is  to  protect  those  citizens  by  removing  said  Indians, 
*'  peaceably  if  they  can,  but  forcibly  if  they  must."  "I  consider  it  my  duty  to 
inform  you  of  the  above  call  on  the  militia,  and  that  in  or  about  15  days,  a  suf- 
ficient force  will  appear  before  these  Indians  to  remove  tliem,  dead  or  alive, 
over  tlie  west  side  of  the  Mississippi."    Whether  his  excellency  did  not 


a 


# 


Chap.  VIII.] 


GENERAL  GAINES'S  EXPEDITION. 


u: 


moan  to  stop  with  his  Indians  short  of  the  Western  Occnn,  I  cannot  siiy,  but 
certainly  lie  snys  nothing  of  leaving  them  any  where  on  lands  on  the  wcxt  side 
of  llir  Mississinpi ;  he,  however,  liinrianely  adds,  "  But  to  sjive  all  this  disagree- 
ahle  hnhine.ss,  jxThaps  a  request  from  von  to  them,,  for  them  to  rfinov<^  to  the 
west  sidi^  of  the  rive.,  would  effect  the  object  of  procuring  peace  to  the  citi- 
zens of  the  state."  General  Clark  replied,  two  days  atler,  that  evtry  eftbrt 
on  his  part  "  had  been  made  to  effect  the  removal  from  Illinois  of  a//  the  tribes 
who  had  ceded  their  lands." 

Hence  no  all.  rnative  now  remained  but  to  proceed  on  witli  an  army  to 
driv<'  oft' the  Indians.  Accordingly  General  Vainc.i  proceeded  to  the  ciiuntiy 
in  dispnti',  and  by  'is  prudent  management  succeeded  in  settling  the  diffi- 
culty, which,  as  .natters  inunediately  atferwards  turned  out,  Sioms  to  have 
aniixinted  to  but  little  ;  and  as  (Jtiiieral  Giiines^s  account  of  his  exiK-dition 
agrees  very  well  with  what  lilnck-lvnwk  has  since  said  about  it,  we  lay  it  before 
the  reader.     It  is  eontniiied  in  a  letter  dated  Rock  Islanil,  20  June,  1H:JI, 

"  1  have  visited  the  Rock  River  villages,  with  a  view  to  ascertain  the  locali- 
ties, and,  as  far  as  po.ssible,  the  disposition  of  the  Indians.  They  confirm  me 
in  tlie  opinion  I  had  pnsviously  formed,  that,  whatever  may  be  their  ftelinga 
of  hostility,  they  are  resolved  to  abstain  fioni  tlie  use  of  tlieir  lomahawks  and 
lire-arms  except  in  self-«lefence.  But  lew  of  their  warriors  were  to  be  .seen — • 
tiieir  women  and  children,  and  tlieir  old  men  a|)|)eared  an.vious,  and  at  lirst 
somewhat  confused,  but  none  attempted  to  rim  off.  Having  previously  noti- 
fied their  chiefs  that  I  would  have  nothing  more  to  say  to  th(!m,  imiess  they 
shouhl  desire  to  inform  me  of  their  intention  to  move  forthimth,  an  1  had  di- 
rected them,  I  did  not  sjieak  to  them,  though  within  50  yards  of  many  of 
them.  I  had  with  me  on  board  the  steam-boat  some  artillery,  and  two  com- 
panies of  infantry.  Their  village  is  innuediateiv  on  Rock  River,  and  so  situ-- 
ated  that  I  could  from  the  steam-boat  destroy  all  their  bark  houses  (the  only 
kind  of  houses  they  have)  in  a  lifiw  mimites,  with  the  force  now  with  me, 
proi)ably  without  the  loss  of  a  man.  But  I  ii;M  resolved  to  abstain  from  firing 
a  shot  without  some  bloodshed,  or  some  manifi  ot  attempt  to  shed  blood,  on 
the  part  of  the  Indians.  I  have  already  induced  nearly  one  third  of  them  to 
cross  the  Mississii)j)i  to  their  own  land.  The  residue,  however,  say,  as  the 
friendly  chiefs  report,  tiiat  they  nevr  will  move  ;  and  what  is  \(!ry  uncommon, 
their  women  urge  tlieir  hosiilc  husbands  to  fight  rather  than  to  move  and  thus 
to  abandon  their  home.«." 

Thus  stood  matters  previous  to  the  arrival  of  the  Illinois  militia;  neither 
party  wishing  to  do  any  thing  to  bring  on  hostilities.  On  the  7th  June, 
Black-hawk  met  General  Gaines  in  council,  and  plainly  told  him  he  would 
not  remove,  and  to  let  him  know  he  was  not  afraid  of  his  forces,  went  to  the 
council-house  at  the  head  of  his  band,  armed  and  painted  as  though  they  ex- 
pected to  be  attacked  ;  the  consequence  was,  nothing  was  effected  thus  far. 
But  the  general  was  satisfied  that  the  reports  of  other  tribes  having  engaged 
to  assist  them  were  entitled  to  little  credit.  That  the  general  well  understood 
the  affairs  of  the  Sacs  at  this  time,  no  doubt  will  be  entertained,  on  compar- 
ing his  occount  with  tli«!  statement  of  Black-hawk  in  his  life.  "  Several  other 
tribes,"  observes  the  general,  "such  as  the  Winnebagos,  Potfowatloniies,  and 
Kikapoos,  have  been  invited  by  these  Sacs  to  assist  them ;  but  I  cannot  positively 
ascertain  that  more  than  '200  have  actually  joined,  and  it  is  very  doubtful 
whether  these  will  remain  true  to  their  offending  allies." 

As  General  Gain«»  found  he  could  noteffect  a  compliance  with  his  demands, 
he  concluded  to  wait  for  the  militia,  who,  on  the  2.5  June,  prom|)tly  arrived. 
These  the  Indians  thought  it  not  proper  to  oppose,  knowing  well  that  border 
militia  would  submit  to  no  restraint  from  their  officers ;  they  therefore  fled 
across  the  Mississippi  to  avoid  being  massacred  ;  and  on  the  following  day, 
June  26,  the  army  took  possession  of  the  Sac  village,  without  the  liririg  of  a 
gun  on  either  side.  On  the  27th,  Black-hawk  caused  a  white  flag  to  bo  dis- 
played to  show  his  disposition  to  have  a  parley,  which  soon  after  ensued,  and 
this  ended  in  a  treaty. 

h\  his  despatch  to  the  secretary  of  war.  General  Gaines  said  he  was  of 
opinion  that  "these  Indians  were  as  completely  humbled,  as  if  they  had  been 
cJittstised  iu  battle,  and  less  disposed  to  disturb  the  frontier  iohabitauts  *," 


t 


Si- 


Ud 


nLACK-HAWK  llJiTlRES  tP  ROCK  RIVER. 


[Book  V. 


atid  tlmt  Governor  Reymlda  wus  of  tlit!  surne  opinion.  Hut  in  tliis  they  were 
ixxli  iiiiMtukeii,  aitliougli  wlieii  tliu  treaty  wuo  made,  Black-hauk  witliout 
doubt  intended  strictly  to  obHcrve  it ;  yet  lie  could  not  ibreuee  wliut  would 
liappen.  He  I lud  been  promised  corn  to  Hupply  the  wunta  o)' his  people,  in- 
stead of  that  wliicli  thev  had  been  obliged  to  abandon;  but  what  they 
ieceive<l  was  far  from  suflicient,  and  they  In-gan  to  feel  the  encroachment  of 
laniine.  In  this  state  of  things,  a  party  of  SacH,  as  the  old  chief  says,  went 
over  the  river  to  steal  com  from  their  ownjielils !  and  time  began  a  new  series 
of  troubles  which  ended  m  bloodshed. 

Black-hawk,  with  his  chief  men,  had  signed  the  treaty,  and  it  was  broken 
the  same  year  by  both  parties.  It  was  (lated  on  the  30  June,  1831,  five  days 
alter  the  "flight,"  and  among  the  signei-s  we  recognize,  besides  Ml'cata-.Mu- 
ni-EATAK  [Black'hawk),  as  his  name  wus  then  written,  Pashepaho  (Slabbin^- 
rhief),  VVkksheat  [Slurgeon-hcad),  Kakekamah  [Jlll-fiah),  and  several  others. 
it  was  in  the  coiu'se  of  the  same  summer,  that  the  |>arty  from  Black-hawk^a 
band  killed  the  28  Menomonies,  of  which  we  have  before  given  an  account, 
and  although  the  whitis considered  it  their  concern, seem  not  to  have  under- 
taken to  revenge  it  until  the  spring  of  XKVi;  and  the  probability  is,  they 
would  hardly  then  have  undertaken  it,  had  not  some  of  the  Sacs  intruded 
tliemsoives  again  into  their  old  village,  by  which  a  new  cry  was  raised 
against  them.  Be  this  us  it  may.  General  Jltkinson  set  out  for  tlie  Upper  Mis* 
sissippi,  about  the  first  of  April,  at  the  hca<l  of  the  sixth  regiment  ot  United 
States  infantry,  at  whost;  upproach  Black-hawk  and  his  party  abandoned  their 
camp  on  the  Mississippi,  wliere  Fort  Madison  had  been  built,  and  ascended 
Rock  River.  It  was  in  this  direction  he  expected  to  be  reinforced  by  the 
I'ottowuttomies,  Winnebugos,  and  Kikapoos,  but  who  in  the  end  declined  the 
hazardous  and  unequal  conflict. 

As  Black-hawk  moved  leisiu'ely  up  Rock  River,  he  received  several  ex- 
presses from  General  Atkinson,  ordering  him  in  a  peremptory  manner  to  leave 
the  country ;  but  he  constantly  said  he  would  not,  and  said  he  was  going  to 
the  ProplibVa  village  to  make  corn,  to  which  he  had  been  invited,  and  the 
whites  might  attack  him  if  they  dared ;  that  they  might  come  on  if  they 
chose,  but  they  would  not  And  him  unprepared  ;  yet  he  would  not  begin  with 
them. 

Meanwhile  Geuero\  Atkinson^  not  judging  it  expedient  to  pursue  the  Indians 
up  Rock-River,  made  a  stnnd  at  Dixon's  Ferry,  and  waited  for  a  rein- 
forcement. 


9t§tt 


CHAPTER  IX. 

March  of  Major  Stillman — Kills  some  of  Black-hawk's  men— Stillman's  dffeat—' 
Talk  with  the  Winnehagos — Menomonies  join  the  whites — Settlement  on  Indian 
Creek  destroyed — Captivity  of  two  young  wonicn — Murders — Plum  Hirer  settle- 
ment broken  up — Congress  orders  out  troops — Murders  near  Galena — Indians  cut 
off  by  General  Dodge— Snider'a  dejeat — Stevenson's  defeat — Attack  on  the  fort  at 


Buffalo  Grove — On  that  at  Apple  River — Defeat  of  Major  Dement — Murder  at 
Cinrinawa  Mound — Ravages  of  the  cholera  among  the  regular  troops — Battle  of 
the  Ouisconsin — Action  with  the  steam-boat  Warrior — BaMe  of  the  xd  of  August, 
and  end  of  the  war. 


Before  the  arrival  of  General  Atkinson  at  Ogee's  or  Dixon's  Ferry,  (Jeneral 
Whitesitks  had  proceeded  there  with  a  considerable  body  of  mounted  men, 
and  a  march  of  discovery  was  resolved  upon.  Accordingly,  about  the  13th 
of  May,  a  company  of  270  men  proceeded  on  towards  Sycamore  Creek,  under 
Major  Stillman.  Black-hawk  being  apprized  of  the  march  of  this  detach- 
ment, sent  out  three  young  warriors  with  a  white  flag  to  meet  them,  and  in- 
vite tliem  to  his  camp;  but  the  whites,  paying  no  regard  to  the  flag,  took  the 
bearers  of  it  prisoners.  Five  others  had  been  sent  alter  the  first,  to  see  Avhat 
ensued,  and  to  report  what  might  take  place.  Theso  live  were  discovered 
and  pursued  by  a  small  party  of  the  whites,  and,  Iving  overtaken,  two  of 


Chap. 


them  w<.TC  killed,  and  the  rest  cscnpfd.  It  was  now  near  night,  on  the  14th 
of  May.  The  party  that  had  i^iiied  the  two  Indians  returned  to  the  main 
body,  which,  it  seems,  waw  preparing  to  encamp  for  the  night  when  tliis  cir- 
rum.-itance  took  phico ;  ail  immediately  monntcd  their  horses  and  rushed 
forward  in  confusion.  It  docs  not  appear  that  Black-hawk  had  any  thoughts 
that  the  whites  would  attack  him,  tor  he  had  not  hut  about  40  of  his  men 
with  iiim  at  this  time,  the  oth(.-rs  being  out  upon  a  hunting  excursion;  but 
when  his  spies  returned,  and  reported  that  two  of  their  numlier  had  lnen 
barbarously  murdered,  the  war-whoop  was  soundi-d,  and  the  liest  prepara- 
tions were  made,  that  the  time  would  allow  to  meet  the  invaders. 

When  they  approached  Sycamore  Cniek,  the  whites  proceeded  to  cross  it 
in  the  same  disorderly  manner  they  came  to  it,  although  the  country  was  very 
favorable  lor  ambushes.  The  Indians  stood  tirm,  and  were  doubtless  sure  of 
a  vict(/iy,  seeing  the  enemy  pass  the  creek  man  by  man  as  they  arrived; 
and  when  a  sufficient  number  had  crosss-d,  the  Indians  rushed  ujiou  then^ 
with  their  usual  fury  of  attack.  Tlie  whites  say  the  Indians  "  shov*  ed  them- 
selves on  every  quarter,  mounted  and  armed.  They  commenced  the  attJi<;k 
with  guns,"  and  continued  it  with  knives  and  tomahawks.  Their  situation 
l)ecnme  in  a  moment  desperate,  and  Major  Stillnmn,  who  was  in  the  rear, 
learning  the  situation  of  the  advance  column,  immediately  ordered  a  retreat, 
but  none  was  effected — it  was  a  most  disorderly  and  wretched  flight!  scarce 
two  flying  together ;  and  it  was  owing  to  the  smalhiess  of  Black-hawk's  force 
that  any  were  so  fortunate  as  to  escape. 

Thus  Black-hawk  with  alwut  40  men  had  put  27(1  to  flight,  and  disjiersed 
them  in  such  a  manner,  that  it  was  rejwrtecl  at  lirst  by  tliemselv<'s,  that  (JO 
or  70  had  been  killed ;  but,  as  it  proved  afterwards,  it  was  their  great  finu-  of 
the  Indians,  that  had  driven  them  so  far  from  their  comimnions,  that  they 
tlid  not  all  arrive  at  Dixon's  Ferry  for  several  days  after  the  flght,  although 
the  battle-ground  was  only  30  miles  from  that  place.  They  generally  came 
in,  one  at  a  time,  as  they  had  crossed  Sycamore  ('reek  on  the  evening  of  the 
14th;  and  in  the  end,  all  but  lii  were  accounted  ibr,  and  11  of  these  were 
found  afterwards  on  the  battle-ground  and  interred.  A  letter  from  that 
country  says,  "  The  dead  that  were  found  were  cut  and  mangled  in  a  most 
shocking  and  indecent  manner ;  their  hearts  cut  out,  heads  off,  and  every 
species  of  indignity  practised  upon  their  persons.  f)ne  alone  escaped  this 
treatment :  he  was  found  dead,  with  his  head  nearly  cut  ott"  embraced  by 
the  arms  of  an  T^idian  'vlio  had  been  shot  through  the  body,  but  yet  had 
strength  enough  .  aining  to  tomahawk  the  man  wlio  had  shot  him,  and 
paf'tly  to  cut  off  his  head,  dying  in  the  very  act — his  last  convidsive  struggle 
iieing  an  embrace  of  his  enemy  even  in  death."  From  Black-hawk^s  own 
account,  it  appears  he  lost  but  three  men  in  the  whole  transaction,  and  that 
these  were  killed  who  were  sent  out  to  meet  the  whites  in  their  approach  to 
Sycamore  Creek. 

Hence  it  api)ears  that  the  whites  were  guilty  of  the  first  blood  shed  in  this  war. 

The  affair  of  Sycamore  Creek  caused  a  dire  alarm  to  be  somided  through- 
out the  western  region.  Blnck-hnwWs  40  warriors  were  magnified  into  1500, 
and  only  the  next  day  after  Stillmftn\i  deli'at.  Governor  ReiftioULi  issued  a  proc- 
lamation calling  -  n  the  militia  to  assemble  at  llenne[)in,  on  Illinois  Uiver,  by 
the  lOof  Jime,  to  the  niind)erof  2000  men;  which  nniiiber,  he  said,  he  "con- 
sidered necessary  to  sul)due  those  Iiidiims,  and  drive  them  out  of  the  state." 

Although  the  news  of  Major  Slillinnn's  disastir  flew  over  the  country 
among  the  whites  with  great  rapidity,  yet  it  is  mentionefl  as  a  circumstance 
well  worthy  of  remark,  that  messengers  from  the  hostile  Sacs,  bearing  to  the 
Missouri  Indians  the  news  of  their  victory,  arrived  at  the  Des  Moines  Ilapids 
24  hours  before  the  express  sent  by  Governor  Reynolds  at  the  same  place. 

About  the  time  the  proclamation  of  the  15th  of*'  May  was  issued,  calliiig  for 
2000  militia,  an  attempt  was  made  by  the  whites  to  secure  or  draw  off  the 
Winnebngos,  and  prevent  their  joining  the  war  party.  On  the  26  May, 
Mr.  Graioit,  a  sub-Indian  agent,  held  a  council  at  the  heal  of  the  Four  Lakes 
with  a  tmmber  of  the  Winnebago  chiefs,  and  thev  all  signified  their  desire 
of  remaining  at  peace  with  the  white  i)eo[)le.  At  this  council,  the  chief, 
called  the  LUlk-bljck,  made  a  speech,  and  among  other  things  said, 
13  • 


■    ?•• 


'ir- J 


m 


JK         I- 


I 
t 


ir>o 


MURDERS  ON  INDIAN  CREEK. 


[Rook  V. 


"  fatlior,  wliaf  ynii  linvR  hfinrd  of  m  is  from  forkod  tonpucs,  and  whnt  you 
linvc  lu'did  nWMiw-entfr  is  fiilHr.  Mnn-eatfr  is  sirk;  hut  li«  huH  nvnX  Iiim  wisliT 
iirui  <l;iiijrlif«'r  Ivn*  to  s|M!nk  for  liiiii.  Fatliiir,  siiirv  I  kni-w  you,  I  Imvc  al- 
ways liciinl  your  rouiiKfl,  uml  did  wliMt  you  told  nii'.  Aly  father,  the  (ircut 
Spirit,  iiiis  s(:iit  you  hoth  lit-if.  You  have  taken  rue  hy  tlie  hand,  arul  you 
have  ht'hl  it  fast  in  yours.  We  hope,  in  the  name  of  tlie  Great  Hpirit,  and 
all  onr  women  and  cliildren,  tiiat  you  will  liold  it  fast,  und  we  will  hold  on  to 
you  so  hard  that  you  i'ain>ot  «hake  im  ofK  iMy  fiither,  I  ask  nothing  hut  a 
clear  sky  over  our  heads,  wiiieh  have  heen  hanpin<;  down  lately,  and  the  skv 
has  heen  dark,  and  the  wind  has  i)een  hlowinjr  enntiiuially,  and  tryiiif^  to  hlow 
lies  in  our  ears,  hut  we  turn  our  ears  from  it ;  hut  when  we  look  towanis  vow, 
the  weather  is  clear,  and  the  wind  does  not  hlow.  My  father,  our  younp 
men  do  not  travel  mueh,  for  they  are  afraid  of  the  Sac8,  and  ufrai<l  ihev  wilt 
he  taken  lor  Saes  hy  the  troops.  My  father,  we  wish  you  to  j,nve  uh  a  paper 
like  the  one  (JtMieral  w'ilkhuion  }rave  us,  that  wi;  may  show  it  to  the  whites 
whom  we  incM't,  that  they  may  kno\v  we  are  friends  and  ibi'  peace." 

As  soon  as  the  trouhles  he<;an,  there  were  many  of  the  Menonionies  and 
Sioux,  who,  thirstiufT  for  the  hlood  of  the  Saes,  came  and  offered  themselves 
to  the  whites,  to  tifrht  for  them,  hut  their  serviees  were  refused  ;  now  tlnj 
had  had  a  fi<rht,  and  hein;;  heaten,  they  were  {rlud  to  call  U|ion  the  Indians 
tor  assistance,  and  it  was  granted.  Yet  it  should  not  Se  supposed  that  it  was 
from  any  love  they  hore  towards  tla;  whites  that  they  were  glad  to  fifflit  lor 
them,  hut  from  their  natural  inclination  to  war,  and  to  seek  revenge  ior  in- 
juries they  had  received  fh)ni  the  Sacs  during  their  former  troubles.  Coii- 
8e<|iiently  several  hundreds  of  them  were  soon  upon  the  march  in  various 
direelions  to  sin-prise  thow;  belonging  to  the  war  i)Brty,  and  others  attaclied 
themselvi's  to  the  army. 

Hlood  had  now  l)een  shed,  and  no  one  had  any  right  to  expect  hut  that  the 
Indians  would  retaliate  upon  any  whites,  according  to  their  manner,  whether 
in  arms  or  the  cradle.  There  was  a  small  settlement  upon  Indian  Creek, 
near  its  confluence  with  Fox  River,  about  25  miles  from  the  town  of  Hennepin, 
the  rendf.'zvous  of  the  army.  On  the  iiOtli*  of  May,  this  settlement  was 
fallen  upon  by  a  small  band  of  warriors,  led  by  a  Pottowattomie,  who,  after 
killing  15  persons,  took  considerable  plunder,  and  proceeded  to  Black-hawk's 
camp. 

The  Indians  gave  as  a  reason  for  their  attack  upon  this  place,  that  not  long 
before,  a  man  who  lived  there  by  the  name  of  Hall,  hud  severely  beaten  the 
Pottowattomie  who  led  the  party  that  committed  the  murder.  Yet  the  familj 
of  this  man,  if  not  the  man  himself,  had  been  told  by  a  friendly  Indian,  that 
a  party  would  come  and  miu'der  them,  and  advised  them  to  fly  lor  their  live;^. 
They  immediately  did  so,  but  as  vengeance  had  decreed,  they  appear  to  have 
nturned  again  very  soon,  as  they  were  there  found  and  nuirdered,  as  before 
stated.  Two  daughters  of  Mr.  Hall  were  led  away  captive,  one  about  l(i,  and 
the  other  about  18  years  of  age  ;  two  brothers  of  these  young  women,  who 
were  at  work  in  the  field  when  the  massacre  began,  made  their  escajie  and 
arrived  safe  at  Dixon's  F^erry.  Black-hawk  said  the  young  women  woidd 
have  been  killed  by  the  Pottowattomies  when  they  were  taken,  but  were 
spared  at  the  intercession  of  two  of  liis  men,  who  were  with  them.  The 
Ibllotving  uccoimt  was  written  immediately  after  they  were  delivered  from 
captivity,  by  a  person  at  Dixon's  Feny,  where  they  were  delivered,  and  i.^ 
probably  correct. 

"  Of  the  Misses  Halls,  whose  case  seems  to  interest  every  body,  (and  who 
are  now  at  Galena,)  it  may  not  be  uninteresting  to  hear  the  following,  as  the 
best  information  that  could  be  collected  from  the  Indians  who  succeeded  in 
procuring  their  liberation.  Afler  the  bloody  scene  of  despatching  such  of  the 
family  as  were  about  the  house,  (to  which  they  could  not  avoid  being  eye-wit- 
nesses,) those  young  women  were  each  placed  on  a  horse,  which  was  led  bv 
a  man — other  men  walked  alongside,  to  guard  and  keep  them  from  falling  on 


lllKl 


"  The  cdhor  of  the  American  Arifwal  Register  is  under  a  groat  mistake  in  placing  this 
affair  a  moiitli  earlier.  It  changes  the  whole  aspect  of  affairs  ;  making  the  Indians  the  6n\ 
murderers,  which  it  iiot  fact. 


Chap,  IX.] 


DODGES  Fir.IlT  NEAR  GALENA. 


151 


vas  l«d  bv 


in  (liffinilt  ptiflsoH. — At  night  u  lodge  was  set  npnrt,  and  liiani<cts  Hprond  foi 
tliitii,  tiiid  elderly  s(|iia\vs  mnde  tii  sleep  oil  eaeli  side,  l)y  whuiii  tliey  were 
taken  eare  oil  Siirli  food  as  the  Indians  liad,  was  ofl'ered  to  tlicni ;  Itiit  tliey 
cried  and  wept,  an<l  were  too  iinwiill  to  eat  or  lie  eond()rled.  All  of  widefi 
tlie  yunng  women  say  is  true,  and  that  tlie  Indian  men  ofFi  red  no  insidt  to 
them.  They  also  eoidirm  what  is  .--lated  ol"  Jilack-fuiwk'n  eamp,  as  seen  in 
going  thron;rh  a  narrow  passage,  win  re  their  horses  niiretl  in  the  iiind: — 
more  of  the  ramp,  it  is  supposed,  tiny  were  not  allowed  to  see.  It  seems 
there  was  more  dillieiilfy  in  pmeuring  the  liherty  <((' one  than  the 'jtlier:  ix 
young  warrior  claimed  her  as  his  pri/.e,  and  was  very  unwilling  to  give  lar 
up;  but  aller  using  all  the  arginu'iils  tin  y  were  caimhle  of,  the  \Viiuiei»ag<»s 
say  they  ha<l  to  use  threats,  >\lii(li,  together  willi  an  addition  of  ten  horses  to 
the  oU'er,  rtbtaiiied  his  consent.  'I'lir  youn;,'  warrior  eut  iW)fn  .Miss  llaWs  head 
n  lo<-,k  of  her  bair;  which,  liy  tin-  by,  has  no  ailinily  to  a  similar  act  amttng 
wliites,  but  is  to  Im;  kept  as  a  trophy  ol"  iiis  warlike^  exploits.  The  price  jiaid 
by  the  Winnebagos  is  stated  to  he  forty  horses,  wampi;;ii  imd  trinkets, — in 
nil  to  the  utnount  of  iiOOO  dollars." 

Jil(ick-k/iwk  was  now  in  the  neighborhond  ol'  Four  Lakes,  ut  tiie  heuii 
sources  of  Kcwk  River,  about  (iO  mih  s  fmni  Fort  Winnebago,  and  (ieneral 
^'Hkinsim  was  in  jHirsiiit  of  him;  hut  befon;  hu  reached  his  place  of  retreat,  he 
bad  retraced  his  st«4)s,  and  was  ne.xt  discoveretl  on  tlie  OmsconHlii. 

.\l»out  this  time,  a  travelling  preacher  of  the  denoiidnation  called  Dunkards 
was  killed  on  the  road  to  Chicago,  His  lie'ad  was  severetl  Irom  bis  body,  unti 
earrie<l  of!"  as  u  tropliy.  lie  w.ts  noted  for  bis  o«ld  appearance;  his  beard 
being  represented  as  near  a  yard  in  leiigtii.  He  bad  been  iidbrmed  that  sus- 
picious Indians  were  in  the  iieighliorhood,  and  a  family,  at  whose  house  be 
8toj)ped,  retreated  towards  tlic  settlements  on  receiving  the  infitrmation  ;  but 
the  Dunkard  prei.  ler  thought  prt)per  to  abide  in  tJie  deserted  bouse  over 
night,  at:d  was  killed. 

On  the  22  May,  a  party  of  spies  having  been  sent  out  by  General  Atkin- 
son, with  despatches  for  Fort  Armstrong,  were  attacked  by  the  Indians,  and 
four  of  them  were  killed.  Si.  Vruin,  an  Indian  agent,  was  among  the  num- 
ber. They  were  all  scfil[)ed,  and  their  scalps  were  carrii;d  to  Black-hawk\^ 
cam|>.  Si.  Vrnin  bad  been  odious  to  the  Sacs  frain  the  part  he  took  concern- 
ing their  removal. 

About  this  tiirie,  a  man  by  the  name  oi'  Smilh  was  murdered  near  the  Blue 
Mounds  on  the  Galena  frontier,  and  Mr.  H'inters,  a  mail  cotitractor  at  (ialetia, 
was  killed  near  Dixon's  Ferry.  Tin;  body  of  another  man  was  found  near  the 
same  place,  but  it  was  so  disfigured  that  it  was  not  known. 

On  tb<!  (ith  June,  a  small  settlement  at  the  mouth  of  I'lum  River,  30  miles 
from  Galena,  was  attacked,  and  the  people  r(  treated  to  a  block-bouse,  which 
they  hud  wisely  taken  the  pn-eaution  to  erect.  This  the  Indians  tried  to  takt; 
for  about  an  hour,  but  coidd  not  cflect  tiair  object,  and  drew  of!'.  The  inhab- 
itants then  went  down  the  river  in  a  boat  to  Galena.  Whether  any  persons 
were  killed,  I  do  not  find. 

By  the  beginning  of  Jiuie,  there  were  so  many  troops  spread  over  the  Indian 
country,  that  Black-hawk's  party  found  biit  few  opportunities  to  murder  the 
frontier  inhal)itants.  And  although  timre  were  about  .'WOO  men  in  arms  to 
combat  500  Indians,  yet  congress  ordcired  (iOO  mounted  rangers  to  be  raised 
"for  the  defence  of  the  frontiers." 

On  the  14th  of  June,  five  persons  were  killed  not  far  below  Ilanuiton's  Fort, 
near  Galena,  and  on  the  Kith  one  man  was  killed  within  a  mile  of  the  same 
place.  General  Dodge  being  in  the  neighl)orhood,  marched  with  30  of  bis 
mounted  men  immediately  in  pursuit.  When  about  three  miles  on  bis  way,  be 
discovered  12  Indians,  whom  he  look  to  be  the  party  who  bad  committed  the 
murders,  and  he  pursued  them  with  great  spirit.  Immediately  af\er  crossing 
East  Pichetoneka  Creek,  the  Indians  buried  themselves  in  a  thick  swamp. 
The  whites  dismounted,  and  after  securing  their  h'>r8eB,  and  placing  a  small 
guard  to  watch  for  any  that  might  attempt  to  escape,  rushed  in  afler  the 
retreating  Indians.  They  presently  came  up  with  them,  and  began  an  indis- 
criminate slaughter.    No  resistance  was  made,  and  every  Indian  was  killed 


.if'sr: 


15Q 


STEVENSON'S  DEFKAT.— FORTS  ATTACKED. 


(BooE  V 


or  nuinli'rp<l  in  a  few  minutes.  Not  satisfied  with  this,  tlicy  tore  off  the 
nciilps  fif  «'viTy  one,  and  bore  iIh'iii  ofl"  in  trinniph. 

On  the  same  day,  t'nptuin  Snydtr  iiirt  with  and  defeated  a  small  Indian 
force  near  Kellojj's  (Jrove.  Four  of  the  Indians  wcie  said  to  have  been  killed, 
nnd  one  of  the  whites  was  niortally  v. onnded.  In  their  return  inareh,  tii«!V 
were  attacked  hy  an  andnish  and  defeated,  iiaving  three  (»f  their  men  killed 
and  mortally  wounded.     The  whites  now  escaped  hy  flight. 

On  the  IHtli  of  Jmie,  as  Captain  Slev(n/ion  with  a  small  force  wiw  scoutiiiff 
near  where  (Jeneral  Dodp^e  cut  ofl'tlie  VI  Indians,  he  «\aH  met  hy  a  force  undtr 
Blnck-futwk,  and  a  fierce  contest  eiisiie<l.  The  whites  foui^ht  well,  hut  they 
were  defeated.  At  one  time,  t'aptuiii  Stevenson  was  leil  almost  alone  hy  his 
party,  and  was  s«'verely  wounded ;  hut  they  rallied  nptin,  and  effected  a 
retreat,  with  the  loss  of  three  only  of  their  nuud)er.  The  fij,'ht  was  close 
arid  desperate  for  a  short  time,  in  which  hayonets,  knives  anc'  tomahawks 
were  chieHy  ustsd. 

An  atteni|)t  was  made  on  the  Q4  of  June,  l»y  a  considerable  Inxly  of  war- 
riors, to  surprise:  the  Ibrt  at  Kutlido  (irove,  on  Rock  Kiver,  oidy  als)ut  V-i  niileii 
to  the  northward  of  Dixon's  Ferry.  It  was  {guarded  by  150  iiulitia,  who  were 
prepared  to  meet  them,  and  a  considerably  sharp  contest  ensued.  Sixteen 
t>f  the  Indians  were  killed  before  they  n  treated.  Hut  few  of  the  wli^tes 
were  woimded.  The  garrison  was  in  •:reat  fear  of  being  --ut  off,  haviiif,'  c  x- 
pcnded  all  their  ammunition  beibre  a  ninlbrcement  arrived,  whicii  had  been 
.sent  for  while  the  attack  was  goin<»  on. 

About  this  time,  as  Black-hawk  was  a|ipro«chinj,'  a  small  fort  on  A[)ple 
River,  about  12  miles  from  (ialena,  he  fell  in  with  liiur  men  who  had  been 
sent  express  to  this  place.  Tiiey  did  not  discover  the  Indians  until  fired 
upon,  when  they  fled  for  the  fort,  and  the  Indians  |)ur8ued  them ;  one  of  the 
men,  a  Mr.  Welsh,  was  wounded  before  reaching  the  fort,  and  another  man 
was  killed  in  the  fort,  who  had  raised  his  head  above  the  pickets  to  make 
discovery.  The  Indians  contented  themselves  by  tiiking  away  a  consideraltle 
quantity  of  flour,  and  a  number  of  cattle  and  burses.  They  would  doid)tles.< 
have  burnt  the  fort  an(i  buildings,  and  killed  all  the  people,  but  'rum  tear 
that  the  light  of  them  would  be  seen  by  some  large  body  of  whitt-  soldiers, 
who  might  pursue  and  overtake  them. 

On  the  25th  of  Jime,a  pretty  sevtire  fight  took  place  bctwacn  a  company  of 
spies  under  Major  Dement  and  a  baiul  of  Indians,  not  fiir  from  Kellog*,« 
Grove.  He  had  arrived  there  only  the  evening  before,  and  Ixung  iidi>rmed 
that  an  Lidian  trail  was  discovered  in  the  neighborhood,  set  off  itntnediately 
with  30  mounted  men  to  attack  them.  He  had  not  proceeded  far  before  the 
Indians  appeared,  and  confidently  attacked  him.  The  Indian  yell  so  fright- 
ened the  horses  that  they  were  thrown  into  coMfiision,  and  soon  l)egan  a 
retreat  The  Indians  i>ursued  them  a  considerable  distance,  and  lost  nine  of 
their  number,  two  of  whom  were  chiefs.  Fivd  of  the  whites  were  killed, 
and  they  lost  about  30  of  their  horses. 

On  the  29th  of  Jiu.e,  three  men  were  attacked  in  a  field  at  the  Cincinaway 
Mound,  about  10  miles  from  (ialena,  and  two  of  them  were  killed.  Majdr 
Stevenson  marched  immediately  in  pursuit  of  the  rniu'derers.  On  arriving  ai 
the  Mound  he  fouua  the  bodies  of  the  two  men,  John  Thompson  ami  Jrtmcs 
Boxleif,  both  shockingly  mutili'ted.  The  heart  of  the  former  was  taken  out, 
and  both  were  sci,lped.  Having  lell  a  few  men  to  bury  the  dead,  Major 
Stevenson  followed  the  trail  of  the  party  to  the  Mississippi,  where  he  Ibum! 
they  had  stolen  a  canoe  and  effected  their  escape  across  the  river. 

Mention  has  been  made  of  the  prompt  action  of  congress  for  the  relief  of 
the  frontiers.  "General  Scott  was  ordered  from  the  sea-board  with  nine  cot:  i- 
panies  of  artillery,  and  their  cannon  were  to  be  drawn  from  the  coast ;  nine  com- 
panies of  infantry  were  ordered  from  the  lakes,  and  two  companies  from 
Baton  Rouge,  to  put  an  end  to  the  war.  Such  was  the  promptness  with 
which  these  orders  were  executed,  that  five  out  of  the  six  companies  of 
artillery  ordered  from  Fort  Monroe  in  the  Chesapeake  arrived  in  18  days  at 
Chicago,  1800  miles  distant  in  ihe  interior  of  the  country.  Unfortunately 
this  detachment  was  attacked  by  the  cholera  on  die  route,  and  tlie  whole 


I 


(Hook  V. 

'e  off  tlie 

all  Indian 
■<;h  kllliui. 
iircli,  tlit-y 
nun  killed 

H  HCOUtill^ 

Tce  undtr 
,  but  they 
one  by  his 
cffi'cU'd  u 
wus  close 
jniuhuwki^ 

ly  oi'  war- 
It  Vi  mile!) 
who  wrre 
.  !Sixtci'ii 
he  whites 
havinf;  t  \- 
hud  bii'ii 

oii  Ajiplf 
had  been 
until  Ared 
one  of  tlie 
other  man 
ts  to  make 
nsideruljle 
I  doubtless 
i'roin  lear 
to  soldi(-rs, 

impany  ot' 
Kello>,'"s 
ird'ornied 
fimediately 
before  the 
1  so  tri<rhi- 
m  began  ii 
jst  nine  ot" 
ere  killed, 

inoinnway 
ed.  Major 
arriving  at 
liiul  Jarmx 
taken  out, 
ead,  Major 
e  he  found 

le  relief  of 
1  nine  con- 
nine  coin- 
anies  from 
jtness  with 
npanies  of 
18  days  at 
ifortunately 
1  tlie  whole 


t 


Chap.  IXl 


RAV.vnrs  OF  the  cholera. 


153 


were  rendered  unfit  to  take  the  field  Iw-fore  they  arrived  at  the  scene  of  action." 
Accordingly  General  Scott  informed  (jieneral  Jltkinaon  that  he  could  not 
cobfierute  with  him  without  endangering  the  droops  already  in  the  Held,  uud 
therefore  directed  him  to  act  w  itliotit  ref»;rfnc(!  to  his  Ibrccs. 

The  scenes  of  horror  o(U!usioned  by  this  most  singular  disease  will  doubt- 
lesd  be  toSd  of  in  atler-tirnes  with  un  eili'ct  which  bus  not  been  surpassed  in 
that  of  the  histories  o.  the  |)!agues  in  ancient  days.  Several  of  tiie  com- 
panies before  mentioned  were  entirely  broken  up.  Of  a  corjis  of  'iOH  men 
under  Colonel  Twis^frs,  but  nine  were  Icllulive.  Mr.  John  .Vonrll,  at  Detroit, 
wrote  on  the  I'ith  July,  to  the  editor  of  the  Pennsylvania  En<fUiror,  conceru- 
mg  its  ravages  in  that  region,  as  follows : — 

"I  rt'griit  to  aild,  that  tiie  inti-lligente  from  the  regidar  troops  is  disastrous. 
Of  the  three  comfmnies  of  artill*;ry  under  Colonel  Tivi^i_^n,  un<l  two  or  three 
more  cujnpanies  of  infantry  with  them,  few  remain.  These  troops,  you  \vill 
recollect,  landed  from  the  steam-iioat  lltiiry  Clay  below  Fort  Gratiot.  A  great 
number  of  them  have  biii-n  swept  otf  by  the  diseiL>";.  Nearly  all  the  others 
have  deserted.  Of  the  deserters,  scatttjred  all  ovei  tin'  coimtry,  somt;  have 
died  in  the  woods,  and  their  bodies  bee,  devoured  by  the  wolves.  1  use  the 
language  of  a  gallant  young  otHeer.  Others  'lave  tuk(!n  their  flight  to  the 
world  of  spirits,  without  a  coii|mnien  to  cl<  heir  eyes,  or  console  the  lust 
moments  of  their  existence.  I'iieir  stragglin  urvivors  are  occasionally  seen 
mr.rching,  "iome  of  them  know  not  whitlier,  with  their  knaftsacks  on  their 
backs,  shunned  by  the  tei  rifled  inhabitants  us  the  source  of  a  mortid  pesti- 
Ifjnce.  Colonel  Twigsrs  himself,  and  Surgeon  Fvertlt,  are  very  low.  They 
were  still  living  at  the  latest  accounts  from  Tort  i>ratiot,  and  sanguine  hopes 
were  '•ntcrtained  of  their  recovery.  No  other  officers  have  yet  been  assailed, 
except  Lieutenant  Ciay. 

"You  will  remember  that  the  troops  under  Colonel  Cummings,  several  of 
whom  died  here,  embarked  on  board  the  steam-boat  William  I'enn,  on  Stmday 
last,  for  Chicago.  The  sickness  among  them  increased  as  they  proceeded  to 
Fort  Gratiot,  and  became  so  great  by  the  time  they  lu-rived  there,  that  they 
were  disembarked,  antl  have  returned  to  the  vicinity  of  this  city,  and  en- 
camped at  Springwells,  about  three  miles  below  town.  Sevetiteen  or  eight- 
een of  them  have  died,  and  some  still  remain  sick,  probably  never  to  recover. 
One  half  of  the  command  of  General  Scott,  ordered  to  Chicago  by  the  lakes, 
will  never  reach  him;  a  large  portion  of  them  dying;  a  still  larger  number 
deserting  from  un  overwficlming  dread  of  the  disease,  and  the  residue  obliged 
to  march  back  again." 

In  pursuing  the  thread  of  events  in  our  narrative,  we  lefl  General  Atkinson 
\n  pursuit  of  B'.ack-haick,  whose  camp  was  said  to  be  at  the  F\)ur  Lukes. 
Goncru)  Atkinson  had  got  this  iiiforn<ation  from  a  Pottowuttomie  Indian,  numed 
VVapanseth,  whom,  with  several  others,  he  had  employed  for  the  purpose, 
lie  said  the  old  chief 'scamp  was  "  inaccessible  on  ull  sides,  except  through  u 
nurrow  pass,  which  was  muddy,  being  otherwise  surroundtjd  by  water  or 
swamps.  It  was  a  little  above  the  junction  of  a  small  creek,  called  White- 
water, with  tlie  principal  stream  of  Rock  River,  aiid  between  the  two." 
But,  as  we  have  already  noted,  when  the  army  arrived  at  the  Four  Lukes, 
Hiack-hawk  had  gone ;  and  so  well  did  he  numuge  his  retreat  that  the  whites 
were  deceived  as  to  the  direction  he  had  taken. 

"Gen.  Atkinson,  expecting,  wheti  he  marched,  to  meet  the  enemy  in  a 
short  time,  had  taken  with  him  but  a  small  quantity  of  provisions,  in  conse- 
({uence  of  which  he  was  obliged  to  halt  and  divide  his  forces  at  Lake  Cosh- 
ko-nong  (one  of  the  tour)  alwve  named.  He  himself  with  the  n^gulars,  some 
•)50  strong,  rcmainod  at  the  lake  ;  tiic  militia,  consisting  of  three  brigades, 
under  Generals  Po.rry,  Dodge  and  Henn/,  sibout  2000  men,  were  ordere»l  to 
march  to  Fort  Winnebago,  on  the  Oiiisconsin,  where  stores  were  hourly  ex- 
pected. It  was  the  intention  of  the  communder-in-chief  to  consolidate  his 
forces,  and  renew  the  pursuit  us  soon  us  he  hud  obtained  siiflicient  stores." 

Insteud  of  crossing  the  country  to  escape  bi-yond  the  Mississi[)pi,  as  was 
expected.  Black-hawk  descendi'd  the  Ouisconsin  to  escape  in  that  direction ; 
by  which  means  General  Dodge  came  upon  his  trail  and  commenced  a  vigor- 
ous pursuit.    The  old  chief  hud  received  encouragement  that  in  ilie  country 


4i 

Iff  M 

-  triM 


■  Sfrr 


154 


BATTLE  OF  TIIK  OUISCONSIN. 


(nooK  V 


to  wliicli  lio  lind  nuroattMl,  liv  hIiimiI(I  not  only  n-rciv)!  additinnni  (i)iTiH  !*> 
whii'li  he  coiilil  witliHtaiiii  all  tli);  AiiMTiraim  coiilil  liritif(  af^aiiiist  Imn,  Imi 
alHO  iirovinioiiH  in  aliiuulaner.  Il)<  tiiiuiil  luu  lalt-  lliat  lit;  had  Ikm-m  dci-civtjd 
ill  ImxIi  |mrti<'nlarrt ;  lit;  uuh  ohli^rd  to  tly  froiii  ^Itkinnoii'a  aniiv,  willioiit  |ii'i)- 
viHionx,  nor  had  In-  tinu'  to  prociirc  any  upon  llio  way.  Ihul^t  was  inmii-- 
diuudy  npon  h'm  trail,  hut  did  not  ovortaku  hini  until  near  u  hundred  inilcH' 
pursuit. 

On  till'  yi  of  July,  (I'l'Mcral  Dixlirr,  with  aliout  MOO  mm  hcsidcH  Indians 
caint!  up  with  lilark-hitwk  on  llic  Ouisconsin,  10  niilcH  rr«)ni  l''ort  VVinncliano, 
ov«>r  apiinst  th?^  old  Sac  villa^f,  and  it  was  only  hy  tin;  t>upcrior  niana^rnH-nt 
of  tlif  old  warrior  rliirf,  that  hiiii.«*dt'or  any  olhis  p<!opli'  ttscapiil  rapture.  \ 
grrat  ninnlii-r  <d' Indians  holon^cil  to  Ihidsff^'a  mii\\,\\\w  contrihulrd  nnicli 
to  th)>  sucrt'ssful  result  of  thn  aH'air.  'i'iie  whites  cauit;  upon  the  Indians  as 
they  wero  ahout  to  cross  the  river,  anil  the  time  heiiifr  evenin;;,  may  account 
for  their  not  lHMn<.'  all  cut  off;  fur  immediately  after  the  attack  hc^ran,  it  was 
80  dark  that  tin*  whites  could  not  continue  it  without  disadvantap*  to  (hem- 
onlvcH.  A  letter  dated  ut  Foit  Howard,  tj')  July,  gives  the  liiilowini;  account 
of  the  nffiiir : — 

"  Last  evening  we  received  the  intelligence  of  a  Imttic  having  heeii  liiught  he- 
tweeii(»en.  /.Wg-f  and  his  division,  and  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  in  which  the  liirmer 
were  victorious.  The  particulars,  as  slated  in  Capt.  y/im/y/o/j's  letter  to  Tapt. 
Clark,  lire  these:  /*«r(;HfW,  with  a  (i-w  Wiifliehagos,  lell  the  I'lTlagt;  a  li-w 
days  since,  to  proceed  to  (ien.  Uod^tt's  army,  and  guide  them  to  the  Sac 
camp.  On  Saturday  morning  last,  <!lHt  inst.,  (jien.  YAWgc  sent  his  adjutant 
to  report  to  Gen.  Wilkinson  of  his  movenn'nts.  lie  had  not  proceeded  far 
before  he  cnrna  upon  the  Sacs'  and  Foxes'  trail,  directing  their  course  to  the 
Ouisconsin  river,  lie  immediately  returned  and  reported  the  circuni.staiice 
to  Gen.  Dodge,  who  pursued  and  overtook  them  ahout  sundown  of  the  same 
day,  (Saturday)  on  the  letl  hank  of  the  Uuisconsin,  and  ahout  10  miles  from 
Fort  Wiinndtago,  when  the  fight  ensued ;  the  Indians  at  the  same  time  re- 
treating. The  night  being  very  dark,  they  found  it  impost>ihle  to  pursue 
them.  They  had  found,  when  Farqwll  left  them,  which  was  early  the  next 
morning,  Ki  Indians  killed,  and  but  one  white  man  killed, and  four  wounded. 
Parnuett  thinks  not  less  than  40  Itutinns  fell  in  the  engagement." 

We  have  the  ofKcial  account  of  the  battle  by  General  Dodge  ;  but  as  it 
contains  no  additional  tiictH,  and  is  less  minute  than  this,  it  was  not  thought 
worth  while  to  insert  if. 

The  truly  deplorable  condition  of  the  Indians  at  this  time  cannot  well  be 
conceived  of.  In  thtdr  pursuit  of  them  before  the  battle,  the  whites  found 
iminlters  dead  in  the  way — emaciated,  and  starved  to  deatii !  When  overtaken 
by  Gen.  Dodge,  they  were  not  estimated  to  be  but  about  300  men,  besides 
women  and  ciiil  Iren,  and  ultiiough  the  aflair  of  the  21st  is  called  a  battle,  it 
does  not  seem  that  it  can  scarcely  deserve  that  name,  for  if  there  had  been 
any  thing  more  than  a  hIiow  of  resistance,  more  of  the  whites  would  have 
been  killed. 

The  Indiana  report  that  they  were  attacked  about  a  mile  from  the  river: 
the  approach  of  the  army  was  discovered,  and  Jilack-hawk,  witii  only  .'iO  or 
60  men,  met  them,  to  give  the  remainder  time  to  cross  to  an  island.  jVenpope, 
who  had  been  ordered  to  inarch  in  the  rear  with  about  20  warriors,  to  give 
notice  when  the  whites  were  discovered,  had  been  passed  by  them  by  an  un- 
expected route,  and  Black-hawk  heard  no  more  from  him  until  alter  the  war. 
He  found  there  was  no  chance  of  success  by  continuing  it,  deserted  his 
braves,  went  to  the  Winnebago  village,  and  soon  aller  became  a  prisoner  to 
the  whites.  Meanwhile  General  Atkinson  had  marched  from  Coshconong, 
and  following  in  the  trail  of  Dodge,  had  arrived  within  two  days'  march  of 
the  place  where  the  'ight  had  been  with  the  Indians,  and  was  immediately 
ready  to  cooperate  with  liiin.  Afler  receiving  the  news  of  the  battle,  ho  marched 
to  the  Blue  Mounds  on  the  Ouisconsin,  ojiposite  to  where  the  fight  had  been. 

The  Indians  were  surprised  that  they  were  not  pursued  ;  but  for  want  of 
lK>ats  or  canoes,  or  the  means  of  constructing  rafts,  they  could  not  even  cross 
to  the  island  to  which  the  Indians  had  escaped  for  two  days  after,  and  in  the 
mean  time  they  escaped.     That  tliey  were  not  pressed  harder  on  the  night  of 


(IJooK    V. 


CHAP.  IX.]         AFFAIR  WITH  THE  STHAM-UOAT  WAUKIDU. 


irw> 


the  buttle,  (  iU'rul  Dodfre  iirj^fd  in  cximi.sc,  tliut  liir*  iiifii  wrrr  wonidowii  with 
fatiKiic,  having  niiirchtiu  43  iiiiloM  that  liay. 

Among  till!  priMohfTrt  tukiMi  liv  (Jcnrml  Ihid^r'x  |iarty,  waH  the  w\iv  of  tin* 
warrior  calh-d  the  iSiii-i.AKK.  hlit-  was  a  n'lswv  of  hnikuk,  anti  lur  hll^lttlM(i 
hail  lii'tMi  killrii  in  thi'  fight.  Althoii^'li  tin;  \n  lilies  were  salisfied  hefore,  ihey 
were  now  iiil'ornit'il  hy  this  jsijnaw  of  lilnvk-luiwk's  llnal  resoliiiion  ;  wliicli 
wiLH,  for  Hiich  of  his  men  as  hail  good  horses  to  proeeed  with  him  and  striko 
the  .Mis.si.sf<i|)|ii  ahove  Prairie  ihi  Cliien,  while  the  remainder  hhoiild  proeii><l 
Ity  the  Oiiiseoiisin  ;  and  a  place  of  rendi/vous  w:ts  appointed  for  all  to  meet 
on  ihe  we«t  .-ide  of  lilt!  griiat  river.  This  sipiaw  al.so  staled  that  liefore  the 
halile  on  tins  Onisronwin,  in  whieh  she  was  take-i,  *.iOO  of  lUack-luiuk'i  men 
had  been  killed. 

(ieneral />Mr/g-«  having  recomineiidud  u  eaniion  to  he  |>ia('ed  on  the  hank 
ol'  the  river,  at  a  snitahit;  plact;  hi  low  the  hattle-uroiind,  to  eiit  oil'  sneli  as 
should  attempt  an  e.scape  in  tliat  direeiion,  mairhed  wiiii  his  army  on  the 
2!id,  and  joined  (leiicral  Jllkinson  at  the  Hiiiu  .'Mounds,  and  every  thing  was 
immediately  put  in  rt-adincHM  to  pursue  tin;  main  body  of  the  Indians  under 
Dliirk-hawk. 

Ah  was  intendud,  many  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  whites  as  they  descended 
the  Oiiisi-onsin.  Some  of  the  boats  conveying  these  poor  writclii  s  sy  y\- 
overset,  and  many  of  those  in  tlicin  were  drowned;  the  greater  nninlier,  how- 
ever, fell  into  the  bunds  ot'  th(;ir  enemies  in  their  pu.^^sag*'.  .Mam  of  tin* 
ehildren  were  found  to  be  in  Kiich  u  fumi.shed  state  tiiat  they  coulJ  not  Ih; 
revived. 

St-veral  untoward  eirciimstanccs  now  transpired  to  prevent  the  e.sou|M'  ot" 
the  main  Inxly  under  Black-hawk.  The  fii>t  wils  his  falling  in  with  u  steam- 
boat on  the  1st  of  August,  just  as  tliey  wire  preparing  to  cross  the  .Mississippi,  by 
which  iiieuns  that  duy  was  |i.  t.  And  upon  the  next  day,  the  whole  urniy  of 
whites  inider  General  Wilkinson  <-aiiie  upon  them,  which  canijjleted  their 
destruction.  As  in  the  affair  of  the  iil  of  July  on  tiie  Oui.sconsin,  Bliuk-hawk 
did  not  wish  to  fight,  but  to  escape ;  and  when  the  steuni-boat  fell  in  with 
him  he  used  every  means  to  give  the  captain  of  her  to  understand  that  be 
desired  to  surrender.  He  displayed  two  white  flags,  and  almut  1.50  of  bis 
men  a|>prouched  the  river  witiiout  arms,  and  made  signs  of  submission  ;  but 
whether,  us  was  said  by  the  whites,  the  interpreter  on  b:iard  was  so  frightened 
that  he  could  not  cotivey  the  meaning  of  those  on  shore  to  the  captain  of  the 
boat,  or  whether,  as  it  would  seem,  the  whites  were  determined  to  kill  Indians, 
we  will  not  take  U|)on  us  to  decidi;,  but  lay  before  the  read.r  the  account  of 
tlie  affair  by  Captain  /.  Throcmorton,  of  the  boat,  which  is  us  follows: — 

"Pruiric  du  Chien,  3  Aug.  ISIl'i  I  urrived  nt  this  pluce  on  Monday  last, 
[30  July,]  and  was  despatched,  with  the  Wurrior  alone,  to  VVupashaw's  village, 
IvJO  miles  above,  to  inform  them  of  the  upproacb  of  the  Sacs,  und  to  order 
down  ull  the  friendly  Indians  to  this  jdace.  On  our  wuy  down,  we  met  one 
of  the  Sioux  band,  who  informed  us  tliut  the  Indians  (our  enemies)  were  on 
Bad-uxe  River,  to  the  number  of  400.  We  .stopped  und  cut  some  wood,  and 
prepured  tor  action.  About  4  o'clock  on  Wednesday  allernoon,  [1  Aug.] 
wo  found  the  gentlemen  [Indians]  where  he  stated  he  had  lell  them.  As  we 
neared  tbcin,  they  raised  a  white  flag,  und  endeavored  lo  decoy  lis ;  but  we 
were  a  little  too  old  for  them  ;  for  instead  of  landing,  we  orflered  them  to  send 
u  boat  on  board,  which  they  declined.  Atler  about  15  minutes'  delay,  giving 
them  time  to  remove  a  few  of  their  women  and  ehildren,  we  let  slip  a  six- 
pounder  loaded  with  canister,  Ibllowed  by  a  severe  fire  of  musketry;  and  it' 
ever  you  saw  straight  blankets,  you  would  have  seen  them  there.  1  fought 
them  at  anchor  most  of  the  time,  und  we  were  ull  very  much  expo.sed.  I  have 
a  ball  which  came  in  close  by  wliere  1  was  standing,  und  passed  tliroii,'"h  the 
bulk-head  of  the  wheel-room.  We  fought  them  for  about  an  hour  or  more, 
until  our  wood  began  to  full,  and  night  coming  on,  we  letl,  and  went  on  to  the 
Prairie.  This  little  fight  cost  them  2.3  kille(?,  and,  of  course,  a  great  many 
wounded.  We  never  lost  n  man,  und  had  but  one  man  wounded,  (shot  througli 
the  leg.)  The  next  morning,  before  we  could  get  back  again,  on  account  of  a 
heavy  fog,  they  had  the  whole  [of  General  Atkinson's]  army  upon  them.  We 
found  them  at'  it,  walked  uj,  and  took  a  hand  ourselves.    The  fiv6\.  sjiot  from 


nil. 


Ill 


m 


*».» 


15«  i)i:fi:at  of  ni.ArK-iiAWK  on  tiik  mississipi-i.      [Boo*  v 

thfl  Wurrior  Inul  oul  Ihrrr.  I  nm  linrdly  t»'l|  you  any  thififf  nlMiiit  it,  for  I  am 
ill  f^njiit  liiiHti',  iiM  I  mil  iu»w  on  my  vvny  lo  (lie  lirlil  11^1011.  Tlii-  annv  lost 
Pj^lit  or  niiir  kill<!(l,  niiil  HrviMitciii  wounded,  wliom  wv.  Itron^lit  down.  "  On., 
diod  on  deck  hwt  ni;,'|it.  We  hroijglit  down  :j(l|irisoiMTH,  wonnii  and  rliildicn. 
I  toll  joii  wlial,  .SVim,  iIhti"  is  no  fun  in  li^hliiiK  Indiims,  |mrliriiliirl\  at  tlii» 
MflnHon,  wlitiii  till!  jfrasM  is  ho  vrry  brigiit.  Kvcry  man,  and  even  my  fiilim-NoN, 
(biijrht  ui-ll.  Wi-  had  IC  nmilars,  ')  riHcmeii,  and  '20  of  oiirstrlv....  Mr.  //««•, 
of  I*lattf,  .Mr.  /i/w,»  (i.  Smitiinl,  M\i\  one  of  tim  liitttUft,  wvvt'  willi  n-,  and 
fon^rlil  wi  II." 

Ijfiitniant  Kiiiirshnrif,  an  olficcr  in  command  of  ili*-  (Jjiind  r^tatirs'  troops  on 
Itoard  tilt!  \VaiTior  at  the  lime  of  the  fijrht,  roported  that,  ah<iiii  \()  miles  ahove 
I'rairie  dii  ( 'hieii,  a  ^treat  mimher  of  the  Sacs  and  Koxes  were  seen,  who  hoisieil 
u  white  lilt;;,  hut  would  not  siiid  a  eanoe  on  hoard,  ulthou^h  they  were  told 
tliut,  in  tvisn  lliey  did  not,  they  should  he  fired  upon,  wiiich  was  imnic- 
dintely  done.  'V\i,\  seemed  much  alarmed  when  the  six-poumler  was  di>- 
I'harp'd  u|ion  them,  anil  all  immediately  rovered  themselves  with  trees  und 
whatever  ofli-reil.     Kivi-  or  six  were  siippcisi-d  to  have  hren  killed. 

I'.ai  ly  (Ml  lliu  mornin;.'  of  the  next  day,  .\uj.'iisi  '.*,  the  whole  eoiiiliiniMi  nrmv. 
amounting;  lo  U'A)l)  men,  enine  up  with  the  Indians;  and  the  followiii<r  arc 
the  particidar  details  of  that  wiioli;  traiiHuction,  as  piihlished  ut  (ialena,  four 
diiys  allir  it  happened,  naiiudy,  Au^fiist  (i. 

"'I'he  wliide  army  under  (ienerai  .7/<^'rt.ToH,  omhraciiif;  the  hrinrades  corii- 
inanded  l»y  (Jenenils  Unirif,  Post}/,  and  .'llirmidfr,  and  squadron  under  eoni- 
inund  of  (•eiieral  Doilfii;  all  erossml  over  to  the  north  side  of  tho  Oiiiscousin 
at  Helena,  on  the  yrtth  and  '2!ttli  uh.  They  took  up  a  line  of  maieh  in  h 
northerly  direction,  in  ord«!rto  intersect  the  Indian  trail.  At  the  di.stance  o." 
ul)OUt  five  r.iiles,  tlie  j;reat  trail  wnw  di.scovi  red,  leadinjf  in  u  direction  N.of  W. 
towards  the  Mississippi,  and  supposed  to  Ih<  alxiut  four  days  old.  d'eiieral  Jit- 
kinson,  wmIh''  ilie  direction  of  the  enemy,  knew  well  tliat  it  ««Mild  re«iuire  all 
dili;.'ence  luiil  expedition  to  overtake  them  hefore  they  would  cross  the  Mis- 
sissippi, and  hence  commenced  from  thut  time  n  forred  mairh;  leaving.' all 
lm;r;ra<,'i'  wagous,  and  every  thing  else  which  was  calculated  to  retard  the 
pursuit. 

"The  coiintr>'  tlirou|!rli  which  the  enemy's  tniil  led  our  nrniy  between  the 
Oiiisconsin  HlufTs  and  the  Kickapoo  River  was  one  continued  series  of  moun- 
tains. IVo  sooner  had  they  reached  the  siiriiiriit  of  one  hi^di  and  almost  jier- 
pendiciilur  hill,  than  they  had  to  descend  on  the  other  side  eipialiy  sti  cp  to 
the  hase  of  another.  Nothing  but  u  deep  nivine,  with  muddy  hanks,  sepiirated 
these  monntaiuH.  The  woo<l.s,  hoth  upon  the  top  of  the  highest  mountains, 
and  iit  the  Ixtttom  of  the  deepest  hollows,  was  of  the  heaviest  growtii.  The 
under-lxishes  were  chiefly  thorn  and  prickly  «sh.  This  is  a  short  descri|)tion 
of  the  route,  and  hIiowh  the  difticulties  of  the  pursuit.  Notwithstanding  all 
this,  our  army  gained  on  the  enemy  daily,  as  appeorcd  from  the  eiuMiiy's  en- 
cainpmeiit.s.  The  tedious  march  thus  contiiuicd  was  met  by  our  brave  troops 
without  a  murmur;  and  as  the  Indian  signs  appeared  more  recent,  the  orticers 
and  men  ap|)ean^d  inui-e  anxious  to  push  on.  Ou  the  fourth  night  of  our 
march  from  Helena,  and  at  an  encampment  of  the  enemy,  was  discovered  an 
old  Sac  Indian,  by  our  spies,  who  informed  them  that  the  main  body  of  the 
enemy  had,  on  thut  day,  gone  to  the  Mississippi,  and  intended  to  cross  011  the 
nc.vt  morning,  Aug.  2d.  '''he  horses  Ix'ing  in  arly  broken  down,  ami  the  men 
nearly  exhausted  from  fiitigue.  General  JUkinson  ordered  a  halt  for  a  few- 
hours,  (it  heir^  after  8  o'clock,)  with  a  determination  to  start  at  2  o'clock  for 
the  Mississippi,  alM»ut  ten  miles  distant.  At  the  precise  hour  the  bugles  sound- 
ed, and  in  u  short  time  all  were  n^ady  to  march. 

"  G«'neral  Dodge's  sipiadron  was  honored  with  being  placed  in  fmnt ;  the 
infantry  f()llowed  next ;  (ieneral  He.imi's  brigade  next ;  (.iv.ncrnX  Alernndfj's  next ; 
and  General  Posexj's  formed  the  rcur-guard.  General  Dodse  called  lor,  and 
as  soon  received,  '20  volunteer  8|)ies  to  go  ahead  of  tho  whole  army. 

"  In  this  order  the  march  commenced.  They  had  not,  however,  gone  more 
than  five  miles,  before  one  of  our  spies  came  back,  announcing  their  having 
come  in  sight  of  the  enemy's  picket-guard.  lie  went  back,  and  the  intelli- 
gence was  quickly  conveyed  to  General  Alkhison^  then  to  all  the  coiniiiaiiders 


"jr, 


Chap.  IX. ]     DF.FKAT  OF  ULACK-HAWK  ON  THK  MI.SSIS.SIPPF 


157 


i 


of  tlio  Itri^adt'M ;  and  the  ndcrity  of  tlio  rimrcli  wti.n  iiHtiintly  inrrftL>«>(I.  In  u 
few  niinuti'H  more,  tlm  tiring  comniciici-tl  atalMiiit  r)(H)}iinlHiiii)>a(l<>l'tlu)  front 
of  the  army,  iMitwtirii  our  h|hc.-<  ami  tli*^  Imiian  pirkt-i  ^nard.  Tlii-  Indmni* 
were  drivttn  hy  our  HpicH  from  hill  to  hill,  ami  ki^|it  up  a  tolcrahly  liri^k  firiu;; 
from  «!v«>ry  Hiiuation  (;oinmaudin;r  tin;  f^roiwid  over  whirh  our  s|ii)>s  had  to 
march  ;  hut  Uvitxfi  cliarg«Mi  upon  and  routed  from  tliiur  hidin^-|ila(-i*s,  they 
sought  .-tatrty  hy  rctrratiuK  to  the  main  hody  on  the  hank  of  the  riviT,  ami 
joining;  in  om^  general  etiort  to  defend  thiMUHi'lve.**  tlnre  or  die  on  the  ;rround. 

"  l<i'Mt  Nome  niii^ht  eHcapi;  hy  retreatin;^  up  or  down  the  river,  (iemral  ,'U- 
kinson  very  judieionwiy  ordenul  (leiieral  .'y/rxfia//fr  and  (lenitral  I'osiij  to  toriii 
the  ri^rlit  nin^  of  the  army,  and  march  down  to  the  river  alH>ve  tiie  Indian 
encampment  on  the  hank,  and  then  move  down,  (ieneral  Hennf  lornied  thu 
letl  wiii^',  ami  marched  in  the  main  trail  of  the  enem\.  The  l^  S.  inliintry, 
and  (ituieral  Dotlgf^a  Hcpiadron  of  the  mining;  troo|>.>i,  marched  in  the  centre. 
With  this  order  our  whole  force  descended  the  almost  perpendicular  hlulf, 
atid  cami!  into  a  low  valU^v,  heiivily  timlxred  with  a  larp;  ^rowih  of  under- 
hrijsh,  weeds  ami  ^rriiss. — Sloufjlm,  deep  ravines  old  lojis,  &,c.  were  .so  plenti- 
ful as  to  att'ord  (;ver\  fatality  for  the  enemy  to  make  a  strong  det'ence.  Gen- 
eral Henry  first  came  njton  and  conunenced  u  heavy  tire,  w  hicli  was  returned 
by  the  enemy.  The  enemy,  luting  routed  from  their  tirst  hidin;,'-placeH,  sought 
others.  General  Dodgers  Hquadron  and  the  U.  S.  troops  soon  came  into  action, 
and,  with  (icnural  HtwnJ'a  men,  rushed  inti)  tlu;  Mtroiij,'  defdes  of  the  euerny, 
and  killed  all  in  their  way,  except  a  tew  who  succeeded  in  Hwimmin;;a.s|ouf(li 
of  the  Mississippi,  150  yards  wide.  During  this  time  the  hri^ailus  of  (iiiierals 
Alexamlcr  and  Posey  were  marching  down  the  river,  when  they  fell  in  with 
another  part  of  the  cnerny'o  artny,  and  killed  and  routed  all  that  ojipoMMl 
them. 

"The  hattle  lasted  upwardH  of  three  hours.  About  .'>()of  the  enemy's  women 
and  children  were  taken  prisonei's,  and  many,  by  accident  in  the  battle,  were 
killed.  When  the  Indianif  were  driven  to  the  bank  of  the  Mi8sissip|ii,  some 
hundreds  of  men,  women,  atid  ciiildren,  plunged  into  the  river,  and  hoped  by 
diving,  &.C.  to  escape  the  bullets  of  our  guns  ;  very  lew,  however,  escaptnl  our 
aliarp-shooters. 

"The  loss  on  tlie  side  of  the  enemy  never  can  be  exactly  ascertained,  but, 
according  to  the  best  computation,  they  must  have  lost  in  killed  upwards  of 
150.     Our  loss  in  killed  and  wounded  was  27. 

"  Some  bad  crossed  the  river  before  our  arrival ;  and  we  learn  by  a  prisoner, 
that  Black-hawk^  while  the  battle  waxed  warm,  had  stolen  off,  and  gone  up 
the  river  on  this  side.  If  be  did,  he  took  nothing  with  him  ;  for  his  valuables, 
inanv  of  thcni,  together  with  certificates  of  good  character,  and  of  his  hav- 
ing Aiught  bravely  against  the  United  States  during  the  last  war,  &c.,  signed 
hy  British  ofiicers,  were  found  on  the  battle-ground. 

"  It  is  the  general  impression  in  the  army  and  at  this  place,  that  the  Sacs 
would  be  glad  to  conclude  a  peace  on  almost  any  terms  we  might  propose. 
On  the  morning  of  the  4th  inst.  a  party  of  Sioux  came  to  our  cam|),  and  beg- 
ged premission  to  go  on  the  back  trail  and  have  a  fight  with  them.  On  the 
same  day,  our  whole  army  started  to  go  down  to  Prairie  du  Chien,  (about  4U 
miles,)  and  wait  further  orders. 

"General  Atkinson,  accompanied  by  Generals  DoJtre  and  Posey,  with  tho 
U.  S.  infantry,  arrived  at  the  Prairie  on  the  evening  of  the  4tli,  on  hoard  the 
S.  11.  Warrior,  and  will  remain  until  the  moimted  volunteers  arrive.  The 
Winnebagos,  at  Prairie  du  Chien,  are  daily  bringing  in  Sac  prisoners  and 
8cal])s. 

"  On  tho  same  day,  a  party  of  15  men  iVom  Cassville,  under  command  of 
Captain  Price,  were  reconnoitring  the  country  between  that  pkice  and  the 
Ouisconsin,  and  fell  upon  a  fresh  Sac  trail  making  towards  the  Missis.sippi. 
They  rushed  with  full  speed  of  horses,  and  soon  came  upon,  killed  and  took 
prisoners  to  the  number  of  12. 

"General  ScoM  and  staff  led  here  this  morning  for  Prairie  du  Chien,  in 
the  steam-boat  Warrior,  to  join  General  Atkinson." 

This  was  the  finishing  stroke  to  the  war  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  although 
Black-hawk  himself  had  made  his  escape.  General  Atkinson  iinmediutuly 
14 


^M\ 


158 


NEAPOPE. 


[Book  V. 


directed  Keokuk  to  send  out  some  of  liid  Indians  to  demand  a  surrender  of  alJ 
tlie  warriors  that  hud  escaped,  and  if  possible  to  capture  Black-hatok,  and 
bring  him  in  either  alive  or  dead. 

Respecting  liis  last  buttle,  Black-hawk  has  said,  that  when  the  whites  came 
upon  his  i)eople,  they  tried  to  give  themselves  up,  and  made  no  show  of  re- 
sistuace  until  the  soldiers  began  to  slaughter  them,  and  then  his  braves  deter- 
mined to  light  until  they  were  all  killed.'  With  a  small  party  he  went  to  the 
Winnebago  village  at  Prairie  la  Cross.  Here  he  told  the  chief  he  desired  to 
give  himself  up  to  the  whites,  and  let  them  kill  him,  if  they  wished  to  do  so. 
The  Mtpiaws  ut  this  place  made  him  a  dress  of  white  deerskins,  prepju-atory 
to  his  d.-purture  lor  Prairie  du  Chien,  to  which  it  u]>pears  he  went  voluntarily 
witii  those  that  had  been  sent  out  utter  him. 

The  riioux,  of  whom  we  have  made  mention,  that  had  permission  to  go  out 
alter  the  flying  Sacs  on  tiie  ;3d  of  August,  were  about  100  in  number.  They 
soon  ufior  met  with  the  flying  baud  on  the  west  side  of  the  Mississippi,  and 
indiscriminately  nnirdered  about  120  of  the  poor  half-starved  creatures  who 
had  escaped  from  tlie  whites  through  so  many  perils. 

A  most  distressing  in<;ident  is  relate'!  us  having  taken  place  m  the  battle  of 
the  2  August,  which  it  iriay  not  he  improper  to  lay  betbre  the  reader,  that  ex- 
amples of  tlie  horrors  oC'vur  may  not  be  wanting.  "  When  our  troops  charged 
the  enemy  in  their  'Jcfiles  near  the  bank  of  the  iMississippi,  men,  women,  and 
children,  were  seen  mixed  to^jCther,  in  such  a  manner  us  to  render  it  diliicult 
to  kill  one,  and  save  the  other.  A  young  squaw  of  about  19  stood  in  the 
grass  at  a  sho^'t  distance  from  our  line,  holding  her  little  girl  in  her  arms, 
about  four  years  old.  While  thus  standing,  apparently  unconcerned,  a  ball 
struck  the  right  arm  of  the  child  above  the  elbow,  and,  shattering  the  bone, 
passed  into  the  breast  of  its  poor  mother,  who  instantly  fell  dead  to  the 
groimd.  She  fell  upon  the  chihl,  and  conflned  it  to  the  ground  also.  During 
the  whole  battle,  this  babe  was  heard  to  groan  and  call  for  relief,  but  none 
hud  time  to  uff>rd  it.  When,  however,  the  Indians  had  retreated  from  that 
spot,  and  the  battle  had  nearly  subsided,  Lieutenant  Jlnderson,  of  the 
United  States'  army,  went  to  the  place  and  took  from  under  the  dead  mother 
her  wounded  daughter,  and  brought  it  to  a  place  selected  for  surgical  aid.  It 
was  soon  ascertained  that  its  arm  must  come  off";  and  the  operation  was  {)er- 
formed  upon  the  little  sufferer  without  drawing  from  it  a  tear  or  a  shriek." 
At  tiie  last  accounts  it  was  doing  well.  When  we  are  told  that  this  Indian 
child  was  sucking  a  piece  of  dry  biscuit  during  the  whole  time  of  the  ampu- 
tation, it  ulnust  causes  a  disbelief  of  the  whole  story;  but  such  lu-e  the 
facts  given. 

Althougii  no  further  depredations  could  be  feared  from  the  Sacs  yet  on  the 
9  August,  six  Indians  approached  a  blocl  ouse  on  Cedar  Creek,  which  runs 
into  Henderson's  lliver,  about  10  miles  nortn  of  Warren  court-house,  and  shot, 
tomahawked  and  scalped  a  young  man  named  H'illiam  Martin.  They 
letl  behind  them  a  pair  of  leggins  and  a  loaded  gun,  and  fled,  as  was  sup- 
posed, over  the  Mississippi.  A  company  of  15  rangers  went  in  inunediate 
pursuit,  but  could  not  come  up  with  them.  It  was  soon  alter  discovered  that 
tliis  nuirder  was  committed  by  some  of  KeokvJCs  bund,  and  he  gave  up  his 
nephew  is  the  perpetrator  of  it. 

CHAPTER  X. 

Particulars  in  thelivcs  of  the  chief  men — Neapote — His  ucrouiU  of  himself — Surren- 
der of  Black-hawk — Speeches  on  the  occasion — His  speech  on  the  siniir — Particu- 
lars ill  his  early  hiitory — WABOKiF,sniF.K,//(e  Prophet — 'I'reatij  of  Sipltmber.  IHlJ'i — 
— jiccdunt  of  Black-hawk's  compiinioiis — Jlrrieal  of  the  Indiana  at  IVashiiigton — 
Black-hawk's  inteteiew  loith  the  Preside!' t. 

Neapope  was  second  in  command  to  Black-liawk,  and  in  ail  the  expeditions 
against  the  whites;  he  was  taken  prisoner  in  the  flght  with  the  Sioux,  and  at 


Chap.  X 

hia  exan 
been  coi 
"IuIh 
when  1 1 
had  moy 
Pro|)het, 
Propliet 
him  and 
Am(;ricai 
them.     I 
shaken  |j 
Syracuse 
At  tliat  1 
near  us. 
young  mi 
flnished,] 
young  nu 
our  camp 
my  youn< 
JW-apo}, 
h'ft  theru, 
with  Blot. 
ly;   that, 
against  ih 
tlmt  Black 
pitied  the 
to  the  whi 
which  imi 
of  this  wi 
of  the  Wt 
might  hav 
fight  with 
Parties 
very  probi 
expectatio 
his  Proj)h 
brought  h; 
dressed  ir 
seated  in 
spoke  thus 
"My  fat 
return  soo 
distimce, 
have  doric 
two  you  tc 
do  what  y 
to  get  tlies 
goes.     W< 
'F'hi.t  one. 
You  told  I 
us  to  brint 
less  diffici 
yoiu"  haiiii 
warriors, 
friend.     V 
not  wish 
littlH!  birds 
pered  to  u 
birds  will 
our  part,  a 
love  your 
love  us. 


1    ■    ;( 


[Book  V. 

der  of  all 
aiok,  and 

iteH  came 
w  of  re- 
nt's deler- 
!iit  to  the 
leHirt;d  to 
to  do  so. 
eptiratory 
aluutarily 

to  go  out 
!r.  They 
sippi,  and 
lures  who 

I  battle  of 
r,  that  ex- 
18  cliarged 
)ui(Mi,  and 
it  ditiicult 
od  in  the 
her  arms, 
ted,  a  ball 
the  bone, 
ad  to  the 
).    During 
',  but  none 
from  that 
n,    of  the 
ad  mother 
pal  aid.    It 
n  was  per- 
a  shriek." 
his  Indian 
the  ampu- 
h   are  the 

yet  on  the 
vliieh  runs 
and  shot, 
tin.  They 
;  was  sup- 
inunediate 
jvered  that 
ave  uj)  his 


Chap.  X.] 


SURRENDER  OF  BLACK-HAWK. 


151) 


clf — Surren- 
iir — Piirlku- 
mber,  IHIJii — 
^(ishini'ton — 


expeditions 
oux,  and  at 


his  exanii'iation  afterwards  by  General  Scott,  about  the  murders  which  had 
been  coimnittcd  on  the  whites,  he  gave  this  account  of  himself: — 

"  I  always  belonged  to  Black-hawk's  band.  Last  sununer  I  went  to  Maiden  ; 
when  I  came  back,  I  found  that  by  the  treaty  with  General  Gaines,  the  Sacs 
had  moved  across  the  Miss!  'pi.  I  remained  during  the  winter  with  the 
Prophet,  on  Kock  River,  35  i  .;s  above  the  mouth.  During  the  winter,  the 
Prophet  sent  me  across  the  Mississippi,  to  Black-hmvk,  with  a  message,  to  tell 
him  and  his  hand  to  cross  back  to  his  village  and  mak*;  corn ;  that  if  the 
Americans  came  and  told  them  to  move  again,  they  would  shake  hands  with 
them.  If  the  Americans  had  come  and  told  us  to  move,  we  should  have 
shaken  hands,  and  immediately  have  moved  peaceably.  We  encamped  on 
Syracuse  Creek.  We  met  some  Pottowaltomies,  and  I  made  a  feast  lor  them. 
At  that  time  I  heard  there  were  some  Americans  [under  Major  Stillinan] 
near  us.  I  prepannl  a  white  flag  to  go  and  see  them,  and  sent  two  or  three 
young  men  on  a  hill  to  see  what  they  were  doing.  Before  the  feast  was 
finished,  I  heard  my  young  men  were  killed.  This  wjis  at  sunset.  Some  of  my 
young  men  ran  out;  two  killed,  and  the  Americans  were  seen  rushing  on  to 
our  camp.  My  young  men  fired  a  few  guns,  and  the  Americans  ran  off,  and 
my  young  men  chased  them  about  six  miles." 

.Vcapope  further  said,  that  the  Pottowattomies  of  the  village  immediately 
left  theui,  and  that  no  Kikapoos  joined  them,  but  those  who  were  originally 
with  Black-hawk;  but  tiie  Winnebagos  did,  and  brought  in  scalps  freciueut- 
ly;  that,  at  last,  when  they  found  the  Sacs  would  be  beaten,  they  turned 
against  ihem.  It  was  also  given  in  by  some  of  those  examined  at  this  time, 
that  Black-hawk  said,  when  the  steam-boat  Warrior  apprtmched  them,  that  he 
pitied  the  women  and  children,  and  began  to  make  prei)arations  to  surrender 
to  the  whites,  and  for  that  purpose  sent  out  a  while  flag  to  meet  the  boat, 
which  immediately  fired  upon  them.  Then  said  he,  *^  I  fired  too."  The  truth 
of  this  will  not  be  (pjestioned,  inasnnich  as  the  facts  agree  with  the  captain 
of  the  Warrior's  own  account.  Hence  tiie  inference  is  clear,  that  much  blood 
might  have  been  saved,  but  for  the  precipitancy  of  those  who  oidy  sought  a 
fight  with  the  Indians. 

Parties  of  the  friendly  tribes  were  so  continually  on  the  alert,  that  it  seemed 
very  probable  the  principal  chiefs  would  soon  fall  into  their  hands.  These 
expectiitions  were  soon  realized;  for  at  11  o'clock,  27  August,  Black-hawk  and 
his  Prophet  were  delivered  to  General  Street  at  Prairie  du  Chien.  They  were 
brought  by  two  Winnebagoes,  Decorie  and  Chadar,  and,  when  delivered,  were 
dressed  in  a  full  dress  of  white-tanned  deerskins.  Soon  after  they  were 
seated  in  the  i)re8ence  of  the  ofiicer,  Decorie,  called  the  One-eyed,  rose  and 
spoke  thus  to  him : — 

"  My  father,  I  now  stand  before  you.  When  we  [mrtcd,  I  told  you  I  would 
return  soon  ;  but  I  could  not  come  any  sooner.  We  have  had  to  go  a  great 
distance,  [to  the  Dalle,  on  the  Ouiscionsin,  above  the  Portage.]  You  see  we 
have  dorie  what  you  sent  us  to  do.  These  [pointing  to  the  prisoners]  are  the 
two  you  told  us  to  get.  We  have  done  what  you  told  us  to  do.  We  always 
do  what  you  tell  us,  because  we  know  it  is  for  oiu'  good.  Father,  you  told  us 
to  get  these  men,  and  it  would  be  the  cause  of  much  good  to  the  Winneba- 
goes. We  have  brought  them,  but  it  has  been  very  hard  for  us  to  do  sq. 
That  one,  Mucatamishkakaekq,  [meaning  Black-hawk,]  was  a  great  way  oft'. 
You  told  us  to  bring  them  to  you  alive :  we  have  done  so.  If  vou  had  told 
us  to  bring  their  heads  alone,  we  would  have  done  so,  and  it  would  have  been 
less  (iiflici'iit  than  what  we  have  done. — Father,  we  deliver  tiiese  men  into 
your  hai.iis.  We  would  not  delivei  them  even  to  our  brother,  the  chief  of  the 
warriors,  btit  to  you  ;  because  we  know  you,  and  we  believe  you  are  our 
friend.  We  want  you  to  keep  them  stife ;  if  they  are  to  be  hurt,  we  do 
not  wish  to  s.  e  it.  Wait  until  we  are  gone  before  it  is  done. — Father,  many 
littlw  birds  have  been  flying  aiiout  our  ears  of  late,  and  we  thought  they  whis- 
pered to  us  that  there  was  evil  intended  for  us;  but  now  we  hope  these  evil 
birds  will  let  our  ears  alone. — We  know  you  are  our  friend,  because  you  take 
our  part,  and  that  is  the  reason  we  do  what  you  tell  us  to  do.  You  say  you 
love  your  red  children  :  wo  think  we  love  you  as  much  if  not  more  than  you 
love  us.    We  have  confidence  in  you,  and  you  may  rely  on  us.    We  have 


'A-:. 


'■■■■■m 


■r^-y 


160 


BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V 


been  promised  a  great  deal  if  we  would  take  these  men, — that  it  would  do 
iiiucli  good  to  our  |)eople.  We  now  liope  to  see  what  will  be  done  for  us. — 
We  have  come  in  haste ;  we  are  tired  and  hungry.  We  now  put  these  men 
into  your  haiiils.    We  have  done  all  that  you  told  us  to  do." 

General  Street  said,  in  answer: — 

"  Aly  children,  you  have  done  well.  I  told  you  to  bring  these  men  to  me, 
and  you  have  done  so.  I  am  pleased  at  what  you  have  done.  It  is  for  your 
good,  and  for  this  reason  I  am  pleased.  I  assured  the  great  chief  of  the 
warriors,  [(ieneral  ^Itkinson,]  that  if  these  men  were  in  your  country,  you 
would  find  them,  and  bring  them  to  me,  and  now  I  can  say  much  for  your 
good.  I  will  go  down  to  Rock  Island  with  the  prisoners,  and  I  wish  you  who 
have  iirought  thes<3  men,  especially,  to  go  with  me,  with  such  other  chiefs  and 
warriors  as  you  may  select.  My  children,  the  great  chief  of  tl"  warriors, 
when  he  \eii  this  place,  directed  me  to  deliver  these,  and  all  other  prisoners, 
to  the  chief  of  the  warriors  at  this  place,  Colonel  Taylor,  who  is  i^"t>'  by  me. 
— Some  (if  the  Winnehagoes  south  of  the  Ouisconsin  have  befriended  the 
Saukit!s,  [Sues,]  and  some  of  the  Indians  of  my  agency  have  also  given  them 
aid.  This  displeaseth  the  great  chief  of  the  warriors  and  your  groat  father 
the  president,  and  was  calculated  to  do  much  harm. — Your  great  father,  the 
president  at  Washington,  has  sent  a  great  war-chief  from  the  ttir  east,  General 
Scotl^  with  a  fresh  army  of  soldiers.  He  is  now  at  Rock  Island.  Your  great 
father,  the  president,  has  sent  him  and  the  governor  and  chief  of  Illinois  to 
hold  a  council  with  the  Indians.  He  has  w  tit  a  speech  to  you,  and  wishes 
the  chielis  and  warriors  of  the  Winnehagoes  to  go  to  Rock  Island  to  the 
council  on  the  tenth  of  next  month.  I  wish  you  to  be  ready  in  three  days, 
when  I  will  go  with  you. — I  am  well  pleased  that  you  have  taken  the  Black- 
futwk,  the  Prophet,  and  otbei-s  prisoners.  This  will  enable  me  to  say  much 
for  you  to  the  great  chief  of  the  warriors,  and  to  the  president,  your  great 
father.  My  children,  I  shall  now  deliver  the  two  men,  Black-hawk  and  the 
Prophet,  to  the  chief  of  the  warriors  here ;  he  will  take  care  of  them  till  we 
start  to  Rock  Island." 

Colonel  Taiflor,  having  taken  the  prisoners  into  his  custody,  addressed  the 
chiefs  as  follows: — 

"The  great  chief  o^  the  warriors  told  me  to  take  the  prisoners  when  you 
shall  bring  them,  and  send  them  to  Rock  Island  to  him.  I  will  take  them 
and  keep  them  safe,  but  I  will  use  them  well,  and  send  them  with  you  and 
Grenerai  Street,  when  you  go  down  to  the  council,  which  will  be  in  a  few  days. 
Your  friend.  General  Street,  advises  you  to  get  ready  and  go  down  soon,  and 
BO  do  L  I  tell  you  again  I  will  take  the  prisoners;  I  will  keep  them  safe,  but 
I  will  do  them  no  harm.  I  will  deliver  them  to  the  great  chief  of  the  war- 
riorc,  and  he  will  do  with  them  and  use  them  in  such  manner  as  shall  be 
ordered  by  your  great  father,  the  president." 

Chaetar,  the  oilier  Winnebago,  iioxt  spoke,  and  said,  "My  father,  I  am 
young,  and  do  not  know  how  to  make  speeches.  This  is  the  second  time 
I  ever  spoke  to  you  before  people. — I  am  no  chief;  I  am  no  orator;  but 
I  have  been  allowed  to  speak  to  you.  If  I  should  not  speak  as  well  as  others, 
still  you  must  listen  to  me.  Father,  when  you  made  the  speech  to  the  chiefs 
yVmi^h  kon  Decorve  Carramani,  the  One-eyed  Decorie,  and  others,  'totlier  day, 
I  was  there.  I  heard  you.  I  thought  what  you  said  to  them,  you  also  said 
to  me.  You  said,  if  these  two  [pointing  to  Black-hawk  and  the  Prophet]  were 
taken  by  us  and  brought  to  you,  there  would  never  more  a  black  cloud  hang 
over  your  Winnehagoes.  Your  words  entond  into  my  ear,  into  my  brains, 
mid  into  my  heart.  I  letl  here  that  same  night,  jmd  you  know  you  have  not 
seen  me  since  until  now.  I  have  been  a  great  way ;  I  had  iiiucl-  trouble ; 
but  when  I  remembered  what  you  said,  I  knew  what  you  said  was  right. 
This  made  me  continue  and  do  what  you  told  me  to  do.  Near  the  Dalle,  on 
the  Ouisconsin,  I  took  Black-hawk.  No  one  did  it  but  me.  I  say  this  i.i  the 
ears  of  all  present,  and  they  know  it — and  I  now  appeal  to  the  Great  Spirit, 
our  grandfather,  and  the  earth,  our  giandniotlier,  for  the  truth  of  wliai  I  say. 
Father,  J  am  no  chief,  hut  what  I  iiave  done  is  for  the  benefit  of  my  nation, 
and  I  ho)ie  *o  see  the  good  that  lias  been  promised  to  us.  That  one  fVa-bo- 
H<:  shiek,  [the  Prophet,]  is  my  relation— if  he  is  to  be  hurt,  I  do  not  wish  to 


Chap.  X.] 


BLACK -HAWK. 


ir.i 


see  if.  Father,  soldiprs  HoiuethiH-H  snick  tJic  oriil?<  oftlipir  puns  info  tfie  F>iiek« 
of  Indian  prlHoners  wlinn  tlicy  iire  guinjr  abont  in  the  handd  of  tlie  gnurd. 
I  hope  tliis  will  not  hi-  don«  to  these  men." 

The  Iblloning  is  ??aid  to  lie  the  speech  which  Black-hawk  made  wh«>n  he 
surrendered  iiinisclf  to  the  agent  at  Pairie  du  Ciiien  : — 

"Yon  have  taken  rnc  prisoner  with  all  my  warriors.  I  am  much  grieved, 
for  I  ex|)ected,  if  1  did  not  defeat  you,  to  iiold  out  much  longer,  and  give  you 
more  troidd.;  lM'li)re  I  surrendered.  I  tried  hard  to  hritig  you  into  ambush, 
liut  your  last  general  understands  Indian  fighting.  The  first  one  was  not  so 
wise.  When  I  saw  that  I  could  not  beat  yon  by  Indian  l)<rhting,  I  determined 
to  rush  on  you,  and  tight  you  face  to  face.  I  fought  hard,  liut  your  guns  were 
well  aimed,  'fhe  bull  ts  flew  like  birils  in  the  air,  and  whizzed  by  our  ears 
like  tiie  wind  through  ihe  trees  in  the  winter.  My  warriors  feM  around  me; 
it  began  to  look  dismal.  I  saw  my  evil  day  at  hand.  The  sun  rose  dim  on 
us  in  the  morning,  and  at  night  it  sunk  in  a  dark  cloud,  and  looked  like  a 
ball  of  tire.  That  was  the  last  sun  that  shone  on  Black-hawk,  His  heart  is 
dead,  and  no  longer  heats  quick  in  his  Irasom. — ^He  is  now  a  prisoner  to  the 
white  men  ;  they  will  do  with  him  as  they  wish.  But  he  can  stand  torture, 
and  is  not  afraid  of  death,     He  is  no  coward.     Black-hawk  is  an  Indian. 

"He  has  done  nothing  for  which  an  Indian  ought  to  be  ashamed.  He  has 
fougiit  for  his  countrymen,  the  squaws  and  papooses,  against  white  men,  who 
came,  year  after  year,  to  cheat  them  and  take  away  their  lands.  You  know 
the  cause  of  our  making  war.  It  is  known  to  all  white  men.  They  ought 
to  be  ashamed  of  it.  The  white  men  despise  the  Indians,  and  drive  them 
Irom  their  homes.  But  the  Indians  are  not  deceitful.  Tlie  white  men  s|)eak 
bad  of  the  Indian,  and  look  at  him  s|>itefnlly.  But  the  Indian  does  not  tell 
lies ;  Indians  do  not  steal. 

"  An  Indian,  who  is  as  bad  as  the  white  men,  could  not  live  in  our  nation ;  he 
^vould  be  put  to  death,  and  eat  up  by  the  wolves.  The  white  men  are  bad 
schoolmasters ;  they  carry  false  looks,  and  deal  in  false  actions ;  they  smile 
in  the  face  of  the  poor  Indian  to  cheat  him ;  they  shake  them  by  the  hand  to 
gain  their  confidence,  to  make  tlem  drunk,  to  deceive  them,  and  ruin  our 
wives.  We  told  them  to  let  us  alone,  and  keep  away  from  us ;  but  they  fol- 
lowed on,  and  beset  our  paths,  and  they  coiled  themselves  among  us,  like  the 
snake.  They  poisoned  us  by  their  touch.  We  were  not  safe.  We  lived  in 
danger.  We  were  becoming  like  them,  hypocrites  and  liars,  adulterers,  lazv 
drones,  all  talkers,  and  no  workers. 

"  We  looked  up  to  the  Great  Sjjirit.  We  went  to  our  great  father.  We  were 
encoumged.  His  great  council  gave  us  fair  words  and  big  promises ;  but  we 
got  no  satisfaction.  Things  were  growing  worse.  There  were  no  deer  in 
the  forest.  The  opossum  and  beaver  were  fled ;  the  springs  were  drying  up, 
and  our  squaws  and  papooses  without  victuals  to  keep  them  from  starving ; 
we  called  a  great  council,  and  built  a  large  fire.  The  spirit  of  our  fathers 
arose  and  spoke  to  us  to  avenge  otir  wrongs  or  die.  We  all  spoke  before  the 
council  fire.  It  was  warm  and  pleasant.  We  set  up  the  war-whoop,  and  dug 
up  the  tomahawk  ;  our  knives  were  ready,  and  the  heart  ot'  Black-hawk  swelled 
high  in  his  bosom,  when  he  led  his  warriors  to  battle.  He  is  satisfied.  lie 
will  go  to  ihe  world  of  spirits  contented.  He  has  done  his  duty.  His  fiithor 
will  meet  him  there,  and  commend  him. 

"  Black-hawk  is  a  true  Indian,  and  disdains  to  cry  like  a  woman.  He  feels 
for  his  wife,  his  children  and  friends.  But  he  does  not  care  for  himself.  He 
cares  for  his  nation  and  the  Indians.  They  will  sutler.  He  laments  their  fate. 
The  white  men  do  not  scalp  the  head ;  but  they  do  worse — they  poison  the 
heart ;  it  is  not  pure  with  them. — His  countrymen  will  not  be  scalped,  hut  they 
will,  in  a  few  years,  become  like  the  white  men,  so  that  you  can't  trust  them, 
and  there  must  be,  as  in  the  white  settlements,  nearly  aa  many  ofiicers  as  men, 
to  take  care  of  them  and  keep  them  in  order. 

"  Farewell,  my  nation !   Black-hawk  tried  to  save  you,  and  avenge  your 
wrongs.    He  drank  the  blood  of  some  of  the  whites.    He  has  been  taken  pris- 
oner, and  his  plans  are  stopped.    He  can  do  no  more.    He  is  near  his  end. 
His  BUD  is  setting,  ttnd  be  will  rise  no  more.    Farewell  to  Black-hawk." 
14* 


.{■•■' 


;i 


162 


BLACK-HAWK. 


iBooK  V. 


It  is  somewhat  singular  tliat  the  old  chief  should  ever  have  been  taken  alive, 
run!  he  prohaiily  ntsver  would  have  been  by  the  whites.  When  it  was  re|Mirt- 
ed  purrenliy  that  he  had  sacrificed  hiniw.-lf  in  the  stand  that  he  tnadt;  U|»on 
the  banks  of  the  Mississippi,  in  the  end  of  Jidy,  as  has  been  related,  Npenaer'a 
liinn>u8  lines  were  the  first  to  discover  themselves  to  our  mind,  upitii  the  great 
event 


"  Unto  ihc  nii(!;''<y  strram  him  to  hctakc, 
Where  he  an  end  of  balllc  and  of  h(e  did  make." 


Fairy  di  t  kn. 


Jiut  we  Were  doon  glad  to  leani  that  the  report,  like  the  lines  of  Spens  r,  was 
only  |)oetrv. 

It  can  be  acaixM'ly  necessary  to  add  that  the  prisoners  were  set  at  liberty,  and 
th(!  ofti'iiders  wen;  orderefl  again  to  be   ought  aUer. 

On  the  7  Hepteniber,  the  Indian  prisoners  and  thi;ir  guards  went  on  lK)ard 
the  st(!.ini-b()at  Winnebago,  and  were  conveyed  down  the  river  to  Jcflerson 
Itarrackn,  ten  uiiies  below  St.  Louis.  There  were,  besides  Black-hawk  and 
th<!  prophet,  eleven  chiefs  or  head  men  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxes,  togetln  r  witii 
about  filly  less  distinguished  warriors.  These  were  landed  just  above  the  lower 
nipids,  on  their  pledge  of  remaining  peaceable.  Two  days  before,  a  boat 
had  conveyed  to  the  barracks  six  or  seven  warriors,  among  whom  was  jVea- 
pope.    On  their  arrival  at  the  barracks,  all  of  them  were  put  in  irons. 

Black'hdwk  is  not  so  old  a  man  as  was  Miierally  supnosed.  Some,  who 
knew  him  vll,  said  he  was  not  above  48,  although  the  toils  of  wars  had  made 
hiu)  appear  liUe  one  of  70.*  He  was  by  birth  a  Pottowattomit!,  but  brought 
up  by  the  Sacs.  His  height  is  about  six  feet  As  to  his  physiognomy,  it  is  ini- 
necessary  for  us  to  add  concerning  it  here,  as  that  may  be  belter  had  from  an 
in8|iection  of  tl>  •  "tij^»*aving  of  him,  as  our  likeness  is  said,  by  many  who  have 
seen  him,  to  be  excelleii*. 

Like  other  Indian  names,  his  is  spelt  in  as  many  ways  as  times  used  by 
different  writers.  At  a  treaty  which  he  made  with  the  United  States  in  IHtiJ),  at 
Prairie  du  Chien,  it  is  written  Hay-raijAshoan-sharp.  In  a  description  of  him 
about  the  time  he  was  taken,  we  find  him  spelt  Mm-caia-mish-ka-kaek ;  and 
several  others  might  be  added. 

The  Prophet,  or  WcAokieshiek,  (White-cloud,)  is  about  40  years  old,  and  nearly 
six  feet  high,  stout  and  athletic.  He  was  by  one  side  a  Winnebago,  and  the 
other  a  Sac  or  Saukie,  and  is  thus  desci'ibed : — He  "  has  a  large,  broad  face, 
short,  blunt  nose,  large,  full  eyes,  broad  mouth,  thick  lips,  with  a  full  suit  of 
hair.  He  wore  a  white  cloth  head-dress,  which  rose  several  inches  above  the 
top  of  his  head;  the  whole  man  exhibiting  a  deliberate  suvageness ;  not  that 
he  would  seem  to  delight  in  honorable  war,  or  fight,  but  marking  liim  as  the 
priest  of  assassination  or  secret  murder.  He  had  in  one  hand  a  white  flag, 
while  the  other  hung  carelessly  by  his  side.  They  were  both  clothed  in  very 
white  dressed  deerskins,  fringed  at  the  seams  with  short  cuttings  of  the  same." 
This  description,  though  written  long  before  any  ]>ainting  was  made  of  him, 
will  be  found,  we  think,  to  correspond  very  well  with  the  engraving  of  him 
which  we  have  given. 

It  is  said  by  many,  and  is  evident  from  Black'hawk^s  account,  that  fVabokies- 
hiek  was  the  prime  mover  of  this  war,  and  had  powwowed  up  a  belief  among 
his  people,  that  he  was  able  to  conjure  such  kind  of  events  as  he  desired; 
and  that  he  had  made  Black-hawk  believe  the  whites  were  but  few,  and  could 
not  fight,  and  therefore  might  easily  be  driven  from  the  disputed  lands.  It 
seems,  however,  rathor  incredible  that  Black-hawk  should  have  believed  that 
the  Americans  were  few  and  could  not  Jight,  when  it  is  known  that  he  was 
opposed  to  them  in  the  last  war,  tuid  must,  therefore,  have  been  convinced 
of  the  falsity  of  such  a  report  long  before  this  war. 

In  September,  a  treaty  was  made  by  the  United  States  with  the  Winneba- 

*  In  the  account  of  his  life,  published  by  Mr.  J.  B.  Patterson,  in  1834,  Black-hawk  says  he 
was  born  in  1767,  on  Rock  River  ;  and  hence,  in  1332,  he  was  in  his  65lh  year.  His  father's 
name  was  Pyksa.  His  greal-grandfaiher's  name  was  Na-na-ma-kke,  or  Tliunder,  who 
was  bom  iu  the  vicinity  of  Montreal,  "  where  the  Great  Spirit  first  placea  ..     Sac  nation." 


f 


sour! 


heads,  w 


[Book  V. 

on  alive, 
s  rr|«>rt- 
ult!  upon 
Spenser^  n 
the  grout 


IKKN. 

•ns  r,  was 

)orty,  and 

1)1)  lM)ar(l 
Jcflorsoii 
'lawk  and 
tlicr  with 
tlie  iowor 
•e,  a  boat 
vvaf  jVea- 

oino,  who 
liad  niudo 
t  bronchi 
y,  it  is  "iii- 
(1  trotn  an 
wlio  have 

i  II  sod  V)V 
in  lH'^9,at 
ion  of  him 
Icaek;  and 

und  nearly 

0,  and  the 

)r(jad  face, 

ill  suit  of 

above  the 

;  not  that 

liin  as  the 

ivhite  flag, 

ed  in  very 

the  same." 

de  of  him, 

Hg  of  him 

t  Wahokks- 
lief  among 
16  desired ; 
and  could 
lands.  It 
lieved  that 
at  ho  was 
convinced 

Winneba- 


\awk  says  he 
His  father's 
blunder,  who 
ic  nation." 


Chap.  X] 


BLACK-HAWK, 


163 


goes,  and  another  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes.  The  fonncr  cedpd  all  tlioir  lands 
south  of  the  Oiiisconsin,  and  east  of  ttie  Mississippi,  amounting  to  4,000,000 
acri'S  of  vahiablo  lands.  The  treaty  with  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  was  on  the  '21 
of  that  month,  and  0,000,000  acres  were  acquired  at  that  time,  "of  a  quality 
not  inferior  to  any  between  the  same  parallels  of  latitude."  It  abounds  in 
lead  ore,  and  the  Indians  say  in  others. 

For  these  tracts  tiie  Unitiid  States  agreed  to  make  the  following  considera- 
tions:—" To  j)ay  an  annuity  of  20,000  dollars  tor  !J0  years  ;  to  supjjort  a  black- 
smith and  gimsinith  in  addition  to  those  then  employed  ;  to  j>ay  tlie  dtbt.s  of 
the  trib's;  to  supply  provisions;  and,  as  a  reward  for  the  nd(;lity  of  Keokuk 
and  the  friendly  band,  to  allow  a  reservation  to  be  made  for  them  of  400 
miles  scjuare  *  on  the  ioway  River,  to  include  Aeo^)/A'»princi|ml  village." 

By  the  same  treaty.  Black-hawk^  his  two  sons,  the  Propfut,  .Vaopope,  and 
five  others,  principal  warriors  of  the  hostile  bands,  were  to  remain  in  the 
hands  of  the  whites,  as  hostages,  during  the  pleasure  of  the  president  of  the 
United  States.     The  other  prisoners  were  given  U|t  to  the  friendly  Indians. 

A  gentleman  who  visited  the  captive  Indians  at  Jetferson  Barracks,  Mis- 
souri, speaks  thus  coiurerning  them : — "  We  were  immeiliatcly  struck  with 
admirution  at  the  gigantic  and  symmetrical  figures  of  most  of  the  warriors, 
who  seemed,  as  they  reclined  in  native  ease  and  graceliilness,  with  tlusir  half- 
naked  bodies  exposed  to  view,  rather  like  statues  from  sonu;  master-band, 
than  like  beings  of  a  race  whom  we  had  lieard  characterized  as  degenerate 
and  debased.  VVe  extended  our  hiuids,  which  they  rose  to  grasp,  and  to  our 
question, '  Ilow  d'ye  do?  '  they  responded  in  the  same  words,  accompanying 
them  with  a  hearty  shake."  "They  were  clad  in  leggins  and  moccasins  of 
buckskin,  and  wore  blanket  ,  which  were  thrown  around  them  in  the  manner 
of  the  Roman  toga,  so  as  to  leave  their  right  arms  bare."  "The  youngest 
among  them  were  |)aintod  on  their  necks,  with  a  bright  vermilion  color,  and 
had  their  faces  transversely  streaked  with  alternate!  red  and  black  stripes. 
From  their  bodies,  and  from  their  tiices  and  eyebrows,  they  jihick  out  tlu; 
hair  with  tin;  most  assiduous  care.  Tliey  also  shave,  or  pull  it  out  from  their 
heads,  with  the  exception  of  a  tuft  of  about  three  fingers'  width,  extending 
from  between  the  Ibrehead  and  crown  to  the  back  of  the  head  ;  this  they 
sometimes  plait  into  a  quciue  on  the  crown,  and  cut  the  edges  of  it  down  to 
an  inch  in  lengvh,  and  plaster  it  with  the  vermilion,  whicii  kec{)s  it  erect,  and 
gives  it  the  ap>)earance  of  a  cock's-conib." 

The  same  author  says,  the  oldest  son  of  Black-hnwk,  JVaainewiskuk,  called 
Jack,  but  for  want  of  "that  peculiar  expression  which  emanates  from  a  culti- 
vated intellect,"  could  have  been  looked  njion  by  him  "as  the  living  })ersoni- 
ficatioii  of  his  btau  ideal  of  maidy  beauty."  He  calls  Black-hawk  Mack -atama' 
sic-ac-ac,  and  states  his  height  at  about  five  leet  eight  inches,  and  that  he 
should  judge  his  age  to  be  50.  Those  who  have  known  him  for  years,  say  his 
disposition  is  very  amiable  ;  that  be  is  endowed  with  great  kindness  of  lusart, 
and  the  strictest  integrity ;  that,  like  Mishikinakwa,  be  was  not  a  chief  by 
birth,  but  acquired  the  title  by  bravery  and  wisdom. 

JVaseuskwk,  or  the  Thundercloud,  is  the  second  son  of  Black-hawk,  and  accom- 
panied him  in  bis  captivity.    He  is  said  not  to  be  very  handsome. 

Opeekeeshieck,  or  fVabokieshiek,  the;  Prophet,  of  whom  we  have  already  given 
SOUK!  particulars,  carries  witli  him  a  huge  pipe,  a  yard  in  length,  with  the 
stem  ornamented  with  the  neck  fi'athers  of  a  duck,  and  beads  and  ribands 
of  various  colors.  To  its  centre  is  attiiched  a  fan  of  feathers.  He  wears  his 
hair  long  all  over  his  head. 

N  E- A-FOPE,. Yaopope,  JVaapope,  &ic.,  or  l?ro<^  of  whom  we  have  also  several 
times  spoken,  was  brother  to  the  Prophet,  and  "some  years  hisjunior ;"  and 
our  informant  adds,  "he  resembles  him  in  height  and  figure,  ihoiigh  he  is  not 
so  robust,  and  his  liice  is  more  sharp :  in  wickedness  of  expression  they  are 
par  nobile  fratrum."  "  When  Mr.  Catlin,  the  artist,  was  about  taking  the  por- 
trait of  JVaapope,  he  seized  the  ball  and  chain  that  were  fastened  to  his  log, 
and  raising  them  on  high,  exclaimed,  witli  a  look  of  scorn,  '  Make  me  so,  ana 

*  So  says  our  authority,  {Ni/es's  Register,)  but  we  very  much  doubt  this  enormous  space 
40  miles  tiouare  gives  1600  :iquare  miles,  which  perhaps  might  have  be«D  the  truth.    But 
wiMn  160,000  square  miles  are  considered,  ail  proioabiliiy  is  outraged. 


.>"-! 


104 


DLACK-HAWK. 


(Book  V 


«/ui»<t  me  lo  Iht  great  falhrr."  On  Mr.  CaiHn^s  reftising  to  paitit  liiiii  as  Ije 
wished,  l;«!  k«!|»t  varying  liis  countenaiice  with  grimaoeH,  to  provci.t  liini  from 
catching  a  likeness. 

I'  Poivreshieck,  ()r  Strawberry,  is  the  only  Fox  among  tliein,  th;  rest 
being  all  Sacs.  He  is  tin;  son  of  the  chiei"  Epanoss  :  his  pare'its  dying  wliiln 
he  was  an  inllint,  he  was  ado|)ted  hy  Mutpope.     He  is  19  years  of  age." 

*^  Pomolmr,  or  Fast-swimvnnf^-Jish,  is  a  short,  thick  set,  good-natur"d  old 
brave,  w  ho  Ixiirs  his  n..    "'rtuneH  with  a  philosophy  worthy  of  tlie  ancients." 

Tiie  following  act  of  congrc  ss  we  extruirt,  as  it  throws  light  npon  stihse- 
qnent  delaiia: — "For  the  expenses  of  12  prisonereof  war  of  tlie  Sac  and  Fox 
tribes,  now  in  confinement,  and  to  be  held  as  hostages,  under  the  seventh 
nrticle  of  tin;  treaty  of  21  Sept.  1832,  embracing  the  cost  of  provisions  and 
clothing,  compensation  to  an  interpreter,  and  cost  of  removing  dieMi  to  a 
place  of  safety,  whfn*e  they  may  be  kept  without  In-ing  closelv  co-ifined,  the 
snm  of  2500.'* 

On  the  22  April,  (18.'{,%)  the  captive  Indians  arrived  at  Wasiiin^rton,  and  the 
next  day  Black-hawk  had  a  long  interview  with  President  Jackson.  Tiie  first 
words  with  which  it  is  said  he  accosted  the  president  were,  "  I  AM  A  MAN, 
AND  YOU  ARE  ANOTHFK." 

The  president,  atler  a  few  brief  observations,  directed  the  articles  of  dress 
provided  for  them  to  be  exhibited  to  them,  and  told  Black-hawk  tiiat  the 
whol(!  would  he  delivered  to  liim  to  ne  distributed  as,  in  ids  judgment,  he 
should  think  best.  He  then  told  them  they  must  depart  immediately  for  Fort 
'Monroe,  and  remain  there  contented,  uutl!  he  gave  them  permission  to  return 
to  their  country.  That  time,  he  said,  depended  upon  the  conduct  of  their 
people;  that  they  would  not  ba  set  at  liberty,  until  all  the  articles  of  the 
treaty  liad  been  complied  witi  ,  and  good  feelings  were  evinced  by  their 
countrymen.     The  Prophet  then  fevl : — 

"  V/e  ex|)ected  to  return  immediately  to  our  j)eople.  The  war  in  which 
we  hav(!  been  involved,  was  occasioned  by  our  attempting  to  raise  provisions 
on  our  own  lands,  or  where  we  thought  we  had  a  right  so  to  do.  We  have 
lost  many  of  our  people,  as  well  as  the  wliites.  Our  tribes  and  families  are 
now  exposed  to  the  attacks  of  our  enemies,  the  Sioux  and  the  Menominies. 
We  hope,  therefore,  to  be  permitted  to  return  home  to  take  care  of  them," 

Blm:k-hawk  spoke  some  time  to  the  president,  giving  a  clear  and  compre- 
hensive liistory  of  the  rise  of  the  war,  and,  tovvai'ds  the  close,  said: — 

"  We  did  not  expect  to  conquer  the  whites ;  no.  They  had  too  many 
houses — too  many  men.  I  took  up  the  hatchet,  lor  my  part,  to  revenge 
injuries  which  my  people  could  no  longer  endure.  Had  I  borne  them  longer 
without  striking,  my  people  would  have  said,  Black-hawk  is  a  woman  ;  he  is 
too  old  to  be  a  chief— he  is  no  Sac.  These  reflections  caused  me  to  raise  the 
war-whoop.  I  say  no  more  of  it ;  it  is  ki.own  to  you.  Keokvk  once  was 
here ;  you  took  him  by  the  liand,  and  when  he  wished  to  return  to  his 
home,  you  were  willing.  Black-hatok  expects,  that,  like  Keokuk,  wt  shall  be 
permitted  to  return  too." 

The  president  added,  that  he  wos  well  acquainted  with  the  circumstances 
v/hich  led  to  the  disasters  to  which  they  had  ulhided.  It  was  unnecessary  to  look 
back  upon  them.  He  intended  now  to  secure  the  obsei-vance  of  jwace. 
They  need  not  feel  any  uneasiness,  he  said,  about  their  own  women  and 
children.  They  should  not  suHer  from  the  Sioux  and  Menominies,  He 
would  compel  the  red  men  to  be  at  peace  with  one  another.  That  when  he 
was  satisfied  that  all  things  would  remain  quiet,  then  they  would  be  permitted 
to  return.     He  then  took  them  by  the  hand,  and  dismissed  them. 

It  is  said,  that,  while  -n  Washh.gton,  the  Indians  expressed  more  sm^jrise 
and  pleasure)  at  the  portraits  of  the  Indian  chiefs  in  the  war  department  than 
any  thing  else  that  was  shown  them. 

On  Friday,  26  April,  the  captives  were  conducted  from  Washington 
towards  Fort  Monroe,  which  is  upon  a  small  island,  at  Old  Point  Comfort, 
on  the  w»' :  side  of  the  Chesa})cake  Bay,  in  Virginia. 

Before  closing  the  present  chapter,  a  few  other  interesting  matters  shall 
be  laid  b<:lbre  our  readers.  We  have  just  given  tlie  description  of  the  Indians 
while  at  Jefferson  Barracks,  by  one  who  visited  tliera  there  not  long  after 
their  confinement.    We  now  intend  to  give  what  the  author  of  Knicker- 


Chap.  XI ) 


BLACK-HAWK. 


166 


borkor  saya  of  hcfu  soon  uAer.  Mr.  Irving^s  account  is  contained  in  n  letter, 
(Jated  WaHliington,  18  Dec.  I83i — "From  St.  Lo-iis  I  went  to  Fort  Jeiliirson, 
about  9  riiile«4  distant,  to  see  Black-hawk^  tiie  Iidian  warrior,  and  iiis  fellow- 
prisoners — a  forlorn  crew — iiiiaciitti  d  and  deje(  ted  — tiie  redoubtable  cliicfloin 
iiiniself,  a  meagre  old  man  upward.-)  of  70.  I»c  iias,  bowever,  a  fine  iiead,  a 
Roman  style  ol  face,  and  a  preiiowse.-ising  countenance." 

Since  we  are  upon  descriptionf,  tbe  Ibllowing  will  not  be  thouglit  out  of 
place,  perlia|)s,  aitliougb  we  bad  reserved  it  lor  our  next  cliapter.  It  is  from 
the  pen  y)t'  tbe  editor  of  tbe  U.  States  Literary  Gazette,  Pbiladelpbia.  "  We 
Ibund  tim*.',  yesterday,  to  visit  tbe  Black-hawk,  and  bis  accompanying  Indian 
chiefs,  and  tbe  Prophet,  at  Congress  Hull  Hotel.  We  went  into  their  cham- 
ber, and  found  most  of  tbem  sitting  or  lyin<'  on  their  beds.  Black-hawk  was 
sitting  in  a  chair,  and  apparently  dt^prcssed  in  spirits.  He  is  about  65,  of 
middling  size,  with  a  head  that  would  excite  tbe  envy  of  a  phrenologist — 
one  of  the  finest  tbat  Heaven  ever  let  fall  on  the  shoulders  of  an  Indian.  The 
Prophet  has  a  coarser  figure,  with  l.ss  of  intellv^ct,  but  with  tbe  marks  of 
decision  and  firmness.  His  face  was  painted  vvitli  red  and  white.  The  son 
of  Black-  haivk  is  a  noble  specimen  of  physical  beauty — a  model  for  those  who 
would  emirody  tbe  idea  of  strength.  He  was  painted,  and  bis  hair  cut  and 
dresded  in  a  strange  fantasy.  Tbe  other  chiefs  bad  notljing  in  particular  in 
their  appearance  to  distinguish  them  from  other  natives  of  the  forest.  The 
whole  of  the  deputation  visited  tbe  water  works  yesterday,  [June  11  or  12,]  and 
subsequently  were  taken  to  the  Cborry-hill  Prison,  and  shown  the  manner  in 
which  white  men  punish.  The  exhibition  of  arms  and  ships  at  the  navy-yard, 
led  the  Hawk  to  remark  tliat  he  suspectea  the  ffrent/atktr  was  edtine  ready  for  wcw.'" 

It  was  remarked  by  some  in  Philadelphia  that  BUt^-haioKS  "pyramidal 
forehead  "  very  much  resembled  that  of  Sir  fValter  Scott.  Others  observed  that 
his  countenance  strongly  reminded  them  of  tlieir  late  worthy  benefactor, 
Stepkf..  Girard,  In  Norfolk  it  was  noticed  that  the  old  warrior  very  much 
resembled  the  late  President  Monroe. 


ml 


CHAPTER  XJ. 

rVom  the  time  of  the  setting  out  q/"  Black-hawk  and  his  five  *  companions  from  For- 
tress Monroe,  5  June,  1833,  to  their  arrival  on  the  Upper  Mississippi,  on  the  first 
of  August  following ;  prefaced  by  some  refiections  upon  the  events  of  the  toar. 

It  is  not  difiicult  to  perceive,  without  a  formal  commentary,  that  in  the  lute 
Indian  war,  much  blood  was  shed  which  might  have  been  avoided.  Twice 
bad  tbe  despairing  Indians  displayed  the  white  flag,  to  give  notice  of  their 
willingness  to  surrender;  but,  like  tbe  wretched  HaJlibces,  the  rifle  was  the 
only  answer  they  received.  When  Major  StUlnian  was  on  bis  march  to  Syca- 
more Creek,  a  few  Indians  were  sent  from  JVaopope's  camp  with  friendly  in- 
tentions, and  under  a  white  flag ;  but  such  was  the  carriage  of  the  whites, 
no  interviex/  could  be  had,  and  they  were  obliged  to  fly  to  save  their  lives, 
which  all,  it  seems,  were  not  fortunate  enough  to  do.  This,  it  will  be  said, 
is  Indian  talk — it  is  even  so.  What  say  tbe  whites  ?  They  say,  the  Indians 
whom  they  first  discovered  were  only  a  decoy.     This  is  niere  assertion,  and 

{roves  nothing  on  their  own  side,  neither  does  it  disprove  the  Indian  account. 
s  it  not  plain  that  Black-hawk  caused  a  white  flag  to  be  exhibited  before  he 
was  attacked  by  the  steam-boat  Warrior  ?  He  had  resolved  to  fight  no  more, 
if  he  could  get  terms  of  peace;  but  bis  flag  wud  at  once  fired  upon;  then 
sujs  the  old  chief,  "I fired  too  ;"  and  the  whites  expected  nothing  else,  and 
too  many  of  them,  it  would  seem,  desired  nothing  else.  But  we  reflect  no 
more  upon  this  matter. 
The  reader  has,  in  the  last  chapter,  been  conducted  through  the  principaJ, 

*  All  anonymous  author,  of  whom  we  have  made  considerable  use  in  this  chapter,  gives 
us  their  names,  See.  as  follows  , — 


Mac-cut-*.-misk-e-ca-cac Black  hmrk. 

Na-ahe  e8CU(  k,  Hs  ton, L»ud  Thundrr. 

Wa4)e-ke-£liick,  tAe  Prefket, Cltar  Day. 


Vainaho,  Propha's  brother, Fish  Fin. 

Po-we-zhick,  Propkel's  adapUd son,.. Slrauberry. 
Napope,  tU  warrior, Strong  Soup. 


m 


168 


nLACK-lliiWK— LEAVES  FORTRESS  MONROE. 


[Book  V 


and  iill  tho  important  events  of  the  war,  and  acronipanied  the  chiefs  of  tho 
'TndiiinH  oiif^aged  in  it  to  Forlross  Monroe,  in  Virginia.  We  are  now  f  •>!>- 
Hi*rvu  wh'U  piissed  in  their  travels  from  hcnre  through  several  of  our  ^.iat 
ritiftH,  niid  th.'nce  to  their  wilderness  homes  in  the  distant  west 

Having  heen  conducted  to  Fort  MonrcM>,  the  captives  found  themselves  in  a 
kind  of  elegant  confinement ;  and  instead  of  halls  and  chains  to  their  ankles, 
were  kindly  treatc*!,  and  saw  nobody  hut  friends.  This  state  of  things,  how- 
ever, must  have  Inicome,  in  a  short  time,  exceedingly  irksome ;  hut  nn  early 
order  for  their  lihenition  prevented  such  result.  For,  on  the  4  June,  18.'13,  orders 
came  for  their  Iwiing  lilx-rated ;  and  the  next  day.  Major  John  Garland  set 
off'  with  them  in  a  steam-hoat  for  Baltimore,  by  Norfolk,  Croeport,  Ports- 
mouth, &c. 

During  their  short  stay  at  Monroe,  the  Indian"  became  much  attached  to 
ite  commander,  Colonel  Eustin,  and  on  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day  that  th-.. 
order  of  release  arrived,  Black-hawk  went  and  took  his  leave  of  him,  and  at 
parting  made  the  following  speech : — 

"  Brother,  1  have  come  on  my  own  part,  and  in  behalf  of  niy  companions, 
to  bid  you  farewell.  Our  great  father  has  at  length  been  pleased  to  permit 
us  to  return  to  our  hunting-gi'ountls.  We  have  buried  the  tomahawk,  and 
the  sound  of  the  rifle  will  hereafter  only  bring  death  to  the  deer  and  the  buffa- 
lo. Brother,  you  have  treated  the  red  men  very  kindly.  Your  squaws  have 
made  them  j)resent«,  and  you  have  given  them  plenty  to  eat  and  drink.  The 
memory  of  your  friendship  will  remain  till  the  Great  Spirit  says  it  is  time 
for  Black-Hawk  to  sing  his  death-song. — Brother,  your  houses  are  as  numer- 
ous as  the  leaves  upon  the  trees,  and  your  young  warriors,  like  the  sands  upon 
the  shore  of  the  big  lake,  which  rolls  before  us.  Tlie  red  man  has  but  few 
houses,  and  few  warriors,  but  the  red  man  has  a  heart  which  throbs  as  warm- 
ly as  the  heart  of  his  white  brother.  The  Great  Spirit  has  given  us  our  hunt- 
ing grounds,  and  the  skin  of  t!ie  deer  which  we  kill  there  is  his  favorite,  for 
its  color  is  white,  and  this  is  the  emblem  of  peace.  This  hunting-dress  and 
these  feathers  of  the  eagle  are  white.  Accept  them,  my  brother ;  I  have 
given  one  like  this  to  the  tVhite-otter.  Accept  of  it  as  a  memorial  of  Black- 
hawk.  When  he  is  far  away,  this  will  serve  to  remind  yoi".  of  him.  May 
the  Great  Spirit  bless  you  and  your  children — farewell." 

Colonel  Eustw,  in  his  reply,  said,  the  fortune  of  war  had  placp^d  him  in  his 
hands,  and  as  it  was  not  the  practice  of  the  whites  to  attack  an  unarmed 
foe,  he  was  safe  ;  but  that  if  he  had  met  him  in  the  field  of  battle,  his  duty 
would  have  required  him  to  have  taken  his  life.  He  rejoiced,  he  said,  at 
his  prospect  of  speedily  returning  to  his  friends,  and  hoped  f;e  would 
never  again  trouble  his  white  neighbors.  To  which  Black-hawk  added, 
"  Brother,  the  Great  Spirit  punishes  those  loho  deceive  us,  and  my  faith  is  now 
pledged" 

CTn  leaving  Fort  Monroe,  the  Indians  were  taken  to  Portsmouth  and  Gos- 
porl,  to  see  the  navy-yard,  the  dry-dock,  and  men-of-war.  At  Gosport,  th?y 
went  on  board  the  74  Delaware,  where  they  could  not  but  express  much 
astonishment  at  the  vastness  of  the  "  big  canoe,"  as  they  called  it,  and  ite 
extraordinary  uncouth  furniture.  Black-hawk  seemed  the  most  to  admire 
the  ship,  and  wished  to  see  the  chief  who  commanded  it,  and  e^wcially  the 
man  that  built  it ;  for  he  wished,  he  said,  " to  take  him  by  the  havid"  When 
they  left  the  ship,  they  passed  around  under  her  bow,  which  terminates 
in  a  colossal  statue  of  an  Indian  warrior.  Tliis  the  Indians  beheld  svith 
considerable  emotions  of  surprise  and  evident  demonntrations  of  high 
gratification. 

At  Norfolk,  the  rush  to  see  the  Indians  was  ?ery  great,  and  many  could 
nor  be  gratified  even  with  a  sight  of  them.  This  great  curiosity  in  the  very 
vicinity  where  they  had  been  for  near  10  weeks,  will  not  be  thought  strange, 
when  it  is  considered,  that  no  one  expected  their  immediate  removal,  and 
therefore  few  had  been  to  see  them ;  thinking  they  could  do  so  wheu  some 
more  convenient  time  offered. 

Having  taken  lodgings  at  the  hotel  in  Norfolk,  the  Indians  were  aware 
of  the  great  curiosity  of  the  people,  and  therefore  they  exhibited  themselves 
upon  the  balcony,  from  wh,3nce  fVabokieahiek,  the  Prophet,  made  the  follow- 
ing address  i — 


[Book  V 

sfs  of  the 
aw  t  ib- 
our  ,^.jal 

ifilvps  in  a 
!ir  ankk-8, 
ngfl,  liow- 
t  iin  finrly 
!33,  orders 
arland  (wt 
jrt,  Ports - 

itachcd  to 
ly  that  thx. 
itii,  and  at 

mpanionf;, 
to  ]MTniit 
hnwk,  and 
1  the  hiiffa- 
iaw3  have 
•ink.  The 
it  is  time 
ns  numer- 
sandB  upon 
as  but  fow 
s  as  wurm- 
B  our  hiint- 
'avorito,  for 
-dress  and 
er;  I  have 
of  Black- 
lim.    May 

him  in  his 
t  unarmed 
e,  his  duty 
he  said,  at 
;e  would 
itvk  added, 
aith  is  now 

and  Gos- 
(sport,  th?!y 
)re89  much 

it,  and  it6 

to  admire 
)ecially  the 
d."    When 

terminates 
leheld  \vith 
is   of  high 

many  could 
in  the  very 
^ht  strange, 
jmoval,  and 
wheu  some 

were  aware 
themselves 
the  foUow- 


Chap.  XI.] 


Bl.  ACK- HA  WK—B  A  I^TIMORE. 


16T 


I 


"The  Great  Spirit  rent  us  here,  ant"  by  the  same  fiat  wc  are  now  happily 
obout  to  return  to  our  own  Mi.-sissifipi,  and  our  own  |/cople.  It  aiTords  us 
mueh  happiness  to  rejoin  our  friends  and  kindntd.  We  would  shake  hands 
with  all  our  white  friends  asfiembled,  and  ofler  our  best  wishes  for  their  pros- 
jH'ruy.  Should  any  of  them  go  to  our  country  on  the  Mississipiti,  we  woidd 
take  |)len8urc  in  retjuiting  the  many  kindnesses  we  have  received  from  their 
pcoplo  here.  We  will  go  home  witli  peaceable  dispositions  towards  our 
white  i)rethren,  and  endeavor  to  make  our  cotiduct  herealler  more  satis- 
factory to  them.  We  bitl  you  all  farewell,  as  it  is  the  hwt  time  we  may 
see  each  ether." 

Black-haiek  then  said  a  few  worfls,  expressing  the  same  sentiments ;  and 
one  o'clock  having  arrived,  they  departed.     This  was  5  June. 

When  ih*^  8team-l)oat  was  near  Itaitimore,  it  was  discovered  that  fhen^  had 
!)een  a  robbery  committed  on  board ;  and  when  this  becanit!  known  to  Black- 
hatck,  he  showed  tronsidcrable  concern,  fearing  some  of  his  party  should 
bo  suspected ;  and  when  the  Iwat  lay  to  at  consiilcra]>le  distanctt  from  the 
■wharf,  to  make  searcl  or  the  money,  he  said,  "fte  (ksirtd  that  himself  and 
rompany  shovld  be  searched,  for  he  icovdd  let  tht  whites  know  that  the  Sacs  did 
not  steal." 

President  Jackson  had  arrived  in  Baltimore,  and  after  BlcLck-hawk^s  arrival 
be  had  an  interview  with  him.  The  Indians  were  conveyed  in  the  steam- 
boat Columbus,  and  arrived  about  11  o'clock  in  the  forenoon  of  the  next 
day,  after  leaving  Norfolk,  namely,  0  June.  Among  the  crowds  who  visited 
them  were  many  ladies,  to  whom,  generally,  the  Indians  said, "  Pre^ft/  squaws, 
pretty  gqitaws.^ 

The  Indians  and  the  president  attended  the  theatre  the  same  night,  and  it 
NYas  remarked,  that  the  attention  of  the  house  was  pretty  nearly  equally  divi- 
ded between  them.  On  the  next  day  occurred  the  interview  between  them, 
of  which  mention  has  just  been  made ;  at  which  time,  among  other  things, 
the  president  sjiid  to  the  old  chief:— 

"  Wh«n  I  saw  you  in  Washington,  I  told  you,  that  you  had  behaved  very 
badly,  in  laising  the  tomahawk  against  the  white  people."  He  added,  that 
his  conduct  last  year  had  caused  him  to  send  out  bis  warriors  against  him, 
and  that  he  and  those  with  him  had  been  surrendered  to  him  to  be  kept  dur- 
ing his  pleasure,  or  unt'l  he  should  think  there  would  be  no  danger  from  let- 
ting him  go.  "lu^itl  you,"  he  continued,  "I  would  inquire  whether  your 
people  wished  you  should  return,  and  whether,  if  you  did  return,  there 
would  be  any  danger  to  the  frontier.  General  Clark  and  General  Alkinsoru, 
whom  you  know,  nave  informed  me  that  Sheckak^  your  principal  chief,  and 
the  rest  of  your  people,  are  anxious  you  should  return,  and  Keokuk  has  asked 
me  to  send  you  back.  Your  chiefs  have  pledged  themselves  for  your  good 
conduct." — "  You  will  see  the  strength  of  the  white  people.  You  will  see 
that  our  young  men  are  as  numerous  as  the  leaves  in  the  woods.  What  can 
you  do  against  us?  " — "  When  you  go  back,  listen  to  the  counsels  of  Keokuk 
and  the  other  friendly  chiefs." 

To  this  the  Prophet  said  a  few  words,  as  follows: — 

"Father,  my  ears  are  open  to  your  words;  I  am  glad  to  hear  them;  I  am 
glad  to  go  back  to  my  people.  I  want  to  see  my  family.  I  did  not  behave 
well  last  summer.  I  ought  not  to  have  taken  up  the  tomahawk.  But  my 
people  have  suffered  a  great  deal.  When  I  get  hack,  1  will  remember  your 
words.  I  will  not  go  to  war  again.  I  will  live  in  peace.  I  will  hold  you  by 
the  hand." 

Black-hawk  intended  to  hav^  made  a  long  speech   at  this  time ;  but  the 

S resident  was  unable  to  hear  mm  out,  on  account  of  the  great  fatigues  he 
ad  undergone,  and  the  old  chief  was,  therefore,  very  short  He  said,  "^ 
heart  is  big,  for  I  liave  much  to  say  to  my  great  father,"  and  closed,  after  many 
expressions  of  affection  and  respect  for  him.  The  warmth  of  the  weather 
and  the  great  crowd  that  surrounded  the  bote!  in  which  the  Indians  were 
lodged,  caused  them  to  retire  to  F'ort  M'Henry,  about  3  miles  below  the  city. 
The  landlord  said  the  crowd  was  so  great  about  his  house,  that  they  had 
carried  away  his  banisters,  windows,  and  he  was  fearful,  if  they  remained 
longer,  that  his  whole  house  would  be  carried  away  also, 


H  L  ■■■ 

lit: 


1 


108 


BALTIMORE— NEW  YORK. 


[Book  V. 


Bait 


Thoy  vinitod  th«   WoHliiii^ton  iiioniiinciit,  iirnong  other  plucnn,  while  at 


nii<i  wef^   -It 


utmid 

u  of  the  wliitt;  people.     At  length  JVaopoue  mM  he 

•k-haick  ohHvrved,  that  then  they  would  all  go ;  for 

y  would  uot  iiu  Hufer  on  the  ground  ut  i(8  Ihiho  tlian 


more 
saying  it  waH  the  , 
would  venture  up. 
if  it  fell  down,  he  hui 
if  they  were  in  it 

They  vlHited  thu  circus  bIho,  while  here,  anil  were  much  hetter  pleaded 
with  the  perfortnuneeH  there,  than  at  the  theatre.  The  elegant  lionseH  pleaned 
them  tiir  more  than  the  Htarn  and  gartern  of  the  mock  lonJH  and  lauien  of  the 
theatre,  and  it  wi>h  very  nr.tural  they  should.  To  hco  a  lady  ride  u|H»n  one 
foot,  while  the  horHo  was  running  at  his  utmost  speed,  was  mattttr  of  fact  to 
them,  and  excited  the  greatest  admiration.  But  to  tn'o  a  fellow  popping  out 
from  iH'hind  a  curtain,  strutting  ahout  the  stage,  uttering  to  himself  some 
iinintelligihle  nonsonse,  could  not  interest  any  one  similarly  situated.  They 
said  they  Itelievcd  those  who  rode  in  the  (tircus  could  hunt  hulfalo  even 
better  than  the  Hacs. 

Considerable  inconvenience  was  experienced  from  the  meeting  of  two 
such  coiisiiicuous  characters  as  the  phkhidkmt  of  the  United  States  anil 
Black-hnwK,  ut  the  same  time,  in  populous  places;  and  it  was  aimuunced 
in  a  Philadelphia  paper,  of  })  June,  that  Major  Garland  had  arrived  there, 
hut  had  leil  thu  Indians  in  Baltimore,  and  that  they  would  not  proceed  to 
N.  York  until  the  day  ufler  the  president.  v\ccorilingly  they  did  not  arrive 
in  Philadelphia  until  10  June,  when  they  were  conducted  to  lodgings  in  Con- 
gress Hull.  The  next  day  there  was  a  great  military  display,  accompanied 
by  an  imtnenso  procession,  and  the  whole  passed  up  Third  Street,  opposite 
Congress  Hall,  by  which  means  the  Indians  had  a  fine  opportunity  to  see  and 
contemplate  their  nutnlH3rH.  Pointing  (o  the  soldiers,  lilack-hawk  asked  if 
they  were  the  same  that  were  in  his  coutitry  last  suimner. 

Having  visited  ull  places  of  amusnueMt  and  curiosity  in  Philadelphia,  the 
Indians  departed  for  N.  York,  where  they  arrived  in  u  steam-hout  of  the 
People's  Line,  about  5  o'clock,  14  Juni;,  on  Friday.  The  arrival  of  La/aycUe, 
in  1S25,  could  not  have  attracted  a  greater  crowd  than  was  now  assembled 
at  and  in  the  vicuiity  of  Castle  Gardi;!).  As  it  happened,  Mr.  Durant,  the 
aeronaut,  had  just  got  ready  to  ascend  in  his  balloon  from  the  garden.  The 
steam-boat,  therefore,  rounded  to,  that  the  passengers  might  witness  the 
ascension.  When  it  was  known  on  shore  that  the  Indians  were  on  board, 
the  cheering  and  clapping  became  tremendous;  and  it  was  not  a  little  aug- 
mented I'rom  those  on  board  the  numerous  craft  in  tlie  river.  Those  in  the 
boat  answered  as  well  as  their  numbers  would  admit.  The  Indians,  ut  first, 
were  some  terrified,  supposing  they  had  ut  last  come  to  an  enemy,  and  that 
the  noise  about  them  was  the  war-whoop  of  the-  whites,  but  were  soon 
undeceived. 

8oon  atler  the  balloon  had  cleared  the  walls  of  the  castle,  and  Mr.  Durant 
had  unfurled  his  flag,  Black-hawk  was  asked  what  he  thought  of  it.  To 
which  he  answered : — 

"  7^hat  man  is  a  great  brave.  /  don't  think  he'll  ever  gel  back.  He  mud  be  a 
Sac.''  Another  siud,  "If  he  is  a  Sac,  he'll  get  none  of  his  brotlurs  to  follow  in 
his  trail.  JVone  of  'em  will  ever  see  the  smoke  of  his  tdgwam.  He  will  have  to 
live  alone — wilhoid  any  squaw." 

When  the  balloon  had  attained  a  vast  height,  and  almost  out  of  the  old 
chief's  sight,  (which  had  become  considerably  impaired,)  he  exclaimed, 
"  /  think  he  can  go  to  the  heavens ;  to  the  Great  Spirit."  Pomahoe  then  said, 
"  /  think,  he  can  see  the  country  of  the  English."  '\  he  Prophet,  or  fVabokieshiek^ 
having  been  asked  what  he  thought  of  the  balloon,  said,  "  I  can't  form  any 
idea,  but  think  he  can  go  up  to  the  clouds  if  he  will.  Should  think  he  could  see 
the  Great  Spirit  now." 

We  can  only  conjecture  what  might  have  been  passing  in  their  minds  at 
this  strange  sight  They  were  struck  with  wonder,  and  no  doubt  were  ready 
to  exclaim,  "  What  cannot  the  white  people  do  ?  Why  can  they  not  send  an 
army  in  that  way  to  hurl  down  destruction  upon  their  enensies  .'  They  sure 
ly  will  do  it  If  they  can  ascend  to  the  Great  Spirit,  they  must  be  Great 
tool" 


\S^-its 


fHAP.  XI 

On  th 
seemed  j 
hy  the  ail 
I')  their  : 
wipiare  ai 

lll'SS    to    N 

])revent  a 

i'xliaiis  1) 

diafcly  af 

or  windo' 

On  Hat 

Monday,  i 

den   that 

Kirhmoni 

Saturday, 

.*<tay  allott 

ill  which  I 

some  ncct 

On  Mo 

fjuartcrs,  t 

inuuner,  a 

"  Brothi 

tigers,  but 

year,  that 

know  us  tl 

wise,  and  i 

pie — nuim 

I  lie  fish  in 

the  other 

great  men 

men's  bloo 

•  >ii  l>oard  ( 

as  the  eagi 

<l(!r,  and  th 

emies.     Bi 

mouth.     T 

what  he  hi 

Hf.ACK-HA' 

gold,  for  y 
mind  that 
j<;wels  are 
winters ;  a 
now  stand 
liOok  aroii 
your  arms 
hi-ight  the 
with  them 
ir  you  do  I 
li()rri  genet 
the  white  i 
pinoss,  by 
When  t 
irill  be  fri( 
7iot  forgd 
present  sha 
friends." 

The  fol 
ill  Xew  Yo 
whose  ohj 
began  wit 
tnterpretei 
his  blankc 


Chap.  XI] 


BLACK-IIAWK   IN    NKW  YORK. 


\m 


On  their  lamlinK,  mirli  wnH  tlio  druHity  of  tfn*  cmwd,  that  for  n  fiino  it 
neotiK'd  irn|H)NHil)lc  to  «'<li'ct  it  paxHiiffr  lor  thfin.  Ath'.r  soiiu!  tiiiie,  how««ver, 
by  tiift  aid  of  the  polico  otliccrs,  thry  wi-rc  tiik»'n  up  in  rarringPM,  mid  nirricd 
l<»  their  lodgin;,'s  ai  the  Kxriiaiip-  lltitil  in  Itroad  Strei-t.  The  npariuiis 
Hqiian;  and  Htrcct  adjacent  were  instuiitly  filled  i)y  the  penph*,  wliose  eajrer- 
iiesH  to  Nee  tile  Htraiijrers  was  so  jfreat,  that  it  Heenied  alniowt  iinpossiMe  to 
l»revent  a  forril)h'  entrance  into  tlie  house.  Wheieii|toii  the  din'ctors  of  the 
I'ldians  let  Hlnrk-hnwk  siiow  hiinseh"  several  times  at  a  window;  and  ininie- 
diatcly  after,  the  niiiltitiide  (piietly  dispersed,  without  carrying  away  hanisters 
or  win<lows,  as  had  heeii  conijilained  of  in  Baltimore.     'I'liim  ended  I'ridav. 

On  Saturday  eveninjj,  they  were  coiidiicted  to  the  llowery  Theatre,  anif  on 
Monday,  the  papern  of  th(>  city  aimoimced  that  they  woiilil  viHit  Castle  (lar- 
den  that  evening,  the  Park  Theatre  on  'l'iies(lay,'Nihlo's  on  Wednesday, 
Kichinond  Hill  Theatre  on  Thursday,  Vaii.xhall  Oarden  on  Friday,  and,  on 
Saturday,  leave  for  Alhany.  Thus  were  the  doings  <d'  ev«'ry  evening  of  their 
.stay  allotted,  which,  w<!  itelieve,  came  to  pass  accordingly.  Of  the  manner 
ill  which  the  daytiinu  was  spent,  we  shall,  in  the  next  place,  jiroceed  to  givt; 
.■<ome  acconnt 

On  Monday,  17  June,  the  Hon.  John  .1.  (Irdluim  met  the  Indians,  at  their 
fjiiarters,  and  made  a  speech  to  them,  which  ih  as  wj'II  adapted  to  the  Indian 
munner,  as  any  thing  we  have  seen.     He  hegan  : 

"  Brothers,  open  your  ears.  Yon  un\  hrave  men.  Yon  liave  fought  like 
tigers,  but  in  a  bad  cause.  We  liavt!  coiupiered  you.  We  were  sorry,  last 
year,  that  you  raised  the  tomahawk  against  iis ;  but  we  iK'lieve  you  did  not 
know  us  then  OS  you  do  now.  Wi^  think,  that  in  time  to  (ome,  yon  will  be 
wise,  and  that  we  shall  be  fri(;nds  linever.  Yon  see  that  wo  are  a  great  ;>eo- 
]>!(; — niuncrous  as  the  flowers  of  the  field,  as  the  shells  on  the  s«'a-shoro,  or 
th(!  fish  in  the  sea.  We  put  one  hand  on  the  eastern,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
the  other  on  the  western  ocean.  We  all  a«'t  together.  If,  sometimes,  o.ir 
great  men  talk  loud  and  long  ut  our  coimcil  fires,  but  shed  one  drop  of  white 
men's  blood,  our  young  warriors,  as  thick  as  the  stars  of  the  night,  will  leaj» 
on  board  our  great  l)oats,  which  fly  on  the  waves,  and  over  the  lakes — swift 
!is  the  eagle  in  the  air — then  jienetrate  tiie  woods,  make  the  big  guns  tliiin- 
il(!r,  and  the  whole  heavens  nul  with  the  flames  of  the  dwellings  of  their  en- 
emies. Brothers,  the  president  has  made  you  a  grea.  .alk.  He  has  but  one 
mouth.  That  one  has  sounded  the  sentiments  of  all  he  peo|)le.  Li.sten  to 
what  he  has  said  to  you.  Write  it  on  yoi.r  memories.  It  is  good,  very  good 
Hi.ACK-HAWK,  take  these  jewels,  a  [)air  of  topaz  ear-rings,  beautifully  set  in 
gold,  for  your  wife  or  daughter,  as  a  tokiui  of  friendship,  keeping  always  in 
mind  that  women  and  children  are  the  fiivoritcs  of  the  Great  Spirit,  'fhese 
jewels  are  from  an  old  man,  whose  head  is  whitened  with  the  snows  of  70 
winters;  an  old  man,  who  lias  thrown  down  his  bow,  put  off'  his  sword,  and 
now  stands  leaning  on  his  staff*,  waiting  the  commands  of  the  Great  Spirit. 
Look  around  you,  see  all  tiii.s  mighty  ])co|)le,  then  go  to  your  homei*.  open 
your  arms  to  receive  your  families  Tell  them  to  bury  the  hatchet,  to  make 
bright  the  chain  of  friendship,  to  love  the  white  men,  and  to  live  in  peact; 
"  itii  them,  as  long  as  the  rivers  run  into  the  sea,  and  the  sun  rises  and  sets. 
If  }0U  do  so,  you  will  be  hapjiy.  Yon  will  then  insure  the  prosperity  of  un- 
liorn  generations  of  your  tribes,  .vho  will  go  hand  and  hand  with  the  sons  of 
fli(!  white  men,  and  all  shall  he  lilcssed  by  the  (Jn^at  S[>irit.  Peace  and  hap- 
jjinoss,  by  the  blessing  of  the  G  eat  Spirit,  attend  you.     Farewell." 

When  this  was  ended,  Blnck-hmrk  said,  "  Brother,  we  like  your  talk,  ff'e 
irill  be  friends.  fVe  li/ce  the  white  junple.  T/iei/  are  venj  kind  to  im.  We  shall 
not  forget  it.  Your  counsel  is  good.  Ife  shall  attend  to  it.  Your  valuable 
present  shall  go  to  my  squait:  It  pltruscs  me  very  much.  We  shall  always  be 
friends." 

The  following  circumstance  is  said  to  have  occurred,  while  the  Indians  were 
ill  New  York :  One  day,  after  dinner,  a  gentleman  got  admittance  to  their  room, 
whose  object  was  to  conimnnicate  to  them  some  religious  instruction.  lie 
began  with  Black-hawKs  son  ;  but  wluai  the  young  fellow  underst<,od  by  the 
interpreter  what  his  object  was,  he  said,  "  /  /ozfe,"  and,  covering  his  face  with 
his  blanket,  stretched  himself  out  upon  a  sofa,  and  went  to  sleep. 
15 


.i1 


I 


170 


BLACK-IIAWK.— M:\V    VOKK.-AKSKNAI,. 


(OuoK   V. 


The  Chorokeu  I'liiniix  \%hh  hIiowii  to  ItUtck-luiu-k,  in  N«!\v  Y<)rk,  liv  a  ((cii- 
tl«;iiirii,  wilt)  unvv  tlii!  rliicf  to  ijii<l«-i-Htiiii(l  that  it  wuh  (Im>  tirHt  uml  oiirv  iii;mh- 
|m|H>r  |iriiiti-(i  in  Indian.  Atlrr  <  x|iiaitiin^r  tli*'  f^nat  dm;  oI  puiurrt  to  liim,  tlit; 
I'liicI'  was  w«!ll  ploaHfd,  Haiti  lit*  knt-w  tlif  CIm  roktL'  tiilM;  wi-ll,  Ixit  (iiii  tint 
know  llit-y  liutl  Hiit'li  a  tliin^r  nititiii;;  tlitni  as  a  iifWh|ia|it'r.  lie  rt'tjuthttil  tlif 
uri'iitU-iiian  tt)  iiiukt!  tlic  iiaiiit'  til'  liliuk-hawk  lui  it,  \>lii<  li  lif  tiitl,  anil  ^avi;  it 
to  him  ;  wlii-n  tlii^  ohi  t-hittf  rairtiilly  tohlni  it  ii|i  anil  laiil  it  uwuy,  mining  hu 
woiihl  nhow  it  tu  hix  pt'oph^  wiit  ii  hr  pit  hoiiir. 

On  'I'hnivtluy,  '^t  Jiiiic,  tlit;  intliaiis  wtif  hiiowii  tlit;  tamtiiiH  arMiial  in 
Whitr  ^^tn-ot.  Tin*  ^'i-<>nt  taiiiioii,  mortars  anil  shi^ils,  on  tht;  lirst  tioor,  tillrtl 
thrill  witli  iiHtoniHiiiiitiiit  anil  awf,  in  spiti:  ol'  tlitir  piiiloso|iiiiiul  intiillt-rt  nn  . 
On  visiting  tliu  stTuntl  tloor,  tht'ir  roiintiiiniifftt  w  .it- miii  to  eiilivin.  'llu^ 
^i^'lit  ot'  l(),(XH)  staiitl  of  Hiiiall  arms,  all  as  hri^'lit  as  po^lsllin^  i%  iilil  maki; 
iliriii,  with  all  tlif>  bayoiit'tH  tixnl,  was  tvitlintly  moir  a^'rt;fahlr  to  tlit'in  than 
thi'  ^n<at,  iinwit'hlv  faiinon  ht'low.  Thiir  ailmiration  was  Ki'('"tly  hciMhttiiiil 
nil  hcinj;  shown  tlit)  optiration  of  Mr.  HiJtlon^s  lu-w  pattiit  artillt-ry  lork.  It 
iiail  lit;i>ii  tittiul  lor  tht;  ot-trasion,  on  tin-  htaniiriil  hrass  It  poiiiiili>r,  wliirli  (lov. 
TitrnfikinH  navt»  tin-  statf  in  IH14.  This  ^'iiii  htiiijr  plart  il  in  tlit;  yaitl,  and 
iharp'tl  with  u  hlaiik  cartriilj^f,  (Jtii.  .Irrulnrius,  ol'  tlits  arstiiul,  ilrt!W  the 
>trin^  attai'hi'd  to  tht;  lot-k,  iiiitl  tht;  liiM-iiarp'  was  instantaiit'oiis.  lliit- 
iipiin  they  ttoiilil  not  ctitiffal  their  astonishiiiiiit,  whii-li  was  iiiiiih  raist il  In 
tilt;  inysterioUH  operution  of  tliu  lork.  'i'lio  raniion  bt;in^  apiiii  rhar^cd, 
liUuk-lutwk  WU8  iiiviti;(l  to  pull  the  string,'  anil  tlisfliarf,'n  it ;  hut  \\v  diuliniii 
Ironi  timidity,  and  all  the  rest  followtil  his  f.\aiiiplt>.  At  Itin^ah  the  l'rti|ila't 
stt'ppetl  tbrwnrd,  with  u  grt;at  uir  of  resolution,  anil  discharged  it.  'I'he  re- 
port startled  him  u  little  ;  but  the  moment  utter,  tiniling  himsell'  iiiiharmi  ti, 
lie  laughed  htinrtily.  Then  all  the  rest  ventured  to  tliseliarge  it.  When  Mr. 
HMon  showetl  them  tht;  rulmiiiutiiig  waltr,  upon  which  his  Itiek  acts,  " the 
\aeuiit  seriousness  antl  gravity,"  says  one  prijseiit,  "  with  which  they  returiu  d 
it,  as  a  mutter  tjuite  too  prolbund  lor  their  eompreiieiision,  was  irresistiMv 
•  oniic." 

Several  of  the  captives  hud  Imjcii  attticked  with  an  iiiflainmation  in  their 
eyes,  aecompunied  with  some  lever,  supposed  to  have  been  broufiht  tm  hv 
the  fatigues  they  had  experit;nced  during  their  journey.  But  while  they 
reinainetl  in  New  York,  the^  had  nearly  recovered. 

When  it  was  oiuiounced  in  the  papers,  that  the  Indians  would  not  prtu-eed 
any  further  north,  great  disappointment  was  fi'lt  liert; ;  but  we  heard  no  one 
complain.  All  seenii;il  sensible  that  to  show  them  alKiut  from  place  to  place, 
was  inflicting  u  punishment  upon  them  which  could  in  no  wise  benefit  us. 
There  might  l)e  one  exception,  for  we  were  inlbrmed  that  u  gentleniun  hatl 
made  large  arrungeirients  here  for  writing  ii/acA-A«ii'A:'s  life.  Hut  whether  it 
were  the  old  chief's  good  or  bad  Ibrtune  that  prevented  him  from  liilling  into 
the  ambush  of  thut  biographer,  we  do  not  undertake  to  say ;  but  there  m:>y 
lie  those  cold-henrted  beings,  who  are  glad  that  both  Bluck-mwk  uutl  the  pub- 
lic have  escaped. 

On  Saturday,  22  June,  they  left  New  York  lor  Albany,  w  here  they  arrived 
I  he  next  day  at  evening.  Here,  as  we  shoultl  expect,  the  crowd  was  liir 
more  suvage  than  hud  been  witnessetl  uny  where  in  the  journey,  and  it  was 
near  three  hours  liefore  a  landing  for  them  could  Ini  effected;  and  even  then 
only  by  disguising  them.  Black-hawk  was  not  recognizetl  until  he  hatl  {iiit 
almost  to  the  tavern  where  he  and  his  party  Avere  to  lodge.  One  obstsrvt ;;, 
thut  Albany,  at  this  time,  was  more  like  an  Indian  cum[i,  than  the  rt'siih  nee 
of  civilized  beings.  Some  urgetl,  that  if  Black-hawk  hatl  been  perinittetl  to 
have  shown  himself  to  the  multitude,  and  adilressed  them,  they  would  i.t 
once  hnve  censed  their  boisterous  clamors.  It  is  said  he  was  about  to  do  so, 
but  his  son  would  not  consent  to  it. 

Whether  the  conduct  of  the  populace  was  such,  after  they  were  in  their 
ipiarters,  as  to  cause  alarm  for  their  safety,  is  not  mentioned ;  but  certain  it 
is,  they  set  off  from  Albany  in  the  night,  24  June,  and  proceeded  west  upon 
the  railroad. 

When  they  had  got  upon  the  grand  canal,  antl  seen  how  they  were  trans- 
jiortcd  by  means  of  locks,  some  of  the  party  said  it  must  be  the  work  of  a 


CBAr.  XI  ] 


III3  VISIT  TO  THE  SKNF.CAS. 


171 


Mahitou,  for  it  was  the  first  river  they  ever  saw  gu  over  hills  ittia  across  other 
rivers. 

'I'lio  iriturviow  of  our  truvcllorH,  llie  Such  uikI  Foxuh,  witli  tli«;ir  coiiiitry- 
iiit'ii,  tlitt  SciM'raH,  fitnriot  tiiil  to  Im>  iiitircstini;  to  all  our  rrailcix.  Having 
arrivi'il  at  ilnn'alo  on  Friilay,  'M  Jniic,  thuy  riniaincii  tliin;  until  Sundav 
morning.  'I'lio  next  morning  alter  tlit-ir  arrival,  they  roil«>  unit  to  Itiack 
Uo(;k,  wlieru  they  vit'vved  tliti  union  of  the  grand  canal  vviili  liic  lake  at  tliat 


tiaci).     Fnnn  tiiiH  pluci;  tlicy  fiad  a  lull  view  ol'llic  (Canada  isliorc,  and  lihuk- 

aciniainlcd  with 
till'  adjacent  country;  lie  liaving  Itetui  there  in  the  time  of  the  last  war  with 


Itia 
nni, 


ok  inniiediutely  pointed  out  I'ort  Drie,  and  M'cmed  well  aciiuainled  with 


Kn<;land,  in  the  liritiHh  nervice,  and  at  the  time  ^' uhrnll\e  .hmricnns  wtlked 
into  Fort  I'^rie"  uh  he  expressed  the  capture  ol'  it.  Aller  the  Dattle  of  Lake 
i'.rie,  he  said,  lie  was  obliged  to  return  with  his  hand  to  his  own  country.  In 
thr  alternoon  of  the  same  day,  the  parly  visited  llie  St m  cas,  who  had  col- 
lecli'd  at  lilt!  council  house,  on  their  reservation,  to  receive  them.  'I'hey  were 
udiires.-od  hy  the  chief,  (Japt.  Poltiir  I,  or  Knrluuiiiwunii,  of  whom  wt!  have 
iilr<-ady  Npoken,  an  old  and  very  lopectahh;  man.  Aller  expressing  the 
uliasuru  which  it  gave  him  and  his  people  to  miu't  the  chiels  of  the  Sacs  and 
ro\  s,  iind  aller  alluding  to  the  present  state  ol  the  ahorigines,  he  coiinseltud 
iiis  visitors  to  return  home  with  a  peact-ahle  mind;  to  cultivat  ■  the  earth,  and 
no  more  to  fight  against  80  |>owerful  u  people  us  the  whites.  Ulack-fuiwk 
n-plied  us  follows:  — 

"  Our  iifrel  broHter  of  the  Senecns,  who  has  spoken  to  us,  has  sjmken  the  words 
of  (I  ffood  and  wise  mm.  fVe  are  stranf^ers  to  each  other,  Ihow^h  we  have  U\i 
anine  color,  and  tlu  smne  Great  Spirit  made  us  nil,  and  cave  us  this  counlnf  to- 
gellier.  Brothers,  Ji»e  have  setn  how  threat  a  peop'e  the  whiles  'ire.  Th  y  nre  eery 
rirh,  and  very  strong.  It  is  folly  for  us  to  furht  with  them.  He  shall  g-)  home 
with  nimh  knowledifi.  For  myself,  1  sludl  advise  mif  people  to  he  quit  I,  and  live 
liki  'rood  men,  llie  advice  which  you  gaiie  us,  brolh  r,  is  vry  f^oil,  and  we  tell 
you  now  we  mean  to  walk  the  struis^ld  pnlh  in  future,  and  to  content  ourselves 
with  whal  tve  have,  and  with  cultivating  our  lunil:i. 

'I'he  Pro|»liet  added  a  few  sentences,  hut  nothing  worthy  of  notice,  <!xccpt 
lie  said  he  wisiied  ull  the  tribes  of  Indians  could  be  collected  upon  one  spot, 
west  of  the  Mississippi. 

I'rom  Hiiffalo  the  Indians  were  conveyed  by  wntcr  to  Detroit,  where  they 
arrived  July.  Here  u  curiosity  wus  evinced  by  the  inhabitants  to  sie  them  ; 
not  (fxactly  such  as  iiad  been  shown  in  tiio  Atlantic  cities,  but  witii  that  cold 
indiderence,  their  near  vicinity  to  the  late  scenes  of  blood  was  calculated  to 
cull  forth.  A  writer  has  remarked,  that  they  were  soon  seen  walking  the 
streets  "unknowing  and  unknown,"  and  newspapers  from  that  nrgion  say 
they  were  burnt  in  effigy.  Black-hawk  had  nlten  been  there  in  limes  pust; 
and  when  he  visited  the  former  residence  of  (Jov.  Cass,  he  said,  "  This  is  the 
old  council  ground,  I  have  heard  much  good  c  lunsel  hre  ;  but  my  trail  led  to  the 
opposite  slu)re,  and  my  ears  tvere  close .'." 

From  Green  Bay  they  were  lo  pass  through  the  country  of  tlie  Menominies 
and  VVinnebugoes*  to  Chicago,  As  thestj  tribes  are  bitter  enemies  to  the 
Sacs  and  Foxes,  troops  were  detaciied  from  that  place  to  attend  them. 

Having  left  Chicago,  as  they  passed  up  Fox  River  and  down  the  Ouis- 
con;iin,  i?^acA:-/iai/;A;  would  point  out  tlie  spots,  wiiere,  once,  he  said,  had  stood 
the  fine  villages  of  the  Sacs.  His  depression  at  the  sight  was  evident,  and 
he  seemed  much  to  regret  their  emigration  beyond  the  Mississi|)pi. 

It  was  about  the  first  of  August,  1833,  that  tiie  captives  arrived  at  Fort 
Armstrong,  on  the  Upper  Mississippi,  where  we  are  presently  to  take  our 
leave  of  tliem.     The  Prophet  had  been  set  at  liberty  a  little  belbre  at  Prairie 

*  This  tribe  is  divided  iiilo  live  families — ihe  Uccorie.  Blark-le^,  &C.  (hie-njfd  Decorie, 
before  mentioaeil,  is  one  of  tlioir  most  conspicuous  cliirfs.  He  appt^arcd  about  M  years  old 
in  1826.  Mr.  \V.  J.  Snelling  saw  liim  al  the  Portage  in  that  year,  accompanied  by  a  wife 
of  15. 

The  name  Winnebago  is  supposed  lo  be  ihat  of  a  kind  of  duck,  found  on  ihe  lake  of  the 
■ame  name,  in  great  abundance. 


172 


HIS  IJBERATION. 


[Boom  V 


(lu  Cliion  ;  lie  h.ivi'ijy  doclnrod  \m  conviction  of  tlio  power  of  tlio  Americans, 
and  timt  now  In;  would  return  und  liv<!  in  |>i;ucc.  "His  return,"  wiys  our 
informant,  "is  nft4'ndi'd  with  as  jiiany  nn|ilcasant  associations  as  that  of  any 
of  the  party.  'I'lio  viila^'e  over  whicFi  he  onc«!  presided  has  heeti  broken  np ; 
his  wifiwani  has  heen  burnt  to  the  j^roiind ;  his  family  withont  a  protector, 
iitid  hi>  must  find  a  home  in  the  villajre  of  some  nei;ihi)orin;r  chieftain." 

The  Indians  were  at  (irst  frioomy  and  taciturn,  «tn  ent(>riii;r  their  own 
forests,  but  in  a  short  tim<!  they  be<fan  to  be  more  communicative,  anil  at 
ler):;th  would  laufrh  and  talk  about  tiie  jokes  and  odd  manu-iivres  tbey  had 
srM-n  amonjj  the  whites. 

Ueinir  now  at  l{ock  Island,  where  it  was  concluded  ff)  dismiss  tin-  partv, 
tliey  were  considerably  disap))oinled  in  ii(»t  meeting  with  some  of  their 
tiiends,  from  wjiom  Ihey  inifilit  txuhi  inlelliireixe  of  their  (iimilie.s.  IMeaii- 
while  they  examined  their  bundles  and  |iackaf;es,  containinj;  the  presents 
they  had  recj'ived  durinir  their  journey.  'I'liesc^  wev(>  by  no  means  iiicon- 
sideralile,  and  wer  •  said,  !)y  those  who  .saw  the  ni,  to  l»e  in  value  of  at  least 
I, ()()()  dollars;  which,  when  tli»  ir  liiends  arrive<l,  were  lilH-rally  distributed 
amonjr  them.  They  had  not  lu'cn  long  in  suspenses  when  this  hapiwned.  A 
band  of  I'o.xes  arrived  tiie  ne.\t  d;iy  after  them,  \\  ho  gave  the  desiretl  intelli- 
gence. To  an  observer  of  nature,  their  meeting  must  hav<'  l»«?en  «',\ceedingly 
interesting.  Notwithstanding  their  long  separation,  their  first  interviews  were 
nearly  the  same  as  tliougli  it  had  bt^en  but  of  a  day's  continnnnce.  Itut  they 
very  snon  discovered  to  the  spectators,  that  they  had  met  with  those  wh!> 
were  capable  of  enjoying  airain  their  society ;  Hud  the  freedom  of  early  lite 
began  gradually  to  show  it.self. 

"  Tort  Armstrong,  Kock  Island,  lllinoi.s,  was  selected  as  the  most  appro- 
priate [dai-e  li)r  th(!  lilxMation  of  lilnrk-hai'k  und  hi?  party.  It  iieing  the 
triost  central  point  from  the  snrroimding  villages,  n  greater  miniber  of  Indiana 
could  l)e  there  aissemlded  at  a  short  notice,  than  ut  any  other  point  on  the 
.Mississippi.  With  most  «)f  the  party,  llu^ir  return  was  x\w.  retiu'n  of  happy 
days,  and  of  those  manners  and  customs  which  they  liad  looked  forward  to 
Willi  nmch  anxiety,  during  their  hmg  an<l  arduous  journey.  Ibit  with  lilnrk- 
hasrk  it  was  the  revival  of  thos(>  scenes  a.ssociatetl  with  his  former  greatness 
iiml  power — when  no  white  man  crossed  his  trail,  or  cnci-narhed  upon  his 
hmiting  grounds.  Me  is  now  hnilerl  not  ns  a  chietlain,  nor  ns  a  warrior,  but 
as  a  Sac,  divested  of  his  honor.s,  an  bumble  suppliant  for  the  8ym|mthies  und 
hos|)italiti(;s  of  his  tribe. 

"  It  was  understood,  on  their  arrival,  that  h'eorurfc,  the  principal  chief  of 
tlir;  tribe,  was  absent  with  most  of  his  band,  Ufutn  a  Iiiitiido  hunt,  and  it  was 
doublliji  whether  he  had  yet  returned.  A  courier,  however,  was  «lespatchod 
to  his  village,  with  in.strnctioiis,  if  iet»irne<l,  to  refpiest  his  immtwliate  attend- 
iirne,  with  as  many  of  his  ti-ibc  as  could  convcMiiently  accomjtany  him.  The 
inesHcnger  n-turned  the  same  night,  snyiiig  that  Keoairk  wnn  encamped  about 
;2(>  Tifiles  below,  with  a  large  mmdier  of  his  tribe,  and  woidd  arriv(!  during 
the  day.  .About  noon,  the  dull  monotony  of  the  Indian  drum,  accouipanied 
with  occasional  shouts,  was  heard,  wliicli  aimorinced  his  approach.  Me  led 
the  van,  with  two  large  canoes,  bished  sich;  by  side,  with  a  large  canopy 
(vvtended  over  bim  and  bis  three  wives,  where  he  sat  in  all  liis  dijrnity,  with 
the  American  flag  waving  over  the  bow.  About  '20  canoes  followed  <n  his 
tiiiin,  each  contaiinng  fiom  4  to  H  of  his  companions,  who  irrude  th<>  '  w«>lkiit 
ling'  with  their  wild  and  savage  songs.  They  proceeded  up  the  river  at  a 
moderate  rate,  and  eiii-amped  on  the  ojiposite  side  from  lilark-hnwk'.i  camp. 
Vfter  remaining  about  two  hours  to  arrange  their  toilets,  tliey  again  cotn- 
menced  their  songs,  making  their  way  <lirectly  a<'ross  the?  river,  h'mriirk  was 
the  (irst  to  land,  decorated,  as  well  as  the  rest  of  the  party,  with  all  their 
medals,  and  in  all  tla^  iiara])hern!dia  which  distinguishes  the  braves  from  the 
common  Indi.ms.  .\lier  tlie  party  had  landed,  he  turned  lo  them  and  said. 
'  Tfif  (lirnl  Spirit  fmn  unit  our  hrnllnr  hnr'i.  Lit  »/,»  shake  hmuh  in  frinuhhip.' 
Me  then  proceeded  towards  lUnrk  hawk,  who  was  seated  wi'.i'  Ins  party,  ifi 
front  of  their  tent,  leaning  upon  his  «>ane,  apparently  lost  in  dee))  reflection. 
Me  extended  his  hand,  wliicb  the  old  man  seemed  to  shako  with  some  cor- 
diality.    Muviii;;  suluted  the  rest  of  tho  party,  he  took  !u8  seat  lu  tltcir  iinute- 


Chap.  XI J 


BLACK-HAWK'S  RF.TIJRN. 


173 


diate  vicinity.  His  companionH  follownd  the  i^xainpln,  and  Rcattnred  tlioni- 
selves  u|)on  tlio  ground.  Not  a  niurinnr  wiih  licani  aiimnjf  t\\v  «tow<1.  N«» 
one  prcHniiMMl  to  ImmmiIc  t\w  HiUnu-a,  until  tin-  cliicDiiiii  liad  spoken.  I'itWn 
ininut<-8  olapncd  hofore  a  word  was  utKMtMJ  by  any  otic,  wIhmi  Keonirk  askftl 
Jilack-luiwk  liow  Utufi  ho  ha«l  Immmi  upon  the  road  ?  '  'I'/uit  he  had  Inin  friH-iiinff 
him,  and  was  coming  ii/t  in  thn  vxprdiition  of  mi'dini!;  him.^  I'ipcH  wen-  soon 
introduc(;d,  and  passed  atnon^  liotli  partieM,  as  an  int»'rciian>r<;  of  p>otl  Hcl- 
inf(.  Alter  sniokinj^  and  talkinj?,  alternately,  lor  aliont  an  li<nn-,  a  jreneral 
move  was  made  lor  their  doparttne.  Keocuck  arose,  shook  hands  with  nil  the 
jiurty,  sayiufj,  *to-iiu)rrow  he  should  reluniJ'"  They  now  crossed  the  river  in 
silence,  and  tlu;  ni^dit  was  spent  in  son^^s  and  dances.  On  the  next  d:iy,  In 
ap|)ointnient,  was  to  he  o|)eried  the  frianil  council. 

"A  conimodions  room  in  tla;  }rarrison  was  jirepared  i'or  tho  reception  ot" 
iH)th  jtartics.  y\hout  10  o'clock,  heorurlc.  was  aiwion  i;'ed  hy  tla^  incolierciil 
and  jrultiiral  strains  of  more  than  lUO  savaffcs.  WIkmi  they  arrived  at  the 
garrison,  they  H)llowed  silently  ni,  precc^led  hy  their  c.'iiet',  who  was  shown 
to  the  room,  where  he  was  to  Ik;  elevated  upon  the  ruins  of  an  indiscreet  old 
man,  vv'th  whom  he  had  been  strufr'tlin};  many  years  liu  supremacy,  lie 
took  his  s>  ut  with  Parshrpiirho,  (the  stahhinjt  cliiei;)  diiel"  (tf  tiie  Sacs,  upon 
one  side,  and  W(//;c//tt,  (the  little  prince,)  chief  of  the  l''oxes,  upon  thi-  otiier. 
He  told  his  youn^  braves  to  sit  immediat(tly  behirul  him;  ami  all  maintained 
the  most  proli)uml  silence  during  the  interview.  Keoaick,  they  said,  would 
H|M^ak  tiir  all  of  them. 

"  Blnrk-hnwk  ami  his  party  soon  made  their  appearance.  As  they  entered 
the  room,  the  chiels  arost;  and  shook  hands  with  them.  'They  pass'^d  roinul, 
and  took  thcMr  seats  immeiliately  opposite!.  Black-hawk  and  his  son  appeared 
quite;  dejecti^d.  'I'liey  maniU^sied  some;  niluctance  to  tlu!  proposed  council, 
the  day  previous;  and  that  morning,  as  it  vvoidd  havt;  too  much  importance 
attached  to  it,  the  son  l(;lt  keeidy  his  Kituation.  It  was  as  hinniliatin^  to  him 
as  it  was  to  his  tiither.  IVlaj.  Garland  was  the  first  to  break  the  .silence  in 
council.  He  told  them  that  he  was  grateful  t<»  find  so  much  gooil  li-eling  ex- 
isting in  the  tribe  towards  lilack-hawk  and  his  party.  He  felt  confident,  from 
what  he  had  witnesstMl  sincM;  his  arrival,  that  they  would  herealh-r  live  in 
peace.  H<!  had  but  little  to  say,  as  tin;  president's  spe«'ch  to  Blark-liiiwk  and 
party,  at  Haltimore,  said  all,  which  should  ix;  read  to  them.  It  was  inter- 
preted to  them  by  an  able  interpreter,  to  whi<'h  the  wi.jlt!  company  respoiul- 
ed,  at  tli'i  termination  of  each  sentcnice." 

Kcocuck  then  arose,  shook  hands  with  the  most  important  personages  pn!s- 
ent,  and  commitnced : — 

"I  have  listened  to  the  talk  of  our  great  fiitlxM'.  It  is  true  we  pledged  our 
honors,  with  those  of  our  young  bravtts,  for  their  liberation.  NVi;  thought 
much  of  it;  our  councils  were  long;  their  wivcis  and  children  were  in  oin- 
thoughts.  When  we  talketl  of  them,  our  hearts  were  full.  Their  wives  and 
childnui  came  to  us,  which  made  us  feel  like  woiihmi;  but  we  wt-n;  men. 
The  words  which  we  sesnt  to  our  great  liitlier  was  oik;  word,  the  word  of  all. 
The  heart  of  our  great  father  was  good;  hv  s|toke  like  tin;  father  of  childn^n. 
Th(!  (Jreat  .Spirit,  ma<le  his  heart  big  in  council.  We  rec<'iv(!  our  brothers  in 
friiMidship;  our  hearts  are  good  towards  them.  They  ont't;  listened  to  bad 
counsel;  now  their  ears  are  crlosed.  I  give  my  hand  to  them;  when  they 
Hhake  it,  tla^y  shaki!  the  hands  of  all.  1  will  shake  hands  with  them,  and  then 
I  am  done." 

Maj.  (iitrland  then  told  them,  that  be  wished  it  distinctly  iinderslooil  by  all 
present,  that  the  presidtuit  considend,  and  should  in  liituii'  acknowledge 
Kcorurk  as  the  principal  I'lnt^f  of  thci  nation;  tiiat  he  wished  and  expected 
Black-hawk  to  liMvn  and  conform  to  his  counsels;  niid  that  if  any  discordant 
feeling  now  (*xisted,  it  imist  bi>  buried  here  ;  that  tiie  two  bantls  that  had 
beretolbre  existe<l  in  the  tribe  must  be  broken  u|>.  I'rom  the  iiiisapplicatifHi 
of  some  word  on  the  part  of  the  iiitiMprelcr,  Blark-hawk  uiiderst4M)(l  him,  that 
he  viii,sf  conform  to  the  <"ouiisels  of  Ke.ocnrk.  The  old  man  became  com- 
pletely infuriau-d.  The  spirit  and  vigeir  of  his  y<Hitli  broke  tbrtb  like  a  vol- 
cano; )u'  rose  to  speak,  but  was  so  much  excited,  \io.  could  scarcely  articulate. 
He  said : — 

15^ 


174 


liLACK-HAWK  DEPOSED.— HIS  DISAPPOINTMENT.       [Book  V. 


"  I  am  a  man — an  old  man — I  will  not  conform  to  the  counsels  of  any  one. 
I  will  act  for  inysclf^io  one  Hliall  govern  me — I  am  old — my  liair  is  pray — 
I  once  gave  counsels  to  my  young  men — am  I  to  conform  to  others  ?  I  shall 
soon  go  to  the  Great  Spirit,  where  I  shall  rest  What  I  said  to  our  great 
father  in  Washington,  I  say  again — I  will  always  listen  to  him.     I  am  done." 

The  feeling  which  h(;  (evinced,  caused  a  momentary  excitement  among  all 
])resent ;  it  was  his  last  expiring  struggle.  The  nature  of  the  remark  was 
explained  to  him — that  tin;  president  requested  him  to  listen  to  Keocuck.  He 
;iiad(>  no  reply ;  he  sat  comph^tely  ahsorhed  in  his  own  feeliiig.s,  wlusn  Keo- 
cuck, in  a  suppressed  tone,  said  to  him,  "  fVhy  do  you  speak  so  before  tlie  white 
num  'J  I  will  speak  for  you ;  you  trembled;  you  did  not  mean  it."  He  consented, 
when  Keocuck  iU'ost;  and  saici : — 

"Our  hrother,  who  has  again  come  to  us,  has  spoken;  hut  he  spoke  in 
wrath — his  tongue  was  forked — he  spoke  not  like  a  man,  a  Sac.  He  knew 
his  words  wc^rc  had ;  he  trend)led  like  the  oak,  whose  roots  have  hcen  washed 
by  many  rains.  He  is  old  ;  what  he  said,  let  us  forget.  He  says  ho  did  not 
mean  it ;  he  wishes  it  forgotten.  1  have  spoken  for  him.  What  I  have  said 
is  his  own  words — not  mine.  Let  us  say  he  spoke  in  council  to-day — that 
his  words  were  good.     I  have  sjjoken." 

Col.  Davenport,  who  conuuaiids  at  Rock  Island,  then  told  Black-luiivk  that 
he  was  gratined  to  meet  him — that  once  he  was  his  enemy,  hut  now  he  met 
him  as  a  friend — that  he  was  here  by  the  commands  of  his  great  lather,  and 
should  always  be  glad  to  see  him.  If  he  wished  for  advice  at  any  time,  he 
should  be  always  ready  to  give  it  to  him ;  he  had  had,  during  his  absence, 
frequent  talks  with  his  tribe,  who  were  anxious  for  his  return ;  and  could 
assure  him,  that  his  nation  entertained  for  him  and  his  party  the  mbst  Iriendly 
feeling. 

Maj.  Garland  told  him,  that  he  was  now  at  libertj-  to  go  where  he  pleased : 
that  he,  and  all  the  Americans,  were  j)leased  with  his  uid  his  party's  unitbrm 
good  conduct  while  among  them  ;  that  they  were  convinced  that  their  hearts 
were  good,  but  they  ha«l  listcmed  to  bad  counsels.  They  had  seen  the  power 
of  the  while  men,  and  had  taken  their  great  father  by  the  hand,  who  had  re- 
stored them  to  their  families,  upon  his  and  his  tribe's  fiiithful  assurances  of 
peace  and  friendship. 

Black-haiok,  after  reflecting  upon  what  he  had  said,  requested  that  if  his 
remarks  were  put  upon  pajter,  a  line  might  be  drawn  over  it — he  did  not 
mean  it. 

Wapello,  chief  of  the  Foxes,  said  he  had  nothing  to  say.  "1  am  not,"  said 
he,  "  m  the  habit  of  talking — I  thiidi — I  have  been  thinking  all  day — Keocuck 
has  spoken — I  am  glad  to  see  nty  brothers — I  will  shake  hands  with  them. 
I  am  done."  A  general  shaking  of  hands  was  commenced  by  the  chiefj 
which  was  an  indication  that  the  council  was  adjourned  sine  die. 

The  impetuosity  of  Black-hawk^s  speech  was  undoubtedly  influenced  by 
the  presence  of  his  son,  who  evidently  governed  his  speech  and  actions  dur- 
ing their  tour  through  the  United  States.  He  appeared  anxious  that  his  father 
shoidd  maintain  his  former  stand,  in  spite  of  all  opposition,  and  no  doubt 
gave  instructions  to  that  effect.  The  old  man's  pride  was  deeply  wounded  ; 
yet  he  would  have  Bid)mitted  to  any  degradation,  rather  than  to  have  been 
committed  in  the  presence  of  so  large  a  number  of  the  most  conspicuous  men 
of  the  jiation.  He  felt  convinced  that  he  had  erred,  and  endeavored  to  atone 
lor  it,  during  the  day,  by  saying,  "Ae  did  not  know  ivluU  he  .aid." 

That  evening,  Maj.  Garland  invited  the  principal  chiefs,  together  with 
Black-hawk,  to  Ids  quarters,  as  it  would  aflord  a  good  op'  (rtunity  to  ascertain, 
explicitly,  the  feeling  which  existed  among  them  toi  ds  their  fallen  foe. 
About  seven  o'clock  they  arrived.  They  took  their  stats  in  silence,  passed 
the  pipe  for  all  to  take  a  whift",  and  in  return  quaffed  a  glass  of  champagne, 
whi'  'i  seemed  to  have  a  j)eculiar  relish.  Parsheparho  shook  hands  with  all 
present,  and  commenced  : — 

"We  met  this  morning;  I  am  glad  to  meet  again.  That  wine  is  very 
good ;  I  never  drank  any  before.  1  have  thought  much  of  our  meeting  to- 
day ;  it  was  one  that  told  us  we  were  brothers, — that  we  were  Sacs.  We  had 
just  returned  from  a  huflalo-hunt ;  we  thought  it  was  time  for  our  brothers 


[Book  V. 


Chap.  XL] 


BLACK-HAWK— SPEECHES. 


175 


if  any  one. 
r  is  pruy — 
H?    I  shall 

our  frreat 
iiri  d(»nc." 

ainoii^  all 
iMiiark  was 
ocuck.  He 
wli<;n  Keo- 
•e  tlie  white 
consented, 

e  spoke  in 
He  knew 
;cn  washed 
lie  (lid  not 
I  have  said 
)-day — that 

i-]iutvk  that 
low  he  met 
lather,  and 
iiy  time,  he 
lis  absence, 
and  could 
bst  friendly 

le  i)leased ; 
y's  uniform 
their  hearts 
1  the  power 
vho  had  re- 
sin-ances  of 

1  that  if  his 
-he  did  not 

in  not,"  said 
ly — Keocuck 
with  them. 
y  the  chietj 

fluenced  by 
actions  dur- 
at  his  father 
id  no  doubt 
y  wounded ; 
i  have  been 
)icuous  men 
red  to  atone 

gether  with 
to  ascertain, 
r  fallen  foe. 
L>nce,  passed 
chanii)agne, 
iiids  with  all 

vine  is  very 
meeting  to- 
es.   We  had 
our  brothers 


to  be  here,  as  our  fathers  at  St.  Louis  told  us  this  was  the  moon.  We  started 
befon!  the  rising  sun  to  meet  you ;  we  have  luet,  and  tiiken  our  brothers  by 
the  hand  in  friendship.  They  always  mistrusted  our  counsels,  and  went  from 
the  trail  of  the  red  men,  where  there  was  no  hunting  ground.s,  nor  Iriends  re- 
turned, and  found  the  dogs  howling  around  their  wigwams,  and  wives  look- 
ing lor  their  husbands  and  children.  They  said  wt;  counselled  like  women ; 
i)ut  tiuiy  have  found  our  couns*;ls  were  good.  They  have  been  through  the 
cduiitry  of  our  great  titther.  They  have  becin  t<i  the  wigwams  of  the  white 
men ;  they  received  them  in  kindness,  and  made  glad  their  hearts.  We 
tiianked  them;  say  to  them  that  AeocttcA;  ami  Parsfu:parho  thank  them.  Our 
brother  has  ])romised  to  listen  to  the  counsels  of  Keocuck.  What  he  said  in 
coinn^il  to-day,  was  like  the  Mississippi  log — the  sun  has  shone,  and  the  day 
is  clear — let  us  forget  it;  he  did  not  mean  it.  His  heart  is  good,  but  his  ears 
have  been  open  to  bad  counsels.  He  lias  taken  our  great  tiither  by  the  hand, 
whose  words  are  good.  He  listened  to  them,  and  has  closed  his  ears  to  the 
voice  which  came  across  the  great  waters,  lie  now  knows  that  he  ought  to 
listen  to  Keocuck.  He  counselled  with  us,  and  our  young  braves,  who  listened 
lo  his  talk.  We  told  our  great  father  that  all  woidd  be  peace.  He  opened 
his  durk  prison,  and  let  him  see  the  rising  sun  once  more,  gave  him  to  his 
wives  iind  children,  who  were  without  a  lodge.  Our  great  tiither  made 
straiglit  his  path  to  his  home.  I  once  took  the  great  chief  of  the  Osages 
prisoner.  I  heard  the  cries  of  his  women  and  children  ;  I  took  him  out  by 
the  rising  sun,  and  put  him  upon  the  trail  to  his  village  ;  '  There,'  said  I, '  is  the 
trail  to  your  village ;  go,  and  tell  your  village,  that  I,  Parslieparho,  the  chief  of 
the  Sacs,  sent  you.'  VVe  thank  our  great  tiither;  say  to  him  that  1  wish  to  see 
him;  1  reach  out  my  right  hand;  he  is  a  great  way  off,  but  I  now  shake  hint 
by  the  hand ;  our  hearts  are  good  towards  him ;  i  will  see  him  before  I  lie 
down  in  peace ;  may  the  Great  Spirit  be  in  his  councils ;  what  our  brother 
said  to-day,  let  us  forget.    I  am  done." 

Keocuck,  ailer  going  through  the  usual  ceremonies,  said,  "  We  feel  proud 
that  you  have  invited  us  here  this  evening  to  drink  a  glass  with  you ;  the 
wine  which  we  have  drank,  we  never  tasted  belbre  ;  it  is  the  wine  whicli  the 
white  men  make,  who  know  how  to  make  any  tiling;  I  will  take  another 
glass,  as  I  have  much  to  say;  we  feel  proud  that  we  can  drink  such  wine; 
to-day  we  shook  hands  with  our  brothers,  whom  you  brought  to  us  ;  we  were 
glad  to  see  them;  we  have  olten  thought  of  our  brothers;  many  of  our  nation 
said  they  would  never  return ;  their  wives  and  children  often  came  to  our 
wigwams,  which  made  us  feel  sad  ;  what  Parsluparlio  has  said,  is  true ;  1 
talked  to  our  young  men,  who  bad  the  hearts  of  men  ;  1  told  them  that  the 
Great  Spirit  was  in  our  councils ;  they  promised  to  live  in  peace  ;  those  who 
listened  to  bad  counsels,  and  followed  our  brothers,  have  said  tlieir  t  ars  are 
closed,  they  will  live  in  peace  ;  I  sent  their  words  to  our  great  fiither,  v,  hose 
ears  were  open,  whose  heart  was  made  sad  by  the  conduct  of  our  brothers; 
he  has  sent  to  their  wigwams;  we  thank  him;  say  to  him  that  AeocwcA:  thanks 
him  ;  our  brothers  have  seen  the  great  villages  of  the  white  men  ;  they  trav- 
elled a  long  road,  and  found  the  Americans  like  the  grass;  I  will  tell  our 
young  men  to  listen  to  what  they  shall  tell  them.  Many  years  ago  1  went 
through  the  villages  of  our  great  fiitber;  he  had  many,  that  were  like  the 
great  prairies;  but  he  has  gone,  another  is  our  liiiher,  he  is  a  gi'eat  war  chief, 
1  want  to  see  him,  I  shall  be  j)roud  to  take  him  by  the  hand,  I  have  heard 
much  of  him,  his  head  is  gray,  I  must  see  him ;  tell  him  that  as  soon  as  the 
snow  is  off  of  the  prairie,  I  shall  come.  What  I  have  said,  I  wish  spoke  io 
him,  belore  it's  put  upon  paper,  so  that  he  shall  I  "U-  it  as  I  have  said  it ;  t,  11 
him  that  Keocuck  spoke  it ;  what  our  brother  said  in  council  to-day,  let  us 
t()rgct ;  he  told  me  to  speak ;  I  sjioke  his  words.     I  have  spoken." 

BUwk-luiwk  then  said,  in  a  very  calm  and  dejected  manner,  "I  feel  that  1 
am  an  old  man ;  once  I  could  speak,  but  now  I  have  but  little  to  say ;  to-day 
we  met  many  of  our  brothers,  we  were  glad  to  see  them  ;  I  have  listened  to 
what  my  brothers  have  said,  tlieir  hearts  are  good;  they  have  been  like  Sacs 
since  1  iell  them;  they  have  taken  care  of  my  wife  and  children,  who  had  no 
wigwam ;  I  thanked  them  for  it ;  the  Great  Spirit  knows  tiiat  I  thouk  them ; 


176 


BLACK-HAVvK. 


(Book  V. 


Iiefore  the  sun  «?ets  hehlnd  tlie  liills  to-rriorrow  I  shall  sac  thetn,  I  want  to  see 
them;  when  I  lell  them,  I  expected  soon  to  return;  1  told  our  great  father, 
when  in  Washington,  tliat  I  would  listen  to  his  counsels;  I  say  so  to  you,  I 
will  listen  to  the  counsels  of  Keoeiick  ;  1  shall  soon  l»e  far  away,  I  slia'l  have 
no  village,  no  band,  1  shall  live  alone.  What  I  said  in  council  to-day  I  wish 
forgotten.  If  it  has  been  put  uiK>n  pa[>er,  I  wish  a  mark  to  be  drawn  over 
it.  I  did  i.ot  mean  it.  Now  wo  are  alone,  hit  us  say  we  will  Ibrget  it.  Say 
to  our  grejit  fiither  and  Gov.  Casa.  that  I  will  listen  to  them.  Many  years 
ago  I  met  (Jov.  Cass  in  councils,  fju-  across  the  prairies,  to  the  rising  siui. 
itis  counsels  were  good.  My  ears  were  closed ;  I  listened  to  the  great  father 
across  tlie  great  waters.  My  iiither  listened  to  him  whose  band  was  large. 
My  band  was  once  large.  Now  I  have  no  band.  I  and  my  son,  and  all  the 
party,  thank  our  great  father  for  what  he  has  done.  He  is  old,  I  am  old  ;  we 
shall  soon  go  to  the  Ureat  Spirit,  where  we  shall  rest.  He  sent  us  tlirougii 
his  great  villages.  We  saw  many  of  tlie  white  mcu,  who  treated  u,^  with 
kindness.  We  thank  thctii ;  sjiy  to  them  we  thank  them.  We  thiuik  you  and 
Mr.  jSprwgtte  Ibr  coming  with  us;  your  road  was  long,  and  crooked.  We 
never  wiw  so  many  white  men  liefbre.  Wiien  you  was  with  us,  we  felt  as 
though  we  had  some  frieii<ls  among  them.  We  filt  safe;  you  knew  tlieui  all. 
When  ynu  come  upon  the  Mississipj)i  again,  you  shall  come  to  my  wigwam. 
1  have  none  now.  On  your  road  home,  you  pass  where  my  village  once  was. 
No  one  lives  there  now ;  all  are  gone.  I  give  you  my  hand ;  we  may  never 
meet  again  ;  I  shall  long  remend)er  you.  The  Great  Spirit  will  be  with  you, 
and  your  wives  and  children.  Belbre  the  sun  rises  I  shall  go  to  my  tiui.iiy. 
My  son  will  \^e  here  to  see  you,  before  we  go.  I  will  shake  hands  with  my 
brothers  here,  then  I  arn  done." 

The  party  separated  with  a  most  f)erfect  understanding  among  themselves, 
and  in  fi»llowship  and  goo«l  feeling;  but  Black-hawk  was  cast  down,  his  pride 
was  wounded,  and  he  de|iarted  in  silence. 


9eife 


CHAPTER  XIL 


From  the  time.  Black-ftawlc  tean  set  at  liberty  in  his  own  country,  in  1833,  to  his  death, 
on  October  3</,  1838,  rciUi  other  imj/ortant  nuUters  connected  teith  Uie  Indians  in  the 
west. 

"  In  pnin  iinrf  poril,  wlipn  thy  yeiirH  were  few. 

Anil  iIi'hIIi'a  ilurk  kIiuiIow  un  tliy  liatliwiiy  fell, 
TliDii  to  tlie  t'riMliK's*  of  lliy  trial  prew, 

limle  fortune,  fricnila,  and  blighted  hoiw  fsri'wrli."— S.  Ii.  FAihFiKi.n. 

For  almut  three  years  afJer  the  lilteration  of  Black-hawk,  few  incidents  of 
importance  seem  to  have  iranspirwl.  The  first  we  shall  notice  is  thi;  tieath 
of  a  great  Winnebago  cliie  i  some  of  whose  family  have  nassed  under  our 
notice  in  a  fiirmer  chapter,  f,;om  the  conspicuous  part  he  a  ted  in  the  eajttiire 
of  Black-hawk.  His  name  was  Schachipkaka,  or  Dccorie.  He  died  in 
Wisconsin,  on  the  'iCth  of  April,  1836,  in  his  ?)Oth  year.  Died  also,  at  the 
S'  neca  reservation.  Major  Berry,  aged  74.  He  fought  with  the  Americans 
in  the  wiir  of  1812,  and  died  a  ])cnsioner.  His  place  of  residen(!e  was  known 
as  Jack  Berry's  tnwn.  He  was  a  distinguished  chief.  And  on  the  liiltli  of 
the  same  month  died  that  celebrated  pioneer  of  the  west,  Simon  Kknton, 
aged  82.  He,  it  will  be  recollected,  it  was  who  was  engaged  as  a  pilot  to  the 
army  of  Loril  Dunmore,  in  1774,  being  then  about  nineteen  years  of  age. 
He  afterwards  spent  many  years  in  a  most  wretched  captivity  among  the 
Miami  Indians,  and  finally  made  some  escapes,  which,  it  seems  to  us,  that 
nothing  short  of  miracidoiis  interference  could  have  brought  about. 

On  the  24th  of  May,  I8:W),  a  treaty  of  cession  was  made  at  Washington, 
Ijetween  o  delegation  of  chiefs  and  others  of  the  Chippewas,  and  the  United 


Chap.  XII.] 


SIOUX  W.\R.— WAUCOSIIAI'SHR. 


177 


States,  by  which  nil  the  rcBervutions  heretofore  held  by  ihem  in  the  state  of 
Michigan  is  relinquished* 

A  re|)ort  wa.n  current  among  lis  in  the  Buninwr  of  this  year,  ti.at  a  Han- 
frninary  battle  had  l^'cn  fbufrht  on  the  yOtli  of  Jnn.',  at  a  noted  place  .hi  the 
l{ed  Hiver,  called  the  Crons  Ti(nlier»,  bet\ve(;n  2o  SiiawaneeH  and  !J50  Cuni.-m- 
clies;  til  it  the  battle  lasted  a  whole  day,  and  eventuated  in  the  defeat  of  tin- 
lattt!r,  who  lost  77  of  their  number. 

On  the  I!)tli  of  Noven»lier,  IS^Ui,  h  lur||fe  war  party  of  Sionx  surprised  fiv<! 
lodges  of  Fo.xen,  on  the  lower  loway,  15  or  '20  inil<!s  from  where  the  line"  of 
the  "  HIack-liawk  purchase  "  crossfjs  it,  and  killed  about  20  of  them.  One 
of  the  Foxrs,  a  joimg  ninn,  thoiiL'h  severely  wounded  in  the  neck,  made  his 
escape,  and  carried  the  news  to  Poweeshieck's  village. 

In  May,  1HH7,  died  at  the  Huron  vill.ige,  Lorkttk,  or  Gra.xd  Louis,  whose 
Indian  name  is  Tandarelion,  aged  ?4.  He  had  been  a  great  hunter,  and  an 
upright  mail,  ihoiigh  at  times  intcinpeiate.  .\  man  who  had  a  gnidge  against 
anotlier,  endeavored  to  hire  hitn  to  shoot  his  enemy,  but  Lorette  replied, 
"Je  ne  suis  pas  en  guerre  avec  lui,"  "I  have  no  cause  of  war  with  that  man," 
and  turned  scornfully  from  him.  And  on  the  18tli  of  the  tbllowing  June, 
another  respected  chief  paid  the  debt  of  mortality. 

Capt.  George,  principal  chief  of  the  ancient  and  once  fiimous  trite  of  the 
Onondagas,  died,  aged  70.  He  was  one  of  the  most  able  orators  of  the  Six 
Nations,  not  only  i)os9(!Ssing  the  confidence  of  his  own,  but  all  the  confederate 
tribes,  and  was  greatly  esteemed  by  the  white  jieople. 

In  the  order  of  time,  the  next  event  of  importance  was  a  severe  battle 
between  the  Sacs  and  Foxe.",  and  Sioux.  And  what  makes  it  to  be  the  more 
lamented  is,  in  consequence  of  the  criminal  negligence  of  our  government. 
When  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  sold  us  the  best  portions  of  Illinois,  Missouri,  and 
Wisconsin,  amoimting  to  26.500,000  acres,  which  included  all  the  lead  mines, 
for  the  sum  of  THREE  CENTS  PER  ACRE,  certain  provisions  were  to 
be  made  tiieni ;  certain  grounds  wen;  to  be  put  in  cultivation,  certain  amounts 
of  money  paid  at  certain  times,  and,  especially,  they  were  promised  protection 
from  their  bloody  enemies,  the  Sioux,  when  hunting  upon  certain  grounds 
allowed  to  them.  But  nom;  of  the  promises  made  them  had  been  |)erformed, 
and  famine  forced  them,  when  they  could  wait  for  us  no  longer,  to  go  uni)ro- 
tccted  into  the  wilderness  to  htnit  for  game. 

The  bat'le,  of  which  we  are  to  give  an  necount,  h.-;>pened  about  the  2d  of 
August,  1887,  and  the  history  we  have  of  it  is  derived  from  the  chief  of  the 
Sacs  and  Foxes,  wlio  was  mortally  wounded  in  it  He  had  been  to  St.  Louis 
to  see  what  could  be  done  fo  his  people,  and  he  sa^'s,  "when  I  returned,  I 
found  our  people  starving  at  the  village.  I  divided  all  the  provis  ons  I  had 
received  from  our  trader  iimong  them,  and  powder  and  lead  to  enable  us  to 
make  a  hunt  to  supply  our  families  imtil  our  corn  was  ripe,  or  that  our  great 
lather  had  paid  our  money  to  enable  our  'raders  to  furnish  us."  Having 
divided  his  tribe  into  two  parties,  that  they  might  hunt  to  beftf:r  adv.mfajre, 
one  was  to  proceed  along  the  dividing  country  between  the  loway  and  Red 
Cedar  Rivers,  and  the  other  to  advance  tip  the  right  bank  of  Cedar  River. 
At  the  head  of  the  latter  division  was  the  chief  of  whom  mention  has  been 
made,  wli'tse  name  was  Wau-cosii-ah-hiie.  He  had  in  his  company  aliout 
170  people,  of  whom  but  40  wore  men,  the  rest  womon  and  children.  They 
foimd  no  game  lor  many  days,  and,  says  the  old  chief,  "we  had  to  depend  on 
fish,  which  we  caught  from  the  Cedar,  to  kee[»  our  peo|)le  fi-om  dying  with 
hunger."  Ho  was  in  great  expectation,  that,  if  he  could  reach  a  belt  of 
wooded  country,  between  the  Wapescpineca  and  Cedar,  to  find  plenty  of 
game.  Accordingly  he  sent  out  some  of  his  yoiing  men  in  advance,  and 
followed  as  well  as  he  was  able  with  the  rest,  but  his  pioneers  soon  returned, 
and  informed  him  that  the  Winnebagoes  were  hunting  there.  "This  was  bad 
news,"  says  Waucoshaushe,  "in  our  starving  condition,  atid  wt  could  not 
return,  for  we  had  nothing  to  return  to,"  and  their  nearest  hcpe  was  about 
the  mouth  of  Otter  River.    He  theref^irc  bent  his  course  thither. 

On  arriving  on  the  confines  of  that  country,  he  encamped,  and  sent  out 
some  hunters,  but,  as  before,  they  soon  returned,  and  reported  that  their 
ground  was  in  possession  of  the  Sioux;  and,  he  asks,  "  What  was  now  to  be 


m 


178 


SIOUX  AND  SAC  AND  FOX  WAR-BATTTT!. 


[Book  V. 


done  ?  My  number  of  fighting  men  was  small ;  but  to  retreat  was  impossible ; 
for  wo  must  liiive  been  iliscovercd  by  the  Sioux,  and  litilowed;  and  wlienever 
you  turn  your  back  on  an  enemy,  you  are  sure  of  deleat.  My  braves  agreed 
with  me,  that  we  shouiti  inunediately  start  on  the  trail,  leave  our  woukui  and 
eliiidren  at  the  camp,  and  go  and  ascertain  their  strength;  that  if  we  found 
liiem  not  too  strong,  to  drive  tiiem  out  of  our  hunting-grounds.  We  IbJiowed 
th(!ir  trail  across  Otter  River,  and  then  it  took  a  direction  into  the  prairie,  to- 
wards where  the  sun  sets.  About  midnight,  we  thought  we  discovercti  tl  ; 
iSidux  lodges.  We  raisi d  the  war-cry,  ami  rushed  upon  them  ;  but  found  no 
Sioux  there,  only  sand-hills  instead  of  lodges.  They  were  encamped  in  a 
)iollov\';  and  Ity  this  mistake  we  were  discovered.  We  might  now  liave  re- 
in;.ite<l;  hut,  rcllectiiig  on  our  condition, — our  fiunilies  starving,  our  hunting- 
grounds  i)ossossed  by  our  enemies,  and  the  rememhrance  of  our  friends  thev 
Jiad  miirtlered  last  wiiUer  on  the  loway, — determined  us  to  follow  them  as 
far  as  the  line. 

"  WVi  had  not  proceeded  far,  when  the  Sioux  fired  on  us.  J,  with  my  j.art}', 
rushed  into  their  camps,  and,  after  fighting  desperately  for  some  time,  Ibund 
they  W(;re  in  too  strong  n  force  lor  us.  All  that  could,  retreated  out  of  the 
camps,  and,  taking  a  position  back  of  a  small  rise,  within  gunshot  of  their 
cani|)s,  lired  upon  them  until  our  anununition  was  exhausted.  We  then  re- 
treated to  our  camp, — where  wo  had  left  our  women  and  children, — bringing 
thirteen  wounded  with  us,  and  leaving  eleven  killed  on  the  field." 

Such  is  the  account  of  the  battle,  by  an  actor  in  it  As  soon  as  he  could, 
VVaucoshaushe  sent  two  of  iiis  braves  with  this  account,  to  the  agency,  at 
Rock  Island,  wliere  thoy  arrived  on  the  8  of  August.  The  chief  closed  his 
talk  in  the  Ibliowing  words:  "3[y  father,  I  am  one  of  the  wounded,  and  ex- 
pect never  to  see  you  asrahi.  I  have  followed  your  advice,  tuid  done  the  best  I 
could  lor  my  nation,  ami  /  do  not  fear  to  die.  We  have  with  the  greatest  dif- 
ficulty reached  our  village,  and  fiuu'  that  many  of  our  people  will  die  of  hun- 
ger.    Father,  I  have  no  more  to  say." 

What  was  done  ii)r  these  i»oor,  distressed  IndianB,  I  have  no  account,  but 
doubt  not  it  might  be  (piickly  told !  However,  a  delegation  of  Sacs  and  Foxes, 
and  another  of  Sioux  and  ioways,  visited  Washington  in  the  end  of  the  follow- 
ing Septendjer;  but  we  hear  nothing  of  any  redress  lor  the  former;  jet  the 
government  bought  of  tlus  Sioux  5,000,000  of  acres  of  their  land,  on  the  east 
side  of  the  31ississippi,  at  twenty  cents  an  acre.  These  same  Indians  were 
induced  to  travel  through  our  great  cities  by  advice  of  the  president,  who 
wished  to  make  them  acquainted  with  our  power  and  consequence ;  and 
they  accordingly  arrived  in  Boston,  the  extent  of  their  journey  on  the  coast, 
on  the  27  October,  1837.  Tliey  consisted  of  both  deputations, — in  all,  35. 
Among  the  Sacs  and  Foxes  were  the  well-known  and  celebinted  old  ex-chief, 
I}LAC1<;-IIAWK,  his  son  Nasheeskuk,  (Loud  Thuiuler,)  Keokuk,  and  Wa- 
I'ELLA.  On  Saturday  niorning,  the  whole  party  had  an  audience  of  the 
mayor,  Mr.  S.  A.  Eliot,  the  aldermen,  and  conunon  council  of  the  city,  in 
Faneuil  Hall.  The  Sacs  and  Foxes  arrived  first,  in  carriages,  and  were  seated 
t)n  the  right  of  tlie  elevated  platlbrm;  and  the  Sioux,  arriving  inunediately 
tifter,  were  seated  on  the  left.  As  each  party  entered,  a  band  of  music,  sta- 
tioned for  the  occasion,  played  martial  airs.  The  mayor  then  welcomed 
them  in  a  short  speech,  tluougii  their  interpreters.  Gov.  Everett  was  pres- 
ent, and,  being  introduced  to  them,  invited  them  to  an  audience  in  the  State- 
Ilottse,  on  iMonday ;  for  whicii  civility  Keokuk  presented  hun  with  a  bow  and 
arrows.  They  were  then  shown  the  armories  in  the  upper  hall  of  the  same 
building,  where  they  expressed  high  gratification  at  seeing  so  many  bright 
guns  fit  for  use.    They  then  returned  to  their  lodgings  in  Concert  Hail. 

On  Sunday  morning,  a  part  of  the  Sac  and  F^ox  delegation  visited  the  navj'- 
yard,  and  in  tlie  afternoon  the  Sioux  and  Ioways  were  there.  They  were 
presented  by  CapL  Percival  to  Com.  Downes,  who  conducted  them  over  the 
yard,  much  to  their  entertainment  The  ships  of  war  most  astonished  them, 
and  we  ai'e  not  sure  they  understood  the  use  of  tliat  grand  affair,  the  dry 
dock ;  they  approached  and  looked  down  its  sides  with  evident  feelings  of 
awe.  To  a  handsome  address  from  Com.  Downes,  they  made  an  appropriate 
reply,  and  returned  to  their  quarters.    In  the  evening,  some  attended  the 


Chap.  XII] 


BLACK-HAWK  IN  BOSTON— SPEECHES. 


IW 


oratorios  at  Boylston  Hall  and  the  Masonic  Temple.  On  Monday,  they  held 
a  l(3voe  at  Faneuil  Hall,  under  tiie  direction  oftlie  city  marshal,  lor  the  especial 
uccoiiiin-  Jation  of  the  ladies,  which  was  closed  at  eleven  o'clock,  when  jire- 
j)arations  were  made  I'or  meeting  the  ^lovernor  at  the  State-House,  agreeably 
to  |>revioiis  arrangements. 

As  hut  a  very  small  portion  of  the  commnnity  could  he  admitted  to  the 
'•Indian  comicil"  in  the  rej)respntatives'  cliamlxT,  notice  was  given  in  the 
newspapers  to  such  ns  might  expect  admission,  tliat  "passes"  had  l)een  pro- 
vi<l<'d  li)r  them,  and  were  to  he  had  hetwcisn  'J  and  11.  A.  M.,  at  the  otlices  of 
tiu!  adjutant  general  and  city  auditor.  These  "passes"  were  cards,  on  which 
was  printed,  "Pass  to  tue  Kei'REsf.ntativks'  Chamder,  ^Otu  Octobei;, 
I*!/.' 

iMeanwhile,  the  Sioux  lelt  the  city,  and  proceeded  on  their  journey  west. 
It  was  evidently  unphiasant  to  both  parties  to  meet  at  the  same  time  and 
place,  as  the  war  betwce'ii  them,  of  which  we  liave  taken  notice,  had  not 
ceased,  and,  for  aught  they  knew  to  the  contrary,  the  friends  of  e  ich  were 
tailing  by  tlie  hand  of  the  other,  in  the  country  from  which  they  were  thus 
temporarily  absent. 

The  hour  having  arrived  H)r  the  Indians  to  make  their  appearance  in  the 
hall  of  the  State-House,  it  was  crowded  to  overflowing,  as  was  every  avenue 
leading  to  it.  The  governor  occupied  the;  speaker's  chair,  with  his  aids  and 
council  around  him,  when  the  chiefs  came  in  and  took  seats  in  the  atljacent 
area.  The  governor  then  arose,  and,  in  explanation,  stated  the  object  of  their 
visit.  "They  are,"  said  he,  "a  most  resjUM'taljIe  deputation  from  the  Sac  and 
Fox  tribes,  which  are  in  amity  with  our  goverimient.  The  object  of  their 
mission  to  Washington,  was  to  form  a  treaty  explanatoiy  of  the  great  treaty 
made  in  183(5,  defining  the  boundaries  between  their  tcrritoiy  and  that  of  the 
United  States.  Their  lands  are  situated  bet\veen  the  Mississippi  and  Missou- 
rL  The  united  tribes  comprise  about  5000,  of  whom  about  1400  are  braves. 
They  are  the  descendants  of  the  Algoufjuins,  or  Lennape,  and  speak  the  siune 
language  as  that  anciently  spoken  by  tlu^  Indians  of  this  region."  Some  }»er- 
sons  in  the  galleries  showing  a  ilis|>ositioii  to  nianifi'st  their  ridiculous  con- 
cei)tion8,  when  the  Indians  cjuik!  in,  the  governor  observed  to  the  audience, 
that  any  such  demonstrations  by  laughing,  however  seemingly  ludicrous  any 
appearance  might  he.,  would  be  highly  improper,  and  the  Indians  night  con- 
strue such  exhibition  of  mirth  intf)  tlisrespect. 

The  interpreter  was  then  rcfuiested  to  inform  them  that  the  governor  bade 
them  a  hearty  welcome  to  the  hall  of  council  of  their  white  brethren.  "  We 
have,"  said  he,  "  beibre  heard  of  the  Sacs  and  Foxts,  by  our  travellers ;  and 
we  have  been  told  the  names  of  their  great  men  and  chiefs ;  and  now  we  are 
glad  to  see  them  with  our  eyes.  We  are  called  the  people  of  Masi^achusetts; 
it  is  the  name  of  the  red  people  who  ojice  lived  here.  In  Ibrmer  times,  the 
red  man's  wigwam  stood  on  our  very  fields,  and  his  council-fire  was  kindled 
on  this  spot.  When  our  forefathers  came  to  this  country,  they  were  but  a 
small  band.  The  red  man  stood  on  the  rock  on  the  sea-side,  and  looked  at 
them.  He  might  have  pushed  them  off,  and  drowned  them ;  but  he  took 
them  by  the  hand,  and  said, '  Welcome.'  Our  forefathers  were  hungry,  and 
the  red  man  gave  them  corn  and  venison.  They  were  cold,  and  the  red  man 
spread  his  blanket  over  them,  and  made  them  warm.  We  are  now  grown 
great  and  powerful ;  yet  we  remember  the  kindness  of  the  red  man  to  our 
Ibrefiithers. 

"Brothers!  our  faces  are  white,  and  yours  are  red;  but  our  hearts  are 
alike.  You  dwell  between  the  Mississippi  and  Missouri ;  they  are  unghty 
streams.  One  stretches  out  to  the  east,  and  the  other  away  to  the  west,  even 
to  the  Rocky  Mountains;  but  still  they  make  but  one  river,  and  they  run  to- 
gether to  the  sea.  Brothers!  we  dwell  in  the  east,  and  you  live  in  the  fiir 
west ;  but  we  are  one  family.  Brothers !  aa  you  passed  through  the  hall  be- 
low, you  stopped  to  look  upon  the  image  of  our  great  father,  Washington ;  it 
is  a  cold  stone,  and  cannot  speak ;  but  our  great  father  loved  the  red  man, 
and  he  commanded  us  to  love  you.  He  is  dead ;  but  his  voice  made  a  deep 
print  in  our  hearts,  like  the  footsteps  of  the  great  buffalo  in  the  clay  of  the 
prairie." 


iMIf 


i!  .:^*i 


180 


BLACK-HAWK   IN   i:OSTON.— KEOKUK. 


[B 


OOK 


Kcnkiik  had  his  son  with  liiiii,  alwut  14  yciirs  oUl  The  govornor  alliuled 
to  him,  whfii  he  said,  "May  the  (jfioat  Spirit  preserve  the  life  of  your  son. 
May  h(!  frrow  ii|t  liy  your  side,  hke  the  tender  sapling  by  the  side  of  the 
niiglity  ojik.  May  yon  long  fiocrish  tojretiier ;  and  when  the  mighty  oak  ih 
fallen  in  the  forest,  n.ay  tin;  young  tree  take  its  place,  and  sprea(l  out  itH 
hraneiu's  over  his  people,  lii'others!  I  have;  made  you  a  short  talk,  and  once 
more  \)\<\  yon  welcome  to  our  council  hall." 

Kkokuk  said  in  leply,  "  1  am  very  much  gratified  at  the  pleasure  of  shak- 
ing hands  with  the  grejit  chief  of  the  country,  ami  others  about  him.  The 
<ireat  Spirit,  as  you  have  said,  made  us  the  siurie ;  we  only  speak  different 
languages.  IJrotJier!  I  am  very  happy  to  be  able  to  say,  before  I  die,  that  I 
have  seen  the  house  where  yotu-  fathers  useil  to  s;(eak  with  ours,  as  we  now 
do  with  you,  and  hojje  tlie  Great  S|)irit  is  pleased  at  the  sight.  I  hope  he 
will  long  kt^ej)  |)eaoe  between  the  white  and  re<!  men." 

VVapkli.a  next  s[»oke.  He  said,  "I  am  very  happy  to  meet  my  friends  in 
tlie  land  of  our  fbrefiithers.  I  recollect,  when  a  little  boy,  of  hearing  my  fore- 
fathers sjiy,  that  at  this  place  the  red  man  first  took  the  white  man  by  the 
hand.  1  am  very  ha|)py  that  this  islaii«l  can  supjiort  so  many  white  men  as 
have  come  on  to  it ;  I  am  glad  they  can  find  u  living,  and  happy  they  can  be 
contented  with  living  on  it.  I  am  glad  to  hear  the  white  men  call  us  their 
brothers;  it  is  true  tliey  are  the  oldest:  but  where  I  live  my  tribe  is  the 
oldest  among  the  red  men.  I  shall  go  home  and  tell  my  l)rethren  that  I  have 
been  to  this  great  }»lace,  and  it  shall  not  be  forgotten  bynie  nor  my  children." 

AVaacashaashee  then  came  forward,  and  said,  "I  have  just  listened  o  the 
words  s[)oken  by  you  and  my  chiefs  about  our  forefathers.  I  have  long 
wished  to  see  the  shores  where  my  tiithers  took  the  white  men  by  the  hand, 
and  I  shall  not  forget  it." 

PowEESHiECK  )ie.\t  spoke  as  follows:  "You  have  lienrd  what  my  chiefs 
have  to  say.  They  are  much  gratified  with  their  visit  to  this  town.  This  is 
the  place  where  our  tribe  once  lived.  I  have  often  heard  my  father  and 
grandfather  say  that  they  once  lived  by  the  sea  coast,  where  the  white  man 
first  came.  I  wish  I  had  a  book,*  and  could  read  in  it  all  these  things.  I 
Jiave  been  told  that  this  is  the  way  you  get  all  your  knowledge.  I  think  the 
Americans  are  among  the  greatest  of  the  white  people,  that  very  few  can 
overpower  them.  It  is  so  with  the  Sacs,  though  I  say  itf  They  call  me  a 
great  man  where  I  live,  and  I  am  very  hapj)y  that  two  such  great  men  as  you 
and  I  should  meet  and  shake  hands  together." 

Next  came  the  Indian  who  wore  a  buffalo  skin  all  over  him,  its  head  on  hia 
own,  with  horns  erect.  His  name  we  could  not  get  hold  of;  but  he  said,  "  I 
am  much  pleased  with  the  conversation  our  chiefs  have  liad  with  you.  I  am 
glad  you  noticed  Matisanwoitl,  Keokuk's  son.  He  will  succeed  his  father,  and 
be  a  chief!  The  chiefs  who  have  spoken  to  you  are  all  village  chiefs ;  for 
my  part,  I  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  villages;  but  I  go  to  war,  and  fight  for 
the  women  and  children." 

AppA^osEOKEMAR  ncxt  spoke:  "I  am  very  happy  to  shake  hands  with  you. 
I  do  it  with  all  my  heart.  Although  we  have  no  paper  to  ptit  down  words 
on,  we  shall  not  forget  this  good  council.  I  am  a  brave,  and  have  my  arms 
in  my  hiuids.  They  are  all  my  defence ;  but  I  wish  to  leave  them  in  this 
liouse  for  the  white  man  to  remember  the  red  man  of  the  far  west.  Mj 
presents  may  not  be  agreeable,  but  they  are  given  with  a  good  heart."  And, 
divesting  himself  of  all  his  clothes,  wampum  belt,  moccashis,  &ic.,  except  a 
blanket,  he  gave  them  and  his  arms  to  the  governor. 

Black-hawk's  turn  now  came.  His  voice  was  very  shrill,  and  he  was  the 
only  one  among  them  with  any  of  the  costume  of  the  whites  about  him.  He 
began,  "  I  like  very  well  to  hear  you  talk  of  the  Great  Spirit.  He  made  us 
both  of  one  heart,  though  our  skins  are  of  different  complexions,  The  first 
white  men  that  came  to  this  island  were  French.    They  were  our  brothers  as 

*  They  probal)ly  Ijiiew  no  (lifTcrencc  in  books,  and  supposed  that  any  book  would  read  as 
might  be  d(^sircd.  They  look  upon  tliem  as  a  kind  of  oracle,  and  suppose  one  ns  good  as  h 
thousand,  having  no  idea  of  their  different  contents.  One  might  get  such  an  idea  from  a 
certain  hymn  of^Dr.  Watts,  but  it  is  original  with  the  Indians. 

t  This  caused  a  pleasing  sensation  in  the  house. 


Chap.  XII.J 


GREAT  MOilTAI.ITY 


191 


you  are.  When  at  tho  president's  villutre,  your  fK'opIo  ptit  tnednls  alwiit  our 
necks.  The  French  used  to  do  «o  by  our  iiitherH.  Tlie  fJr<!iit  Spirit  is  pleased 
at  our  talking  together.  I  atu  a  num.  You  arc  u  man.  None  ol'  us  are  any 
thing  more.  I  live  between  the  MissiHsippi  and  Missouri.  I  have  now  got 
to  be  an  old  man.  It  is  surprising  to  me  liow  so  many  ])eople  can  live  in  so 
small  a  place  as  this  village  is.  1  carmot  see  where  they  get  venison  and  corn 
enough  to  live  upon  :  but  if  they  like  it,  I  am  s!itisHe<l.*  1  cannot  shake  hands 
with  all  my  Triends,  but  by  shaking  haiuls  with  you,  i  mean  it  ti)r  all." 

Keokuk  then  presented  his  son  to  tiic  governor,  who  caused  his  own  son 
to  shake  the  hatid  of  that  of  the  chief  apparent.  Then  came  forward  a  brave, 
who  said  his  father  was  a  I'reiichman ;  he  [)resented  the  governor  with  a 
pipe.  His  excellency  then  informed  the  Indians  that  souje  presents  had  been 
prepared  for  them,  in  the  balcony  in  front  of  the  hall,  and  that  they  should 
jtroceed  th»!re  and  receive  them,  wliich  was  accordingly  done.  The  presents 
consisted  of  guns,  swords,  trinkets,  and  clothes  for  their  women  and  chil- 
<lren,  &c.  To  the  son  of  Keokuk  the  governor  gave  an  elegant  little  rifle, 
and  observed  that  he  hoped  he  would  soon  be  able  to  shoot  butlalocs  with  it. 

All  these  affairs  took  up  much  timi!,  especially  the  speeches,  as  the  inter- 
preters had  to  repeat  them  sijntcnce  by  sentence,  as  they  were  delivered,  to 
both  parties  of  Indians.  At  the  end  of  each  sentence  delivered  to  tlie  Indians, 
they  would  simultaneously  utter  assent  to  it  in  an  inexpressible  sound,  some- 
thinw  like  what  might  be  derived  li-om  a  peculiar  pronunciation  of  the  letters 
a-ugk-ynh,  which  must  be  done  in  the  same  breath,  and  a  gradual  raising  of 
the  voice.  And  there  was  stich  a  dissimilarity  in  K-uiguage  between  one  por- 
tion of  the  chiefs  and  the  others,  that  two  interpreters  were  necessarily  em- 
ployed. 

Agreeably  to  notice  given,  the  Indians  withdrew  fVom  the  balcony  of  the 
State-House  to  the  senate  chamber,  wliere  they  partook  of  a  collation,  and 
then  ap[)eared  on  the  common,  where  they  performed  a  mock  war  dance,  to 
the  great  amtisement  of  the  immense  multitude.  In  the  evening,  they  visited 
the  Tremont  Theatre,  where  Forrest  took  a  benefit  in  the  "  Banker  of  Bogota." 
The  Sioux  had  before  attended  the  National  Tlumtre.  On  Tuesday,  the  31st, 
they  lelt  the  city,  taking  their  journey  west. 

Indian  deputations  were  things  new  to  this  generation,  in  Boston,  and  whf^n 
some  began  to  think  tliey  were  satisfied  with  seeing  one,  another  was  an- 
noimced ;  and,  on  the  20  November,  there  arrived  in  the  Providence  c  s  26 
chiefs,  from  a  country  fiir  beyond  that  from  whence  came  the  preceding  ones. 
They  were  said  to  represent  tlie  Grand  Pawnees,  Pawnee  Lou})es,  and  Re- 
publican Pawnees,  Otoes,  and  Omahas.  The  name  of  the  principal  chief  is 
Odderussin,  a  descendant  of  the  ancient  Mohawks.  They  were  lodged  at 
Concert  Hall  also,  and  the  next  day  visited  tlie  navy -yard,  theatre  in  the  even- 
ing, and  on  Wednesday  left  tlie  city.  They  were  dressed  entirely  in  the  far 
forest  costume,  and  fantastically  painted  :  and  some  of  them  were  of  immense 
stature,  and  appeared  as  though  tlicy  had  endured  the  frosts  of  coimtless 
winters. 

Scenes  of  wretchedness  have  been  recorded  in  our  early  pages,  occasioned 
by  malignant  diseases,  among  Indians  of  our  own  land.  We  are  now  to  re- 
late the  4loings  of  death  on  a  broader  scile,  in  the  regions  of  the  Upper  Mis- 
souri. In  October  last,  (1837,)  the  small-pox  was  still  raging  over  that  vast 
country.  Up  to  the  first  of  that  month,  tlie  Mandans  were  reduced  from  1,600 
to  31  souls ;  the  Minetareea  from  1,000  to  .WO,  and  they  were  still  dying  fast. 
The  Ricarees,  who  had  recently  joined  them,  were  hunting  by  themselves, 
when  the  disease  was  raging  among  tlicir  friends,  and  were  not  seized  by  the 
horrid  malady  until  a  month  after.  They  numlK;red  3,000,  and  half  of  them 
were  in  a  few  days  swej't  away,  and  hundreds  of  the  sui-vivors  were  killing 
themselves  in  despair ;  some  with  their  own  spears  and  other  instruments  of 
war,  and  some  by  casting  themselves  down  the  high  precipices  along  the 
Missouri.  The  great  nation  of  Assinnaboines,  10,000  strong ;  the  Crees, 
3,000,  are  nearly  all  destroyed.     The  Black  Feet  had  known  no  such  foe  be- 

»  None  of  the  repoi;°rs  did  justice  to  the  olrl  chiprs  speech;  but  my  ears  did  not  deceive 
me.    These  last  two  sentences  were  omitted  by  all. 

16 


'i 


,r  ¥, 


162 


DEATH  OP  BLACK-HAWK. 


[Book  V 


forr  ;  it  hnd  readied  the  Rocky  IMountniiiN,  nnd  swept  away  the  people  in  a 
thoiiHurul  lodges.  They  were  feckoned  at  <I0,000  Htroiii?.  It  is  itiipoHisihle  to 
be  accurate  in  thew;  (letails,  hut  kucIi  are  tlie  uccountH  from  the  w<>Ht;  and 
they  are  to  this  day,  1K41,  uiicontrudicted.  Here  is  a  commentary  upon  our 
policy  of  settling  the  Iwrder  indians  among  the  wild  tribes  in  the  west!  of 
which  we  have  expressed  our  opinion  in  an  earlier  part  of  this  work. 

Proceeding  in  the  order  of  events,  we  next  find  Bi.ack-hawk,  his  noted 
son  JVcuiheuskuk,  and  his  wile,  a  handsome  s(|uaw  of  the  Sac  tril)e,  attending  a 
ball,  by  invitation,  at  l''ort  Madison,  in  Wisconsin,  in  honor  of  Washington's 
birthday,  '22  February,  IHJW.  On  the;  4th  of  the  July  l(>llowing,  HIack-hawk 
was  again  present  at  the  same  place,  where  a  c-elebratiou  was  enacted.  At 
the  table,  Mr.  J.  G.  Edwards  honored  liim  by  the  (bllowing  sentiment:  "  Owr 
iiluslrious  fittest.  May  his  (kdinine  years  he  a.t  calm  as  his  previous  life  htus  been 
boisterous  from  ivarlike.  events.  Ins  present  friendship  to  the  whites  fully  entitles 
him  to  a  seat  at  our  board."  To  which  JJIack-havvk  made  the  tbllowing  very 
sensible  n^dy:  "  It  has  pleased  the  (Jreat  Spirit  that  I  am  here  to-day.  The 
earth  is  (jur  mother,  and  wt;  are  now  permitte<l  to  be  nj)on  it  A  few  snow*. 
ago,  I  was  fighting  against  the  white  ptHiple — perhaps  I  was  wrong — but  that 
is  jiast,  it  is  bmied  ;  let  it  be  forgotten.  I  love  my  towns  and  cornfields  on 
the  Rock  River, — it  was  a  lieautiful  country.  I  fought  for  it,  but  now  it  is 
yours.  Keej)  it  as  the  Sacs  did.  1  was  once  a  warrior,  but  I  am  now  j)oor. 
Keokuk  has  been  the  cause  of  what  1  am — do  not  blame  him.  I  love  to  look 
upon  the  Missi8si])pi ;  I  have  looked  iijion  it  from  a  cliild.  I  love  that  beau- 
tiful river ;  my  home  has  always  been  upon  its  banks.  I  thank  you  for  your 
friendship.    I  will  say  no  more." 

Now  we  have  approached  the  closing  scene  of  the  celebrated  Black- 
hawk.  How  long  he  had  had  his  camp  on  the  Des  Moines,  we  are  not  in- 
formed ;  but  about  thi&  time  we  find  him  there,  and  there  he  died,  on  the  3 
of  October,  18Ji8,  aged  73.  When  it  was  known  that  the  spirit  of  the  old 
chief  had  departed,  many,  whites  as  well  as  Indians,  assembled  at  his  lodge, 
and  performed  his  last  request,  which  was,  that  he  might  be  buried  as  all  Sac 
chiefs  anciently  were,  and  it  was  in  accordance  done.  No  gi'ave  was  made ; 
but  his  body  was  placed  upon  the  ground  in  a  sitting  position,  with  his  cane 
between  his  knees,  and  grasped  in  his  hands ;  slabs  or  rails  were  then  piled 
up  about  him.  Such  was  the  end  of  Black-hawk.  Here,  however,  his  bones 
did  not  long  rest  in  ])eace,  but  they  were  stolen  from  their  place  of  deposit 
some  time  in  tlie  following  winter ;  but,  about  a  year  aller,  it  was  discovered 
that  they  were  in  possession  of  a  surgeon,  of  Quincy,  Illinois,  to  whom  some 
person  had  sent  them  to  be  wired  together.  When  Gov.  Lucas,  of  loway, 
became  acquainted  with  the  fiicts,  they  were,  by  his  requisiticn,  restored  to 
his  friends. 

"  What  fiend  could  thus  disturb  the  peaceful  dead  f 
Remembrance  pointing  to  what  last  he  said  :— 

'  Prepare  the  hollow  tomb,  and  place  me  low, 
AIv  trusty  bow  and  arrows  by  my  side ; 
For  long  the  journey  is  that  I  must  go, 
Without  a  partner  a;'  without  a  guide.'  " — Fueveau. 


w 


CHAPTER  Xm. 

Monakattooatha,  or  Scarovada,  at  Braddock's  defeat — His  son  killed  there — His 
coolness  in  battle — His  gnat  concern  for  the  frontier  settlements  after  the  defeat — 
Visits  Philadelphia — Speech  to  the  Governor  and  Assembly — His  counsel  neglected 
— His  friendship  continues — Incidents  of  the  war  in  Pennsylvania — Murdered 
people  carried  to  Philadelphia — John  Churchman. — Treaty  of  Fort  Stanwix. 

Having  in  a  former  chapter  given  but  a  passing  notice  of  a  very  prominent 
chief,  we  shall  in  this  place  proceed  with  his  biography.  Monakattoocha, 
or,  according  to  Peter  Williamson,  who  knew  him,  Monokatoathy,  was  also 


[Book  V 


Chap.  XIII  ] 


TROUHI.KS  IN  I'RiNN— SrAROYADA 


183 


called  ScARROoYiiA,  imd  Hcnrnyndii.  W»  belirvo  him  to  have  Imcn  a  Wyan- 
dot, IIS  lif,  mid  tilso  H  sun  ut'liis,  \v<;r<;  iddii  riiipluycd  upon  rnoHMugcH  itotwon 
tliHi  nation  and  tin;  |,'ov('rninfiit  of  I't'iiii^ylvania;  yet  the  unoiiymoiiH  author 
of  "A  Ihit.'f  View  oC  tin;  (,'oM(hut  of  I'cnnsylvania  for  tin-  year  17r>.V'  says 
h<!  was  an  h'otjnoi.s,  and  iiad  tor  a  l<>ii:r  time  lived  among  "our  friendly 
IndiiiiiH  idtoiit  .Siiiiiiinkiii,  uikI  other  |ilii  s  on  the  Siis<|iiehannah."  lie  was 
one  of  the  i'vw  warriors  wiio  (;sca|ied  the  perils  of  llraddock'«  bloody  field; 
liavihif  foui^'ht  on  the  side  of  th(-  Kn^lish,  he  was  amon^r  those  who  stood  by 
that  iinlbrtniiatc;  general  to  the  lu.«t.  His  son,  a  hold  and  intrepid  warrior,  wlioni 
\vv.  iiave  jnst  mentioned,  lost  his  life  there,  tiiongh  not  hy  the  enemy,  it  is 
believed,  hut  by  liis  own  friends,  in  their  random  discharges  amongst  th)Mii- 
Helves  in  their  aina/ed  eiiii(litiuii.  Searovada  sincerely  lamitnted  him,  espe- 
eially  as  he  had  bei'n  killed  by  his  own  people,  whom  lie  was  fliithfidly  eiideav- 
•iriiig  to  serve.  When  no  more  eoiiUI  be  done,  aiul  a  retreat  was  ordered, 
tiiiding  he  had  tired  away  all  hi.s  amminiilioii,  he  coolly  lighted  hid  pi|>e,  and 
Himling  himself  under  the  branches  of  a  tree,  began  smoking  an  though  the 
«lay  had  gone  the!  otiier  way. 

When  the  border  war  broke  out  anew  in  October,  nl)out  three  iiionths 
jifter  Jhaddock's  deleat,  it  excited  great  alarm  throughout  Pennsylvania,  and 
ultliough  there  was  u  continual  domestic  warliire  between  the  gcuctral  assem- 
bly and  their  governor,  R.  11.  Moriis,  yet  ycaroyadu  waa  not  forgotten  by  the 
latter,  who  recommended  that  he  uiui  Jhulrew  JVIontour,  nn  interpreter,  should 
be  rewarded  to  their  satisfaction  liir  their  trouble  an<l  great  service. 

The  friendly  Indians  were  situated  between  the  l.ngliah  and  hostile  party, 
niul  tliey  applied  to  the  governor  for  liberty  to  leave  ilieir  country  uiid  go  out 
of  the  way  of  the  war  parties.  Sc.aroyatia,  Montour,  and  Col.  Conrad  Weiser 
were  t'liijiloycd  to  persuade  them  to  join  the  English  in  the  war  How  the 
chief  viewed  the  crinis  of  thi.s  period,  may  iKitter  be  learned  from  his  own 
account  tlitin  from  any  other  sfnirce.  ireveral  families  having  been  murdered 
in  the  mo.st  revolting  manner,  Pcaroyada  pi-occeded  to  Philadelphia  w  ith  Col. 
Weiser  and  two  other  chiefs.  "A  mixture  of  grief,  indignation,  and  concern 
(^at  upon  their  coiititenaiices."  Scaroyada  immedialely  demanded  an  audience 
of  the  governor  and  a'l  the  members  of  the  assembly,  to  whom,  when  a.ssem- 
bled,  he  thus  addressed  himself: — 

"Urethren,  we  are  once  mon- cotne  among  you,  and  sincerely  condole  with 
you  on  account  of  the  late  bloodshed,  and  the  awful  clouds  that  handover 
you  anJ  over  us.  Br«!thren,  you  may  be  assure<l  that  these  horrid  actions 
were  committed  by  none  of  those  nations  that  have  any  fellowship  with  us; 
but  by  certain  false-hearted  and  treacherous  brethien.  It  grieves  us  more 
than  all  our  other  mislbrtunes,  lliat  any  of  our  good  friends  the  English 
shoidd  sus[)ect  us  of  having  false  hearts. 

"Brethren,  if  you  were  not  an  infiituated  peo|jle,  we  are  yet  about  300 
warriors  firm  to  your  interest;  and  if  you  t»re  so  unjust  to  us,  as  to  retain 
any  doubts  of  our  sincerity,  wc  offer  to  put  our  wives,  our  children,  and  all 
we  have,  into  your  hands,  to  dc  1  with  them  as  seemeth  good  to  you,  if  we 
are  found  in  the  least  to  swerve  from  you.  But,  brethren,  you  must  support 
and  assist  us,  for  we  are  not  able  to  fight  aione  against  the  powerfid  nations 
who  are  coming  against  you ;  and  you  nnist  this  moment  resolve,  and  give  iis 
an  explicit  oiiswer  what  you  will  do ;  for  those  nations  have  sent  to  desire 
tis,  as  old  friends,  either  to  join  them,  or  to  go  out  of  their  way  and  shill  for 
ourselves.  Alas !  brethren,  we  are  sorry  to  leave  you !  We  remember  the 
many  tokens  of  your  friendship  to  us — but  what  shall  w?  do?  We  cannot 
stand  alone,  and  you  will  not  stand  with  us. 

"  Brethren,  the  time  is  precious.  While  we  are  here  consulting  with  you, 
we  know  not  what  may  he  the  fate  of  our  brethren  at  home.  We  do,  the;  - 
fore,  once  more  invite  and  requfst  you  to  act  like  men,  and  be  no  longer  as 
women,  pursuing  weak  measures,  that  render  your  natries  despicable.  If  you 
will  put  the  hatchet  into  our  hands,  and  send  out  a  number  of  your  young 
men  in  conjunction  with  our  warriors,  and  provide  the  necessary  arms,  am- 
munition, and  provisions,  and  likewise  build  some  strong  houses  for  the  pro- 
tection of  our  old  men,  women,  and  children,  while  we  are  absent  in  war, 
we  shall  soon  wipe  the  tears  from  your  eyes,  and  make  these  false-hearted 
brethren  repent  their  treachery  and  baseness  towards  you  and  us. 


8- 

^ 


M 


I.-  .! 


i-.'"!!; 


184 


HCAKOYADA  — SHOfKIN«i  Ml  KDKRSi. 


[llooK  V. 


"  But  w»i  miiKt  lit  tlio  sniiin  tiiin-  solrnmly  iiNHiiro  yon,  timt  if  you  ilnluy  any 
loiif^nr  to  urt  heartily  in  roiijiinrtiori  witli  uh,  or  lliiiik  to  put  uh  otV,  nn  iiiiiiaf, 
with  iinrcrtaii)  hopcH,  you  will  fvv  our  iiivt'H  uikIit  lliiM  roof  no  iiiort!.  VV«) 
luuHt  HJiitl  for  our  own  Miiti'ty,  and  Irnvc  you  to  tin!  nn-rcy  of  your  cnoniifH, 
Urt  un  inliitunt«Mi  ptHipU;,  upon  whom  \\*>  cnn  luivt-  <li>|M'iulfin%!  ini  longer." 

'r«>ar8  worn  atandiiifr  in  tho  old  rhiitf'.s  «>y<>N  wImmi  Ik'  fnuHhed  hirt  Npci'ch-, 
Imt  In-  wiiH  doomed  to  xuH'nr  yur  j^reattr  ptrnU'xity,  from  tin;  dt^lay  of  th« 
a.srtcinl>ly  to  act  upon  tho  inattor.  'I'IiIm  appoal  of  tlio  cliiolH  waw  made  on  a 
Saturday,  and  un  adioin'mnitnt  wuH  imnKiiiatoly  moved  and  ran  it  d,  and  no 
aetion  eould  ho  hu«I  at  that  time.  On  the  tollowing  Tuesday  tho  UHm-mhly 
met  airidn,  hut  Hovoral  days  panned  and  nothinu;  wan  done.  The  Friends  had 
a  mnjority  of  memherH  in  that  hody,  nnil  they  woidd  not  lieliove  that  war  on 
any  conditiniiH  waH  to  he  tolerated;  and  thus  tho  L'ood  intentioimol'Kearoyadu 
wen?  thrown  away,  and  the  war  was  carried  on  with  sueresB  hy  the  enemy. 

Notwithstanding  the  negleet  shown  him  on  this  oceasion,  we  find  him 
hupily  engaged  ii.  NovenilMjr  following'  in  his  humane  purixmc  of  warding  oH" 
the  calamitioH  from  the  fronti(>r  fuiiili'-'.  At  one  time  he  learned  that  a  party 
of  DeluwareH  and  .Shawainios  were  pn  ).iuing  to  striitu  u  hlow  on  the  Knglisji 
border,  and  he  forthwith  repaired  to  llmris'H  Kerry,  and  gave  the  iniormatiou 
in  time  to  previMit  the  intended  miscliief.  We  hear  no  more  of  Searoyada 
until  17.')7,  in  which  year  he  raised  a  company  of  Mohawkn,  and  in  May 
inarched  to  the  relief  of  Tort  Augnstns.  In  I74'2  nuMition  is  made  of  u  chief 
named  Skanarady,  who  was  acting  a  conspicuous  part  among  the  Cayugiis. 
lie  may  l)e  the  same  person,  hut  of  that  we  have  no  other  evidentrc  than  the 
approximation  in  the  spoiling  of  the  names.  It  may  he  mentioned  that  one 
of  the  chiefs,  CAYE.iiQUiLoquoAs,  wiio  went  to  Philadelphia  with  Scaroyada 
in  17,55,  had  two  sons  in  an  academy  in  that  cit},  where  they  hud  hecn  placed 
the  year  before  to  Imj  educate<l.     Tiit^y  were  supported  hy  the  provitice. 

We  will  in  this  place  recur  again  to  nn  incident  in  the  war  of  1755,  as  it 
was  a  fulfilment  of  the  jnediction  of  Scuroyuda,  which  proluhly  gave  Penn- 
sylvtttjia  more  alarm,  anil  caused  her  grciiter  consternation  than  any  other  in 
her  whole  history;  not  even  excepting  the  war  of  the  revolution,  or  the 
"Western  Inaurrection." 

The  author  of  the  view  of  that  pro\  iiice  in  17.55,  closes  his  work  witli  this 
"POSTSCRIPT.  I  send  you,"  he  writes,  "the  following  postscript  to  my 
long  letter.  The  scalping  contimiesl  Yesterday  [Deceniher  14th]  the  Dutch 
brought  down  for  upwards  of  (i()  miles,  in  a  wagon,  the  bodies  of  some  of 
their  cotmtrymen  who  hud  Ixion  just  sculped  hy  the  Indians,  and  threw  tlicm 
at  the  State-House  door,  cvrsing  Iht  (^uukirs'  principles,  and  biddinf^  the  com- 
mittee of  assembly  behold  the  fruits  of  their  obstinacy,  and  confess  that  tlteir  prt- 
tended  sanctity  would  not  save  Iht:  province  without  the  use  of  means,  at  the  same 
time  threatening,  that  if  thet/  slwuld  come  down  on  a  like  errand  again,  and  find 
nothing  done  for  their  protection,  the  consequences  should  be  fatal.  A  Dutch  mob 
is  a  terrible  thing;  but  methods  are  taking  to  pacify  tliein,  and  prevent  it." 

The  manner  in  which  this  serious  iifFuir  is  spoken  of  by  honest  John 
Churchman,  in  his  life  and  travels,  ileserves  to  be  noticed,  as  well  for  its 
addition  to  the  stock  of  historical  iiiets,  as  showing  how  it  was  viewed  by  one 
of  the  strictest  of  the  Friends'  }mrty.  "The  Indians,"  he  says,  "  having  burnt 
several  houses  on  the  frontiers  of  this  province,  also  at  Gnadenhutten,  in 
Northampton  county,  and  nnirdered  and  scalped  some  of  tlie  inhabitants, 
two  or  three  of  the  dead  bodies  were  brought  to  Philadelphia  in  a  wagon, 
with  an  intent,  as  was  supposed,  to  animate  the  people  to  unite  in  prepara- 
tions for  war,  to  take  vengeance  on  the  Indians,  and  destroy  them.  They 
were  carried  along  several  of  the  streets,  many  [)eoj)le  following,  cursing  the 
Indians,  also  the  Qualiurs  because  they  would  not  joui  in  war  for  destruction 
of  the  Indians.  The  sight  of  the  dead  bodies  and  the  outcry  of  the  people 
were  very  afflictive  and  shocking  to  me :  standing  at  the  door  of  a  friend's 
house,  as  they  passed  along,  my  niind  was  much  humbled,  and  turned  much 
inward,  when  I  was  made  secretly  to  cry.  What  will  become  of  Pennsylvania  7" 
The  good  man  also  said  to  himself,  that  the  snis  of  drunkenness,  pride,  pro- 
faneness,  and  other  wickedness,  had  not  only  polluted  tlie  borders  where  the 
murders  were  committed,  but  Philadelphia  likewise,  and  that  in  the  day  of 
retribution  blood  would  be  required  here  also. 


Chap.  XIV] 


E*»Tn,I/S  DRFKAT. 


185 


Spvcrc  refloctions  woro  intliil^rnd  in  relative  to  the  ron(!urt  of  Home  of  the 
tiiiakera.  JSTnthntiirl  Gruhb,  ineiiiher  (if  the  uHHeirihly,  iinil  a  prominent  (;hnr- 
Hcter  iiinoiiK  thern,  wiih  Hent  into  the  interior  to  learn  the  truth  reNiHtctiiiK  the 
rnvaKew  eoni|ilaineil  of;  he  is  re|»orte(l  to  have  said  that  "  thomi  killed  hy  the 
Indians  wt-re  only  some  Srotrh-lri.ih,  who  eould  well  tiiiouKli  Imi  spared;"  and 
mich,  it  was  further  rejutrted,  was  "t!ie  eonitnon  lan^uaKe  of  inuny  of  that 
sect."     Hut  these  charges  are  to  Ix;  tak«-ii  with  largo  allowances. 


9f00e 


CIIAI'TIJI  XIV. 

f]arhj  we.itfrn  hislorij — Inridnils  of  bnttleg — F>stii.i.'h  iikkkat — Simon  Girttj — Sie/rg 
of  Hrytinl's  station — Daniki,  Boonk — Uatti.k  or  xiir.  Ui.i;r,  IjIckh — Its  disastrous 
tssiie — Massacre  of  Major  Doiighti/s  mm — Harmer's  Campaign — Coi,.  Hardin — 
His  first  ilrfeat — JYarrow  rsraprs  of  indioiduaU — Majoh  Wvi.i.vs — Second  defeat 
— Majors  Fontaine,  and  H'lillys  killed — liattlt  near  Fort  Hecireerij — Chiefs  Under- 
wood AND  Hai.i.ad — McIVIaiion's  hkkkat  and  dk.atii — Gallant  action  of  Lieut. 
Drake — Capt.  llartshorne  killed — Fate  of  the  chief  Sai.lau — Piuminoo. 

"  or  nil  men,  invins  Sylln  Ihn  miin-iilayi'r, 

Who  piiKiiea  Tiir  in  life  tnint  liii'kjr 
or  tlie  creiit  niinios,  wiiich  in  our  Incei  utarG, 

Till)  (iuneral  llouii,  liiK-kwowlKniaii  of  Kentucky, 
Wan  iDippii'iit  iimon;;  niorlali  imywiicnt ; 

The  (iri'Hunt  r«io  in  [Miint  I 

Cilo  IM,  tliut  Iluou  livt'ii  liuiiting  up  tu  ninety. 

'Tl«  true  lio  ulirnnk  from  men,  cvi'n  of  hi«  nation, 

Whi'n  tlii'y  liuilt  u|i  into  liin  iliirlinir  treen, — 
II"  niovi'cl  mimu   liuiiilrnl  milieu  oil',  fur  ii  •tution 

Where  there  were  fewer  hounna  and  more  eaie." — Dtkon. 

As  tlio  tide  of  emigration  rolled  westward,  farther  and  farther  was  carried 
fn)in  the  Atlantic  shores  the  van  hillow,  which  hroke  in  blood  as  it  rolled  on- 
ward, and  which  will  not  cea.se  until  it  has  met  its  kindred  wave,  progressing 
from  the  western  ocean,  and  both  shall  have  swept  down  and  buried  in  their 
course  those  forms  of  humanity,  in  whose  naitie  there  will  remain  a  charm 
forever;  and  which  will  strike  the  imagination  stronger  and  stronger,  as  the 
times  in  which  they  were  are  seen  through  the  dim  distance  of  ages.  We 
can  yet  view  upon  the  hills  of  the  west,  as  the  sun  sinks  l)eyond  them,  the 
figiu'e  of  one  of  the  race,  with  bis  bow  in  his  hand,  and  its  production  by  his 
side,  in  bis  way  to  bis  bumble  wigwam  in  the  glen  to  which  its  Htnoke  al)ove 
the  tops  of  the  lofty  trees  directs  him.  Is  there  a  landscape  in  nature  like 
this?  Who  that  has  even  rend  of  the  Indian  can  efface  it  from  his  memory? 
But  it  is  our  ruling  maxim  not  to  indulge  in  descriptions  merely  to  delight 
the  imagination,  but  to  give  our  space  entirely  to  facts  which  should  bo 
remi;mbered,  leaving  poetry  to  those  writers  l)ctter  skilled  in  it. 

We  shall  here  proceed  to  the  detail  of  the  events  of  one  of  the  most  san- 
guinary battles,  considering  tlie  numbers  engaged,  ever  fought  in  the  west. 

On  tlie  '22  March,  1782,  a  company  of  25  Wyandots  attacked  Estill's  station, 
in  Kentucky,  killed  one  man  and  took  a  negro  prisoner.  The  owner  of  the 
.station,  Capt.  James  Estim,,*  a  bold  pion(>er,  was  at  tlie  time  absent  engaged 
in  scouting  in  defence  of  his  neighbors,  and  having  received  intelligence  of 
the  attack  upon  his  own  house,  hastened  in  pursuit  of  the  party  which  had 
made  it.  Their  trail  led  across  Kentucky  River,  thence  towards  the  Ohio, 
wiiicb  Capt.  Estill  followed  with  ardor;  and  when  he  came  within  al)out  two 
miles  of  liittle  Mountain,  now  the  village  of  Mount  Sterling,  the  Indians  were 
discovered  on  the  right  bank  of  Hinkstci's  branch  of  Licking  River.  They 
immediately  threw  themselves  into  a  position  of  defence,  and  Capt  Estill, 
whose  men  numbered  the  same  as  those  of  the  Indian  chiefj  drew  up  his  in 


*  In  all  the  editions  of  Boone's  Narrative  il  is  Ashton,  but  it  is  an  error.    A  croiuty  per' 
petuates  the  name  of  tiie  brave  Estill. 

16* 


186 


SIEGE   OF   BKVA.M-8  STATION. 


[Book  V. 


front  of  thom  on  tlio  opposite  side.  All  now  (Icjicnded  on  the  greatest  exer- 
cise of  skill;  for  neither  could  claim  to  \>c  letter  marksmen  than  the  other; 
if  the  whites  were  good,  so  were  the  Wyandots.  They  waited  lor  the  Ken- 
tuckinns  to  begin  the  battle,  which  they  immediately  did,  and  on  the  tirst  fire 
the  chief  of  the  Indians  was  severely  wounded.  This  so  disconcerted  his 
/nen  that  many  of  them  were  for  makin;r  a  rajjid  retreat;  but  his  voice  rallied 
them  to  their  posts,  and  the  strife  was  now  urge<l  with  the  ntmost  determina- 
tion on  both  sides.  Each  was  confident  in  his  own  sn|)eriority  in  skill  over 
his  adversary,  and  for  some  time  but  finv  1(;11,  owing  to  the  covered  J)o^itions 
both  j)arties  held. 

At  length  it  was  npiiarent  to  the  ciiiefs  that  it  would  require  a  long  time  to 
decide  the  contest  by  that  mode  of  action,  and  each  waited  impatiently  fi)r  tlie 
other  to  make  some  advances  by  which  advantage  might  be  gained.  It  is  un- 
natural for  a  white  man  to  lie  l)y  a  deer's  path  all  day,  waiting  i()r  it  to  pass, 
at  the  end  of  which  he  is  quite  as  uncertain  whetlicu"  it  will  come  in  the  course 
of  another,  or,  perhaps,  not  till  the  end  of  ten  days.  It  may  be  as  unnatural 
for  the  Indian;  but  he  will  wait  day  in  and  day  out  without  half  the  uneasi- 
ness which  a  white  man  feels.  Thus,  at  the  memorable  battle  of  the  Little 
Mountain,  the  whites  would  not  wait  for  a  change  of  position  by  the  Indians, 
and  therefore  resolved  to  make  one  themselves.  Experienced  tacticians  sel- 
dom divide  their  forces.  The  Indian  chief  kept  his  imbodied  ;  but  the  Ken- 
tiickian  divided  his,  and  it  proved  his  ruin. 

Capt.  Estill  despatched  Lieut.  Miller,  with  six  men,  with  orders  to  cross  the 
river,  and  come  upon  the  backs  of  the  Indians,  while  he  would  occupy  them 
in  front.  Accordingly,  Miller  marched  out  on  this  design ;  and,  to  deceive 
the  Indians,  the  captain  extended  his  line  in  front,  with  the  view  of  closing  in 
on  the  flanks  of  the  hxlians  the  moment  Lieut.  Miller  should  divert  them  in 
his  direction.  Unhappily  for  the  whites,  that  time  never  came;  31iller  was 
easily  defeated  ;  or,  as  some  *  say,  came  no  more  into  action.  Yet  Estill  was 
enabled  to  continue  the  fight  ibr  more  than  an  hour ;  meanwhile,  his  centre 
became  weak,  and  being  f  iiriously  charged  by  the  Indians,  his  men  broke  and 
dispersed.  Each  man  shifted  for  himself  as  well  as  be  could  ;  Caj)t.  Zstill, 
and  his  second  lieutenant.  South,  both  escajjcd  fiom  the  field  of  battle ;  but 
they  fell  by  the  tomahawk  in  their  flight.  Four  only  escaped  from  that  san- 
guinary strife, — excepting  those  under  Miller, — and  those  four  were  all 
wounded. 

The  Indians  were  supposed  to  have  lost  half  their  number;  but  they  were 
ind)oldcned  by  this  success,  and  other  de])redations  followed. 

In  the  following  August,  that  noted  fiend  and  miscreant,  Simon  Girty,  now 
twice  a  savage  in  disposition,  came  down  upon  Kentucky  at  the  head  of 
above  500  Indians,  from  the  tribes  of  the  Wyandots,  Miamies,  Pottowattonues, 
Shawanees,  and  Cherokees.  Their  object  was  the  destruction  of  Brjant's 
station,  on  the  Elk  Horn,  which  fbrtimately  had  news  of  their  ap{)roach  in 
time  to  prepare  for  them.  Nevertheless,  Oirty,  relying  on  his  numbers,  de- 
termined to  reduce  it.  A  spring  near  the  fort,  which  su|)])lied  it  with  water, 
was  unprotected,  and  he  stationed  a  considerable  body  near  it,  in  conceal- 
ment, to  cut  off  such  as  should  venture  to  it  during  the  siege.  Another  party 
was  ordered  to  post  themselves  in  full  view  in  front  of  the  garrison,  by  which 
ti'int  it  was  expected  the  main  strength  of  it  would  b(>  drawn  out;  in  which 
event  a  third  party  was  to  storm  a  certain  gate,  and,  if  j)ossible,  force  it,  and 
thereby  gain  possession. 

The' attack  commenced  in  front;  but  Girty's  design  was  fathomed  liy  the 
shrewd  backwoodsmen.  They  at  once  saw  that  but  a  small  party  began  the 
onset,  and  rightly  judged  a  nnich  greater  one  lay  concealed  in  tin  ii  rear. 
They  now  determined  to  attem])t  a  stratagem  on  (Jirty's  camp,  and  wit  i  what 
success  we  shall  next  proceed  to  state.  Thirteen  young  men  were  sent  out 
to  attack  the  Indians  in  front,  while  the  remainder  of  die  garrison  (about  HO) 
were  prepared  to  receive  the  party  in  the  rear.  G'rty  was  completely  de- 
ceived by  the  manoeuvre,  for  supposing  the  main  body  had  gone  in  pursuit 


*  Gov.  MoREHEAO,  in  his  admirable  address  in  Comniemoralion  of  the  Firsi  Selllemcni 
of  Keiiiucky, 


Chap.  XIV.] 


SIEGE  OF  BRYANTS  STATION. 


187 


of  the  small  party  in  front,  he  rushed  up  with  {;reat  fury  to  execute  tliis  part 
of  hia  plan.  At  the  same  moment  the  giurisun  opened  upon  iiiin  a  most 
deadly  fire.  This  was  entirely  unexpected,  and  "the  wliole  Indian  army" 
fled  with  tlje  utmost  j)recipitution,  leaviufj  the  VS  hravo  men,  who  had  made 
the  sortie,  at  liberty  to  rejoin  their  friendw.  JJut  the  siege  was  not  to  termi- 
nate here ;  the  fugitives  returned  in  a  short  time,  under  cover  of  logs  and 
fences,  and  tor  several  hours  kept  up  a  continual  tiring  upon  the  garrison. 

Meanwhile,  word  had  been  received  at  Lexington,  that  Bryant's  tort  was  in 
imminent  danger,  and  a  party  of  about  50  men,  horse  and  loot,  set  ofi"  to  re- 
lieve it.  The  besieging  Indians,  being  aware  of  their  march,  ambushed  the 
road  near  the  gjirrison,  and  were  exulting  in  the  pros|)ect  of  cutting  off  the 
whole  party,  but  such  was  the  dexterity  of  that  company  of  men,  that  they 
succeeded  in  dashing  through  the  whole  body  o*'  Indians,  with  the  loss  only 
of  six  of  their  number ;  and  even  those  were  lost,  as  it  were,  by  accident. 
The  company  approached  the  garrist)n  in  two  divisions  at  the  same  time,  and 
the  party  first  attacked  did  not  lose  a  man,  while  the  other,  instead  of  pro- 
ceeding directly  to  the  Ibrt,  tacked  and  marched  lor  the  relief  of  their  friends, 
and  thereby  came  directly  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  who  had  now  noth- 
ing to  do  but  to  turn  their  arms  u|)on  them.  In  this  atliiir  (jirty  was  knocked 
down  by  the  Ibrce  of  a  ball  which  lodged  in  his  shot-pouch,  without  doing 
him  ;uiy  injury. 

Girty,  being  now  well  aware  that  a  further  waste  of  time  and  annnunition 
would  be  of  no  avail,  resolved,  as  a  last  resort,  to  try  the  ellect  ol'  a  gascon- 
ade. Accordingly,  crawling  up  as  near  the  Ibrt  as  he  could  lind  a  covert, 
he  hailed  those  within,  and  demanded  a  surrender ;  said  they  nov.'  had  an 
ojiportunity  to  save  tlunr  lives ;  but  if  they  held  out  longer,  he  could  not  b<; 
accountable  for  their  .siltjty.  And,  besides,  he  said,  he  hourly  exju'cted  two 
pieces  of  cannon,  and  a  thousand  more  Indians,  who,  when  arrived,  would 
make  deplorable  havoc  of  every  man,  woman,  and  child ;  that  now  was  their 
only  chance  of  esca|)ing  that  scene  of  blood.  And,  atler  extolling  their  bra- 
very and  courage,  he  closed  with  the  aimouncenjent  of  the  name  of  Simon 
Girty,  and  that  what  had  been  promised  was  tipon  his  fumor ;  and  demanded 
wiietlier  the  ganison  knew  him. 

A  young  ma/i,  nairied  lleynolds,  was  appointed  to  reply  to  him,  which  he 
did  in  a  style  of  taunt  which  will  long  be  remembered  in  Kentucky  story. 
"  Know  you  ?  "  .said  Reynolds  ;  "  Ay,  that  we  do.  I  luive  a  good-for-nothing 
dog  named  Simo7i  Girtff,     Brhig  up  your  reenforcements  and  artillery,  and  Ik; 

d d  to  you ;  we  will  not  figlit  you  with  guns,  but  have  j)repared  switches 

with  which  to  drive  you  out  of  the  tort  if  you  should  get  in;"  with  much  more 
in  like  kind.  If  Girty  was  not  satisfied  belbre,  he  became  so  now;  and,  on 
the  Ibllowing  morning,  the  whole  army  marched  ctf  towards  their  own  coun- 
try. Thus  ended  the  celebrated  siege  of  Bryant's  station,  August  J 7th,  afler 
about  3()  houi-s'  duration. 

The  count! y  had  become  alarmed  over  a  wide  extent,  and,  on  the  next  day 
after  the  termination  of  the  siege,  a  large  number  of  men  had  assembled  on 
the  ground,  eager  to  pursue  the  Indians.  Among  them  were  several  otHcers 
of  known  valor,  the  chief  of  whom  were  Col.  Joh.n  Todd  of  Lexington,  Lieut. 
Col,  Triuo  of  Harrodsbiu'gh,  Lieut.  Col.  Boonk  of  Booneslwrougli,  and  iMajs. 
Harlan,  McGary,  and  Lkvi  Toud.  Col.  Logan  had  been  notified,  and  was 
believed  to  be  on  his  march  to  join  them  ;  but  such  was  the  ardor  of  the  men 
now  assembled,  though  no  more  than  18"<i,  to  have  a  fight  with  those  Indians, 
whom  they  believed  tJOO  strong,  thai  tlmy  would  not  be  restrained,  and  they 
marched  on  the  evening  of  the  same  day,  on  their  trail.  This  irrational  im- 
petuosity, it  should  be  remembered,  did  not  extend  to  such  men  as  Daniel 
Boone,*  who  coolly  gave  it  as  his  opinion,  that  it  was  not  |)rudent  to  pursue 
until  a  reenlbrcement  should  arrive ;  but  this  sage  counsel  was  scouted  bv 
some,  while  others  attributed  it  to  cowardice.    Like  Little  Turtle,  belbre  the 


*  The  writer  of  llie  life  of  "  Boon,"  in  llic  "  Atnorican  I'ortrail  Gallery/' lias  nol  iiolire'l 
the  dislin'fuished  pari  lie  acted  in  the  balllo  ofllio  blue  Licks.  This  justly-cclebraled  man 
died  in  the  iiouse  of  his  son,  Maj.  A.  Boone,  of  Montgomery  county,  in  September,  1822,  in 
his  8jth  year. 


188 


DISASTER   AT  THE  HLUE  LICKS. 


[Book  V. 


battle  of  Miami,  Boone  liore  the  insult  in  silence,  but  did  his  duty  in  the  bat- 
tle which  ensued. 

As  tliis  devoted  band  marched  alon^,  it  was  apparent  to  every  man  of  ex- 
perience which  coni|)OBed  it,  that  the  eneaiy  expected  ])ursuit,  for  they  had, 
in  many  ways,  lell  traces  of  their  march,  whicii  an  enemy  not  courting  }uir- 
suit  would  never  have  made.  IJoone,  and  others  of  his  mind,  who  had  douht- 
«d  the  pro{)riety  of  the  ])r()ceeding,  hoped  tiiat  the  impetuous  party  would 
come  to  their  reason  as  they  approached  the  scene  of  danger,  which  doubtless 
would  have  been  the  case,  but  tor  the  mad  act  of  one  man,  and  that  was  a 
Maj.  Mc(iary. 

After  a  march  of  about  40  miles,  they  came  to  Licking  River,  at  the  since 
well-known  point  called  the  Bhie  lAcks ;  and  as  the  hill  opened  to  their  view 
on  the  o|)posit(!  side,  a  t(;w  Indians  were  discovered  slowly  ascending  it,  and 
leisinely  disapi)eared  on  the  other  side.  Here  a  council  of  war  was  called, 
and  Col.  Todd,  the  commander-in-chief,  called  on  Col.  Boone  for  his  advice. 
It  was  given  with  candor,  and  caution  was  strongly  recommended,  as  it  had 
l)een  hctbre  leaving  Bryant's,  on  the  preceding  day.  This  course  of  the  coni- 
nmndor  ought  to  have  silenced  all  clamors,  especially  as  none  could  but  ac- 
knowledge the  wisdom  of  Col.  Boone.  He  well  understood  the  nature  of  the 
ailjacent  country ;  he  had  made  salt  at  the  lick;  hunted  in  its  vicinity;  and  it 
was  there  he  itill  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians  in  1778,  and  suffered  a  long 
captivity.  These  considerations  availed  little.  Spies  were  sent  out ;  but  they 
returned  without  making  any  discovery.  Boone  described  a  ravine,  in  which 
he  did  not  doubt  the  Indians  lay  concealed,  and  proposed  two  measures ;  one 
of  which  he  thought  should  be  adopted.  The  first  was  to  wait  for  a  reen- 
Ibrcemcnt;  but  if  they  would  not  consent  to  that,  he  advised  that  a  part  of 
their  force  should  be  detjiched  up  the  river,  to  cross  it  and  surprise  the  In- 
dians; while  the  remainder  should  make  a  feint  in  front  of  their  position. 
Here  all  deliberations  were  suspended  Ity  the  war-whoop,  not  from  the  In- 
dians, but  McGary,  who,  spurring  his  horse  into  the  river,  in  defiance  of  all 
»ubordination,  called  out  tor  all  that  icere  not  cowards  to  follow  him — he  would 
i^hoio  them  the  Indians.  The  miserable  "example  was  contagious  among  the 
ikry  spirits;"  and  though  a  part  remained  with  Todd  and  Boone  for  a  short 
time,  all  were  soon  over  the  river,  and,  says  Boone,*  "  we  discovered  the 
enemy  lying  in  wait  for  us.  On  this  discovery,  we  formed  our  columns  into 
one  single  line,  and  marched  up  in  their  front  within  about  40  yards,  before 
there  was  a  gun  tired.  Col.  Trigg  conmianded  on  the  right,  myself  on 
the  left,  Maj.  McGary  in  the  centre,  an«l  Maj.  Harlan  the  advance  party  in 
iront.  From  the  manner  in  which  we  had  formed,  it  fell  to  my  lot  to  bring 
on  the  attack.  This  was  done  with  a  very  heavy  fire  on  both  sides,  and  ex- 
tended hack  of  the  line  to  Col.  Trigg,  where  the  enemy  was  so  strong  that 
they  rushed  up  and  broke  the  right  wing  at  the  first  fire.  Thus  the  enemy 
got  into  our  rear,  and  we  were  compelled  to  retreat  with  the  loss  of  77  of  our 
men,t  and  12  wounded."  Such  is  the  summarj'  account  of  that  sanguinary 
Iwttle  by  Col.  Boone  himself,  a  most  conspicuous  actor  in  it. 

The  right  wing  was  dreadftdly  cut  to  pieces.  Col.  Trigg  was  killed,  with 
most  of  his  men,  while  Boone  sustained  hiniself  manfully  in  his  position. 
Maj.  Harlan,  whom  no  danger  could  daunt,  maintained  his  ground  until  but 
three  of  his  men  were  left,  when  he  fell  mortally  wounded.  The  tomahawk 
was  now  resorted  to  by  the  savages,  and  the  remainder  of  the  little  army  gave 
way,  one  wing  alter  another,  antl  a  dismal  rout  ensued.  Some  regained  their 
horses,  while  others  fled  on  fiiot.  'I'iiey  were  a  mile  from  the  lick  where  they 
had  crossed  the  river;  and  when  they  arrived  there,  the  Indians  in  great  num- 
bers were  upon  them.  No  \w\\  can  describe  the  scene  now  begun.  Col. 
Todd  was  here  numbered  with  the  slain.  Boone  very  narrowly  escaped, 
conveying  away  his  son  l)y  a  secntt  path,  who,  to  his  lasting  sorrow,  he  soon 
found  was  mortally  wounded,  and  he  was  obliged  to  leave  him  in  the  way. 


*  In  a  letter  to  tho  governor  of  Virginia,  dated  on  the  30  August  following  Ibe  battle,  ap- 
pemled  to  Gov.  Mnrcliend's  discourse. 

t  The  Indians  were  said  lo  have  hist  the  same  number  ;  but  it  is  improbable.  They  burot 
at  the  slake  several  of  ilie  whiles  who  fi;!!  alive  into  their  hands. 


Chap.  XIV.] 


MASSACRE  OF  MAJ.  DOUGHTY'S  MEN. 


180 


tThe  flying  party  met  Col.  Logan  witV  the  expected  reenforcement,  before 
they  arrived  at  Bryant's  station.     That  veteran  officer  slied  tears  when  he 
heard  ol'the  blind  liite  of  so  many  valuable  men.     With  Col.  Boone,  and  such 
others  as  would  join  him,  he  marched  for  the  battle-ground  of  the  l!)th,  and 
>.  arrived  there  on  the  2l8t;   from  whence,  after  burying  the  dead,  he  returned 

':'  to  the  settlements.     "  The  news  of  this  grievous  disaster  went  like  a  dagger 

to  the  hearts  of  the  people  of  Kentucky."  But  its  strength  was  to  be  exerted 
under  more  favorable  auspices  in  future.  Gen.  Clark  destroyed  the  Indian 
town  of  Cliillicothe,  and  several  other  villages  ou  the  Miami,  immediately 
after,  which  terminated  the  war  in  Kentucky.  In  this  expedition,  too,  Boone 
was  conspicuous. 
i.  Passing  over  minor  events  of  border  warfare,  we  come  next  to  the  detail 

*  of  Harmer's  campaign,  one  of  the  most  extraordinary  incidents  in  western 

history.  With  the  war  of  the  revolution  that  with  the  Indians  closed,  only 
to  be  revived  according  to  circumstances  on  their  part,  or  when  it  suited  their 
convenience.  Various  acts  of  hostility  were  kept  up,  growing  out  of  what 
the  Indians  with  truth  were  made  to  believe  were  inlringements  ujion  their 
rights  and  privileges.  That  both  parties  had  cause  of  complaint  will  not  be 
denied ;  but  that  both  had  an  equal  chance  for  redress,  is  a  question  no  one 
will  seriously  ])ro|)ound.  The  Indians  were  by  no  means  on  ecpial  tooting  in 
tills  respect ;  and  hence  the  cause  of  their  frequently  attenjpting  redi'ess  by 
retaliation.  In  fact,  few  of  them  knew  any  other  remedy.  The  complaints 
from  the  western  frontiers  had  become  so  loud  in  1790,  that  congress  re- 
quested the  secretary  of  war.  Gen.  Knox,  to  collect  what  information  he 
could,  relative  to  depredations  by  the  Indians  upon  the  inhabitiints  of  that 
region.  An  able  report  was  the  result  of  the  investigation,  in  which  it  was 
stated  that  within  two  years  past,  upwards  of  1,500  persons  had  been  killed 
or  carried  into  captivity,  and  a  great  amount  of  pro[)erty  destroyed.  Among 
other  mischieis,  was  an  attack  upon  a  company  of  government  soldiers,  under 
the  following  circumstances : — 

Li  the  month  of  April,  1790,  Maj.  John  Doughty  and  Ensign  Sedam  went, 
with  15  men,  in  boats,  upon  some  public  business  to  the  friendly  Cliikasaws. 
Having  performed  their  mission,  and,  as  they  were  ascending  the  Tennessee 
River,  40  Indians  approached  them  in  canoes,  under  a  white  Hag.    They  were 
j  admitted  on  board ;  and  nothing  but  a  friendly  disposition  being  manifested, 

presents  were  distributed  to  thejn,  and  they  left  in  seeming  good  faith ;  but 
no  sooner  had  they  put  off  from  their  friends,  than  they  poured  in  upon  them 
a  destructive  fire.  The  Americans  were  almost  entirely  unprepared  for  such 
a  salutation;  but  t'.iey  returned  it  as  soon  as  their  circumstances  would  al- 
low, and  the  fight  continued  lor  soine  time ;  and,  notwithstanding  the  great 
inequality  of  numl)ers,  finally  succeeded  in  beating  oft'  the  Indians,  though 
not  until  they  had  killed  all  hut  four  of  the  company.  Such  are  the  incidents 
of  the  massacre  of  Maj.  Doughty's  men.  This,  with  other  events  of  a  less 
atrocious  character,  caused  the  appointment  of  Gen.  Josiah  llarmer,  then 
commanding  at  Fo.-t  Washington,  to  be  placed  at  the  head  of  a  force,  to  be 
led  against  the  ludiuis  on  the  Miami ;  an  account  of  which,  in  the  next  place, 
we  shall  proceed  to  give  in  detail. 

Gen.  Harmer  was  considered  an  able  tactician,  and  was  an  officer  of  the 
late  revolutionary  ai'my ;  and  it  was  expected  that  he  would  find  little  diffi- 
culty hi  breaking  up  the  haunts  of  the  Indians,  and  subduing  them,  if  they 
attempted  to  meet  him  in  a  general  battle.  He  had  320  regular  troops  put 
under  him,  with  orders  to  call  upon  Kentucky  and  Pennsylvania  for  quotas 
of  militia  to  increase  his  force  to  1,500  men.  About  the  close  of  September, 
the  requisite  number  of  men  having  arrived,  the  army  marched  from  P'ort 
Washington  for  the  Indian  country.  Col.  Hardin  was  detached,  with  (JOO 
men,  with  orders  to  proceed  in  advance  of  the  main  body ;  and,  after  a 
march  of  17  days,  he  arrived  at  the  Great  Miami  village,  ()ctobcr  l(i.  He 
fbimd  it  deserted  and  in  flames.  It  was  situated  at  the  confluence  of  the 
St,  .Joseph's  and  St.  Mary's  Rivers — a  site  now  included  in  Allen  county, 
Indiana.  About  5  acres  were  enclosed  by  pickets,  within  which  the  army 
encamped.  In  the  burning  buildings,  great  quantities  of  grain  were  discov- 
ered ;  and,  on  further  search,  abundance  more  was  found  in  holes  in  the 


m- 


190 


DEFEAT  OF  HARiMER'S  ARMY. 


[Book  V. 


ground.  At  the  same  time,  a  detaoiinieiit  of  300  men,  under  Col.  Trotter 
und  Maj.  Rliea,  juarched  out  upon  discovery.  They  found  5  villages,  all 
burnt,  and  saw  about  30  Indians.  Thinkinfj  liiose  a  decoy,  they  did  not  at- 
tack litem.  The  next  day,  which  was  the  17  October,  Maj.  Fontaine,  aid-de- 
camp to  (Jen.  llarm(!r,  with  a  party  of  200  foot  and  about  50  horsemen,  pro- 
ceeded to  find  Indians.  Numerous  signs  were  discovered ;  and,  at  some  G 
or  7  miles  from  cam[),  he  lell  in  with  a  party,  and  was  defeated  with  a  loss 
of  70  men.  Others  state  that  there  were  but  170  men  in  all,  ,'iO  of  whom 
were  regulars  under  Lieut.  Armstrong  and  Ensign  Hartshorn  ;  that  Uti  of  the 
latter  wer«j  killed  or  taken,  and  seven  escaped  by  flight.  Lieut.  Armstrong 
saved  himself  by  j)hmging  into  a  slough,  and  remaining  most  of  the  night  up 
to  his  unci'  in  mud  and  water.  Ensign  Hailshorn  made  an  equally  narrow- 
escape.  In  his  flight  he  stuii;bled  over  a  log,  which,  as  he  fell,  he  observed 
contained  a  cavity  of  sufficient  magnitude  to  admit  his  body.  He  crawled 
into  it,  and  (!V(!ntually  escaped  unobserved.  While  he  lay  in  the  hollow  tree, 
he  witnessed  from  a  knot-hole  the  burning  and  dreadful  torture  of  several  of  his 
comrades  on  the  same  ground  where  they  had  been  defeated.  Ensign  Harts- 
horn is  believed  to  be  the  same  who  fell  aflerwards  in  the  battle  at  Fort  Re- 
covery. 

Never  did  Indians  gain  a  more  complete  victory,  and  never  was  a  plan 
better  laid  to  insure  it.  They  drew  the  army  af"ter  them  by  their  trail ;  then, 
dividing  themselves  into  two  parties,  marched  back,  on  each  side  of  it,  to  a 
heath  or  plain,  and  there  lay  concealed  in  the  bushes,  wjiile  their  pursuers 
came  directly  iiUo  the  snare.  "The  militia,"  Gen.  llarmer  said,  "shamefully 
and  cowardly  threw  away  their  arms  and  nm,  without  scarcely  firing  a  gun ;" 
anfl  thus  the  regulars  were  left  to  fight  the  whole  force  of  the  Indians,  which 
could  not  have  been  less  than  a  thousand  wan'iors ;  and  it  is  matter  of  sur- 
prise how  even  seven  of  the  whites  should  have  escaped. 

This  defeat  was  on  the  17  October;  and  the  next  day  llarmer  arrived  with 
the  main  body  at  the  Great  Miami  village,  having  lost  several  of  his  scouting 
}iarties  on  his  march.  Among  these  was  Sergeant  Johounet,  who  j)ublishcd 
a  narrative  of  his  cafrtivity,  after  his  escape,  which  is  one  of  the  most  interest- 
ing of  the  kind. 

We  an;  at  great  loss  to  account  for  the  movements  the  general  next  made. 
Why  he  began  a  retreat  without  any  further  operations,  it  is  difficult  to  see. 
Pcrha[)s  he  had  decided  in  his  own  mind  that  any  further  efforts  would  be 
useless,  and,  without  holding  a  council  of  his  officers,  had  determined  to  re- 
tm-n  home.  If  such  was  his  resolution,  and  had  he  kept  it,  he  would  have 
saved  many  valuable  lives,  if  he  had  lost  his  reputation ;  yet,  as  the  case 
turned,  he  not  only  lost  his  reimtation,  but  what  was  of  far  greater  moment 
to  the  country,  many  valuable  lives  with  it 

Whether  conscious  that  he  was  grossly  reprehensible  for  what  he  had 
<lone,  or  not,  we  can  only  infer  the  fivct  from  the  circumstances;  for  he  gives 
us  no  journal  of  his  marches  from  place  to  j)lace,  and  we  next  fin  J  him  about 
8  miles  on  his  way  home,  on  the  evening  of  iil  October.  Here  lie  jnade  a 
stand,  and  again  detached  Col.  Hardi:>,  with  about  400  men,  of  whom  (JO  only 
were  regulars,  with  orders  to  return  to  the  Great  Miami  village,  which,  it 
seemed,  the  general  had  already  been  informed,  was  in  possession  of  the 
Indians,  and  to  bring  on  an  engagement  with  lliem.  Under  Col.  Harden 
went,  at  this  time,  Maj.  Wyliys  of  Connecticut,  Miij.  Fontaine,  Maj.  McMul- 
len,  and  Col.  Hall.  They  marched  in  t'.e  course  of  the  same  night,  and 
about  day,  on  the  21M,  came  to  the  villa je  in  four  divisions,  to  each  of  which 
was  assigned  a  different  point  of  attack.  They  did  not  find  the  Indians  un- 
prepar«;d ;  but  were  met  by  them  with  a  braveiy  and  valor  not  to  be  over- 
.come.  15y  one  account,  it  is  said  the  fight  lasted  three  hours ;  that,  during  it, 
Maj.  McMullen  drove  a  l)arty  of  the  Indians  into  the  Miami.  Maj.  Wyliys, 
with  about  (iO  men,  was  cut  off  by  a  band  of  warriors,  who  came  upon  him 
m  the  rear,  under  cover  of  a  field  of  thick  hazels.  Maj.  Fontaine,  having 
ordered  his  men  to  retreat,  himself,  "in  a  frenzy  of  courage,"  rode  directly 
back  into  the  thickest  of  the  enemy,  "cutting  and  slashing,"  till  he  was 
wounded,  and  carried  off  by  two  of  his  men  ;  but  he  was  ovei-tsiken,  killed, 
und  scalped.  Maj.  Wyliys  was  left  mortally  wounded.  He  requested  to  be 
helped  upon  his  horse,  "that  he  might  give  them  another  charge ;  but,  m  the 


[Book  V. 

)1.  Trotter 
llugc^,  all 
id  not  at- 
le,  ai(l-de- 
iiieii,  pro- 
It  soirie  (> 
>itli  a  loss 
of  whom 
'^;j  of  the 
Armstrong 
V.  night  up 
ly  narrow 
!  observed 
e  cruwleil 
jllow  tree, 
'crulot'liis 
ign  Harts- 
Fort  Re- 

ras  a  ])lan 
rail ;  then, 

of  it,  to  a 
•  pnrsuers 

haniefuUy 
g  a  gun ;" 
iHH,  which 
ter  of  sur- 

rivcd  witli 
is  scouting 

published 
tit  interest- 
next  made, 
ndt  to  see. 

would  be 
lined  to  re- 
rauld  have 
8  the  case 
jr  moment 

lat  he  had 
or  he  gives 

him  about 
he  made  a 
om  (50  only 
I,  which,  it 
qon  of  the 
ol.  Harden 
aj.  McMul- 

night,  and 
h  of  which 
Indians  un- 
to be  over- 
t,  during  it, 
laj.  Wyllys, 

upon  him 
ine,  having 
ide  directly 
till  he  was 
Lken,  killed, 
ested  to  be 
,  but,  ill  the 


I 


Chap.  XIV] 


ACTION  NRAR  FOUT  RECOVERY. 


191 


m 


hurry  of  the  retreat,  it  could  not  lie  done;"  and  Lieut.  Frothingham,  of  his 
command,  was  leil  among  the  slain. 

A  retreat  was  made  in  tolerable  order ;  and  because  the  whites  were  not 
pursued,  Harmer  pretended  to  claim  a  victory !  iiut  Indians  will  never 
leave  ])lund<;r  to  pursue  a  Hying  foe,  who  has  lell  all  l>ehind  him. 

There  fell  in  this  miserably  conducted  expedition,  214  men,  of  whom  18.'{ 
wert!  killed  in  battle,  and  31  wounded ;  severni  ol"  these  died  of  their  vvound.s. 
The  proportion  of  officers  was  very  great;  besides  those  already  namt'd,  there 
were  lost,  Ca|)ts.  Tharj),  Scott,  and  McMutrey  ;  Lieuts.  Sanilers,  Worley, 
('lark,  and  Rogers;  Ensigns  riweet.  Bridges,  Arnold,  Higgins,  and  Threl- 
keld. 

(Jn  reviewing  the  conduct  of  Gen.  Harmer  in  this  affiur,  it  would  seem 
that  he  was  either  crazy,  or  utterly  devoid  of  judgment.  It  mu.st  \mvv  been 
apparent  to  every  8id>altern  of  his  connnand,  that  the  first  battle  with  tin; 
Indians  had  not  oidy  increased  their  boldness,  but  their  numbere  also.  Then, 
lit  the  very  time,  the  troops  are  inarched  off  the  ground,  leaving  them  in  liill 
triumph  ;  and  when  at  a  sate  distance  from  di"^,  r,  a  filth  part  is  sent  back 
into  the  very  jaws  of  destruction.  With  these  glaring  facts  in  full  viinv,  it  is 
(liHicult  to  comprehend  on  what  gro  iiid  a  court  martial  could  lumorably  ex- 
onerate (j'jn.  Harmer  of  all  blame ;  TiOr  is  it  any  easier  to  tliscover  how  he 
could  have  Iwen  accpiitted  of  unofficcrlike  condu(!t  with  lutnor. 

In  tlie  battles  with  the  Indians  during  this  exptidition,  many  of  them  fought 
on  horseback,  having  their  liorscs  eipiipped  with  a  bunch  of  bells  hanging 
down  the  leli  side  of  thoii  heads,  and  two  narrow  strips  of  red  iuid  white 
cloth  as  a  soil  of  pend^ints.  The  Indians  themselves  W(U'e  painted  red  and 
black,  in  a  manner  "  to  represent  infernal  .spirits."  Their  most  hideous  and 
terrific  appearance,  added  to  the  noise  of  the  bell.s  and  the  flapiiing  of  the 
pendent  strips  of  cloth,  rendered  th'jm  so  liirmidable  to  the  horses  of  the 
militia,  that  they  shrunk  back  in  dismay,  and  it  was  with  the  greatest  dilfi- 
cidty  they  couhl  be  brought  to  the  charge. 

The  accounts  of  Harmer's  campaign  are  of  the  most  conflicting  character, 
no  two  agreeing  in  its  important  details.  His  official  account  of  it  is  one  of 
the  most  meagre  documents  of  the  kind  to  be  found  any  where.  The  most 
we  can  learn  from  it  i.s,  that  he  had  been  sonnnvhere  to  figiit  Indians,  and 
had  got  back  again  to  Fort  Washington,  and  had  lost  18^  men.  IJut  where, 
or  when,  or  how  it  was  done,  he  has  left  us  to  conjecture.  Judge  Marshall 
has  unaccountably  placed  it  under  1791,  and  Shalhis,  who  is  generally  to  be 
relied  on,  i)laces  his  inarch  fioni  Fort  Washington,  and  all  his  battles  (which, 
by  the  way,  he  never  fought  any)  under  the  date  of'  'iO  September. 

I  am  aware  that  this  account  of  Harmer's  campaigii  differs  considerably 
from  those  before  printed,  but  the  main  facts  were  long  since  obtained  from 
persons  engaged  in  it,  and  may  be  received  as  substantially  correct. 

The  next  prominent  event  in  western  history  occurred  during  the  cam- 
paign of  Gen.  Wayne,  and  has  been  referred  to  as  the  actio.n  .near  Fort 
Recovery. 

Fort  Recovery  was  so  named  because  it  was  built  on  the  ground  whem 
Gen.  St.  Clair  had  been  defeated  ;  and  hence  that  ground  was  recovered  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  savages.  This  fort  became  immediately  very  noted  in 
history,  from  a  bloody  battle  fought  in  its  vicinity,  on  the  30tli  of  June,  17!)4. 

Fort  Recovery  was  one  of  tbo,se  advanced  posts  U[)on  which  Gen.  Wayne 
depended,  in  the  event  of  his  being  obliged  to  retreat  out  of  the  Indian 
country,  upon  any  unforeseen  disaster.  It  was  on  a  small  branch  of  the 
Wabash,  (mistaken  by  Gen.  St.  Clair  for  the  St.  Mark's,)  about  23  miles  from 
Greenville,  and  about  80  or  90  from  Fort  Washington,  ((Jincinnati,)  and  is 
upon  the  southern  border  of  Alercer  county,  Ohio,  not  3  miles  from  the  line 
dividing  Ohio  from  Indiana.  It  had  been  built  in  the  winter  of  1793,  and  in 
June,  1794,  the  general  ordered  a  (piantity  of  provisions  to  be  deposited  there, 
as  a  link  in  the  chain  of  his  supplies.  It  was  not  until  the  2{Hh  of  this  month 
that  a  convoy  was  ready  to  proceed  thither  from  Fort  Greenville. 

Meanwhile  two  distinguished  Indian  chiefs,  with  a  few  followers,  had 
inarched  lor  Fort  Recovery,  to  learn  what  they  could,  in  the  way,  of  the 
vicinity  of  the  enemy.    These  two  chiefs  were  uuuicJ  Capt.  Underwood, 


192 


ACTION  NEAR  FORT  RECO''     lY. 


[Book  V. 


and  Capt.  Bobb  Sallad  ;  tlie  former  a  Chikasaw,  and  the  latter  a  Choctaw. 
They  perlbrnied  tlieir  Hervice  liiithfiilly,  and  arrived  at  Recovery  tlie  same 
evening  that  the  convoy  did,  but  whether  beibre  or  after,  is  not  mentioned ; 
yet  the  value  of  their  service  ujum  this  occasion  was  lost  Ironi  want  of  a 
jiroper  arrangement;  for  on  hailing  the  fort,  tliey  were  taken  lor  the  enemy, 
and  speaking  a  different  language  from  the  western  Indians,  could  niuke  no 
communication  to  those  within,  and  hence  were  obliged  to  retire  with  mnrti- 
ficatioiL  They  were  j)reparcd  to  communicate  the  imi)ortant  intelligence, 
that  "a  large  army"  of  Indians  was  hovering  about  the  Ibrt,  and  were  to  be 
expected  iunnediately  to  attack  it.  It  was  discovered  afterwards,  that  the 
Indians  had  letu-ned  the  weakness  of  the  garrison,  and  determined  on  carrj- 
ing  it  by  storm,  thus  ju'oving  the  value  of  the  information  which  was  lost ; 
the  im])oitunt  post.  Recovery,  being  then  defended  by  but  about  100  rrjen, 
under  Cajrt.  Gibson.  Of  these,  80  were  infimtry,  under  the  immediate  com- 
mand of  Lieut  Drake,  who,  in  the  battle  which  followed,  acted  a  most  con- 
spicuous part 

The  convoy  consisted  of  ,300  pack-horses,  80  riflemen  luider  Capt  Harts- 
horn, and  50  dragoons  under  Capt  Taylor;  the  whole  under  Major  J.  McMa- 
HON.  They  arrived  the  same  evening  at  their  place  of  detttination,  without 
accident  On  the  morning  of  the  last  day  of  June,  as  the  convoy  wiis  about 
to  resume  its  return  march,  it  was  fiercely  attacked  by  a  immerous  body  of 
Indians,  3,000  or  upwards,  as  was  afterwards  ascertained.  Previous  to  march- 
ing, he  pack-horsemen  had  spread  themselves  along  their  road,  and  were 
grazing  their  horses,  and  some  were  nearly  a  mile  from  the  fort  when  the 
onset  begun.  On  hearing  the  firing.  Major  McMahou,  supposing  the  Indians 
but  few,  took  only  the  50  dragoons,  and  pushed  forward  to  the  point  of  attack. 
Near  the  extremity  of  the  line  of  pack-horses,  he  found  himself  almost  en- 
compa.ssed  by  Indians,  who,  showing  themselves  of  a  sudden,  seemed  to 
cover  the  ground  for  a  great  distance.  With  their  deafening  yells  they  pouied 
an  incessant  fire  upon  the  devoted  band  with  deadly  effect  Among  the  first 
killed  was  the  commander,  who  was  shot  dead  from  his  horse.  Capt  Taylor, 
with  the  remainder  of  the  troops,  fame  immediately  to  the  rescue,  but  finding 
himself  surrounded  by  the  great  numbers  of  the  enemy,  endeavored  to  cut 
his  retreat  through  them,  and  was  likewise  slain,  as  was  also  Cornet  Terry. 
Capt  Hartshorn,  who  commanded  the  riflemen,  received  a  severe  wound  in 
the  knee,  and  notwithstanding  he  was  carried  some  distance  by  his  men,  he 
was  finally  overtaken  and  killed.  They  gained  an  eminence  and  contiiuied 
the  fight 

In  the  meantime  the  remnant  of  dragoons  and  other  fugitives  had  gained 
the  cleared  ground  adjacent  to  the  fort,  and  were  contending  at  most  fearfid 
odds  with  their  victorious  enemy.  Seeing  their  desperate  situation,  Capt 
Gibson  })ermitted  Lieut  Drake,  at  his  own  request,  to  make  a  sally  from  the 
fort  in  aid  of  Jiis  companions.  "  He  accordingly  sallied  out,  at  the  liead  of 
his  own  men  and  a  portion  of  tlie  riflemen,  skilfully  interposed  his  detach- 
ment between  the  retreating  trooj)s  and  the  enemj^,  opened  upon  them  a  hot 
fire,  arrested  their  advance,  and  thus  gave  an  oj)portunity  to  the  wounded  to 
effect  their  escape,  and  to  the  broken  and  retreating  companies  to  reibrm  and 
again  to  face  the  enemy.  Throughout  the  whole  affair,  Drake's  activity,  skill, 
and  extraordinary  self-possession,  were  most  conspicuous.  The  enemy  ob- 
served it  as  well  as  his  friends.  The  numerous  shots  directed  at  him,  how- 
ever, were  turned  aside  by  jirovidential  interference,  until  he  had  accom- 
])lislied  all  that  he  had  been  sent  to  perform.  He  then  received  a  ball  through 
his  body  and  fell ;  a  faithful  corporal  came  to  his  assistance,  and  with  his  aid 
he  reached  the  fort;  and  those  two  were  the  last  of  the  retreating  party  that 
entered  it — Drake  making  it  a  point  of  honor  that  it  should  be  so."  * 

Lieut  Drake  was  not  mortally,  tliough  very  severely  woimded,  but  never  en- 
tirely recovered.  He  returned  home  to  Connecticut  in  the  summer  of  1796,  on 
a  furlough,  and  died  there  shortly  after,  from  tie  immediate  effects  of  the  yellow 

*  From  a  communication  of  our  present  worthy  chief  magistrate,  Gkn.  Hakuison,  by 
which  he  illustrated  in  the  most  happy  manner,  t'lat  it  was  no  proof  of  cowardice  for  an 
officer  to  decline  fiffhting-  a  duel ;  Drake  having  he  fore  refused  to  accept  a  challenge  from, 
notwithstanding  he  had  been  grossly  insulted  by,  o.iother  oificer. 


[Book  V. 


Chap.  XV.] 


EXPLOITS   AT   FORT   RRCOVHIiY. 


19*J 


.  Choctaw. 

tlie  same 
lentioned ; 
want  of  a 
lie  enemy, 
J  iiiiike  no 
kitli  niorti- 
itelligeiiee, 
were  to  be 
S  that  tlie 
I  on  carry- 
was  lost; 
100  men, 
diate  com- 
niost  con- 
apt.  Harts- 
J.  McMa- 
)n,  without 
was  about 
us  body  of 
3  to  march- 
,  and  were 
I  wlien  the 
the  Indians 
It  of  attack, 
ahnost  en- 
seemed  to 
hey  poured 
ng  the  first 
ipt.  Taylor, 
but  finding 
ored  to  cut 
rnet  Terry. 
e  wound  in 
lis  men,  he 
1  continued 

had  gained 
nost  fearlid 
ition,  Capt. 
ly  from  the 
he  head  of 
his  detach- 
them  a  hot 
wounded  to 
relbrm  and 
;tivity,  skill, 
enemy  ob- 
him,  how- 
lad  accom- 
)all  through 
with  his  aid 
•f  party  that 

it  never  en- 
of 1796,  on 
f  the  yellow 

;AHHISON,   by 

'ariiicc  for  an 
lallciige  from, 


fever,  it  is  said,  which  he  had  contracted  in  juussing  througii  Philadelphia,  i?j 
his  way.  The  bruve  Cupt  Hartshorn,  as  has  been  mentioned,  was  wounded, 
and  could  not  travel.  He  requested  his  men  to  leave  him  and  take  care  of 
themselves,  and  immediately  a  British  ollicer  (the  notorious  Ca|)t  M'Kee) 
came  to  him,  and  told  him  to  surrender  and  he  should  bo  well  treated.  Btit 
he  had  determined  never  to  liill  alive  into  the  hands  of  the  Indians,  and  at 
the  same  moment  aimed  a  blow  at  M'Kee  with  his  rifle,  which  knocked  him 
o<f  his  horsfv,  and  before  he  recovered,  his  negro  servant  and  an  Indian  W(!re 
upon  Capt.  Hartshorn,  and  had  despatched  him.  Lieut.  Marks,  of  Capt.  Harts- 
horn's company,  was  surrounded  and  alone.  He  fought,  and  kept  off  the 
Indians  with  his  spontoou  until  it  was  broken  to  })ieces,  and  then  jumping 
over  the  heads  of  some,  and  knocking  down  with  his  fist  one  tJiat  had  taken 
him  prisoner,  escaped. 

In  this  protracted  and  desperate  fight,  25  of  the  Americans  were  killed  and 
40  wounded,  and  all  the  pack-horses  lost;  on  many  of  which  the  Indians  con- 
veyed away  their  dead  and  wounded ;  but  their  actual  loss  was  never  known. 
Several  other  American  officers  deserve  especial  notice  ;  as  Ensign  Dodd  of 
Lieut  Drake's  command,  and  Lieut.  Michael  of  Capt.  Hartshorn's.  Michael 
had  been  detached  with  a  chosen  party,  all  of  whom  were  killed  but  three  ; 
himself  escaping  in  a  similar  manner  to  that  of  Lieut.  Marks.  The  Indians 
closely  besieged  the  fort  all  that  day  and  night,  and  the  next  day  till  about 
noon,  when  they  drew  off.  The  Indians  displayed  great  braverj',  ollen  ad- 
vancing in  solid  column  within  the  range  of  the  guns  of  the  fort.* 

The  well-known  chiefs.  Little  Turtle  and  Blue  Jacket,  were  among 
the  ibremost  leaders  of  the  Indians  in  this  battle.  Of  Capt.  Underwood,  we 
have  no  further  account ;  but  the  sequel  of  the  life  of  his  companion  is  soon 
told.  He  had  about  this  time  been  sent  upon  an  excursion,  and  meeting  with 
a  party  of  the  enemy,  defeated  them  ;  pursued  one  into  the  midst  of  a  larj^e 
encampment,  where  lie  despatched  him ;  but,  at  the  same  time,  lost  his 
own  life. 

There  were,  in  Gen.  Wayne's  army,  20  warriors  out  of  the  tribe  of  Chok- 
taws.  PiOMiNGO,  who  had  been  with  St  Clair,  was  also  of  the  numlier.  He 
is  believed  to  have  been  the  same,  aftenvards  called  Gen.  Colburt,  in  which 
suggestion,  if  we  are  correct,  he  was  the  son  of  a  Scottisli  gentleman  by  an 
Indian  woman,  whose  father  was  killed  in  an  affair  near  the  mouth  of  the 
Ohio,  in  1781.  His  services  under  Gen.  St  Clair  have  been  touched  upon ; 
and  for  those  under  Gen.  Washington,  he  received  a  sword,  and  a  commission 
of  major ;  and  Gen.  Jackson  gave  him  a  sword  also,  and  a  colonel's  commis- 
sion. Having  been  always  in  the  interest  of  the  government  of  the  United 
States,  he  supported  the  emigration  principle ;  and  that  his  example  might 
have  weight,  he  went  liimself  to  Arkansas,  in  1836,  with  the  Ridge  party. 
But  his  years  there  were  few,  as  doubdess  they  must  have  been  in  the  land 
of  his  nativity,  for  in  1839  he  had  attained  his  95th  year,  which  ended  his 
earthly  career.    He  died  there  in  November  of  that  year. 

PiOMiNGO  was  a  true  Indian.  His  nnien  having  taken  a  prisoner  who  had 
been  engaged  in  St  Clair's  defeat,  he  ordered  him  to  immediate  execution ; 
and  that  no  warrior  should  be  disgraced  by  the  act,  an  old  man  was  ap- 
pointed to  shoot  him.    He  had  joined  Gen.  St  Clair's  army  witli  21  men. 

CHAPTER  XV. 

EVENTS   or   THE   IlfDIAN   WAR  OF   1763  AND   1764,   ON  THE   OHIO, 

Siege,  of  Fort  Pitt — Mly  defended  by  Capt.  Ecuvkr — Col.  Henry  Bouquet  ordered  to 
march  to  its  relief — Extreme  danger  of  the  undertaking — Throws  succor  into  Fort 

*  1  have  been  thus  circumstantial  in  detailing  this  important  event  in  our  Indian  wars,  be- 
cause  it  has  not  been  done  by  any  writer ;  several  have,  however,  noticed  it,  but  their  ac- 
counts are  very  incomplete.  My  chief  authorities  are,  "A  Letter  dated  at  Fort  Greenville,  four 
days  afier  the  battle,"  The  Western  Review,  and  IVither's  Chronicles, 


104 


BOUQUET'S  EXPF.DITFON-SIEGE  OF  FORT  PITT.         [Book  V 


Ligonier,  as  dors  Capt.  Ocrrv — Fort  Bedford  besieged — Battle  of  Bushy  Rni» 
' — Ji  second  hatlle — End  of  the  campaign — Jin  army  raised  for  another — Col.  Bou- 
quet ruminands  it — Col.  Brudstrecl  to  cooperate  by  the  lakes — Indians  completely 
subdued  and  sue  for  pence — Hur render  iJOU  mptives. 

"  Wp-itwaril  tlio  wavcn  of  population  roll, 
l<il(i<  thp  wild  pyriiiiiiil  i>l'  iiwl'iil  flamo, 
Sweeping  I  hi-  lirimil  prairlo  widjoiil  cunlml, 
I'rsiil  hy  tii'rru  li'inpirsl-i  which  no  might  can  tttine." 

In  this  clinjtttM'  it  is  proposed  to  detail  those  events  of  Pontink's  war  not 
hcforc  i)Jirticiilaily  ronsidered.  We  have  seen  the  termination  of  tlie  siege  of 
Detroit,  aiid  we  will  now  return  into  the  distant  south,  to  another  besieged 
fort,  upon  the  Ohio,  named  Pitt,  in  honor  of  the  great  statesman,  Wilmam 
Pitt.  It  had  been  closely  invested  for  many  days,  when  Pontiak  gave  up 
the  siege  of  Detroit,  and  all  eoinmimieation  was  ent  off  from  it,  when  an  order 
Was  given  Ibr  an  attempt  to  throw  supplies  into  it  by  marching  through  the 
wilderness.  This  fi)rt  stood  \\\nn\  a  narrow  tongue  of  land  made  by  the  ron- 
fluenc<j  of  the  Monongahelu  with  the  Ohio,  and  such  was  the  boldness  of  the 
Indians  that  "they  had  posted  themselves  under  the  banks  of  both  rivers,  l)y 
the  very  ^vulls  of  the  fort,  and  continued,  ls  it  were,  buried  there,  fi-om  day  to 
day,  with  astonishing  i)atience ;  pouring  m  an  incessant  storm  of  musketry 
and  fire  arrows ;"  by  which  they  liad  counied  upon  starving  or  burning  out  at 
length  the  beleaguered  garrison. 

Fort  Pitt  was  commanded  by  Capt  Ecuyer,  an  officer  who  did  himself 
much  credit  on  the  occasion,  for  he  had  not  only  the  wily  chiefs  of  forty  bands 
of  savages  to  provide  against,  but  the  flood-gates  of  heaven  had  been  opened 
against  him  ;  by  which  the  swollen  rivers  had  nearly  destroyed  the  foundation 
of  his  fbrtress.  He  was  200  miles,  by  any  travelled  path,  from  all  settlements, 
und  could  send  no  account  of  his  distressed  condition  beyond  the  walls  of 
the  fort 

Gen.  Amherst  was  acmiainted  with  the  fate  of  some  of  the  outposts,  and  he 
bad  thrown  succors  into  Detroit;  but  whether  Fort  Pitt  was  in  the  hands  of  the 
Indians  or  the  English,  there  was  nothing  beyond  conjecture.  Such  was  the 
condition  of  things  when  he  magnanimously  determined  to  send  a  force  to  its 
reliefl  He  had  only  the  shattered  remainder  of  the  42d  and  77th  regiments, 
just  returned  from  the  West  Indies,  that  he  coidd  spare  for  the  enterprise,  and 
it  was  hazarding  not  u  little  to  attempt  it  with  men  worn  down  with  hard  ser- 
vice and  disease ;  when  those  in  high  spirits  and  sound  health  could  scarcely 
hope  to  pass  Kraddock's  fatal  fields  with  safety. 

The  forces  destined  for  the  expedition  were  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Car- 
lisle in  Pennsylvtuiia,  and  Col.  Henry  BouquET  was  appointed  to  lead  them. 
Melancholy  forebodings  occupied  tlie  minds  of  the  frontier  inhabitants ;  a 
great  number  of  plantations  had  been  plundered  and  burnt,  mills  destroyed, 
"  and  the  full  ripe  crops  stood  waving  in  the  fields,  ready  for  the  sickle,  but 
the  reapers  were  not  to  be  found."  But  about  500  effective  men  were  all  that 
the  colonel  could  count  upon,  and  it  was  feared  that  they  would  meet  with  a 
defeat,  which  would  leave  the  inhabitants  in  a  vastly  worse  condition  than  if 
ihe  expedition  had  not  been  undertaken.  And  such  was  the  despondency  of 
the  people,  that,  notwithstanding  a  deposit  of  provisions  had  been  ordered  at 
Carlisle  early  in  the  season,  when  Col.  Bouquet  arrived  there  in  July,  he  found 
nothing  had  been  done ;  and  instead  of  finding  supplies  for  his  men,  he  found 
the  wretched  inhabitants  expecting  them  of  him,  and  he  actually  bestowed 
some  upon  thetn  out  of  Ins  own  stores.  Yet  in  spite  of  these  discouragements, 
he  was  ready,  in  about  eighteen  days,  to  take  up  his  line  of  march. 

Meanwhile,  Fort  Ligonier,  far  advanced  into  the  wilderness,  and  west  of  the 
Alleghany  Mountains,  was  in  the  gi-eatest  danger  of  falling  into  the  hands  of 
the  Indians,  and  all  haste  was  made  by  Col.  Bouquet  to  reach  it  with  the  army 
to  prevent  such  a  catastrophe.  This  was  of  especial  importance,  inasmuch 
as  that  fort  contained  a  large  quantity  of  military  stores,  and  was  in  a  ruinous 
condition,  as  well  as  weakly  garrisoned,  notwithstanding  two  other  small  forts 
had  been  abandoned  to  strengthen  it ;  namely,  one  "  at  the  crossings  of  the 
Juniata,"  and  the  other  at  Stony  Creek. 


[Book  V 

osHV  Row 
-Col.  Don- 
completebj 


Chap.  XV] 


nvTTi.i:  o!'  ni'snY  kvs. 


1»5 


s  war  not 
e  fiiege  of 
•  besieged 

WlLMAM 

c  gave  up 
ti  an  order 
roiigli  the 
y  tlie  rou- 
less  of  the 
I  rivers,  In 
•cm  diiv  to 
'  imisketry 
ning  out  ul 

id  himself 
brty  bands 
en  opone(J 
foundation 
ettlenients, 
le  walls  of 

ists,  and  lie 
ands  of  the 
ich  was  tho 
force  to  its 
regiments, 
jrprise,  and 
h  hard  ser- 
dd  scarcely 

ous  at  Car- 
lead  them, 
abitants ;  a 
i  destroyed, 
sickle,  but 
vere  all  that 
meet  with  a 
ion  than  if 
ondency  of 
1  ordered  at 
ly,  he  found 
:n,  he  found 
y  bestowed 
jragements, 

west  of  the 
le  hands  of 
th  the  army 
!,  inasmuch 
in  a  ruinous 
•  small  forts 
sings  of  the 


Not  being  able  to  march  witii  the  niaiti  body  as  soon  ais  he  deemed  it  neres* 
Bary,  Col.  liouquct  determined  to  send  thirty  men  in  advance  tlmmgh  the 
woods  to  join  tlie  garrison.  "  For  an  ohjtjct  ot"  that  imimrtance,  eveiy  risk 
Was  to  be  rim,"  it  was  said ;  and  they  set  out  on  their  hazardous  journey  with 
small  hopes  from  their  friends.  Contrary  to  what  might  have  been  expected, 
as  well  'IS  former  experience,  this  little  band  succeeded,  by  forced  marches, 
without  being  discovered  by  tiie  Indians,  umil  they  had  got  within  sigiit  of  tlio 
fort,  l»y  throwing  themselves  into  it;  ari<l  aithougli  tired  u[>on,  escapee'  unin- 
jm-ed.  Their  having  been  anticipated,  however,  in  their  iMiiievoient  work, 
detracts  nothing  li-om  the  honor  of  its  performance  ;  nor  is  Capt.  Ourry  the 
l<!ss  to  he  commendefl  tor  having  encouragiul  twenty  volunteers  to  march  from 
Fort  liedford,  where  he  commanded,  upon  tiu;  same  ditHcult  service.  Tlu-s'.; 
fv.w  brave  woodsmen  met  with  a  sucitess  |)roportionate  to  their  coiu'a{.;t . 
"Here  the  distressed  families,  scattered  for  twelve;  or  fitteen  miles  around, 
fled  for  protection,  leaving  most  of  their  effects  a  pn^y  to  the  savages." 

Fort  Bedford  was  as  closely  invest«!<l  as  Ligonier ;  and  about  this  time  a 
party  of  eighteen  nu-n  wvrc  surprised  in  its  very  neighborhood  and  all  cut  oil! 
This  happened  but  a  few  d.-.ys  previous  to  the  arrival  of  Col.  IJouipiet  at  that 
place,  which  was  on  the  '25  .hily,  17(I.'{.  Fort  Medtonl  was  100  miles  beyond 
the  frontier,  and  the  same  distance  (rom  Fort  I'itt. 

As  soon  as  the  Indians  became  acquainted  with  ''iO  march  of  the  Eiiglisli 
army,  they  broke  up  the  siege  of  Fort  Pitt,  and  proceeded  to  waylay  tlie  routu 
they  knew  it  must  take.  There  were  many  formidable  leaders  among  them 
at  this  period,  as  Kikyuskung,  the  Wot.f,  Delaware  chiefs;  but  the  most 
savage  and  dreaded  were  Shaw.r\ese,  whose  names  have  not  reached  us. 
The  colonel  marched  fi-om  Fort  Bedford  on  the  '28  July,  and  having  to  pass 
several  dangerous  defiles,  he  |)rudently  determined  to  leave  liis  wagons  and 
proceed  only  with  pack-horses.  Turtle  ('reek,  along  which  he  was  to  pass, 
was  commanded  the  whole  way  by  high  and  craggy  hills.  This  place  he 
intended  to  have  passed  on  the  night  of  tli(!  y!>  .fuly,  by  a  forced  march,  thereby, 
if  possible,  to  have  eluded  the  vigilance  of  his  wily  ailversary;  but  this  he 
was  not  able  to  eflbct;  and  we  will  give,  in  his  own  words,  Col.  Houiiuet's 
account  of  the  attack  made  upon  his  men  on  tlKru'  march.  His  official  de- 
spatch was  dated  at  Edge  Hill,  twenty-six  miles  I'rom  Fort  Pitt,  5  August,  17(j;i ; 
and  is  as  follows  : — 

"The  2d  instant  the  trooi)s  and  convoy,  intended  for  Fort  Pitt,  arrived  at 
Ligonier,  where  I  could  obtain  no  intelligence  of  the  enemy;  the  expresses 
sent  since  the  begimiing  of  July,  having  been  either  killed,  or  obliged  to 
return,  all  the  passes  being  occu[)ied  by  the  enemy.  On  the  4th,  jiroceeded 
with  the  troops,  and  about  340  horses  laden  with  flour.  1  intended  to  have 
halted  to-day  at  Bushy  Run,  a  mile  beyond  this  camp,  and,  after  having 
refreshed  the  men  and  horses,  to  have  marched  in  the  night  over  Turtle 
Creek,  a  very  dangerous  defile  ot  several  miles,  commanded  by  high  and 
craggy  hills ;  but  at  one  o'clock  this  afternoon,  afler  a  march  of  seventeen  miles, 
the  savages  suddenly  attacked  our  advanced  guard,  which  was  immediately 
repulsed  by  the  two  light  infantry  companies  of  the  42d  regiment,  who  drove 
the  savages  from  their  ambuscade,  and  pursued  them  a  good  way.  They 
immediately  returned  to  the  attack,  and  the  fire  being  obstinate  on  our  front, 
and  extending  along  our  flanks,  we  made  a  general  charge  with  the  whole 
line,  to  dislodge  the  savages  from  the  heights;  in  which  attempt  we  suc- 
ceeded, though  without  obtaining  by  it  any  decisive  advantage ;  for  as  sooi 
as  they  were  driven  from  one  post,  they  appeared  on  another,  till,  by  contiimal 
reenfbrcements,  they  were  at  last  able  to  surround  us,  and  attack  the  convoy 
lefl  in  our  rear.  This  obliged  us  to  march  back  to  protect  it.  The  action  then 
became  general,  and  though  we  were  attacked  on  every  side,  and  the  savages 
«xerted  themselves  with  imcommon  resolution,  they  were  constantly  repulsed 
with  loss.  We  also  suffered  considerably :  Capt,  Lieut.  Graham  and  Lieut. 
M'Intosh  are  killed,  and  Capt.  Graliam  wounded.  Of  the  Royal  American 
regiment,  Lieut.  Dow,  who  acted  as  deputy  quartermaster-general,  is  shot 
through  the  body.  Of  the  77th,  Lieut.  Donald  Campbell,  and  Mr.  Peebles,  a 
volunteer,  are  wounded;  in  all,  above  sixty  are  killed  and  wounded.  The 
action  has  lasted  from  ont  o'clock  till  night,  and  we  expect  to  begin  again  at 
daybreak." 


\k 


196 


nOL'QlJET'8  SECOND  EXPEDITION. 


[Book  V. 


Thus  (ni«lf(l  the  first  luittlt!  "  lujur  Hiinhy  Hun,"  nnd  botlj  arniie.s  were  deter- 
ininf<l  on  anotlier  oh  skmhi  uh  thoy  could  tlistinj^uiwh  friend  from  foe,  ut  the 
oarlk'st  return  of  dayligliU  Accordingly,  "  in  the  inorninjj,"  wiyH  (.'oi.  ]{ou- 
quet,  "tlic  saviigcB  8iirround(;d  our  cunip,  nt  the  diHtunce  ol  uhoiit  500  yurdB, 
and  hy  siioutin<;  and  yelping  quite  round  that  cxtenuive  circunilercncc,  thought 
to  liavt!  terrified  uh  with  their  nuinherM:  they  attacked  uh  curly,  and  under 
favor  of  an  incessant  fire,  made  sevcirui  hold  (ifforts  to  penetruti!  our  camp; 
and  though  they  Oiiled  in  the  attempt,  our  situation  was  not  the  less  perplex- 
ing, iiaving  cxjierienced  that  l)risk  attacks  had  little  effect  upon  an  enemy  who 
always  gavi;  way  when  pressed,  and  appe'ared  again  immediately:  our  troops 
were,  l)esides,  (ixtremely  fatigued  with  the  long  inurch,  and  as  long  actir)n  of 
the  prt!ceding  day,  and  distressed  to  the  last  degree  by  a  total  want  of  water, 
much  more  intolemble  than  tiie  enemy's  fire." 

Such  was  the  commencement  of  the  second  I)uttie  near  Bushy  Run;  at 
tills  stage  of  which  many  had  been  killed  and  wounded,  and  some  had  fiillcn 
into  the  Indians'  hands.  Nothing  seemed  to  Im  gained,  but  every  thing  wore 
an  unfavorable  aspect.  Tied  to  their  convoy,  the  whites  could  neither  pursue 
the  foe  nor  contiime  their  march,  and  many  of  their  horses  were  killed,  and 
their  drivers  had  taken  refuge  in  the  woods.  At  length  the  colonel  put  in 
})ractice  a  stnitjigem,  which  probably  was  the  only  means  he  could  have 
adopted  to  have  saved  his  army  from  a  total  defeat.  He  saw  that  the  Indians 
injcame  every  moment  more  and  more  imboldened,  and  to  repulse  them 
effected  nothing,  while  to  him  it  would  soon  amount  to  certain  defeat ;  he 
therefore  made  a  feigned  retreat,  and  so  masterly  was  it  performed,  that  the 
Indians  were  completely  deceived,  and  they  pressed  forward  in  a  body  from 
their  coverts  to  gain  the  centre  of  the  circular  encampment,  while  one  of  the 
wings  of  the  army,  imdcr  Major  Camjjbell,  seconded  by  Capt.  Basset,  suddenly 
closed  in  upon  them  from  a  point  of  the  hill  where  he  could  not  be  observed, 
pouring  in  at  the  same  time  u  tremendous  fire,  and  then  charging  them  with 
impetuosity.  Many  of  them  were  killed,  and  though  tliey  returned  the  fire, 
their  ardor  was  damped,  and  victory  was  no  longer  doubtful.  The  whole 
army  was  upon  them  before  they  could  reload,  and  numbers  were  cut  off  by 
a  cross  fire  before  they  could  regain  their  trees. 

The  battle  having  now  closed,  the  army  was  enabled  to  encamp  and  take  a 
little  repose,  of  which  it  was  in  extreme  need.  On  mustering,  it  was  found 
that  115  had  been  killed,  wounded,  and  missing  of  the  regidar  troops,  filly  of 
which  were  of  the  former  number.  Of  the  Indians  they  learned  sixty  were 
killed.  Four  days  after  Col.  Bouquet  ai-rived  at  Fort  Pitt,  without  any  other 
accident  than  a  few  scattering  shot  frouj  unseen  Indians ;  and  here  he  was 
obliged  to  end  this  campaign,  not  having  sufficient  force  to  pursue  tlie  enemy 
beyond  the  Ohio,  nor  any  prospect  of  a  reenforcement 

The  next  year  it  was  determined  to  send  out  a  larger  force  under  the  same 
excellent  commander,  which  should  be  able  to  strike  an  eflfectual  blow  upon 
the  Indians  in  their  strong-holds,  or  awe  them  into  submission.  Pennsylva- 
nia was  to  raise  1,000  men ;  Virginia  was  called  upon,  and  200  friendly  Indians 
tendered  their  services.  With  these,  part  of  two  regiments  of  regulars  were 
to  be  joined,  and  tlie  whole  were  expected  at  Carlisle  ready  to  march  by 
July  ;  but  it  was  the  begiiming  of  August  before  they  were  ready,  and  then 
no  men  from  Virginia  appeared^  and  the  friendly  Indians  never  came.  Vir- 
ginia excused  herself  by  saying  it  had  already  700  men  in  tlie  field,  and  those 
were  insufficient  to  protect  its  own  frontier. 

Meanwhile,  as  soon  as  the  spring  returned,  the  Indians  fell  anew  upon  the 
back  settlements  of  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  and  spread  a  deplorable  ruin 
over  a  great  extent  of  coimtry,  killing  and  carrying  away  the  inhabitants  with 
their  wonted  barbarity. 

Gen.  Gage  was  now  commander-in-chief  in  the  colonies,  and  he  ordered 
Col.  Bradstreet,  with  a  strong  force,  to  act,  in  conjunction  with  Col.  Bouquet, 
by  proceeding  by  way  of  the  lakes,  and  falling  upon  the  backs  of  the  Wyan- 
dots,  Ottawas,  and  Miamies. 

Col.  Bouquet  inarched  from  Carlisle  on  the  9  August,  1764,  and  reached 
Fort  Loudon  on  the  13th.  In  this  march  of  four  days,  desertions  had  become 
alarming  among  the  Pennsylvania  troops,  notwithstanding  they  had  been 


Book  V. 

re  detor- 
)t',  at  the 
Jol.  Bou- 
)0  yunlH, 
,  tlioii^'ht 
1(1  under 
r  faiii|) ; 
pcriiU-x- 
I'liiy  who 
iir  tr(top8 
uctum  of 
lit"  water, 

Run ;  at 
ind  fallen 
ling  wore 
i!r  pursue 
illed,  and 
el  put  in 
luld  have 
e  IndianH 
ilse  theni 
lefeat ;  he 
J,  that  the 
body  from 
jne  of  the 
,  suddenly 
observed, 
thein  with 
d  the  fire, 
rhe  whole 
cut  off  by 

ind  take  a 
was  found 
ps,  filly  of 
sixty  wer« 
:  any  other 
re  he  was 
tlie  enemy 

r  tlie  same 
blow  upon 
Pennsylva- 
dly  Indians 
[ulars  were 

march  by 
r,  and  then 
ame.    Vir- 

and  those 

w  upon  the 
orable  ruin 
)itants  with 

he  ordered 

)1.  Bouquet, 

the  Wyan- 

nd  reached 
lad  become 
had  been 


Chap.  XV.] 


noLiQuirrs  sf.cono  expeuition 


197 


warned,  botli  by  the  coniinaiider  ami  (Jov.  Pctin,  of  tin;  ruin  it  would  create, 
and  the  condign  manner  in  which  it  woidd  Iw  punislKul.  The  latter  ^aMitie- 
man  had  accompanied  Col.  Houquet  to  (,'arli.sle,  and  there  a|)propriatcly  ad- 
dii-sscd  the  tioo|;.,  before  they  began  tlicir  march.  Nevcrtlu^li'sw  the  I'cnnrtyi- 
variia  intop.i  hud  decreaMod  liom  1,000  to  700  men,  and  the  colonel  was  obliged 
to  apply  to  the  governor  and  conmiissioners  to  complete  his  complement. 
And  by  the  exertitms  of  (iov.  Faucjuier  of  Virginia,  the  cpiota  of  men  from 
•Jiat  province  were  enabled  to  join  the  expeditL  •  at  Pitt.4iurgh. 

Belbre  leaving  Fort  Loudon,  ('oi.  iJoiKpiet  received  despat<-lies  from  Col. 
Bi-idstreet,  ac(piainting  him  that  he  had  concluded  a  peace  with  the  Dcla- 
wures  and  ciliuwanese  ;  but  Col.  IJompiet  had  no  litith  in  their  pnrtensions, 
and  on  communicating  with  (Jen.  Ciage,  the  treaty  was  rejected  by  him,  and 
ort'ensive  measures  were  not  relaxed. 

As  soon  as  the  army  had  arrived  at  Fort  I'itt,  ten  Indians  were  observed  on 
the  north  side  of  the  Ohio,  who  signified  a  desire  lor  a  conference.  This  the 
colonel  looked  upon  as  a  stratagem  made  use  of  by  them  to  get  information 
of  his  strength  aiid  intention.^.  Three  of  tlie  party  were  induced  to  visit  the 
fort ;  and  not  being  ablt;  to  satisty  the  whites  of  tluiir  good  intentions,  they 
were  held  as  s|ties,  .lUd  their  associates  fled.  On  the  ^  t^eptember  the  colo- 
nel sent  one  of  the  three  out  with  a  mt^ssage  to  his  countrymen,  informing 
them  that  he  had  heard  of  the  treaty  with  Col.  Bnulstreet,  but  he  had  learned 
too,  that  since  then  they  had  committed  sevi;ral  nuirdors;  that  he  was  now 
j»repared  to  distresh  theoi  to  the  utmost,  if  they  did  not  immediately  stop 
their  depredations,  and  give  assurances  of  their  sinceriiy  by  leaving  the  patli 
open  to  Detroit,  and  safely  returni'ig  the  rn  -ssengers  he  was  now  to  send  to 
Col.  Bradstreet;  and  if  the  ^aid  messengers  were  detained  or  injured,  he 
would  put  hia  hostages  to  dcatli,  and  show  no  mercy  in  future  to  any  of  them. 
Twenty  days  were  allovv'ed  tliem  tc  perform  the  mission. 

This  talk  had  a  salutary  influence  on  the  minds  of  the  chiefs;  they  had  be- 
come pretty  well  assured  that  Col.  Bouquet  was  not  to  be  trifled  with,  nor 
caught  asleep;  and  on  the  1  October,  an  Onondaga  and  one  Oneida  came  to 
Fort  Pitt,  pretending  friendship,  claiming  to  be  fi-iends  tinder  the  ancient 
league  between  the  Five  Nations  and  English.  They  offered  him  a  little 
friendly  advice,  as  that  his  force  ^vas  too  small  to  think  of  doing  any  thing 
against  so  uiunerous  an  enemy  as  were  the  Indians,  and  that  if  he  would  wait 
a  little  they  would  all  come  and  make  peace  with  him ;  and  especially  if  he 
would  set  at  liberty  those  he  held  as  hostages.  Jttut  Col.  Bouquet  understood 
Indian  talk  quite  as  well  as  they  imderstood  him,  probably,  when  he  told  them 
he  should  now  proceed  to  Tuscarawas,  and,  if  they  had  any  tiling  further  to 
say,  they  might  meet  him  there  ;  but  as  to  delay,  that  was  out  of  the  question. 
And  the  next  day,  October  the  2d,  he  was  ready  to  take  up  his  line  of  march, 
and  his  entire  force  consisted  of  1,500  men.  Before  leaving,  he  foimd  it  neces- 
sivry  to  shoot  two  soldiers  for  desertion.  All  the  women,  except  one  to  each 
corps,  and  two  nurses  for  the  gi  leral  hospital,  were  ordered  to  return  to  the 
settlements,  and  every  other  encumbrance  was  avoided  before  taking  up  the 
line  of  march. 

On  the  6th  the  army  reached  Beaver  Creek,  and  here  a  soldier  joined  it, 
who  had  been  taken  near  Fort  Bedford,  and  now  escaped  from  his  captors. 
He  informed  the  colonel  that  the  Indians  had  watched  the  army,  and  were 
surprised  at  its  numbers.  Two  miles  farther  on  was  found  the  skull  of  a 
child  set  upon  a  pole.  On  v.ie  9th  trees  were  seen,  on  the  bark  of  which  were 
many  hieroglyphical  characters  painted,  said  to  have  been  done  by  the  In- 
dians to  denote  their  war  exploits.  On  the  13th  the  army  arrived  at  Tusca- 
rawas, and  here  the  colonel  found  the  two  men  who  had  lieen  sent  to  Col. 
Bradstreet  with  despatches,  before  spoken  of.  They  stated  that  they  had  been 
made  prisoners  by  the  Delawares,  who  carried  them  to  one  of  their  towns,  It) 
miles  from  Tuscarawas,  where  they  kept  them  until  the  army  reached  here ; 
and  now,  "  making  a  virtue  of  necessity,"  set  them  at  liberty,  and  ordered  them 
to  tell  "  the  great  white  captain "  that  the  head  men  of  the  Delawares  and 
Shawanese  were  coming  as  soon  as  possible  to  treat  with  him.  On  the  15th 
they  encamped  on  Margaret's  Creek,  and  soon  after  a  deputation  of  six  In- 
dians arrived,  and  informed  CoL  Bouquet  that  the  chiefs  were  in  council  ready 


106 


DEI.IVFRY  OP  CAPTIVES. 


[IJooK  V. 


to  trcnt  witli  liiin,  about  «'iRlit  riiilt-H  off.  Il«  n'turrM-il  niiHWor  that  lio  wntild 
m««!t  th«!rn  the  next  «Jay  at  a  liowcr  at  hoiiic  diMtaiin!  from  his  own  camp,  and 
in  th(!  intcriiti  l°ortifi<;d  hiH  poHitioii,  truHtiii^  nothing'  in  their  proKtHtatiotiH  nf 
fri<MidHhip. 

On  th<!  17  0<'toh«r  tlin  colotud  niarchcd  to  thc!  hovvtir,  inakinf^  th«!  hi-Ht  dis- 
play Ik;  could  uf  IiIh  lH,>st  troopn,  and  Hoon  aflin*  tlir  IntliaiiH  arrived,  and  were 
aH  IoIIowh:  KiVAwniiTA,  chitd"  ot"  the  Seneean,  with  I'l  warriorn;  (.'uhtai.oma, 
chief  oftlie  Wolf  tribe  of  the  L)«;lawareH,  and  Heavkk,  chief  of  the  TerUry  tribe 
of  the  wiine  nation,  with  iiO  warriorH  ;  KKiHsi.NAUTciiTnAfa  chief  of  tli<^  Sliaw- 
anese, and  (i  warriors.  The  Indian  Hpeakern  were  KiVAttnuTA,  Tuhtlk-heart, 
('uaTAi.ooA,  and  Ukaveii.  TheHt;  neverally  Hpokcs  but  we  know  not  that  their 
HpeecheH  hav(f  Inien  preserved;  Itiit  what  they  said  went  ordy  to  excuse  them- 
selves, and  ca.st  tlu;  blame  on  their  yoim<;  men,  and  the  westcirn  tuitions,  over 
•vbom  they  had  no  control;  but  "they  sued  f()r  peace  in  the  most  abject  mnn- 
iier,"  promising  to  deliver  up  all  their  prisoners  without  delay.  The  cclotml 
tfi(;ii  dismiss4.>d  them,  and  told  them  lit;  would  meet  them  again  the  next  da}, 
but  owing  to  the  weather  the  meeting  was  deferre<l  to  the  SiOtb.  He  then  told 
them  their  exiMJ8<!S  amoimted  to  nothing;  recounted  to  them  the  outrages  thev 
had  committed,  as  killing  and  captivating  the  traders  sent  among  them  at  their 
own  refjuest ;  attacking  l"'ort  Pitt,  which  had  \h:vu  built  by  their  consent,  min- 
dering  four  men,  who  hud  been  sent  to  thtiui  with  messages;  their  uttackiii;.' 
liiH  troops  last  year ;  their  falsifying  their  proinise  to  Col.  Bradstreet,  of  deliv- 
ering up  their  captives  to  liim  by  the  10  of  last  month,  &c  ;  that  they  might 
rest  assured  that  the  army  would  not  leave  their  country  until  bis  terms  were 
complied  with,  and  12  days  were  allowed  them  to  deliver  the  prisoners  in, 
which  wuH  to  be  done  at  VVakatamake.  All  fiersons  were  re(|uired,  "Knglisli- 
iiien,  Frenchmen,  women  and  children  ;  whether  adopted,  married,  or  living 
among  them  under  any  denomination  or  pretence  whatsoever;  and  to  furnish 
horses,  clothing  and  provisions,  to  carry  them  to  Fort  Pitt."  When  they  had 
fully  complied  with  these  terms,  "  they  were  to  be  intbrined  on  what  ternn 
they  miglit  have  peace." 

It  should  have  been  observed,  that  at  the  first  meeting,  on  the  17th,  the 
Delaware  chiefs  delivered  up  18  white  prisoners,  and  HJ)  small  sticks,  indica- 
ting the  number  still  remaining  in  their  iiands.  Meanwhile  Col.  Bouquet 
determined  to  march  fm-ther  into  their  country,  knowing  that  his  success  in 
getting  prisoners  dejtended  much  on  the  presence  of  his  army  ;  and  on  the  25 
October  he  arrived  within  a  mile  of  the  Forks  of  Muskingum,  where,  instead 
of  Wakatamake,  the  prisoners  were  to  be  delivered ;  this  position  being 
very  convenient  for  the  Indians,  most  of  their  principal  towns  lying  around  it. 
Besides,  it  was  a  position  from  whence  an  effectual  blow  might  be  struck  at 
any  moment.  Here  convenient  houses  were  built  for  the  reception  of  the 
captives.  On  the  28  October,  Peter,  the  Cuughnawaga  chiefj  and  20  others 
of  that  nation,  arrived  i'rom  Sandusky,  bringing  a  letter  from  Col.  Bradstreet, 
by  which  it  appeared  he  had  asceiuled  the  River  Sandusky  as  far  as  he  could 
in  canoes,  but  had  not  effected  any  treaty  or  received  any  prisoners,  and  was 
about  to  leave  that  part  of  the  country. 

By  the  9  November,  there  were  delivered  to  Col.  Bouquet  206  captives,  of 
which  90  were  Virginians,  and  110  belonged  to  Pennsylvania:  among  them 
there  were  125  women  and  children.  There  yet  remained  with  the  Shawa- 
nese  about  100  more,  which,  from  their  scattered  condition,  could  not  be  had, 
but  hostages  were  taiken  lor  their  safis  delivery  the  next  s[)ring.  The  Be|)ara- 
ting  of  these  captives  from  the  Lidians,  and  their  meeting  with  their  friends 
and  relatives,  (many  of  whom  were  present,)  was  a  scene  jjast  description ; 
children  brought  up  among  the  Indians  clung  to  their  adopted  mothers,  and 
the  mothers  to  them,  flying  with  fear  from  their  own  parents.  The  Indian 
has  by  many  been  denied  that  paternal  affection  so  common  to  humanity ; 
but  had  such  witnessed  this  scene,  their  opinions  would  have  changed.  Some 
would  not  be  separated  fi-om  their  white  captives,  and  even  followed  the  army 
in  its  march  to  Philadelphia.  Thus  ended  one  of  the  most  brilliant  Indian 
expeditions  upon  record ;  not  brilliant  by  reason  of  sanguinary  battles,  but 
from  for  more  gloriotis  deeds  of  humanity. 

That  the  Indians  were  completely  humbled  by  the  firm  and  resolute  con- 


they 
barities 
his  nat 
sprin^ 
Co 
been 
ing  grf) 
arrive( 
parts,' 
that  w 
ded 
promis 
deliver 
right 
had,  w 
on  the 
ing  an 
and  be 
foliowi 
taken 
out  an 
into 
guaran 
subject 
Ben 
Frenc 
them 
own  cd 


Book  V. 

0  would 
iii|),  iind 
It  ions  of 

hest  dis- 
iiil  were 

ITAI.OUA, 

l«y  trilte 
in  Sliuw- 

K-HKART. 

hut  thfir 
iwe  tli»'in- 
oiiH,  over 
«Tt  iimii- 

next  (laj. 
then  told 
iij(»'H  tlir) 
11  ut  th«:ir 

iCllt,  Mllll- 

uttai'kiii^' 
,  of  dcliv- 
ley  iiiijjlit 
•rins  were 
Koners  in, 
''EiiffliHli- 
,  or  living 
to  t'urni!<h 

1  tlicy  hud 
^hut  terms 

!  17tb,  the 
k»,  indira- 
I.  Bouquet 
Huceoss  in 
1  on  the  25 
ire,  instead 
tiou   being 
I  around  it. 
e  struck  at 
tion  of  the 
I  20  otliera 
Bradstreet, 
as  he  could 
rs,  and  was 

captives,  of 
Tiong  them 
the  ShawB- 
not  be  had, 
rhe  separa- 
fieir  friends 
lescription ; 
lothers,  and 
The  Indian 
humanity ; 
ged.  Some 
ed  the  army 
liant  Indian 
battles,  but 

BBolute  con- 


CiiAp.  XV.j 


»OUQtT,TS  I.A.ST  CONFRRENrK. 


199 


duet  of  Col.  Bouquet,  has  h«'eti  remarked ;  liiit  we  cannot,  with  justire  to  the 
Hubjeit,  suiimit  it,  without  Itttiiii.'  th<-  cliiits  Im>  I'liliy  heard.  lNotwith^tall(lill^' 
the  Shawuncse  had,  liy  their  deputy,  assented  to  the  lieiruuidH  of  the  eoli>n<'l, 
as  liir  us  they  eould  under  pres<  nt  eireuinstanees,  they  were  considered  "still 
out  ill  reliellioii,"  and  reiiiuiiied  to  Iw  treated  with,  'i'hey  had  shown  "a  dil- 
atoriiiess  and  sullen  liaii<;htiMesN  in  all  their  conduct,  which  rendered  it  very 
suspicious."  Accor(liii;;ly,  a  He|iaiate  couti-rence  was  had  with  iheiii  on  the 
I'i  November,  when  there  appear<-d  the  chiefs,  Kkissinautciitiia  and  NiM- 
WUA,  '  .'..  the  IIki>  IIawk,  IjAvissimo,  Uhnsivasica,  I'Iwkkcdnwkk,  Kkk.- 
i.KUJiK^i'K,  and  10  warriors.  Tlmr*!  were  also  present,  the  Cuuf^hiiawa;fa, 
Si'iieca,  and  Delaware  chiefs.  Kk.»  Hawk  was  chief  H|K!uker  of  tin!  Sliuwa- 
iies»!,  and  he  thus  addressed  the  {".n^'lisli : — 


"  BrotJKM-,  listen  to  us.  your  \oiiiii;er  brothers.     As  we 


see  Hoiiietliiii^r  in 


your  eyes  that  looks  disNutisliictioii,  we  now  clear  ihem.  You  have  credited 
bad  stories  a^^ainst  us.  We  clean  your  ears,  that  you  may  ln!ar  beltt-r  lier<- 
jilter.  We  wish  to  remove!  every  tliiiifi  bad  frowi  your  heart,  that  y<»u  may  be 
as  <rood  as  your  ancestors.  [./  btll.]  We  saw  you  coming  with  tui  iiplilled 
tomahawk  in  your  hand.  We  now  mke  it  from  you,  and  throw  it  up  to  Hod. 
Let  him  do  with  it  as  he  |i|eas<'s.  We  hope  never  to  wee  it  more.  Brother, 
us  you  are  a  warrior,  take  hold  of  this  chain  [lumdinff  a  belt]  of  friendship,  and 
let  UH  think  no  more  of  wur,  in  pity  of  our  old  men,  women,  and  children. 
We,  too,  are  warriors." 

The  rt'inarkable  figure  ma<le  use  of  in  this  H|M!ech,  of /ArojOTn^  the  hatchet  up 
to  God,  is  new;  and  it  was  remarked  by  'J'homas  llutchins,  who  heard  it, that 
by  it  the  speaker  wished  probably  to  be  understood  that,  by  this  disposition 
of  it,  it  would  be  out  of  the  reach  of  bud  men,  and  would  be  given  only  to  the 
party  in  future,  to  whom  the  right  ot'  revenge  belonged ;  whereas  il"  it  were 
buried  in  the  ground,  any  miscreant  might  dig  it  up. 

The  English  lid  not  much  like  the  talk  ol  Rkh  Hawk  ;  they  saw  no  siq'- 
plication,  but  a  manlv  iiulependemre,  which  they  ought  to  have  admired,  rather 
than  re|)robate«l.  That  the  Indians,  esjiecially  the  Sliawanese,  did  not  ac- 
knowledge themselves  entirely  in  the  wrong,  is  evident  from  their  producing 
ut  this  time,  through  their  speaktsr,  the  treaty  made  with  Pennsylvania  in  1701, 
and  three  messages  or  letters  from  that  government,  of  diffensnt  dates,  by  which 
they  undoubtedly  intended  to  show  that  the  English  hud  bec^n  guilty  of  bar- 
barities as  well  as  the  Lidians.  However,  Ren  Hawk  promis<;d,  on  behalf  ot' 
his  nation,  that  all  the  prisoners  should  be  delivered  up  at  Fort  I'itt  the  next 
spring. 

Col.  Bouquet  finding  no  more  prisoners  could  hit  obtained,  owing,  as  has 
been  stated,  to  their  being  scattered  with  their  masters  upon  very  distant  hunt- 
ing grounds,  gave  up  his  campaign,  and  returned  to  Philadelphia,  where  he 
arrived  in  the  beginning  of  January,  17f).5.  Before  leaving  "  these  remote 
parts,"  however,  the  colonel  gave  the  Indians  a  talk,  in  which  he  observed, 
that  what  the  Shawanese  had  said  would  have  lieen  agreeable  to  him,  provi- 
ded their  acts  had  corresponded  with  it.  He  reminded  them  that  they  had 
promised,  at  Tuscarawas,  a  month  before,  that  all  the  prisoners  should  be 
delivered  to  him  at  his  present  encampment  in  10  days,  and  dctnanded  what 
right  they  had  to  expect  lietter  terms  than  the  Uelawares  and  others,  who 
bad,  without  delay,  brought  in  their  cajitives.  This  was  rather  unreasonable 
on  the  part  of  the  colonel,  inasmuch  as  he  was  well  aware  that  he  was  press- 
ing an  impossibility.  "  But,"  he  says,  "  I  will  cut  this  matter  short  with  you  ; 
and  before  I  explain  myself  further,  I  insist  on  your  immediate  answer  to  the 
following  questions:  1st.  Will  you  collect  and  deliver  up  all  the  prisoners, 
taken  in  this  or  former  wars,  whether  French,  English,  or  negroes,  and  with- 
out any  exception  or  evasion  whatsoever.''  2d.  WUl  you  deliver  6  hostages 
into  my  hands  as  security  for  the  performance  of  your  promise,  and  as  a 
guaranty  that  your  people  shall  commit  no  more  hostilitiea  on  his  majesty's 
subjects  ?  " 

Bensivasica  said  the  Shawanese  would  comply,  excepting  as  regarded  the 
French  ;  but  over  them  they  had  no  control,  and  the  English  might  do  with 
them  as  they  pleased ;  but  he  believed  they  had  nearly  all  returned  to  their 
own  country.    And  here  it  will  be  proper  to  remark  that  the  captives  were 


200 


RED  HAWK-CAPT.  PIPE. 


[Book  V. 


delivered  at  Fort  Pitt  agreeable  to  this  treaty.  Alter  the  hostages  were  deliv- 
ered, Col.  Bouquet  remarked  to  thein,  "that  though  Ik-  had  brought  the  tom- 
ahawk iu  his  hand,  yet  as  tliey  had  now  suhiuitted,  he  would  uct  let  it  fall  on 
their  heads,  but  let  it  drop  to  the  ground,"  and  exhorted  tliem  to  be  kind  to 
the  prisoners,  and  said  he  should  send  along  witli  them  some  of  the  ii-iendn 
of  the  captives,  to  aid  in  the  collection  of  them.  At  the  same  time  the  chiefs 
of  the  other  trilies  present,  severally  addressed  the  Shawane  chiefs,  whom 
they  called  grandchildren  and  nephews,  and  urged  them  "  to  perform  their 
nromises,  and  be  strong  in  doing  good,  that  this  peace  might  be  everlasting." 
ri>.  se  transactions  occurred  on  tlie  12  November,  17G4. 

In  the  narration  of  the  delivery  of  captives  on  tlie  9  of  the  same  montli,  the 
relation  of  a  captiv*^  was  passed  over,  which  shall  here  be  given.  A  Mr. 
Smalhiian,  who  had  been  a  major  of  Pennsylvania  troops,  juid  had  been  made 
prisoner  in  the  summer  of»1763,  near  Detroit,  by  the  Wyaudots,  who  delivered 
him  to  the  Shawanese,  was  among  those  surrendered  at  that  time.  He  proved 
of  great  Forvice  to  the  whites,  as  well  as  Indians,  on  this  occasion,  by  being 
able  to  confirm  much  of  the  iniijrmalitiu  given  by  the  latter.  He  told  Col. 
Bouquet  that  all  the  Indians  who  had  heard  oi'  his  demand  had  come  on  im- 
mediately with  their  captives.  It  hud  betjri  reported  among  the  Shawanese 
that  the  object  of  the  English  was  to  put  them  all  to  death.  As  soon  as  this 
news  came  to  be  circulated  among  tlietii,  they  began  to  prepare  to  kill  all  the 
;'aptive8;  and  a  Frniich  trader  among  tiiem,  who  had  many  barrels  of  powder 
and  ball,  offered  it  uU  to  them  to  go  out  and  fight  the  English  army.  When 
they  were  about  to  commence  murdering  the  prisoners,  the  message  from  the 
colonel  was  received,  stating  that  he  only  wanted  the  captives  and  to  make 
peace  with  them,  and  thus  a  horri<l  tragedy  was  prevented.  Soon  after, 
when  many  prisoners  had  been  collected,  ujid  niaixhed  as  fai*  as  Wakauta- 
mikie,  news  came  that  a  soldier  had  been  killed  near  the  camp  of  the  army 
at  Muskingum.  This  the  Indians  tliought  would  blast  all  their  hopes  of 
mercy,  and  they  again  resolved  to  put  the  captives  to  death ;  and  when  tliey 
had  even  got  them  into  a  small  conqiass  lor  that  purpose,  another  exprees 
arrived  from  Col.  Bouquet,  which  assured  them  that  he  liad  no  suspicion  that 
thov  had  any  knowledge  of  the  murder,  and  thus  a  second  calamity  was 
l:.!ippily  averted. 

Seveiul  eminent  chiefs,  it  will  have  l>een  perceived,  make  their  appearance 
ip  this  part  of  our  work,  and  to  them  we  can  add  the  name  of  Hopocan,  or 
C/pv.  Pipe.  He  was  one  of  the  two  Indians  whom  we  have  mentioned  as 
having  been  deauned  as  spies  at  Fort  Pitt ;  the  name  of  the  other  was  Capt. 
John.  These  were  set  at  liberty  when  the  206  captives  were  given  up.  Of 
the  melancholy  and  barbarous  murder  of  Red  Hawk,  notice  has  been  taken. 

The  causes  of  this  war  were  well  known  in  England,  and  the  complaints 
of  the  Indians  v/ere  acknowlei!,  °.d  "  to  have  been  too  well  founded."  They 
had  long  watched  the  progress  of  settlements  upon  the  Susquehannah,  and 
the  building  of  forts  in  their  country,  against  treaty  stipulations.  They  had 
not  only  subiiitted  to  this,  but  to  treatment  the  most  insolent  They  resolved, 
in  the  spring  of  17(53,  to  drive  back  their  ojipressors ;  not,  however,  without 
first  rem*:nstrating  in  respectful  terms  to  the  English,  in  one  of  their  capitals, 
through  a  deputation  of  their  chiefs.  Here  they  declared  that  whatever  deeds 
might  be  produced  by  one  J.  H.  Lydias  of  Albany,  or  others,  pretending  to 
claim  lands  upon  the  Susquehannah,  they  were  utterly  false,  and  would  not 
be  allowed ;  and  that  they  would  defend  them  to  the  last  extremity.  The 
result  we  have  seen. 

Thus  we  have  traced  the  events  of  Pontiak's  war  to  its  close  —  a  glorious 
termination,  inasmuch  as  it  was  a  bloodless  one.  Many  years  of  comparative 
peace  ensued ;  indeed  the  troubles  with  the  Indians  were  not  very  serious 
for  the  next  ten  years.  Cresap's  war  was  the  next,  which  terminated  in  the 
sanguinary  battle  of  Point  Pleasant  Then  succeeded  the  calanutiea  of  the 
Revolution,  from  which  the  Indiana  never  recovered. 


FINIS. 


Book  V. 


e  deliv- 
he  toni- 
t  fall  on 
kind  to 
!  IriendR 
le  chiefs 
s,  whom 
rm  their 
lasting." 

ODtli,  the 
,    A  Mr. 

len  made 
ielivered 
[e  proved 
by  being 
told  Col. 
le  on  ini- 
lawanese 
»n  as  this 
;ill  all  the 
)f  powder 
I.    When 
!  from  the 
i  to  make 
oon  after, 
Wakauta- 
'  the  army 
hopes  of 
vhen  tliey 
er  express 
picion  that 
amity  was 

.ppearance 
opocAN,  or 
ntioned  as 
was  Capt. 
sn  up.  Of 
)een  taken, 
complaints 
;d."  They 
annah,  and 

They  had 
sy  resolved, 
er,  without 
eir  capitals, 
tever  deeds 
etending  to 

would  not 
ttiity.     Thn 

—  a  glorious 
:omparative 
very  serious 
ated  in  the 
[litiea  of  the 


INDEX. 


ID'  The  History  is  divided  into  Five  Books  ;  and  each  Book  being  paged  by 
itself,  it  will  be  necessary  to  observe,  on  referring  from  the  Index,  in  what  Book 
the  desired  page  is,  which  is  always  noted  in  the  Index.  The  separate  paging  of 
the  Books  can  lead  to  no  inconvenience,  as  the  number  of  the  Book  is  seen  at 
a  glance  at  the  top  of  the  inner  margin  of  every  folio  throughout  the  work. 

The  names  of  the  Indians  are  printed  in  small  capitals  to  distinguish  them  from 
others,  and  the  names  of  Tribes  in  italics. — n.  signifies  Tiote. 


A. 

Arbigadasset  sells  Swan  Island,  Hi.  101. 
Abeiiakies.  iii.  93.  137. 
Adak^j,  his  expioils  and  history,  v.  9,  10. 
.\d  I  WAN  DO,  an  eastern  chief,  iii.  113,  116. 
Agawam,  Indian  troubles  there,  ii.  44^. 
Ahaton,  counsellor  to  Wampatuck,  ii.  45. 

AHATTAWAN,TAHATTAWAN,&C.ii.48,117. 

AiTTON,  JoHN.chiefofthe  Penobscots,  iii. 136. 
Akkompoin,  ii.  28. — See  Unkompoin. 
Alden,  Col.  killed  at  Cherry  Valley,  v.  69. 
Aluerman  betrays  and  kills  Philip,  iii.  42. 
Alkxander,  son  of  Massasoit,  ii.   27,  28, 

100.     His  historv,  iii.  3  to  6.    Cause  of  his 

death,  7,  16,  17. 
Ai.LiquiPA,  sc|uaw  chiefof  Yohogany,  v.  37. 
Allison,  Capt.  in  the  Florida  war,  iv.  91. 
America,  so  named  from  Americus,  i.  3. 
Amherst,  Gen.  iii.  134  ;  v.  51,  56,  5(5, 
Amidas  and  Barlow's  Voyage,  ii.  50 ;  iv  4. 
Amos,  Capt.  exploits  of,  iii.  85,  86. 
Amoskcag  Falls,  Indian  account  of,  iii.  99. 
Andrew,  his  acts,  iii.  Ill,  116. 
.Aiidover  surprised,  iii.  122. 
.-Viidroscog-gin,  its  meaning,  134,  n. 
Anna  WON,  ii.  18,  iii,  16,  17,  42,  51  to  55. 
Aiiiiawon's  Rock  described,  iii.  53. 
Aniiiiuilics  of  America,  i.  3'J  to  48. 
Ah(  uiHAU,  a  sachem  on  the  Potomack,  i.  25. 
.\rj;al,  Capt.  captivates  Pocahontas,  iv.  17. 
Aristotle,  supposed  to  refer  to  America,  i.5. 
Aiiii; 'rong.  Col.  destroys  Kittanning,  v.  38. 
Ami  d's  Quebec  expedition,  iii.  135. 
.\URUiiAWiKWAHEMT  executed,  iii.  120. 
AscASSAsoTiK,  ii.  74;  his  war,  79,  80. 
AsHPELON,  his  exploit  at  Deerlield,iii.  98,n. 
AspiNET,  sachem  of  Nauset,  ii.  14,  16. 
AspiNQUiD,  a  Tarraline  chief,  iii.  94,  n. 
AssACAMBUiT,  a  great  Tarraline  chief,  iii. 

110;  events  in  his  life,  139  ;  his  death,  1 10. 
AssACUMET  sold  into  slavery,  ii.  6,  9. 
AssiMiNAsc^UA,  a  Tarraline  chief,  iii.  105. 
AsL'HMEquiN. — See  Massasoit. 
Alherton,  Mfj.  ii.  68,  n.  70,  81. 


Atkinson,  Gen.  in  Black  Hawk's  war,  iv. 
114,  &c. 

Attakullakulla,  or  Little  Carpen- 
ter, IV.  33  to .%. 

Aubert  carries  first  Indians  to  France,  ii.  4. 

Aucocisco,  tribe  of,  ii.  48  ;  iii.  93,  n. 

Autossee  massacre,  iv.  61,  67. 

Avery,  Capt,  in  Philip'":  '.var,  -ii.  49. 

AWASHAW,  a  noted  Narraganset,  iii.  77,  78. 

Awashonks,  squaw  sachem  of  Sogkonate, 
iii.  65  to  73 ;  in  Philip's  war,  ib. 

Ayanemo, Kianemo, &c. — See  Ninigrei. 


B. 

Badlock,  Capt.  tortured  at  Wyoming,  r.  89. 

Bagnal,  Walter,  murdered,  ii.  48. 

IlAitNAKD,  a  noted  Creek  warrior,  iv.  58, 

Barre,  Gov.  de  la.  Ins  expedition,  v.  5,  6,  7. 

Barrow,  Sam,  taken  and  executed,  iii.  62, 63. 

Bartram's  Travels  in  Florida,  i.  47,  48. 

Bashaiia,  highest  sachem  among  the  Tarra- 
tines,  ii.  7;  death  of  one,  iii.  93. 

Basset,  Capt.  in  tht    istern  wars,  iii.  86,  w. 

Battles. — First  with  the  N.  Eng.  Indians,  ii. 
9.  Of  Strickland's  Plain,  ii.  69.  OfPun- 
kalceset,  iii.  26.  Of  Sugarloaf  Hill,  31. 
Of  Pocasset,  27.  Of  Rehoboih  Plain,  28. 
Of  Bloody  Brook,  32.  Of  Nnrragansei 
Swamp,  35.  Of  Sudbury,  38.  Of  Paw- 
tuckel,  47.  Of  Turner's  Falls,  75.  OfI)e<l- 
liiim  Woods,  75.  Of  Norridgewok,  127. 
Of  Peqiinwket,  129.  Of  the  Falls  of  .James 
River,  iv.  23.  Of  Elchoe,  37.  Of  An- 
tosse,  51,  57.  Of  Tohopeka,  i7».  Of  Tal- 
luslialches,  66.  Of  (he  Holy  Ground,  6H. 
OfEmukfau,  69.  Of  Pnolochoi.ko,  lA.  Of 
the  Ouithlucooche,  82.  Of  Welumka,  84. 
Of  Dunlawton,  86.  Of  Lake  George,  v. 
.•?!).  Of  Great  Mea.lows,  .Ifi.  Of  Point 
Pleasant.  43.  Of  Detroit,  55.  Of  the  St. 
Marys,  74.  Of  Miami  Rapids,  80.  Of 
Oriskana,  83.  Of  Johnston,  91 .  Of  Mini- 
sink,  92.    Of  Newtown,  91.    Near  Fort 


Sit  I 


s 


INDEX. 


i*.v 


George,  100.  Of  ilic  Monongalicia,  112. 
Of  Tippecanoe,  ]U.  Of  Magauto,  125. 
Of  the  Iliver  Raisin,  129.  Of  ilie  1'hames, 
124.  Of  Sycamore  Creek,  149.  Of  the 
Ouisconsin,  154.    Of  the  Mississippi,  156. 

Beasley,  RIaj.  surprised  and  slain,  iv.  49. 

Beers,  Capt.  his  defeat  and  death,  iii.  31. 

Berkeley,  Gov.  defeats  Opekankanu,  iv.  21. 

Bililc,  the,  in  Indian,  ii.  51,  114. 

Big  Elk. — See  Oncpatonga. 

Big-trek,  v.  Ill ;  his  death,  116. 

Black  Bird  lakes  Fort  Dearborn,  T.  IS-k 

Black  Buffalo,  a  Sioux  chief,  dies,  v.  137. 

Black  Point  ravaged,  iii.  110. 

BLACKHAVVK,hislifeand  wars,v.  141  tolG8. 

Black  Kettlk,  famous  Onoudaso,  v.  7; 
killed,  9.  "6  »  ' 

Black  Thunijkr,  a  Fox  chief,  v.  135. 

Black  William  murdered,  ii.  48. 

Blind  Will  killed  by  Mohawks,  iii.  138. 

Blue-jackkt  defeated  by  Wayne,  v.  80. 

BoMAZEEN,  iii.  119  to  121 ;  killed,  120. 

Boston,  Indians  threaten  to  burn,  iii.  82. 

Boudinot,  Dr.  on  origin  of  the  Indians,  i.  9. 

Bouquet's  expedition,  v.  26. 

Bow-legs,  noted  Seminole  warrior,  iv.  66. 

Boyle,  Hon.  Robert,  iii.  98,  n. 

Pracket,  Capt.  captivity  and  death,  .'12. 

Bracket,  Capt.  .son  of  preccdinif,  iii.  124. 

Bradford  attack  upon,  iii.  97,  fll. 

Braddock's  defeat  and  death,  v.  112. 

Bradstreet,  Gen.  expedition  of,  v.  57. 

Brant,  a  Mohawk  chief,  v.  81  to  97. 

Broadhead,  Col.  his  expeditions,  v.  61. 

Brookfielu  besieged  and  burnt,  iii.  29,  30. 

Biiffon  on  American  animals,  i.  12. 

Bull's  garrison  taken  and  burnt,  iii.  78. 

Bi;okoi«gahelas,  v.  62  to  65. 

Burr,  Col.  in  the  Quebec  expedition,  v.  136. 

Butler,  John,  commands  at\Vyominff,v.  89, 94. 

Butler,  Waller,  killed,  v.  91. 


C. 

t.^abot  takes  Indians  to  England,  ii.  3. 
(Cabrera  on  peopling  America,  i.  17. 
Calieres'  Iroqunis  expedition,  v.  8. 
Californians  unlike  the  Asiatics,  i.  7. 
Calumet,  origin  of  the  word,  v.  58,  n. 
Canada,  origin  of  the  name,  i.  23. 
<;!anasatego,  a  noted  Delaware,  v.  18  to  20. 
('annibalism,  ii.  4,  65,  86  ;  iii.  82. 
(yANONCHET. — See  Nanuntenoo. 
Canonicus,  a  great  Narraganset,  54  to  57. 
Card,  Francis,  his  captivity,  iii.  110. 
Carpenter's  plantation  attacked,  iii.  36. 
Carthaginians  .eopled  America,  i.  6. 
Cartier  carries  Iiiuians  to  France,  ii.  5. 
Casco,  anciently  Aucocisco,ii.  48.    Battle  of, 

86.     Besieged,  no.    Destroyed,  112. 
Cashawasskt,  ii.  67,  110;  iii.  15. 
Cassassinnamon,  ii.  99,  110;  iii.  49. 
Casteins,  Baron,  notice  of,  iii.  109. 
Catapazat,  ii.  82,  n. ;  iii.  49. 
Catataugh,  brother  of  Powhatan,  iv.  13. 
Caunbitant,  ii.  29;  his  war,  30. 
Challons'  voyage  to  New  England,  ii.  6. 
Chamberlain,  John,  kills  Paugus,  iii.  122. 
CiiANco  reveals  Opekankano's  plot,  iv.  21. 
Chelmsford,  niassarro  at,  iii.  117. 
Cherokees,  iv.  24,  25,  26,  67. 
Chikataubut,  ii.  30,  35,  43,  44,  46,  46. 
Chikatomo's  depredations,  v.  69,  73. 
CiiiKON,  Narraganset  captain,  killed,  iii.  76. 


Chinnaby  relieved  by  Jackson,  iv.  55. 
CiiLi;cco,  a  Seminole  chief,  iv.  39,  40. 
CllocoRUA,  his  melancholy  fate,  iii.  101. 
Chopart  killed  for  his  abuses,  iv.  42,  43. 
Christianilv,wliy  it  has  nol  prevailed,  ii.  Ill, 
Chubb,  Ca'pt.  iii.  121  ;  killed,  122. 
Church,  Col.  iii.  4,  5,  13,  16,  26,  35,  39  to  .|3 ; 
51  to  55 ;  59,  GO,  62,  63  to  73  ;  86,  110,  V23. 
Clark's  garrison  destroyed,  iii.  61. 
Clinch,  Gen.  in  Seminole  war,  v.  82,  &.c. 
Clinton,  De  Witt,  i.  18;  v.  101. 
Cobbel,  Thomas,  captivity  of,  iii.  106. 
Coligni  sends  a  colony  to  Florida,  iv.  26. 
Colburt,  Gen.  a  Chickasaw  ehiel',  iv,  61, 
Columbus  takes  Indians  to  Spain,  ii.  3,  4. 
Comets  viewed  as  omens,  ii.  16. 
CoNJANA(iUONl),  ii.  58. 

Connecticote,  a  Moliegan  chief,  ii.  102. 
Conway,  Peter,  a  Nipmuk,  iii,  91. 
Cornelius,  his  exploits,  iii.  24,  31. 
Cornplant,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  110  to  120. 
Cornstalk,  a  Shawanee,  v.  42  to  50. 
(yoshocton  destroyed,  v.  61. 
Cotymore,  Capt.  killed,  iv.  35. 
Crane  King. — See  Tarhe. 
Crawford's  expedition  and  death,  v.  67. 
Cresap,  Capt.  his  murders,  v.  41. 
Cumming's  travels,  iv.  26,  27. 
CuTSHAMOKiN. — See  Kutshamakin. 
CuTTAUUiN  attempts  Uncas's  life,  ii.  73. 

D. 

Dade,  Major,  defeat  and  death,  iv.  77. 
Dalyell,  Capt.  killed  at  Detroit,  v.  56. 
Daniel,  a  captain  under  Church,  iii.  86. 
Decallieres'  Iroquois  expedition,  v.  8. 
Decorie  captures  Black  Hawk,  v.  159. 
Deertield  attacked,  iii.  79;  destroyed,  141. 
Dekanisora,  great  Iroquois  chief,  v.  9. 
Delaware,  Lord,  cruelty  of,  iv.  15. 
Dennison,  Capt.  iii.  49,  76  ;  Gen.  89. 
Dermcr's  voyages,  ii.  10,  20,  21. 
Devil's  Hole,  massacre  at,  v,  109. 
Devil  said  to  have  peopled  America,  i.  9. 
Diamond,  John,  tortured  at  Wells,  iii.  107. 
Dieskau,  Gen.  defeated  and  killed,  v.  40. 
Diodorus  supposed  to  refer  to  America,  i.  5. 
DoNAcoNA,  a  chief,  dies  in  France,  ii.  5. 
DoNY,  his  fort  taken,  iii.  123,  124. 
Dover,  great  massacre  there,  iii.  115. 
Drake,  Sir  Francis,  first  E.  glishman  in  New 

England,  ii.  19  ;  his  contemporaries,  50,  n. ; 

relieves  the  Virginia  colony,  iv.  6. 
Drake,  Sir  Bernard,  ii.  20,  n. 
Drake,  Samuel,  Indian  teacher,  ii.  63. 
Dudlev,  Col.  his  defeat  and  death,  v.  124. 
Dudley,  Gov.  i.  19  ;  ii.  48,  62 ;  iii.  110. 
Dunlawton,  battle  of,  iv.  85. 
Duston,  Hannah,  her  narrative,  i.  29. 
Dutch  and  Indian  war,  ii.  68. 


E. 

Eckanakakn,  or  Hdy  Ground,  battle,  i v.  58. 
Egk.remet.   a    noted    Tarratint,    iii.    103, 

120. 
Eliot,John,ii.45,  61,81,  112,  117;  iii. 44,  85. 
Ellin  ipsico  cruelly  murdered,  v.  49. 
Ei.LsKWATAWA,  a  prophet,  v.  128. 
Emistessioo.— See  Gt;RisTERSiGO. 
Einukfau.  biittlc  of,  iv.  69. 
Endieot's  I'equol  expedition,  ii.  104. 


INDEX. 


8 


¥ 


Enotochopko  Crr-'k,  battle  of,  iv.  59. 
Ensknore,  a  noted  Virginia  chief,  iv.  4. 
Epanow,  ii.  7  to  10;  Apannow, 30 
Ephraim,  iii.  56,  88,  92. 
Elchote,  battle  of,  jv.  37. 
Etherington,  Maj.  surprised,  v.  L2. 


F. 

Farmer's  Brother,  v.  100,  107  to  110. 
Fanner,  Capt.  Arthur,  captures  Tifi,  iii.  35. 
Fife,  Jim,  fishts  under  Jackson,  'v.  59. 
Field,  Col.  lalls  at  Point  Pleasant,  v.  43. 
Five  Nations,  erroneously  so  called,  v.  14,  n. 
Floyd,  Gen.  wounded  at  Autosse,  iv.  57. 
Fluellen,  a  Tarratine  chief,  iii.  91. 
Franci.'S,  a  Seminole,  execule<l,  iv.  GO,  G3. 
Francis,  sachein  ofNauset,  iii.  17. 
Francis,  sachem  of  i'inol>scot,  iii.  136. 
Frost,  Capt.  C.  iii.  106;  killed,  Il8. 


G. 

Gallop,  John,  exploit  of,  ii.  103. 
Games,  Indians  addicted  to,  ii.  25;  v.  52. 
Gardner,  Capt.  killed  in  Philip's  war,  iii.  77. 
Gelcemenk. — See  Kei.ai.amand,  v.65. 
Gemerayc,  Lieut.  defeale<l,  v.  8,  9. 
Geoffrey,  a  noted  eastern  depredator,  iii. 

111. 
George,    Sagamore.  —  See    Winnepur- 

KETT. 

GiBBS,  JoHN,an  Indian  preacher,  iii.  18. 
Girtv,  Simon,  v.  60,  63,  67,  74. 
Gladwin,  Gov.  of  Detroit,  v.  51,  5.3,  6'k 
Glikhikan,  V.  22;  murdered,  23. 
Gnadenhuetlen,  massacre  at,  v.  23,  24. 
Goldins,  Capt.  Roger,  iii.  26,  41,  42. 
GooD-PETEH  made  prisoner,  v.  106. 
Gookin,  Maj.  ii.  117;  iii.  44,  82,  89,  n.,  92. 
Gorton,  Samuel,  ii.  55,  64  ;  iii.  5,  41,  73. 
Gosnold,  Capt.  his  voyage  to  N.  E.  ii.  20. 
Grand-sun  resists  the  French,  iv.  42,  43. 
GuANGANEMEo,  a  Virginia  chief,  iv.  6,  7. 
Grangui.a's  speech  to  De  la  Barre,  v.  6. 
Grant,  Col.  his  expeditions,  iv.  39. 
Gueat-mortar,  a  noted  Muscogee,  iv.  44. 
Greenland.  N.  H.,  depredations  at,  iii.  111. 
Grolius  on  the  peopling  of  America,  i.  6,  10. 
Groton  attacked  by  the  Nipmuks,  iii.  37. 
(iuEss,  George,  his  wonderful  invention,  iv. 

24. 
GuRisTERSioo,  his  defeat  and  death,  iv.  67. 
Gyantwaia.— See  Cornplanter. 


H. 

Hadley,  troubles  there,  iii.  100. 
Hahatun. — See  Ahaton. 
Ha  i.k-kino,  a  Huron,  v.  22,  %%  35,  36, 58, 59. 
Hai.f-town,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  110,  111. 
Hallihees,  massacre  of  the,  iv.  57. 
Hall's  family,  captivity  of.  v.  150. 
Hamden,  John,  ii.  19,  25,  and  n. 
Hampton,  Indian  murder  at,  iii.  123. 
Hamtramk,  Col.  wiih  Gen.  St.  Clair,  v.  74. 
Hanam's  voyage  to  New  England,  ii.  6,  n. 
Hanno,  notice  of  his  voyage,  i.  4. 
Hans-jacob,  son  of  Canassateoo,  v.  20. 
Hardin,  Col.  taken  prisoner,  v.  63,  64. 
Harmcr,  Gen.  his  defeat. 
Harmon  Garret. — SeeCASHAWAssET. 
Hannon,  Maj.  takes  Norridgewok,  iii.  127, 


Harper,  Col.  famous  exploit  of,  v.  106. 

HarpersGeld  destroyed  by  Indians,  v.  92. 

Harrison,  Gen.  v.  121 ;  defeats  Tecumskh, 
124. 

Harris,  Thomas,  of  Narmganset,  iii.  36. 

Hassaiunnesit,  its  elymolugy,  ii.  51. 

Hatfield,  descent  upon,  iii.  33,  99. 

Haverhill  attacked,  i.  29 ;  sacked,  iii.  110. 

Havens,  Jack,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  71. 

Hawkins. — See  Kankamaci's. 

Hawkins,  Hen,  severely  wounded,  iv.  S'l. 

Hawkins,  SaMj  executed,  iv.  54. 

Heald,  Cant,  delealed  and  killed,  v.  134. 

Heckeweldcr,  John,  his  captivity,  v.  23. 

Henchman,  Capt.  expedition  of,  iii.  92. 

Hendrick  killed  at  Lake  George,  v.  29. 

Henguepusiies,  a  noted  Delaware,  v.  O.j. 

Herkimer,  Gen.  v.  83  ;  killed,  85. 

Herlel  sacks  Salmon  Falls,  iii.  177,  178  ;  de- 
feated by  Black-kettle,  v.  8;  kdled, 
iii.  I'M). 

Hiacoumes,  a  Christian  Indian,  ii.  118. 

Hicks,  or  Tuko-see-Mathla,  iv.  72: 
Charles,  55. 

Hide,  Sam,  a  noted  Indian,  dies,  i.  21. 

HiCGON,  Ned,  iii.  114,  118,  124,  126. 

Hill,  Col.  his  sigiial  deleat,  iv.  22. 

HiLMSHAGO  (Francis),  iv.58,60,63;  hang- 
ed, 64. 

Hio,  king  of  New  Albion,  ii.  19. 

History  is  not  always  the  same,  iv.  23. 

Hoarc,  John,  ii.  45  ;  ambassador,  iii.  52,  b8. 

HoBOMOK,  ii.29  to'lO. 

Hobson,  Capt.  his  voyage  to  N.  E.  ii.  8. 

Holioke,  Capt.  at  Turner's  Falls,  iii.  75. 

Holy  Ground,  bailie  of  the,  iv.  58. 

Homer  supposed  to  refer  to  America,  i.  5. 

Hopehood,  iii.  105,  116;  killed,  118. 

Hopkins,  Stephen,  i.  21,  13,  24. 

Horace  supposed  to  refer  to  America,  i.  5. 

HoRKOTLiMED  takeu  and  hanged,  iv.  64. 

Horseneck,  great  battle  there,  u.  69. 

Horseshoe- jend.— See  Tolwpeka. 

Hostages,  Indian,  ii.  73 ;  murder  of,  iv.  35. 

llowland,  Lieut.  J.  iii.  51,  52.  55,  71. 

Hudson's  discovery  of  New  Vork,  ii.4. 

Hunter,  Capt.  a  Nipmuk,  iii.  88. 

Hunnewell,  Lieut,  wounded,  iii.  124. 
Hunt's  voyage  to  New  England,  ii.  8. 
Hutchinson,  Ann,  murdered,  ii.  68. 
Hutchinson,  Capt.  killed,  iii.  29. 
Hutcliii:son,  Mr.  commissioner,  iii.  121. 
Hussey,  Mrs.  killed  at  Hampton,  iii.  123. 


I. 


IjASocKE,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  4, 
Indian  Bible,  some  account,  ii.  51. 
Indian  Creek,  III.  murder  at,  v.  150. 
Innes,  Judge,  on  Logan's  speech,  v.  48. 
loway  River,  battle  near,  v.  156,  157. 
Iroquois. — See  Five  Nations. 
Irving,  W.  visits  Black  Hawk,  v.  165. 
IsHKATAPPA,  a  Pawnee  chief,  137. 
Itopatin,  or  Opitchapan,  iv.  13,  15. 
Iwiklies. — See   rwighlees,  v.  6. 
Iyanough,  a  Wampanoag  chief,  ii.  14,  32. 


J. 

Jacobs,  Capt.  surprised  and  killed,  v.  38. 
Jacobs,  Lieut,  his  exploit,  iii.  38. 
Jack-bgrry,  interpreter,  v.  llO, 


INDEX. 


JACK-0F-THE-FEATHER.~-See   NeMATTA- 
NOIf. 

Jaekson,  Gen.  iv.  50  to  52  :  55  to  60. 
Jack-straw  serves  Sir  W.  Ralegh,  ii.  49. 
Jamks-th£-printkr,  ii.  50,  51 ;  lii.  56,81. 
Jamks  Sagamore. — SeeMoNToWAMPATE. 
Janemo. — See  Ninioret. 
.Iai'a/.avvs  betrays  Pocahontas,  iv.  17. 
Jaques  kills  Father  Rasle,  iii.  127. 
Ja(Iuet,  Peter,  <in  Oneida  chief,  v.  107. 
Jeflerson's  answer  to  Buflbn,  i.  12. 
.Ikfkerv,  a  Wnmpanoag,  iii.  5'J,  65. 
Jemmv-Johnson,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  103. 
Jk.okeey. — See  Geokfhey. 
.Iethko,  Old,  iii.  81  ;  Tantamous,  83. 
Jetiiro,  Peter,  iii.  81,83,  90. 
.lews,  ancestors  of  Indians,  i.  8. 
Job,  Col.  dies  in  prison  at  Boston,  iii.  126. 
JoHN-NUM,  a  Wampanoag,  executed,  iii.  61. 
John,  Sagamore.— Sec  Wonoiiaquaham. 
John,  sagamore  of  Pawturket,  ii.49. 
John,  accused  of  witchcraft,  ii.  120. 
JoHN-SKv,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  103, 1 10. 
Johnson,  Col.  R.  M.  wounded,  v.  124. 
Johnson,  Sir  William,  v.  39,  81,  /«. 
Johnston,  Charles,  captivity  of,  v.  69,  70. 
JosiAH.— See  Wampatuck, 
JosiAH,  Capt. — See  Pennahanit,  ii.  116. 
Josias,  Charles,  ii.  45. — See  Wampa- 
tuck. 
Jumonville's  expedition  and  death,  v.  36. 
Ji)SKAKAv\,or  Little-billy, V. 36, ».,  110. 


K. 

Kadarakkui,  v.  8  ;  etymology  of,  14. 
Kaimes,  Lord,  on  Americans,  i.  16. 
Kankamagus  destroys  Dover,  iii.  113—116. 
Kattenanit,  Job,  iii.  87,  88,  89. 
Keewacoijshkum,  an  Ottowa  chief,  v.  140. 
Kelelamand,  a  Delaware  chief,  v.  65. 
Kill-buck,  or  Kelelamand,  v.  65. 
Keokuk,  v.  \H,  145. 
Kcnistone,  John,  killed,  iii.  111. 
Kennebis,  a  Tarratine  chief,  iii.  101. 
Keweknam,  a  Wampanoag  warrior,  iii.  61. 
Kevendeande,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  110. 
Kiandooewa,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  111. 
Kichian,  Indian  god,  ii.  32. 
Kienemo. — See  Ninioret. 
Kimba'   Thomas,  killed,  iii.  97.  111. 
King-crane,  a  Wyandot,  v.  72,  130. 
King-paine.  desperate  fight,  death,  iv.  66. 
King,  altsiird  name  for  chiefs,  iv.  47. 
Kinshon,  the  country  of  N.  E.  in  Iroquois,  v.  5. 
Kitagusta,  iv.  35. — See  Skuagusta. 
Kiltaning  destroyed  by  whites,  v.  38. 
Knight,  I)r.  a  captive,  escapes  torture,  v.  67. 
Konkai'()t,John,  aStockbridge  chief,  v. 40. 
KoquETHAGAEXLJiON. — See  White-eyes. 
Kumskaka,  brother  of  Tecumbeh,  v.  127. 
Kustai.oga,  a  noted  Delaware,  v.  37. 
Kutshamakin,  ii.  41,  45,  46,  51  to  53,  83, 
95,  100,  108,  n.  ;  110,  n.  ;  113  ;  iii.  95. 


Labials  not  used  by  some  Indians,  ii.  26. 
Labrocre,  Gen.  defeated  and  slain,  iii.  107. 
liafayette.  Gen.,  and  Red  Jacket,  iv.  62; 

V.  104. 
Lancaster  assaulted,  iii.  IJ5,  80,  81, 
Landing  of  the  Pilgrims,  ii.  12. 
Laud,  how  obtained  of  Indiuis,  v.  32,  33. 


Lane,  Gov.  Ralph,  ill-treats  Indians,  iv.  4. 

Language,  SDi^cimen  of  the  Mohegan,  ii.  87. 
Of  the  Wampanoag  and  Nipmuk,  iii.  40. 
Of  the  Tarratint,  137.  Of  the  southern  In- 
dians, iv.  24.  Of  the  Iroquois,  v.  6.  Of 
the  Shawanee,  127.  Comparison  of  lb« 
Welsh  and  Indian,  132. 

Lee,  Arthur,  commissioner,  v.  65,  111. 

Leffingwell,  Lieut,  relieves  Uncas,  ii.  92. 

Letelesha,  or  Old-knike,  v.  137,  138. 

Lcverctt's  Narragansct  expedition,  ii.  83. 

Lewis,  Col.  killed  at  Point  Pleasant,  v.  43. 

LiGHTFooT,  Capt.  iii.  40,  86. 

LiTTLE-BiLLY,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  110. 

Little  Carpenter. — See    AttakullA" 

Kt'I.LA. 

Lit      e-eyes,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  68,  86, 
Ln  ;    E  Turtle. — See  Mishikinakwa. 
Littafuche,  town  of,  taken,  iv.  56. 
Logan,  a  Cavuga  chief,  v.  41 ;  his  famous 
speech,  v.  4b;  its  genuineness  doubted,  47. 
Logan,  the  Shawanee,  his  death,  v.  132. 
Long-knives  (whites),  v.  47,  66. 
Long-warrior. — See  Chlucco. 
Lothrop,  Capt.  his  defeat  and  death,  iii.  32. 
LovETT,  a  Creek  chief,  iv.  64. 
Lovewcll,  Capt.  his  expeditions,  iii.  128. 
LowRY,  Col.  a  Cherokee  chief,  iv.  61. 
Lucas,  Thomas,  killed,  iii.  41. 


M. 

Mad-dog,  a  Creek,  iv.  47. 
Mad-dogs-son,  at  Autossee  battle,  iv.  51. 
MADOKAWANDo,aTarratiue,iii.  104to9,llS. 
Madok  of  Wales,  iii.  110. 
Mad  Wolf,  a  Mickasauky,  killed,  iv,  92. 
Magatigo,  battle  of,  v.  125. 
Magnus,  squaw  sachem,  iii.  64. 
Mammoth,  Indian  account  of,  i.  28. 
MANATAHq.VA,  murdcred,  ii.  48. 
March,  Capt.  besieged  at  Casco,  iii.  110. 
Marlborough  Indians  surprised,  iii.  38. 
Mascononomo,  of  Ipswich,  ii.  41,  46. 
Mascus,  brother  of  Canonicus,  ii.  65. 
Mason,  Capt.  ii.  78,  91,  100,  105. 
Massachusetts,  origin  of  the  name,  ii.  17. 
Massacres. — See  the  separate  heads. 
Massandowet,  of  Penuakook,  iii.  113  tc» 

116. 
Massasoit,  chief  of  the  Wampanoags,  ii.  15 

to  30  ;  39,  40,  49,  n. ;  98,  99  ;  iii.  17. 
Matantuck. — Sec  Uuaiapen. 
Matoonas,  a  Nipmuk,  iii.  79,  80. 
Mather,  Dr.  Cotton,  i.  7 ;  iii.  99,  and  n. 
Mather,  Dr.  Increase,  ii.  106,  n. ;  iii.  99,  n. 
Mattahando  killed  at  Pemaquid,  iii.  119. 
Mautamp,  a  Nipmuk,  iii.  82,  87. 
M'Crea,  Miss,  murder  of,  i.  35 
M'Gillivray,  Gen.    Alexander,  iv,  45 

10  47. 
M'Culloh,  Dr.  J.  M.  his  researches,  i.  14. 
Medfield,  attack  upon,  &c.  iii.  37,  82. 
Megunneway,  a  Tarratine,  shot,  iii.  113. 
Menatonon,  a  Virginia  chief,  iv.  4,  6. 
Menaway,  a  Creek  chief,  iv.  63. 
Mendon,  men  killed  there,  iii.  79. 
Menominies,  some  murdered,  v.  144. 
Mesambomet,  of  Androscoggin,  iii.  124. 
Merrill,  Mrs.  heroic  conduct  of)  i.  36. 
MessesagiHs  join  the  Iroquois,  v.  4,  n. 
Metacomet,  one  of  the  names  of  Philip, 

iii.  3. 
Metea,  a  Poiiov.'attomie  chief,  v,  139. 
Miantunkohoh,  of  Narraganset,  ii.  1,  66, 


t 


INDEX 


r.*. 

,ii.87 

iii.  40. 

em  In- 

5.    Of 

of  (b* 

92. 

138. 

83. 

.43. 

CULLA- 

86, 

KWA. 

famous 
t(!(i,47. 
1132. 


ii.  32. 

28. 
1. 


IV.  51. 
.to  3,1  IS. 


110. 

t8. 
6. 

6. 

i.  17. 

I. 

ii.  113  lo> 

ass,  ii.  15 


K' 


.  99,  n. 
iii.  119. 


R,  iv.  45 

i.  14. 

12. 

ii.113. 

t,6. 


.124. 


Philip, 

139. 
ii.  7,  S6, 


56  ;  his  oarenlage,  68  to  67 ;  82  to  94, 107 ; 
iii.  73. 

MiCANOPY,  a  Seminole  chief,  iv.  72,  74. 

Mimms,  garrison  of,  massacred,  iv.  49. 

Minisink,  great  battle  there,  v.  92. 

M'lNTosH,CHiLLT,escapes»laughter,  iv.  54. 

M'Intosh,  William,  executed,  iv.  51  to  54. 

MioxKo,  of  Martha's  Vineyard,  ii.  118. 

MisHiKiNAKWA,  v.  73,  74, 75  ;  76  to  79. 

.Milchel,  W.  S.,  Indian  agent,  marries,  iv.54, 

.Mitchill,  Dr.  S.  L.,  on  origin  of  Indians,  i.  13. 

.M'Kee,  Elliot,  and  Girty,  v.  63,  80. 

-M'KriinHion  saved  from  torture,  iv.  63. 

MoGG,  of  Norridgewok,  iii.  126,  127, 128. 

Mohiiwks,  ii.  45,  49,  n. ;  58,  n. ;  84  ;  iii.  37, 94, 
97,  113,  138  ;  their  history,  v.  4. 

ftlohegans,  ii.  87;  their  wars,  97. 

iMo.fCACHTAPE,  his  narrative,  iv.  40. 

Mo.Noco,  a  Nipinuk  chief,  iii.  80,  81,  82. 

iMo.voHoK,  th'-  Prophet,  killed,  iv.  60. 

.MoNONoTTO,  I'uquot  chief,  ii.  52, 102, 107,109. 

IMoNoPoinE,  a  Pequot,  iii.  49. 

MoNTowAMPATE,  a  Nipmuk,  ii.  41,  47. 

.Montgomery's  Cherokee  expedition,  iv.  37. 

Montigny's  expedition,  iii.  139. 

Vioiilreal  sacked  by  the  Iroquois,  v.  8,  10. 

MooANAM,son  of  Massasoit.— See  Alex- 
ander. 

Moo(ly,  Mrs.  and  family,  murdered,  ii.  68. 

Moravian  Indians  massacred,  v.  24,  29. 

Morton,  Thomas,  i.  6;  ii.  17,  36. 

Mosely,  Capt.  ii.  84  ;  iii.  24,32,34,  77,  89,  95. 

Moses,  Sam,  killed  at  Casco,  iii.  86. 

Mossup.  ii.  58. — See  Pessacus. 

Moulion,  Joseph,  of  York,  iii.  108. 

Moxus,  a  Tarratine,  iii.  107,  110,  124,  139. 

MoYTOY,  a  Cherokee,  iv.  27,  28,  n. 

M'QuEEN,  a  Creek  warrior,  iv.  60. 

Mriksah,  ii.  56,  60,  70,  75,  76,  84,  85. 

MuoG,  a  'Parratine  chief,  iii.  105,  110. 

Mt;sHALATUBEE,  a  Choctaw,  iv.  62. 

M(;s^i;ash,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  61. 


NAArfASHQi  vw,  a  Nipmuk,  ii.  49. 

Naanishcow  ,  a  very  aged  Nipmuk,  ii.  40. 

Naamkeke,  iii  95 ;  Naenikeek,  93,  n.  ;  99. 

Nahaton. — S'?e  Ahaton. 

Namontack,  i  subject  of  Powliatan,  who 
sends  him  to  live  with  the  whites,  to  learn 
their  arts  ;  goes  to  England,  iv.  11. 

Namumpum,  wife  of  Alexander. — See  Wee- 
tamoo. 

Nanaheunt,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  9. 

Nananuntnew,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  15. 

NAyEP'.SHEMET,  a  Nipmuk  of  great  fame,  ii. 
40 ;  his  death  and  burial  place,  41. 

Nanta^uaus,  a  son  of  Powhatan,  iv.  10. 

Nanuntenoo,  a  great  sachem  among  the 
Narraganscts,  iii.  46 ;  his  men  defeat  the 
English  under  Capt.  Peirse,  47;  taken 
prisoner,  49 ;  magnanimous  behavior  on 
that  disaster ;  shot  at  Stonington,  50. 

Naoas,  a  Nipmuk,  ii.  50,  116. 

Naopope,  a  Sac  chief,  second  to  Black 
Hawk :  his  own  account  of  himself,  v.  159. 

Narra^anset,  variously  written,  ii.  21,  38  ;  its 
meaning,  23,  n.  Geography  of  the  couni>y 
of,  53  ;  war  with  the  Pcquots,  19,  n.  f ;  un- 
fairly treated  by  the  English,  94;  partici- 
pate in  Philip's  war,  iii.  23  ;  send  some 
English  heads  to  the  Nipmuks,  88,  89; 
great  destruction  of  them  in  the  Fort  fight, 
18 


19  Dec.  1675,  33;  finally  desert  Philip; 
reason  of  their  deserting  him,  91. 

Nashoonon,  a  Nipmuk,  ii.  30,  42. 

Nasheeskuck,  son  of  Black  Hawk,  v.  165. 

Nasott,  Job,  a  Nipmuk  counsellor,  ii.  44. 

Nassowanoo,  son  of  Nashoonon,  ii.  42. 

Natanis,  a  Tarratine  in  Arnold's  Quebeck 
expedition,  iii.  135 ;  wounded  uiid  taken, 136. 

Natombamat,  a  Tarratine,  iii.  114. 

Natik,  meaning  of  the  word,  ii.  114. 

Natchez  oppressed  by  the  French,  iv.  4,3 ; 
they  massacre  700  of  them,  ih. 

Nattahanada,  a  Tarratine  chief,  iii.  101. 

Nattahatta  WANTS,  a  Nipmuk  chief,  ii.  53. 

NATTAWAHtJNT  (ii.  29). — See  Nashoonon. 

Nattawormet,  father  of  .A^ii/<(i/iam(i/«,iii.97. 

N  <w  ASH  AwsucK  quarrels  withPumham,ii.7'i. 

Neamathla,  a  noted  Seminole  warrior,  iv. 
71,94,96. 

Necquash. — See  Wec^uash. 

Nemattanow,  a  warrior  under  Opekanka- 
no  ;  executed  for  murder,  iv.  20. 

Nepanet,  Tom,  a  Christian  Nipmuk,  iii.  56  ; 
his  embassy  in  Philip's  war,  90,  91. 

Nepeof,  a  Wampanoag  under  Caunbitanl, 
ii.  29. 

Neptune,  John,  a  Penobscot  captain,  iii. 136. 

NeSl.  tan.  Job,  a  Nipmuk,  aids  Eliot  in  trans-' 
lating  the  Bible  into  Indian,  ii.  51,  112; 
killed  in  Philip's  war,  ib. 

Netaump. — See  Mautamp. 

Netawatwees,  a  Delaware  of  note,v.26,27. 

Netus,  a  Nipmuk ;  depredation  of,  iii.  80. 

New-arrow,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  HI. 

New  Albion,  discovery  of,  ii.  19. 

Newbury  attacked  by  Indians,  iii.  Ill;  the 
first  born  of,  71,  n. 

Newbury,  Capt.  massacres  200  Indians,  iii.  65. 

Newcom. — See  Matoxes. 

New  England,  so  named  from  Nova  Albi- 
on, ii.  19;  called  Kinshon  by  the  Iro- 
quois, V.  5. 

Newman,  Gen.  wounded  at  Autosse,  iv.  58  ; 
at  Camp  Defiance,  ib.  Goes  against  the 
Seminoles,  66. 

Newman,  Rev.  Noah,  iii.  28,  47. 

Newport,  Gov.  duped  by  Powhatan,  iv.  12. 

New  River  settlement  destroyed,  iv.  75.   [76. 

New  Smyrna  destroyed  oy  the  Seminoles,  iv. 

New  Style,  meaning  of,  ii,  26. 

Newtown,  battle  ol,  v.  91. 

Nianticks,  account  of  the,  ii.  67. 

Nickotawance  succeeds  Opekankano, 
iv.22. 

Nihorontaoowa. — See  Bio  Thee. 

Nimrod. — See  Woonashum. 

Ninigret,  sachem  of  the  Nianiiks,  ii.  67 ;  dif- 
ficulties with  neighboring  chic('s,70 ;  English 
prepare  to  attack  him,  who  desist  on  his 
promise  to  pay  them  the  oxpeiiKo  of  their 
preparation,  72 ;  new  troubles,  73 ;  afl'air 
with  CuTTAquiN  and  Uncas,  ib. ;  war 
with  AscASSASS0TiK,74;  journey  to  Man- 
hattan, and  jealousy  of  tlie  English,  75 ; 
speech  to  the  Dutch,  76 ;  mortgage  of  his 
country,  81  ;  anecdote  of  his  opposition  to 
Christianity,  82;  called  Kiankmo,  89  ;  re- 
solves on  war  with  the  Mohegans,  90  ;  will 
not  make  peace  without  Uncas's  head,  91 ; 
protects  some  fugitive  Pequots,106  ;  shrewd 
reply  to  Mayhew  when  importuned  about 
receiving  Christianity,  113;  protests  against 
its  being  forced  upon  his  people,  iii.  76. 

NiNiGKET,  Charles,  son  of  the  precediuff, 
ii.  82. 


6 


INDEX. 


NiNiOKKT,  George,  tomb  inscription,  ii.  85. 

yiji/nuks  at  war  with  the  MohegBns,  ii.  97  ; 
without  a  snrhcni,  ii.  18 ;  under  a  squaw  sa- 
chem, 40,  100,  n.;  abandon  Philip,  iii.  91. 

NiTTANAHoM,  a  Long  Island  sachem,  ii.  79. 

NoMAN,  a  Wanipanoiig,  iii.  G5. 

NoMONV,  JuHN,  a  Pcniiakooii,  iii.  114. 

NoMPASH,  a  VVanipanoag,  Jii.  o;  called 
Anumpash,67j  of  Sogkonate,  G9  ;  death 
of,  73. 

NoNSEfiUESSEWiT,  George,  a  Nipmuk, 
iii.  81. 

Northampton  attacked  by  the  Indians,  iii.  38. 

Norton,  Capt.  killed  by  Peguots,  ii.  103. 

Norton,  John.  — See  Teyoninhokera- 

WEN. 

Norridgewok,  capture  of,  iii.  127j  properly 
Nrrigwok,  119,  n. 


O. 

Oakmulge  Fields,  description  of,  iv.  25. 

Obbatinnua,  sachem  of  Boston,  ii.  30,  40. 

Obeal,  IIenuy,  son  of  Cornplanter,  v.  103, 
n. ;  119. 

Obechikwod,  a  Pequot,  ii.  96. 

Obtakikst,  a  Wampanoag,  ii.  35. 

OccoM,  Sampson,  Mohegan  preacher,  ii.  119. 

OcKONosTorA,a  renowned  Creek  chief,  iv. 
33 ;  treats  with  Gov.  Littleton,  34 ;  attempts 
the  liberation  of  22  hostages,  but  fails,  and 
they  are  murdered  j  invests  Fort  Loudon, 
35 ;  takes  it,  and  massacres  the  garrison ; 
attempts  Fort  Prince  George,  but  fails,  37. 

OcoNNOKCA,  a  Cherokee  chief,  iv.  34. 

Oconas,  a  tribe  of  Creeks,  iv.  29. 

Oetan. — See  Opitchepan. 

Ogekse,  a  Creek  warrior,  iv.  29. 

Oglethorpe,  Gen.  settles  Carolina,  iv.  29  ; 
speech  to  the  Indians,  30 ;  taites  several 
with  him  to  England,  31,  &c. 

Ohquamehud,  a  Wampanoag,  ii. 30. 

Okase. — See  Uncas. 

Okoko. — .See  Uncas. 

Or.D-BUiM,  a  noted  Creek  chief,  iv.  29. 

Oldham,  John,  killed  by  the  Pequots,  ii.  103. 

Old-jethuo,  a  Nipmuk  sachem,  iii.  81; 
Tantamous;  betrayed  and  hanged,  82. 

Old-knife. — See  Letalesha. 

OLD-auEEN  —See  Quaiapen. 

Old  Style,  rule  of  dating  in,  ii.  21. 

Omaihla,  Charles,  iv.  72. 

Onamoo,  a  Clirlsiian  Nipmuk,  ii.49,  116,117. 

One-eyed-john. — See  Monoco. 

Oneko,  son  of  Uncas,  attacks  a  defenceless 
town  of  N'ipniuks,  ii.  26. 

Oneic/u.s  join  the  Mohawks,  v.  4. 

Ongpatonga.  (T?ig  Elk,)  an  Omaha  chief, 
V.  \'M'>;  visits  Washington,  137. 

(hiondagos,  third  of  the  Iroquois,  v.  4. 

Onopei^uin,  sachem  of  Quabaog,  ii.  100. 

Opachisco,  uncle  of  Pocahontas,  iv.  18. 

Opekankano,  chief  under  Powhatan,  sa- 
chem of  Pamuuky,  iv.  8  ;  brother  of  Pow- 
hatan, 13;  origin  of,  19;  seized  by  Capt. 
Smith,  20;  leads  in  a  great  massacre  of  the 
whites,  ih. ;  attempts  another,  and  is  taken 
and  killed,  22. 

Opitchapan,  brother  of  Powhatan,  iv.  13; 
Itopatin,  16;  Oetan,  19. 

Oriskana,  battle  of,  v,  83. 

Oimond,  Uuke  of,  entertains  the  five  Iroquois 
chiefs  in  England,  v.  15. 

Orvilliers,  D',  sent  against  the  Senecas,  v.  8. 


OsEOLA,  a  brave  Seminole  chief,  iv.  70,72,'(S 

Osgood,  William,  iii.  HI. 

Otash,  brother  of  Miantunnomoh,  ii.  6r 

YoTNESH,  61  ;  an  ambassador,  106. 
Otassite,  a  Creek  chief,  treats  with  Go  . 

Littleton,  iv.  35  ;  visits  England,  27. 
Otlowas,  origin  of,  v.  41. 
Ottsoohkoree,  an  Iroquois,  v.  11. 
OuEKACHUMPA,  chief  of  Oconas,  iv.  35. 
OuNAKANNOwiNE,  a  Creek  chief,  iv.  27. 
OuREOUHARE,  a  famous  Iroquois,  v.  11. 
OuTHLETABOA,aCreek  chief,  iv.  29. 
OusAMEq,uiN. — See  Massasoit. 
OusANATANAH,  a  hostage,  murdered,  iv   3f 

OwAMOSIMHIN,in.  13, 


p. 

Pachgantschihilas.  —  See  Buokonge 

HELAS. 

Paddy,  William,  iii.  101. 

Pag  ATT,  Joseph,  a  Wampanoag,  ii.  58. 

PAHKEHPUNNASSo,aChristian  lndian,ii.ll8 

Paine,  Natlianiel,  iii.  14. 

Pakanke,  a  Delaware  chief,  v.  21. 

Palmes,  Maj.  in  Philip's  war,  iii.  49. 

Paniese,  chiefs  of  high  authority,  ii.  36. 

Panis,  a  nation  upon  the  Missouri,  ii.  36. 

Parish,  Col.  in  the  Seminole  war,  iv.  84. 

Passaconaway,  a  great  chief,  ii.  47,  95;  a 
bashaba,  iii.  93;  farewell  address  to  his 
people  ;  petition  to  the  general  court,  94 ; 
note  on  the  lime  of  his  death,  ib.  95. 

Passamaquoddy,  meaning  of,  iii.  128,  n. 

Patacus. — See  Pessacus. 

Path-killer,  a  Cherokee,  iv.  55,  56. 

Patukson,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  11. 

Paugus,  sachem  of  Pequakel ;  his  memorable 
fight  with  the  English  under  Lovewell ;  falls 
in  that  fight,  iii.  128—133. 

PAWSAQ.UENS,  counsellor  to  Philip,  iii.  15. 

Pawtucket  fight,  iii.  47,  48. 

Paxnous,  Snawanee  chief,  v.  28. 

Pechmo,  signal  exploit  of,  ii.  7. 

Peebe,  counsellor  to  Philip,  killed,  16. 

Pegin,  exploit  against  the  Nipmuks,  iii.  89. 

Peirse,  Capt.  expedition  and  aeath,  iii.  47,48. 

Peiskaret,  an  Algonquin  ;  his  extraordinary 
adventures  and  death,  v.  11,  12. 

Pejepscot,  depredation  at,  iii.  115. 

Pekanimne  carried  offby  Harlow, ii.  7. 

Pekillon,  a  Delaware,  a  traitor,  v.  61. 

Pekoatli  mistaken  for  Pequot,  ii.  49,  n. 

Pekscot,  a  noted  Wampanoag  paniese,  ii. 
31,36;  cruelly  killed,  j7>. 

Pemissapan.— ^ee  Wingina. 

Penachason,  a  Wampanoag  warrior,  iii.  86. 

Pennahanit,  a  Nipmuk  convert,  ii.  116,  117. 

Peim's  famous  treaty,  v.  20,  21,  32,  119. 

Pennsylvania  grants  800  dollars  to  the  Sene- 
cas, V.  Ill  ;  grant  to  Big  Tree,  \\l. 

Penobscot,  definition  of,  iii.  137. 

Pepper,  Robert,  escapes  Beers's  fight,  iii.  29. 

Pequot,  geography  and  history  of,  li.  101. 

Pessacus,  a  noted  Narraganset,  ii.58;  visits 
Boston,  67;  invaded  by  an  army  of  whites, 
84;  war  with  Uncas,  90;  sends  presents 
to  Gov.  Winthrop,  92 ;  killed  by  the  Mo- 
hawks, 58,  n. ;  84 ;  iii.  139. 

Perkins,  John,  of  Agawam,  ii.  46. 

Petalesharoo,  a  Paunee  brave,  visit* 
Washington,  v.  137;  great  exploit,  138. 

Petananuet,  husband  of  WEETAMOo,iii.45. 

Petch;:nanalas.— SeeBuoKONOAHELAS. 


i 


INDEX. 


Petkr  ,  a  Tarratine,  attacks  Bradford, iii.l  1 1 . 

Pkter,  son  uf  Awashuiiks,  pilots  Church 
when  Philip  is  killed,  iii.  51  ;  a  chief  cap- 
ipin,  G'J }  a  messenger  from  Church,  71. 

Petkh,  an  Iro(|iiois,  taken  prisoner,  v.  103. 

Petkr  Ja^uith,  servant  to  Lafayette,v.  107. 

Pewazegsake,  aTarraliue  of  Negusset,  iii. 

Philadelphia,  its  Indian  name,  ii.  19.         [100. 

Phips,  Sir  William,  iii.  121. 

Philip  II.  ludicrous  error  concerning,  i.  22. 

Philip,  sachem  of  the  Wampanoags,  comes 
in  chief,  ii.  28  ;  origin  of  his  b^nglish  name, 
iii.  3;  his  people  hold  a  war  dance, 5  j  just- 
ly roused  to  war  against  the  whites,  9  ;  his 
Indian  name,  13;  makes  numerous  sales  of 
his  lands,  14,  15,  Hi;  called  Wewasowa- 
NUETT,  IG  ;  nicknamed  kin^  Philip  by  the 
whiles,  ih.  n. ;  a  cause  of  the  war  of  "1675 
explained,  18  ;  confesses  warlike  intentions, 
and  agrees  to  pay  a  tribute,  11);  dilficulties 
wiih  I'limoulh,  20  ;  refuses  to  treat  except 
with  his  equal,  the  king  of  England,  23 ;  be- 
gins war,  23  ;  fighis  the  English  in  Pocas- 
sei,  27 ;  eflects  his  retreat  over  Taunton 
river,  28  ;  attacked,  and  loses  several  of  his 
men  on  llehoboth  Plain,  ib.  ;  tights  and  cuts 
ofl'Capt.  Beers,  31 ;  cuts  olfCapt.  Lothrop, 
32;  attacks  Hatfield,  33;  retires  to  Narra- 
ganset,  ib. ;  besieged  there  by  1500  English 
m  a  fort ;  a  desperate  fight ;  is  driven  out, 
and  many  of  his  men  are  killed,  34—36  j 
takes  another  position,  which  he  holds  for  a 
time,  36  ;  his  Mohawk  stratagem  fails,  37 ; 
surprises  Lancaster,  ib. ;  attacks  Medfield, 
ib.;  cuts  offCapt.  Wadsworlli  at  Sudbury, 
38;  retreats  into  Plimouth  colony,  39;  at- 
tacked at  Malapoiset ;  at  Bridgewater ;  his 
sister  and  uncle  killed,  ib. ;  his  wife  and  son 
taken  by  Church  with  130  others,  40 ;  close- 
ly pursued  by  Church  ;  swamp  fight,  41 ; 
flics  to  Pokanokel,  ib. ;  is  killed  ;  mcidents 
concerning  his  fall,  42,  43,  44 ;  his  answer 
to  Eliot  concerning  religion,  44 ;  a  "  blas- 
phemous leviathan,"  ib. ;  Mrs.  Rowland- 
son's  interview  with,  45 ;  his  ornaments 
f  Assessed  by  Annawau,  55;  a  Sogkonate 
ndian  promises  to  have  his  head,  70;  rea- 
son of  the  divisions  among  his  followers,  91. 

Philip,  sachem  of  Pigwoket,  iii.  132  ;  at  the 
taking  of  St.  Francis,  134 ;  at  the  takin? 
of  Louisbourg,  135.  [na,  iv.  7b. 

Philip,  a  Seminole  chief,  attacks  N.  Smyr- 

Phillips's  garrison  attacked,  iii.  103. 

PiAMBOHuu,aNipmuk  ruler  at  Natik,ii.  116. 

Piankalanks,  a  tribe  of  Virginia,  iv.  9. 

Pickens,  Gen.  war  with  Cherokees,  iv.  67. 

Pidgeon,  Maj.  interpreter,  v.  14. 

Pilgrims  arrive  at  Pliniouih,  ii.  19. 

Pinchon,  Maj.  .Fohn,  ii.  83,  100,  m.         [14, 58. 

PiowANT,   a  Wampanoftg,  iii.  4;  Piants, 

Pipe,  Capt.  v.  23 ;  of  the  Wolf  tribe  of  the 
Dfilawares,  58,  59,  60,  65,  67. 

Pipe  of  Peace. — ^ee  Calumet. 

PiTYME,  Andrew,  a  Nipmuk,  iii.  88,92. 

Plague  among  the  Indians  of  N.  E.  ii.  16. 

Plalo  refers  to  America,  i.  5. 

Pocahontas  prevents  the  execution  of  Capt. 
Smith,  iv.  10;  reveals  a  plot  against  liis 
lift>,  14;  her  birth,  16;  saves  the' life  of 
Spilman  ;  taken  prisoner  by  the  English, 
17;  marries  an  Englishman;  goes  to  Eng- 
land ;  dies,  18. 

Pokanoket  described,  ii.  18,  19. 

PoKAT tawago,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  67. 

Pollakd,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  110. 

PoMAHSE,  a  Narraganset,  ii.  95, 


PoMETACOM,  name  of  Philip,  which  see. 

PoMPAQUASE,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  14. 

PoMUMSKS,  a  Narraganset,  ii.  84. 

PoNTiAK,  a  great  Oiloway  chief,  v.  50;  be- 
gins war  on  the  English  ;  besieges  Detroit, 
63;  defeats  Capt.  Ualycll,65  ;  lakes  bcveral 
vessels,  56  ;  raises  Ibe  siege  of  Detroit ;  is 
assassinated,  57. 

Poor,  {Jen.  defeats  the  Indians,  v.  91 

Pope,  John,  inurdert'd,  iii.  Iii. 

Popliain,  Lord,  sends  I'rin  to  N.  E.  ii.  6,  7. 

PoauiN,  or  Po(iUoi,M,  a  IVarragnnset,  ii  82. 

Portsmouth,  Indian  acts  at,  iii.  111. 

PoTOK  opposes  Clirislianily,  iii.  76  ;  taken  in 
Philip's  war  and  executed.  77. 

Pottowattomies ,  account  of,  v.  114,  142. 

Powhatan,  sachem  of  Virginia,  iv.  7;  ex- 
lent  of  his  dominions,  I'/i. ;  surprises  the  I'a- 
vankatanks,  8;  (^apt.  Smith  is  delivered  to 
him.  and  h'j  orders  his  execution  ;  lilH^rates 
Smith,  I'"  ,  outwits  Newport ;  plots  against 
the  English,  11;  some  Uermnus  build  a 
house  lor  him,  13,  14;  endeavors  to  kill 
Smith;  dies,  15. 

Prat,  Phinehas,  makes  a  narrow  escape,  ii.  35. 

Prentice,  Capt.  in  I'liilip's  war,  iii.  74. 

Presque  Isle,  battle  of,  v.  80. 

Printer,  James-the. — See  James. 

Prin,  Martin,  sails  to  N.  England,  ii.  6;  car- 
ries off  two  Indians  to  England,  ib. 

Proctor  defeated  at  the  Thames,  v.  124. 

Proctor,  Lieut,  in  the  Eastern  war,  iii.  126. 

Prophet,  the  Shawanee  (Ellkswatawa), 
instigator  of  war,  iv.  55;  settles  on  the  Mi- 
ami, 121 ;  orders  the  tight  at  Tippecanoe, 
124;  other  cvenis  of  his  life,  127. 

Prophet,  the  Seminole. — See  Hili.ishago. 

Prophet,  the  Winnebago  (Wabokishiek), 
v.  162. 

Pukeesheno,  father  of  Tccumsch,  v.  127. 

PuMHAM,  a  great  Narraganset,  ii.  28,  56  ; 
claims  Shaomet,  60 ;  troubles,  92,  94  ;  trea- 
ty, iii.  47 ;  kind  to  the  English,  73 ;  his  town 
burnt,  76  ;  his  capture  and  death,  ih. 

PUMPASA. See  WoONASHUM,  or  NiMROD. 

Punkateeset,  great  tight  at,  iii.  26. 
PupoMPoGES,  brother  of  Sassacus,  ii.  101. 
PuTTAquppuuNCK,  a  Pcquot,  ii.  108. 
Psalter  printed  in  Indian,  ii.  51. 
Putnam,  Gen.  and  Cobnplanter,  v.  116. 

Quabaogs  attacked  by  Uncas,  ii.  99;  cut  oft 
Capt.  Hutchinson  in  Philip's  war,  iii.  29. 

QuADEfiUiNA,  brother  of  Massasoit,  ii.  21  ; 
visits  the  Pilsjrims,  22;  treaty,  30. 

QuAiAPEN,  of  great  note  and  authority 
among  the  Narraaransets,  ii.  70  ;  in  Philip's 
war;  Killed  near  Warwick,  64,  65. 

Quakers,  friends  to  Indians,  iii.  36. 

CiuAME,  a  Pequol  prisoner,  ii.  108. 

QuANNAPOHiT,  James,  a  Nipmuk,  iii.  80;  a 
spy  for  the  English,  81,  87. 

QuANNAPOHiT,  Thomas,  iii.  88,  89,  92. 

tiuANONCHET. — See  Namjntenoo. 

(juANOWiN,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  4. 

QuAqiiALH  wounded  in  a  fight,  iii.  74. 

QuAQUE<iUUNSET  of  Quabakonk,  ii.  99. 

<iuebcck,  meaning  of  the  name,  v.  50. 

Quimby,  Mrs.  assaulted  by  Indians,  iii.  111. 

Q(;iNNAPiN,  a  noble  Nar.»aganset ;  son  of 
CoNJANAquAND  ;  bfothcr-in-law  to  Phil- 
ip ;  purchases  Mrs.  Rowlandson,  iii.  55j 
her  account  of,  57;  returns  with  Philip  to 
Pokanoket ;  shot  at  Newport,  ib. 


INDEX. 


QuB^UEouNKNT,  R    NarragMisct,  son   of 

QuAlAPEN,  ii.  81  ;  UiUKuN,  iii.  64. 
QuiNKMiquET,  (laugh'r  ol'QuAMPEN,iii.G4. 
Quissutturs — See  Queiiukoumiciit. 

R. 

Raisin  River,  battle  of  liic,  v.  129. 

ilale^h,  Sir  W.  settles  Virginia,  i.  18  ;  anec- 
dote of,  ii.  4'J,  n.  ,■  liis  History'  of  tlie  World, 
50,  n. ,'  hehcH(le(l,2/i.,'  visited  Carolina,  w^Zi). 

Ralle,or  Knslu,  missionary  to  the  Ahenakies; 
accused  ofexriliji)^  them  to  war  with  the 
English  ;  they  offer  a  reward  for  his  head, 
iii.  ISW  J  is  killed,  127,  128. 

Kamkgi.%-,  sachem  of  Negussct,  iii.  100,  101. 

Rat,  thk. — See  Adakio. 

Rawhuht,  anecdote  of,  iv.  10. 

Rcchahe<<rians,  war  with  the,  iv.  22. 

Red-bikd,  a  Sioux,  dies  in  prison,  v.  142-3. 

KEn-llAWK  Imrbarously  murdered,  v.  49. 

Red-jack£T  (Sacoyewatha),  v.  97; 
siteech  to  a  missionary,  98,  99  ;  his  acts  in 
the  war  of  1812,  100  ;  letter  to  the  governor 
of  N.  York,  100— 103;  <tefends  the  execu- 
tioner  of  a  witch,  ib. ;  interview  with  l^afay- 
ette,  104;  visits  Philadelphia,  105 ;  speech, 
ib. ;  his  death,  177. 

Red-slickn,  Seminoles,  iv.  64. 

Reed,  Joseph,  a  revolutionary  worthy,  ii.  75. 

Reholmth  lM)ue;ht  of  the  Indians,  ii.  27  ;  besieg- 
ed in  Philip's  war,  92  ;  burnt,  78. 

RicHAHD,  erroneously  said  to  have  killed 
King  Philip,  iii.  Ht,  n. 

Ridge,  Maj.  a  Cherokee  chief,  iv.  61. 

River  ttidians.  wliere  found,  iii.  97;  v.  14^ 

Roanoke,  settlement  of,  iv.  4. 

Robertson,  Dr.  his  manner  of  peopling  Amer- 
ica, i.  6  ;  all  men  have  one  origin,  10. 

Robinson, - 

bis  family  murdered,  48, 

Robinson,  ^ohn,  reproves  the  Pilgrims,  ii.  38. 

Robin's  speech  of  Logan,  v.  47. 

Robin,  a  Creek  war  captain,  iv.  29. 

Robin,  aTarratine,  sells  Negusset,  iii.  100. 

Rubin,  of  Agawam,  prevents  the  Tarraiiiies 
from  destroying  the  place,  ii.  46. 

Rubin. — See  Cassassinamon. 

RoBiNHooi). — See  Ramegin. 

RoDONNONAKqus,  a  Tnrratine,  iii.  1 13. 

Rogers,  Maj.  destroys  the  St.  Francis  Indians, 
iii.  134. 

RoGOMOK. — See  Ramegin. 

Rolfe,  John,  marries  Pocahontas,  iv.  18. 

RoNNKSsoKE,  a  Nianiik,  ii.  79. 

Ross,  Adjutant,  a  Cherokee  chief,  iv.  61. 

Round-head,  a  Wyandot  chief,  v.  129; 
takes  Gen.  Winchester  prisoner,  ib. ;  at  the 
capture  of  Detroit ;  letter  of,  130. 

RowiHudson,  Mrs.  her  captivity;  interview 
with  king  Philip,  iii. 45;  captured  at  Lan- 
caster, 83;  released,  90. 

Rowi.ES,  a  noted  Tarratine,  iii.  138. 

Rumnevmarsh,  George.  —  See  Winne- 
PURKITT. — See,  also,  iii.  92. 

S. 

Sabatis  captured  at  St.  Francis,  iii.  135; 
another  ;'t  Kennelieck    1.36. 

Sabine ,  Wi.'iam,  a  juroi ,  iii.  12. 

Saco  burnt,  and  people  killed  there,  iii.  102. 

Saes  eh.-ly  visited  by  Jesuits ;  incor|joraled 

with  the  Foxes,  v.  142  ;  war  with  the  Me- 

nominies.  144  ;  partial  sale  of  their  country, 

44  J  desct'iption  of  their  village,  and  extent 


-,  life  saved  by  Logan,  v.  42; 


of  tlieir  co'-ntry,  146;  private  insults,  ib. ; 
proclamation  of  Gov.  Reynolds  against, 146; 
driven  out  of  their  country  by  the  whites, 
147;  war  ensues,  141^-158. 
Sagadabock,  colony  of,  ii.  7. 
Sagamore  John,  a  noted  Nipmuk,  iii.  79; 

permitted  to  execute  Matoonas,  ib. 
Sagamore  Sam. — Sec  Shoshanim. 
Sagamore,  title  of,  ii.  40;  iii.  93. 
Sagoyewatha.— See  Red-jacket. 
SakaweSton,  a  N.  Eng.  Indian,  taken  to 
Eng.  by  Capl.  Harlow  ;  goes  with  the  Eng- 
lish into  the  Bohemian  war,  ii.  8. 
Salmon  Falls  destroyed,  iii.  116,  117. 
Sallonsiall,  Sir  R.  fined,  ii.  47. 

Sam-Hide,  a  N.  England  Indian,  i.  21. 

Samkama,  Philip's  counsellor,  iii.  19. 

Samoset  visits  the  Pilgrims  ;  his  account  of 
himself  and  country  ;1iis  dress  de.xcribed,  ii. 
12;  informs  them  of  IVlassasoit,  13;  accom- 
panies him  to  visit  lhem,22. 

Sampson,  abarbarous  Tarratine,  iii.  120. 

Sampson,  attorney  to  Philip,  iii.  14. 

Samuel,  Capt.  iii.  124;  a  speech,  125. 

SANAMAHONGA.-See  Stone-eater( V.142.) 

Sanford.  Maj.  goes  to  attack  Philip,  iii.  42. 

Sanfbrd,  Joh.i,  Weetamoo  complains  of,  iii.  4. 

Sannap,  otfic«  of  the,  ii.  58,  «. 

Sassauopeomen.— See  Opitchepan. 

Sassenow  of  Sagadahok,  ii.  7. 

Sassacus,  chief  of  the  Pequots,  ii.62,  n. ;  ma- 
lignant and  turious,73;  rumor  of  a  marriage 
ol  his  brother  and  Ninigret's  sister,  disturbs 
the  English,  tA. ;  a  terror  to  his  neighbors, 
101 ;  English  make  war  upon  him  ;  destroys 
his  fort  and  escapes,  106 ;  deeds  lands  to 
Winthiop,  108;kdled  by  theMohawks,109. 

Sassamon,  JoHN,senton  a  mission  to  Petjuoi, 
ii.  108;  secretary  to  Philip;  preacher  at 
Namasket ;  settled  there  by  Tuspaquin,  iii. 
9  ;  in  the  Pequot  war,  10;  Woosansaman, 
ib.;  found  dead  in  a  pond,  11 ;  interpreter 
to  Philip,  14 ;  witnesses  Philip's  treaty  at 
Plimouth,  17. 

Sassamon,  Roland,  interpreter  to  Alexan- 
der, iii.  7  ;  brother  to  John,  14.  [10. 

Sassemore,  Dettv,  dau.  of  J.  Sassamon,  iii. 

Sauseman,  a  principal  Sogkonale,  iii.  66. 

Savage,  Maj.  in  Philip's  war,  iii.  89. 

Scalps  first  taken  in  Philip's  war,  iii.  26  ;  re- 
ward offered  for  by  the  Eng.  127  ;  iv.  33. 

Scarborough  taken  by  Mugo,  iii.  110. 

Schenectady,  destruction  of,  i.  31. 

Schuyler,  Maj.  goes  against  the  French  with  a 
company  of  whites  and  Indians,  v.  7;  with 
the  nve  Iroquois  sachems,  in  England,  15. 

ScRANY,  Old,  wonderful  escape  of,  i.  23. 

Scuttup  sells  Narraganset,  ii.8l ;  iii.  64. 

Sealy,  Lieut,  in  the  Pequot  war,  ii.  91. 

Seat  of  King  Philip  described,  iii.  43. 

Seminoles,  their  name  and  origin,  iv.  25 ;  wars 
with,  63—66  ;  70—96  ;  removal  by  U.  S.  65. 

Senauki  in  Eng.  with  Gen.Ogletliorpe,  iv.30. 

Senfcas,  fourth  nation  of  the  Iroquois,  v.  4. 

Seneca  supposed  to  refer  to  America,  i.  6. 

Sequasson,  chief  under  Miantunnomoh,  ii. 
64  ;  one  of  his  men  wounds  Uncas,  88. 

Sequin,  supposed  author  of  a  cruel  massacre 
at  Welhersfield,  ii.  78,  n. 

Sestaretsi. — See  Adario. 

Sewan,  bags  of  wampum,  ii.  79. 

Shallisloske,  a  hostage  murdered,  iv.  35 

Shattookquis  sells  Brookfield,  iii.  82,  n. 

Sthawaneae,  facts  in  the  history  of,  v.  4. 

Shaw,  Jonathan,  a  juror,  iii.  12. 

Shed,  Mr.  tutor  to  Gen.  M'Gillivray,  iv.  45. 


INDEX, 


,79; 


SiiF.EPScoTT,  JoHif,  a  Tarratiiic,  iii.  121. 

8ilEi.uKTA,uCrcek,snii  ot'CHiNABV,iv.  35. 

8hriinpton,  HHinuel,  bra^tier,  ii.  71. 

SiiiKKLLiMus,  I'aihcr  o(lAfaAH,v.  17  ;  visits 
Pliiladulfiliia,  ib. ;  a  Cayuga  j  hiii  dralh,  lU. 

SlliNtiis,  iioluil  Delawuru  i-liiuf,  vLsilud  by 
Wasliliijrioii,  V.  lid  ;  disaiipuiiils  liini,  'M  ; 
boiiiily  otl'ercfl  lor  his  lit'ad,  37;  ffrt-alesl 
warrior  of  his  liiiic,  Mi ;  liis  friuiidithip  to 
Frederifl;  I'osl.iW. 

IShui.an,  .sai-liuiii  ot'Nashuu.  ii.'JS;  succeed- 
ed by  Mathkw,  iii.  t''\ 

SiiioRiiANiM,  a  Nipinuk  (Sasaniore-sam,)  ii. 
[>!}  ;  betrayed  into  die  haiuls  of  the  whiles, 
and  hanged,  iii.  83  ;  at  llie  sacking  ul'  Lan- 
raster ;  Uskatuhoun,85;  his  letter  about 
an  exi-hange  of  prisoners,  \H) ;  odier  lelterg 
Ironi,  33— «3. 

Sii.dUK  saves  (he  life  of  Col,  Bird,  iv.38. 

tJiMMi),  Cai'T.  chief  .speaker  at  the  treaty  of 
1703,  at  Casco,  iii.  121.,  123.  L73. 

Simon,  John,  anecdote  of,  i.21 ;  preacher,  iii. 

.SlN^uisTKR,  u  Creek  prophet,  iv.  3U  ;  killed 
in  the  battle  of  Tohopeka,  60. 

SiNTouciii  goes  to  Eiig.  wilh  Gen.  O.  iv.  30. 

Siiz,  Peter,  taken  prisoner  by  Brant,  v.  Sty. 

Six  iXatioTis. — See  Iroquois. 

Skknando,  a  venerable  Uneida ;  anecdote 
of;  dies,  v.  2i). 

Skkt  warroes  carried  to  England  by  Wey- 
mouth, ii.  G  5  returns  with  I'nn,  ib, 

Skijagosta,  head  warrior  of  Pasaelcbie,  iv. 
27;  visits  England;  speech  to  llie  king, 
21! ;  his  death,  2'J. 

Skiku,  sachem  of  Virginia,  iv.  4. 

Slaves,  Indian,  ii.  8,  107  j  iii.  40,  104. 

Smnllcy,  William,  narrative  of,  v.  64. 

Small-pox  destroys  many  Indians,  ii.  47. 

Smith,  James,  buys  Negusset,  iii.  100. 

Smith,  Capt.  John,  surveys  the  coast  of  N. 
Enjr  ;  so  names  it  fmrn  Nova  Albion,  ii.  VJ  ; 
broL^ht  lo  our  notice  by  Ralegh,  ii.  49 ;  his 
list  of  Indian  names  of  places  in  N.  Eng.  iii. 
93,  n. ,-  goes  to  Virginia ;  severe  wilh  the  In- 
dians, iv.  8 ;  they  take  him  prisoner ;  their 
proceedings  with  him  ;  deliver  him  lo  Pow- 
haian,  ih. ;  practise  conjurations  upon  him  ; 
show  him  about  the  country,  9 ;  condemned 
to  be  executed ;  Pocahontas  interferes, 
and  his  lite  is  spared  ;  Powhatan  appoints 
him  his  armorer,  10  ;  liberated  ;  anecdote, 
ib. ;  elected  governor  of  Virginia ;  Newport 
operates  against  him  ;  Powliatan  strives  to 
have  him  killed  ;  visits  Powhatan,  who  lays 
a  plot  to  kill  him  ;  Pocahontas  informs  him 
of  it,  and  it  is  frustrated,  14;  badly  burned 
by  an  explosi<m  of  powder ;  returns  to  Eng- 
land for  medical  aid  ;  dies  in  London,  ib. 

Smith,  S.S.  on  the  human  species,  i.  10,  12. 

Smith,  Richard,  buys  lands  of  Massasolt,ii.  28 ; 
of  Narra^anset,  33.75, 76,  81,  82  ;  ii.  36,  47. 

Smith,  William,  of  Rehoboth,  iii,  83. 

Smith,  Zachary,  killed  by  Indians,  iii.  79. 

Smyth,  Francis,  messenger  to  Pessacus,  ii.  90. 

Snelling,  Col.  speech  of  Red-jacket  to,  v.  100; 
takes  prisoner  a  chief  at  Tippecanoe  battle, 
124;  in  the  battle  of  Magaugo,  125. 
SocHOSO,  a  great  Pequot  chief,  ii.  67.       [74. 
SocoNONOCO,  a  Narraganset,  ii.  66,92,95 ;  iii, 
SoMPOiNTEKN,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  15. 
SoNcoNKWHEW,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  16. 
SoNGREEHOoD,  a  Tarratme,  iii.  100. 
SooNONGGiSE,  a  Seneca,  executes  a  woman 
for  witchcraft,  v.  103 ;  tried  for  murder  !'V 
the  whites,  but  cleared,  ib. 
SoPAauiT.— See  Alexander. 
18* 


So  so  MA  ((.—-Sec  SassaiXo*. 

Soto,  Fcrdliiiind  ile,  altenipts  the  eniKjuestoC 

Florida  ;  dies  in  the  country,  iv,  2(i. 
Houtliack,  Ciipl.  relieves  (^bnco,  iii.  ilO. 
Sontliwonh,  t'oiiHtiint,  lii.  13,  21,  311. 
Sonlhworlh,  N.,  i'luirch's  lieulenani,  iii.  71. 
Spaniards  imirder  a  French  colony,  iv.  2(i. 
Speeclics  ;  ol' IVIiiKsnsoil,  ii.  21;  ol  Caiioniru-i, 
3ti  ;  of  Mianluniionuih,  li'i;  ot  .Mianttiniin- 
ntoh  to  Waiandance,  li3 ;  tineas  lo  Miiin- 
tiHinomoh,  (it!  ;  of  Ninigri.'t  to  the  niaKis- 
Iriites  ol'  Itosliin,  72 ;  ol  Mexhuni,  73;  ol 
Prisaciis  ;  !Viiiii^;rcl,  7(i ;  ol  Pessacns,  8-1; 
of  Philip,  iii.  23,  -lb  ;  of  Pass.-ifoiuiway ,  !•  1- ; 
of  Waniialaiicet,  98  ;  of  Assiininascjiia.  Hi!) ; 
Madoknwaiido,  ib.  1U7  ;  of  Knnkaina^'iis, 
113;  oft.'apt.  Simmo,  123;  of  (.'apt.  Sam- 
uel, ih.,  ol  John  Neptune,  137;  ol  I'owlia- 
lan,  iv.  12—14;  of  Tomocoino  on  the  luiin- 
bers  of  the  English,  15;  of  Pocahontas  lo 
Capt.  Smith  in  England,  18;  ofOpekanka- 
110,  22;  of  Skijagosta  to  the  king  of  Eng- 
land, 28 ;  of  Oueekachumpa  lo  Oen.  Ogle- 
thorpe, 30 ;  Tomochichi  lo  him,  i7». ;  the 
same  to  the  king  of  Eng.  ih. ;  of  Attakulla- 
knlla,  3-1- ;  of  Moncachlape,  '10  ;  of  Mad- 
dog  to  Mr.  Ellicolt,  48;  of  Wcalhcrford  to 
Gen.  Jackson, 30-,  of  Mushalatubce  to  Gen. 
Lafayetti ,  62 ;  Pashamala  to  him,  ib. ;  of 
Graiigulacopak,68  ;  of  Hig-warrior,  69  ;  of 
Oseoia,  72;  of  Grangula,  v.  6;  of  Adario, 
9  ;  of  the  Five  Sachems  lo  Queen  Anne, 
14;  of  Caiiassatego,  11);  of  Glikhikan  ;  of 
Half-king,  22 ;  Netawalwees  ;  of  'I'adeus- 
kund,  26  ;  of  Red-jacket  to  a  missionary, 
98;  on  witchcraft;  to  Lafayette,  IU4;  lo 
gov.  I'enn.  105;  of  Fariner's-brolher,  1(;8  ; 
of  Cornplant  lo  Gen.  Washington,  113;  of 
Tecuinseh,  121  ;  of  Black-lhniider,13fi  ;  of 
Oiio;palonga,  137;  of  Pelalesharoo,  138} 
of  Metea,  139;  of  Kecwacoushkum,  lU); 
of  Black-hawk,  144;  of  Little -black,  149; 
of  Neapope,  159  ;  ofOne-eyed-Derorie,  ih. ; 
of  IJlack-liawk  on  his  .surrender,  161  ;  his 
speech  to  Pres.  Jackson,  164;  of  Waboki- 
eshiek,  167. 
Spken,  Abram,  a  Nipmuk,  iii.  81. 
Speen,  James,  a  Nipmuk,  iii.  88;  narrow 

escape  from  Mohawks,  98,  n. 
Speen,  John,  teacher  at  Natik;  dies  a  drunk- 
ard, ii,  116;  Thomas,  of  Natik,  ih, 
Spilman,  Henry,  his  life  saved,  iv.  17. 
Spoonant,  Joseph. — See  Watapacoson. 
Springfield,  attack  upon,  iii.  32. 
Spring,  Dr.  S.  chaplain  wilh  Arnold,  iii,  136. 
St^UABSKN,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  4. 
Squamaug,  counsellor  toWampatnk.ii. 44. 
SftUAMATT,  son  of  Awashonks,  iii.  67. 
StiUANDo,  sagamore  of  Saco;  account  of  his 
singular  vision,  iii.  102 ;  insult  lo  his  wife  a 
cause  of  the  eastern  war,  lA. ;  burns  Saco, 
103 ;  restores  a  captive,  104 ;  a  powow,  ib. 
Squanto,  a  Wampanoag,  carried  lo  Eng- 
land, ii.  2  ;  errors  of  authors  concerning,  7; 
resided  in  London  ;  interpreter  for  the  pil- 
grims, 14;  his  death,  15;  the  only  Indian 
who  escaped  the  great  plague,  16  ;  saves  the 
life  of  Capt.  Dermer,  20 ;  accompanies  Mas- 
sasoitto  Plimouth,  23 ;  his  manner  of  catch- 
ing eels  for  the  English,  ib. ;  taken  prisoner 
by  Caunbitant,  29 ;  liberated,  ib. ;  uses  de- 
ception, 38 ;  pilots  the  English  to  Massa- 
chusetts, 40 ;  Squanlum  so  named  from,  42. 
SftU*"' SACHEM,  of  Massachusetts,  ii.  40; 
widow  of  Nanepashemet:  marries   Web- 
cowit,  41 }  treats  wilii  the  Eoglisb,  42. 


10 


INDEX. 


SauAW-SACHEM.— 3ec  MaonCs  nnd  Wke- 

TAMOO. 

Mhuiiikavsk  r  murders  W.  Hagnal,  li.  j^ 

iStiiixiisli,  Alcxaiiilur,  iii.  71. 

iSliiiiili'ili,  (Jiiijl.  Miles,  (lilliciiUios  with  (he 
(<iaiis,  ii,  If),  'iii;  iiid.s  IVIassiiioit  ngainst  < 
iioiiicus,  27 ;  si'iit  aguiiiKt   Cauiil)i(Hiit,  211; 
ilisri)Vi-rs  a  plot  (o  cut  ull'  itic  Kugliiili  ninuiifr 
X\w.  Iiiiliaiix,  ;i2  ;  .sent  against  lliuni,\)6;  kills 
the  <lii<f,  i'KKsi;()r,  ib. 

fSlnlioril,  ('apt.  massacres  Indians,  iv.  6. 

StajiKin,  'I'lioiiias,  ii.  71,  76,  iJi>,  2iD,  Hi] ;  John, 
iii.  I'J  -,  Jtolierl,  I'A. 

Si.  (.,'lair,  (ii.'a.,  Iiis  account  of  the  disaster  of 
his  army,  v,  74 ;  l)i<if!;ra)iliical  notice  of,  71), 
n. ;  coiinnissioncr  at  Fort  Harmcr,  111. 

Sieuart,  ('apt.  a  prisoner,  iv.  37,  3<J. 

•SlitvenxiM,  iMaj.  delealed,  v.  1 12. 

!St.  l''rKinis,  Irilie  of,  dcislroyed,  iii.  li'J4. 

•St.  <irrj;ory.  opinion  ol',  rospi-cling  a  country 
west  ol  lairope,  i.  (J,  and  ii. 

Slillnian.  fliaj.  defeated,  v.  I '10. 

Si.  I,ej^er  invests  Fori  JStanvvix,  v.  83. 

Slockwell's  captivity,  iii.  UK,  n. 

.Stone,  Ca))t.  killed  by  I'equots,  ii.  102,  103. 

Stonk-katkk  (Sanamahonga),  v.  \2l,  142. 

S■|■oN^;•\VALl,-J()H^f,  iii.  77  ;  killed,  Hi. 

Sloutflitoii.  Cant,  in  tlio  Pequot  war,  ii.  107. 

fSlreei,  Ueii.,  H.  Hawk  delivered  to,  v.  160. 

Strickland's  i'lain,  battle  of,  ii.  (i9. 

St  HON  o,  a  tSeneca  chief,  v.  110. 

tStuart,  Isaac,  account  of  Welsh  Indians,  i.  3C. 

Slukoly,  Hir  Lewis,  receives  the  sen  of  Poca- 
hontas to  educate  him,  iv.  18,  19  ;  betrays 
Sir  W.  Ralegh,  20 ;  dies  in  wretchedness,  ib. 

Sturgeon  Oeek,  attack  upon,  iii.  111. 

Sturgis,  Edward,  a  juror,  iii.  12. 

(Style,  of  keeping  the  vcar,  ii.21,n.  /  diflerence 
between  O/d  and  New,  iii.  117,  n. ;  118,  n. 

Sugarloaf-hill,  battle  of,  iii.  31,  32. 

Sullivan,  Gen.  Indian  expedition,  v.  91. 

Si'NK-s(iUAW.— See  Quaiapkn. 

SuNSKTo,  a  Muhegan,  ii.  86. 

SusHUANKH.—- See  Pkssacus. 

Susui',  a  Penobscot,  tried  for  murder,  iii.  136. 

Swainp-fight  at  Pocassel,  iii.  27;  in  Narra- 
ganset,  .'H ;  near  Taunton  River,  40 ;  near 
Warwick,  65.  [ca,  i.  16. 

Swintoii,  Dr.  John,  on  the  peopling  of  Ameri- 

Syll,  Capt.  in  Philip's  war,  iii.  89. 

SVmon,  a  noted  Tarratine,  aChristian  Indian; 
attacks  Newbury,  iii.l  11  ;  attacks  Sturgeon 
Creek,  ib.;  his  depredations  at  Casco,  112. 

T. 

Tadkuskund,  a  noted  Delaware   chief,  v. 

28  ;  events  of  his  lile,  28,29  j  his  death,  ih. 
Tahatonkr,  son  murdered,  li.  117.  [ii.  117. 
Tahatawan. — See  Nattahattawants, 
Talcot,  Maj.  cuts  off  Quaia|)en,  iii.  66. 
Talladega,  Imtllc  of,  iv.  57. 
Talmon,  Peter,  complains  of  Philip,  iii.  16. 
Tammany,  an  ancient  Delaware,  v.  16 ;  a 

society  named  for ;  legends  concerning,  17. 
Tame-king,  a  Creek,  iv.  46,  47. 
Tamoueesam,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  65. 

TaNTAMOUS. — SceOLD-JETHRO. 

TANTo(iuiEsoN,  a  Mohegan capt,  seizes  Mi- 
anlunnomoh,  ii.'64,  n ;  his  life  attempted,  69. 

Tantum,  a  New  Eng.  Indian,  assists  Capt. 
Smith  in  his  survey  of  the  coast,  ii.  '^■.  n. 

TaQ,uansicke,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  '  *. 

"Tauhe,  or  the  Crane,  a  Huron  chief,  v.  131. 

Tarratines,  dreaded  by  the  Indians  of  Mass. 
ii.  17, 40, 42, 46 ;  counliy  of,  iii.  93. 


Tarumkiw,  chief  of  the  Androsroggins,  iii. 
106  ;  speech  in  the  Taconnet  council,  ib. 

Tasiitassuck,  ancient  chief  of  the  Narra- 
ganscts  ;  father  of  Canonicus,  ii.  63. 

Tassaquanawitt,  a  Narraganset,  ii.  95. 

Tassi;cke,  a  Tarratine,  iii.  lUl, 

Tatamomok  sells  lands  in  Swanzey,  iii.  4  ; 
lands  near  Pokanoket,  15;  Atunkamo- 
make,  ih.  n. 

TATCnmi/Atm,  a  Creek  chief,  iv.  29. 

Tatoson,  a  noted  Wampanoag  capt.  under 
Philip,  iii.60  ;  surprises  Clark's  garrison,  61  ; 
surrenilers  to  the  whites,  who  behead  him, 
62  ;  further  notice  of,  85. 

Tattac'ommet,  iii.  65,  67  ;  TokkamonB,73. 

Tavoskr,  one  of  Philip's  council,  iii.  19. 

Taweraket,  a  noted  lra(|uois  ciiiel,  i.  M. 

Taylor,  (."apt.  a  ('herokee  chief,  iv.  til, 

Taylor,  Rebecca,  a  captive,  iii.  120. 

I'rasi.aeoee,  son  of  Coriiplanter,  v.  120. 

Tecumseii,  chief  of  the  Sliawanees,  eiidefiN- 
ors  to  raise  the  Oeeks  against  the  whiles, 
iv.  .'>5  ;  early  ex|)loit  of,  v.  120;  speech  to 
Gov.  Harrison,  121 ;  dilticullics  with,  ib. ; 
prevents  barbarities  among  his  warriors, 
124;  defeats  the  Americans  under  Van- 
horn,  125;  various  traits  of  character,  126; 
incidents  an<i  anecdotes,  127:  fights  the  Am. 
at  the  river  Thames,  and  is  killed,  124. 

TEEVEENEHOOABOWjOne  ofthc  five  Iroquois 
who  visited  England  in  1710,  v.  14. 

Telfair,  Gov.  and'M'Gillivray,  iv.  46. 

Temperance,  Indian  advocate  of,  iv.  68. 

Tensau  settlcinciit  destroyed,  iv.  56. 

Tevoninhokerawen  (John  Norton)  visits 
Eng.,v.  131  ;  at  the  capture  of  Niagara,  132. 

Thacher,  Anthony,  ii.  22. 

Thebe.— See  Pebe. 

Theopom(His  refers  to  America,  i.  3. 

Thomas,  John,  dies,  aged  1 10,  ii.  49. 

Thomas,  of  Nemasket,iii.  10. 

Thomas,  of  Nashoba,  ii.  118. 

Thomas,  a  Tarratine  of  Negusset,  iii.  100. 

Thompson,  Gen.  killed  in  Florida,  iv.  81. 

Thorowgood,  T.  on  origin  of  the  Indians,  i.  8. 

TiA,  Joshua,  executed  as  a  traitor,  iii.  36,  n. 

Tilden,  Joseph,  ii.  46. 

Tilton,  Lieut,  attacked,  iii.  126. 

Timpoochie-barnuel. — See  Barnard. 

Tippecanoe,  battle  of,  v.  124. 

Tippin,  Lieut,  kills  Mugg,  iii,  110. 

TisPEtiUiN.— See  Watuspequih. 

TisQUANTUM. — See  Sqijanto. 

TiTUBA  accused  as  a  witch,  ii.  118, 119. 

Tobacco-eater,  a  Muscogee,  iv.  44. 

Tobacco,  act  against  disorderly  drinking,  ii 
22,  n. ;  first  carried  to  England,  49,  n. ;  Up- 
powok,  iv.  6. 

Tobias. — See  Pocgapa.nosso  (iii.  10,68). 

Toby. — See  Nauhnocomwit. 

Tockamok,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  14, 

Tohatooner  — See  Nattahattawants. 

Tohopeka,  battle  of,  iv.  61,  60. 

Tokam ahamon,  a  Wampanoag,  ii.  14 ;  faith- 
ful to  Eng.,  25—29;  aids  Standish  against 
Caunbitant,  ih. 

ToKAMONA.---See  Tattacommet  (iii.  20). 

ToKinosh,  aChristian  Indian,  ii.  118. 

Tolony,  Awashonks's  husband,  iii.  65, 67. 

Tom-jemmy.— See  Soonongise. 

Tom-thk-infant,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  103. 

Tom,  Tatoson's  brother's  son,  iii.  61 ;  per- 
haps Penachason,  86. 

Tom,  Capt. — See  Wattassacomponom. 

Tom,  Capt.  a  noted  Tarratine,  attacks  and 
kills  people  at  Hamntni;,  iii,  123 


JNDEX. 


11 


ToMornicHi,  sachem  of  Yamnrraw,  iv.  29  ; 

iiitprview  wilh  (Jen.  Oglclliorpt- ;  ffofts  willi 

him  to  F.n^.,IIO  j  Wi»  siit-uch  li>  III*!  l<iiiK>  ib.; 

rRliiriis  to  Carohim  ;  dies;  inomniiniitluliis 

iiXMiiory,  31. 
ToMoroMo,  I'ounscnor  to  Powhnlnn  ;  «enl  to 

Kiif{.  its  a  spy.  iv.  14;  iiis  siii;.fiihir  rimme- 

rnlidii  of  iliJ  Kiiffli.'.h,  15;  iiiiirrics  Pora- 

hoiitas's  sister,  I'A. 
Too.NAKowi  goes  to  ('iigland,  iv.  29  ;  fights 

the  Spnnianls,  M. 
'ro<iiiKl.>.    T,  a  Tarratiiie  snrhcin,  iii,  12'i. 
'l'()r()PoT<p.M()i  nolieed  in  Hiidihrns.iii.  33;  of 

I'aiiiiiiikev ;    siiceessor    of    Nikotowanre  ; 

killed  ill  the  Flcohalieoriaii  war,  iv.  2.5. 
ToTosoN.— See  TaToson. 
TiMir,  Lord  de  la,  iii.  123. 
I'owiistMid  tre,-jts  with  liiilians,  iii    121, 
'I'raditioiis  not  to  be  relied  ii|)oii,ii.  ().j,9'2;  iv.25. 
Treat,  Maj.  relieves  Moscly,  iii,  32. 
Treaties  wilh  .Massasoil,  ii.  29;  another,  24; 

with  iiiiu!  sachems,  30;  the  Massarhlisclls, 

41  ;  the  Nipmiiks,  42;  .Miniitiinnomoh  and 

Uiioas,  ()0;  NHrra!jansets,7<) ;  another,  94; 

Peqiiols,  102;  Phihp,  iii.  17 ;  Narragansets, 

27;  Tarralincs  in   canoes,   KXJ  ;    Pemma- 

quid,  1(X) ;  seven  chiefs  in  England,  iv,  28; 

Paine's  Landing;,  71  ;    Fort  Greenville,  v. 

81  ;  Fort  Harmer,  111 ;  Blark  Hawk,  147, 
Troup,  (Jov,  of  Georgia,  iv,  33,  54, 
Trueman,  Maj,  and  others,  murdered,  v.  fiS, 
Ttickahatchees,  iv,  48;  Tiirkabali'he,  51, 
TucKPoo. — See  Watukpoo, 
TuKAPKWiLMN,  a  preacher,  ii,  SO;  iii,  88. 
TuMMAiJoKvov,  a  Tarraline,  iii.  100, 
Turner,  Cajit,  ii,  52,  71 ;  killed,  iii,  75. 
Turner's  Falls,  ereal  (i!,'ht  there,  iii,  71;  iin- 

properlv  so  called,  75,  v. 
Turner,  liumplirey,  ii.  45, 
Tusraroras  join  the  Iroquois,  v,  4. 
Tusr.uoGKN,  iii.  58,  n.— See  Tispaquin 
TusKlHAJo,  a  Seminole  chief,  iv.  (W. 
TwKNTY-CANOE.s,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  110 
Twiglilwies  at  war  with  Iroquois,  v.  G. 
Two-GUNS,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  110, 
TvASH^,  one  of  Philip's  captains,  iii.  G3, 

U. 

Umnathum,  iii,  16. — See  Woonashum, 
Umpame,  Indian  name  of  Plimouth,  iii.  G7, 
Umptakisoke,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  16. 
Uncas,  favored  by  the  Eng,  ii,  62  ;  war  with 
Sequasson,  ii.64  ;  war  with  Miantunnomoh, 
66;  besieged  in  his  fort,  69  ;  attempt  to  kill 
him,  73;  complains  of  witchcraft,  74  ;  his 
depredations  upon  Ninigret,  77, 78 ;  the  Eng. 
blind  to  his  faults,  80;  murders  eight  of  his 
neighbor  Inds, ;  his  character,  85  ;  outlived 
his  enemies,  ib. ;  his  arts  in  the  Peqiiot  war, 
87  ;  his  various  names,  61  ;  renders  the  Eng. 
great  service,  87 ;  wounded,  88 ;  plot  ^e-ainst 
Miantunnomoh,  ih.;  his  treatment  of  him, 
90;  war  wilh  Pessacus  ;  relieved  by  the 
Eng.  ih. ;  attacks  a  Narraganset  sachem,  95; 
trial,  96;  found  guilty  of  a  "  deuilish  fu/se- 
hood,"  ib. :  forcibly  takes  another's  wife,  96 ; 
a  like  complaint  against  him,  97;  makes  war 
uponOusamequin,  98  ;  Eng,  march  against 
him,  100;  in  the  Pequot  war,  105  ;  screens 
fugitives,  107 ;  a  Christian,  iii.  12  ;  aids  the 
Eng.  in  Philip's  war,  28 ;  protests  against 
the  introduction  of  Christianity  among  his 
nation,  ii.  113. 
Untataguisset,  since  Milton,  ii.  52. 
Underbill,  Capt.  John,  ii.  68, 105, 106. 


Unkompoih.  uncle  to  Philip,  ii.  20;  his  chief 
counsellor,  ii.  14,  n.  ;  claims  lands  in  Swan - 
zey.   Hi  ;  signs  a  treaty  at  I'liitinuili,  17 
called  \Vooiikn|ioiicliiinl,  19  ;  Wdhkoinpu- 
henitt,  20;  killed  at  Taunton  Kiter,  39. 
I'ppANirriiifKM,  a  Nipiniik,  iii,  84, 
Upp<iwoc  (tobacco),  iv,  6. 
UsKDTUiiouN.— See  SiiosliA,MM, 
Uttam  \riiMAKiN. — .See  ToMokomo, 
UrTsoi>WKKST,a  Wainpanong  warrior,  iii.61. 


Vanhorn,  Mnj,  defeat  of,  y.  125, 
Vaiiilreiiil,  (iov,  attacks  N.  E.  iii. 


IW, 


Venegas  on  peopliiiBr  America,  i.  7. 
Vr-rcbcres  killeil  at  Tiavcrhill,  iii,  I  10, 
Vernzziiii,  his  voyage  and  death,  ii.  4. 
Vines,  llich.ird,  early  in  N.  I'',iiglaiid,  ii.  17, 
Virginia,  seltlement  of,  iv.  II — 2t, 
Vixoii,  Koberl,  jr.  a  juror,  iii,  12. 
Vni'as, — See  lI.NCAS, 
Volncy,  (",  F,  on  the?  Indians,  v,  77,  78, 
Voltaire  on  the  Indians,  i  5,  12  ;  v.  21, 
Vksamkoin. — Sec  Massasoit, 

w. 

Waban,  ii.49,53,112,n.,ll4— 116;iii.ll,8l. 
VV'i^hirifj^a,  lliver  Indians,  iii.  97  ;  v.  14,  7i.  T. 
Wamokikshikk,  a  Winnebago,  v.  1 1.5 — 163. 
VVaousokk.  (Philip),  iii.  4,  lO,  81. 
Wadsworlh,  Capt.  defeat  and  dealli.  iii.  3t). 
Wadsworth,  .lolin,  of  Plimouth,  iii.  12. 
WAlir.uMACt'T  visits  Boston,  ii.  19,  108. 
WAiiowAii,iii.  114,  129. 
W'aiandansf,,  ii.  63,  74;  acts  of,  ib. 
VVnite,  Serg.  IliclmrrI,  ii.  75,  8|.. 
Wakely,  Mr.  his  family  murdered,  iii.  103. 
Walcut,  the  ruler,  iii,  11, 
Waidron,  Maj.  ii,  58,  «, ;  iii,  97;  killed,  llfl. 
VVAi.KK.li,  Maj,  a  Cherokee  chief,  iv,  61, 
VVaikliig-Purrhasc,  v.  33. 
\Vai,k-in-tiie-\vatku,  v.  126,  130, 131. 
Walton,  (^il.  expedition  of,  iii.  120. 
Wamjmbk. — See  WonoMRo. 
Wambekquaske,  a  Pequot,  ii.  109. 
Wainesit,  Indians  burnt  there,  ii.  117. 
H^ampaiwags,  dominions  of,  ii,  18. 
WAMPAPACiUAN  executed,  iii,  12. 
Wampatuck,  J0SIA.S,  sells  Boston,  ii.'l5; 

sachem  of  Namassakeeset,  iii.  17. 
Wampatuck,  son  of  Josias.  sells  Brainlree, 

ii.  44  ;  some  of  his  people  killed  by  Uncas, 

80  ;  his  Mohawk  war,  45. 
Wampey,  G.  ii.  45  ;  "  a  sa^e  Indian,"  iii,  12, 
Wampum,  its  value, ii. 71 ;  how  made;  "  Jete 

nor  Devil  can  counterfeit,"  iii.  45;  signifies 

a  musclf,  bb,  n. ;  value  of.  66. 
Wamsutta. — See  ALEXAwnER. 
WaNadugunbuent,  a  Tarraline,  iii,  124. 
Wanamatanamet,  of  Aquidnek,  ii,  60. 
Wannalancet,  sachem  ofMerrimak,ii. 117; 

made  prisoner,  iii.  95 ;  friend  of  the  whites, 

ib. ;  Gov.   letter  to,  96  ;  restores  capiives, 

97;  Mosely's  depredations  on,  97  ;  impiis- 

oncd  for  debt,  98  ;  of  Pcnnakook,  1 14. 
Wanno,  a  Wampanoag,  iii,  10,  12,  15,  60. 
Wanuho,  a  MohegiJn  sachem,  ii.  85,  rj. 
Wanunoonet,  a  noted  Tarraline,  iii,  110. 
Wapanseth,  a  Potlowatlomie,  v,  153, 
War  first  proclaimed  in  N,Eng.  ii.  35;  all  wars 

barbarous,  v.  94;  land  principal  cause  of,74. 
Warrijnount,  a  Penobscot  chief,  iii.  124. 
Washington,  Gen.   iv.  46 ;  embassy  to    the 
Frencl),  V.  36—375  meaaufes  of,  towards 


19 


INDEX. 


the  wcittPrn  InHian*,  M ;  aniwer  to  Corn- 


WaI 


AMKtSK.— Hci!  AVVASIIAHO 

WA»»\MB()Mii-.T,  u  Turruliiie,  iii.  121. 
W 4s<t \ F 1 N K w  AT.  I>r(iilii'r  of  OlitukiL-st,  ii.  36. 
Wasshkmkt,  u  Tiirratinc,  iii.  101. 
Watai>a<<>s(in,  a  Nipiniik,  iii.  111. 
Watai'A'i  Afii'K,  a  Wutnpaiinag,  iii.  14. 
WatomHamkt,  a  TarratiiiL',  iii.  122. 
\Vn(.soii,  Jiiiin,  Indian  a|;;ciit,  iii.  81. 
Wiilson,  Miij.  in  ()ri>l<Hnu  haltle,  v.  Uo. 
Wai  TANHMoN,  a  Tarralinn,  iii.  I24,  12.'}. 

Wa TTASACdMIMlNoM  CXCl'UlCfl,  ii.   117. 

\V\TTi,  John,  a  Creek  warrior,  iv.  KJ. 

Watukpoo,  counsellor  to  Philip,  iii.  16; 
tiikiMi  prisoner,  01. 

W'Airsi'tHDiN,  great  W'ainpnnoaf;  raptain, 
sachem  of  AssawoniHel,  iii.  9 ;  sccurily  for 
Tobias,  12  ;  sells  lnn<ls  with  Philip,  10  ;  oth- 
er sales,  58;  burns  part  ofllridgewatoran<l 
Plimoulh,  58  ;  snrren.  to  Knff.,cxecnted,(iO. 

\VAU(iiiwAMiNo,  a  Narraganset,  ii.  1)5. 

Wawai.oam,  wife  of  Miaulunnonioh,  ii.  Gl. 

Wawnahton,  a  Yankton  chief,  v.  136. 

Waymoulh,  Capt.  voyage  of,  ii.  5,  G. 

Wayne,  (Jen.  named  by  the  Inils.  v.  77;  his 
expedition  against,  80;  defeats  the  south- 
ern Indians,  iv.  07. 

Weathkufoui),  a  Creek  chief,  iv.  '18  ;  mas- 
sacres the  garrison  at  Fort  Mimms ;  gives 
himself  up,  41) ;  speech  to  Gen.  Jackson,  50. 

Wkbcowit,  a  Nimnnk,  ii.  42. 

WKtoHAUiiiM,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  14. 

Wkk.tamoo,  wife  of  Alexander,  u  "  potent 
nrincess,"  iii.  3  ;  complains  against  her  hus- 
liand,4  ;  joins  Philip,  5  ;  wifcofQuinnapin; 
drowned,  5,  0  ;  "  a  proud  dame,"  66. 

Wkiianovvnowit,  sachem  of  N.  H.  iii.  100. 

Woiser,  (Conrad,  interpreter,  v.  18,  19. 

Welsh  Indians,  i.  36  j  iii.  110, 

Wells,  attack  upon,  iii.  107. 

Wk.nk.mdvkt,  ii  Tarratine,  iii.  108. 

Wk.nkvv,  a  Narraganset,  iii.  27. 

Weowchim,  a  Narraganset,  iii.  27. 

Wkpitkamuk,  his  son,  and  30  others  killed, 
ii.  80 ;  Webai'imuk,  84,  95,  102. 

Wkquash,  a  Pcquot,  ii.  67,  74,  96,  96,  105. 

Westbrook,  Col.  his  expedition,  iii.  127. 

Western  Antiquities,  i.  39 — 48. 

West,  Francis,  complains  of  Philip,  iii.  17. 

Weston,  Capt.  Thomas,  ii.  15,  33. 

Wcthersfieltl,  massacre  there,  ii.  78. 

Wewasowanukt  (Philip),  iii.  16,  48. 

Weymouth,  F.dward,  iii.  HI. 

WHKKLHAFUiow,  B  ScnccB  chief,  V.  110. 

Wheelock,  I)r  Eleazcr,  ii.  119. 

Wheelwright,  Rev.  John,  iii.  100. 

White-eyks,  tirst  captain  among  the  Dela- 
wares,  v.  26  ;  affairs  with  Pipe,  61 ;  Indian 
name,  60 ;  death  of,  27, 

White,  Gen.  destroys  the  Hallibees,  iv.  67. 

White  Hills,  description  of,  iii.  131,  n. 

White-hon,  a  Huron  chief,  v.  124. 

White-i.oon,  a  WinnebagOj  v.  142. 

White,  Nathaniel,  a  captive,  iii.  121. 

White,  Peregrine,  the  first  born  in  N.  E.  iii.71. 

White-thunder,  an  Iroquois,  v.  36. 

Whitman,  Vallentine,  interpreter,  ii.  78. 

Wlckabaug,  ambush  at,  iii.  29. 

Wickford,  depredations  at,  iii.  36. 

Wilcox,  Daniel,  interpreter,  iii.  69. 

WiLDBOw,  Sam,  a  Narraganset,  iii.  77. 

Willard,  Maj.  ii.  48 ;  sent  against  Uncas,  99> 
relieves  Rrookfleld,  iii.  29. 

Willet,  Capt.  Thomas,  iii.  6,  8, 16. 

Willel,  Col.  Marinus,  iv.  46 ;  v.  86, 91. 


Williamson,  Col.  his  cxpeiliiioii,  v.  23,  26. 

Williainsiin,  II.  on  origin  of  Indians,  i.  7. 

Williams,  John,  captivity  of,  iii.  141. 

Williams,  Col.  K.  killed  at  L.  (leorgc,  v.  39. 

Williams,  Hoger,  ii.  17;  kind  to  Indians,  27  ; 
his  account  of  the  Nnrnigiinsets,  55  ;  not  al- 
lowed to  visit  llosloii,  61  J  inleiprcler,  93. 

Wi Nil) M HON K,  wife  of  Mononoiio,  ii.  1|0; 
saves  ihe  li(i[>  of  an  F.iiglishmnii,  ib. 

Wiiiche.stcr,  (Jen.  his  <le(eat,  v.  l'.il). 

WlNUKNiM,  a  Delaware  chief,  v.  67,  08. 

WiNfiiNA,  a  Virginia  chief,  iv.  4,  5. 

\yinnebii^()i:H,  tribe  of.  v.  141,  14,1. 

Wi NNF.M A K.opposesTecnmseh.v. 122;  fought 
at  Tippccnnoe,  133  ;  killed  by  l.ogan,  3>. 

WiNNEPiiKKiTT,  son  of  Nnmipasheinet,  ii. 
41  ;  hi.s  marriage,  47;  anecdote,  iii.  1)4. 

Winnipisiogee,  Nipisipi(|ue,  iii.  MO. 

Winslow,  Kilwnrd^  ii.  19,  24,  25,  28,  .11. 

Winslow,  Maj.  iii.  7,  16;  commands  in  the 
Narraganset  fight, 35;  wouiideil,  71. 

Winslow,  Nathaniel,  of  Plimoulh,  iii.  12. 

Winlhrop,  Gov.  ii.  27,  4.'i,  62. 

WispoKK. — See  Wdospasuck,  iii.  26. 

Wissememk.t  (Nitamnmet),  iii.  121,  128. 

WiTTA  WASH,  a  Narraganset,  ii.  70,  95. 

Wittuwamet,  a  Wampanoag  chief,  ii.  32  ; 
surprised  and  slain,  36. 

WoAKoMPAWHAN.— See  Uniompoin, 

WdBEQuoB,  a  Narraganset,  iii.  27. 

WoHAWA,  iii.  100.— See  IIopehood  (116). 

Woi.F-KiNO,  a  Creek  chief,  iv.  23. 

Wolf,  a  Mohcgnu,  v,  40 ;  a  Shawunee,  60. 

Wonohahuaham,  son  of  Nanetiashcmet,  ii. 
40  ;  aids  Canonicus  in  war,  42  ;  his  wig- 
wam burnt,  47;  Sagamore  .fohii,  ili. 

Woodcock,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  01. 

Woody,  R.  complains  of  Pessacus,  ii.  8.3, 

Woonashknah,  a  Wampanoag,  iii.  01. 

Woonashum  (Nimrod),  iii.  15;  iMunashui.i, 
16  j  treaty  at  Plimouth,  17;  counsellor  to 
Philip,  19  ;  anoUier  treaty,  20 ;  killed  in  the 
fight  at  Rehoboth  Plain,  28, 

WoospAsucK,  Philip's  counsellor,  iii.  19. 

WooToNEKANtJSKE,  wife  of  Philip,  iii.  10, 
13;  sister  to  th(!  wife  of  Quinnapin,  56;  Ta« 
tamumaque,  15. 

WoqoACANOosK,  a  lyarrafjanset,  ii.  81, 

WoROMBo,  a  Tarratine,  in.  107 ;  residence 
113;  his  fort  taken,  116  ;  treaty,  122. 

WoTOKOM,  Philip's  counsellor,  fii.  19. 

WuTTACKQuiAKOMiN,  a  Pequot,  ii.  102, 

WvEjAH.  a  Cherokee,  iv.  35 

WyfJin,  Richard,  life  saved,  iv.  16. 

Wyoming,  destruction  of,  v.  87,  * 

Y. 

Yahanlakee,  a  Creek  chief,  iv.  29, 
Yahyahtustanug,  iv.  44. 
Yamacraw  settled,  iv.  29, 
Yankee,  origin  of  the  name,  i.  23. 
Yazoos,  destruction  of,  iv.  25. 
York  destroyed  by  Indians,  iii.  106. 
YoT^sH,  YoTNESH.— See  Otash. 
Youngest-of-the-thunders,  v.  143. 
YouNO-KiNG,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  110. 
Younglove,  Dr.  captivity  of,  v.  83. 

Z. 

Zeisbergcr,  David,  a  Moravian  missionary; 

seized  by  the  Hurons,  v.  23. 
Zinzendorf,  Count,  mission  to  the  Delawaref, 

V.  18  J  anecdote  of,  ib. 


Bald 

Uancro 

Ueall, 

Beard, 

Bellow: 

Berhv 

Bio 

Bio 

Black 

BLACf 

a  bio 
liber; 

Bloodh 
150, 
Bloody 
Blue-. 
Blue 

BoMA7 

Books, 
Boone, 

BOUDI 

Bowiue 

Brackc 

Bradstr 

Brioh 

Brooke 

Brypnt' 

Bushy 

Bultorfi 


INDEX 


TO   THK 


ADDITIONS   AND  CORRECTIONS. 


Abknquid  murdered,  iii.  121 ;  nnotlier,  149. 
Abiaca  (Sam  Jonf.s),  iv.  \Zi,  1  H. 
Abraham  (Negro  chief),  iv.  77,  !t3,  l.'J8, 110. 
AcTEON,  noted  exploit  of,  iii.  IJ- — li>3. 
Adams,  Hon.  J.  Q  ,  ii.  4't ;  iv.  &l,  liG. 
Adams,  Lieut.,  exploit  of,  iv.  IM. 
AoAMcu.s  (Cait.  Tom  i,  t'xploil  of,  iii.  IjO. 
Alden,  Kev.  T.,  missionary,  v.  119. 
Allioatok,  iv.  77,  lai,  138,  117,  IM. 
AIna,  wreck  of  tlje,  iv.  117. 
Anecdotes,!.  18—29;  v.  100. 
Antiquities  of  Americn,  iv.  '2G  ;  v.  108. 
Apples,  "  belter  made  into  cider,"  i.  26. 
Aquidnek,  sale  of,  to  I  lie  whiles,  ii.  GO. 
Aratomakaw,  aiiecclote  of,  i.  125. 
Arkxus,  his  visit  to  Hosion,  iii.  \Vi. 
Armistead,  Gen.,  in  Florida,  iv.  M. 
Arthur,  Lieut.,  in  Florida,  iv.  153. 
Ashby,  Capl.,  captures  Osceola,  iv.  \\2. 
AssACAMBUiT  visits  Portsmouth,  iii.  156. 

B. 

Bald  Eaglk,  murder  of,  v.  42. 
Bancroft,  Lieut.,  relieves  Exeter,  iii.  150. 
Beall,  Capt.,  iv.  117;  exploits,  118,  153. 
Beard,  Indians  not  without,  v.  92. 
Bellows,  Col.,  signal  exploit  of,  iii.  154. 
Bkrkv,  Maj.,  v.  110  J  tieath  of,  1  ?G. 
Bio  Kettle,  a  Seneca  chief,  v.  110. 
Bio  Warrior's  speech  to  Jackson,  iv.  G9. 
Black  Dirt,  iv.  79,  93,  128. 
Black  Hawk,  in  N.  Vork,  v.  1G9;  escapes 

a  biographer,  170  ;  visits  the  Senecas,  171 ; 

liberated,  172;  at  Boston,  178—180;  death 

of,  182. 
Bloodhounds  in  Florida,  iv.  149  ;  operations  o," 

150,  151 ;  three  killeil,  152 ;  exploits  of,  151. 
Bloody  Brook,  battle  of,  iii.  32. 
Blue-Jacket,  at  Fort  Recovery,  v.  193. 
Blue  Licks,  battle  of  the,  v.  138. 
Bomazf.en  imprisoned,  iii.  148. 
Books,  Indians'  notions  of,  v.  180. 
Boone,  Col.  Daniel,  v.  185,  187—189. 
BouDiNOT,  E.,  executed,  iv.  120. 
Bouquet,  Col.,  Ohio  expeditions,  v.  194,  &c. 
Bracket,  Anthony,  escape  of,  iii.  150. 
Bradstreet,  Col.,  expedition  of,  v.  196. 
Bright  Horn,  exploit  of,  v.  132. 
Brooke,  Lieut.,  killed,  iv.  143 
Brypnt's  station,  siege  of,  v.  186. 
Bushy  Run,  battle  oT,  v.  195—196.    ' 
Bulterfield,  Mr.,  killed  by  Pequots,  ii.  105. 


o. 

Ca-sar,  i.  9 ;  never  fought  Indians,  iv.  137. 
('alhoiHi,  Hon.  John  C,  iv.  105. 
('alico  Hills,  ainix'  h  near,  iv.  151. 
Call,  (Jov.  of  Florida,  iv.  KJi— 139,  I'jO. 
Carroll,  (Jen.,  Cherokee  mission  of,  iv.  102. 
(/'enter.  Adj.,  killed  at  (Jkcchobe,  iv,  M3. 
Chaikika  surprised  and  killed,  iv.  155, 
Chambers,  Lieut.,  iv.  138. 
Charlotte  Harbor  attacked,  iv.  131. 
Clierokeea,  expatriation  of,  iv.  97 — 132. 
Cherokee  Phatnix,  i\.  114.  170. 
Cherry  Valley,  destruction  of,  v.  89. 
Church,  Col.,  fleaih  of,  iii.  I  Ki,  150. 
Clark,  Ceil.,  Miami  ox()edition,  v.  189. 
Clinch,  (Jen.,  iv.  129—131. 
(;^l<)UI).— See  Little  ('loud. 
('oACoot.HEE  (Wild  Cat),  iv.  141,  113. 
CoAHAJo. — See  Alligator. 
Coburn,  R. ,  Inilinn  agent,  iii.  15(>. 
Colnian,  John,  killed,  ii.  4. 
Colooshatchie,  massacre  at,  iv.  149. 
Concert,  Cornelius,  iii.  21,  2,5,  31,  144. 
Cooper  (Osuchee)  killed,  iv.  138. 
(JoRMAK,  iii.  47;  iiisulieil  in  Boston,  I'lo. 
Courcy,  Mr.,  family  murdered,  iv.  153. 
Creus,  Dr.,  killed,  'v.  1.31. 
Cross  Timbers,  oattle  of  the,  iv.  171. 

D. 

Davidson,  Capt.,  death  of,  iv.  156. 
Decouie,  death  ol",  v,  171,  176. 
Defiance  (Fort),  v.  73,  80. 
Devil,  singular  charges  against,  i.  9  ;  ii.  3G. 
Dogs. — See  Bloodhounds. 
DouBi.EHEAi),  i.  28  ;  murdered,  iv.  121. 
Doughty,  Maj.,  disaster  of,  v.  189. 
Drake,  Abraham,  of  Hampton,  iii.  112. 
Drake,  Capl.  George,  the   first   Englishman 
who  sailed  in  the  River  St.  Lawrence,  ii.  20. 
Drake,  Dr.  Daniel,  on  mounds,  i,  41. 
Drake,  Lieut.,  gallant  exploit  of,  v.  192. 
Drane  (Fort),  attack  upon,  iv.  131. 
Dummer,  Rev.  Mr.,  killed,  iii.  107,  148. 
Durill,  Mr.,  family  destroyed,  iii.  151. 
Durham.— See  Oyster  Rfver,  iii.  1 19,  120. 

E. 

Eames,  T.,  family  destroyed,  iii.  80. 
Eastman,  P.,  capiivity  of,  iii.  97. 


14 


INDEX  TO  THE  ADDITIONS  AND  CORRECTIONS. 


Eastman.  A.,  captivity  of,  iii.  152,  153. 
Erhota.—Sc.c  Mew  Ecliota,  iv.  102. 
Ellis,  Cf-ipt.,  exploit  of,  iv.  147. 
Emathf.a,  Chari.ks,  iv.  125,  '35. 
Estill,  Caiil.,  defeat  and  death  of,  v.  185. 
Everett,  Gov.  E.,  lii.  32;  v.  180. 


Fall  Fiifht  (Turner's  Falls),  iii.  71 
Flamingo  visits  Philadelphia,  i.  28. 
Florida  War,  iv.  70—7': ;  121— 15G. 
Flournoy,  <-ol.,  killed,  iv.  93. 
Fontaine,  Mnj.,  killed  at  Miami,  v.  190. 
Foot,  Capt.,  torliiri'd  to  death,  iii.  151. 
Forbes,  Mr.,  esi'a|M;s  Wildcat,  iv.  152. 
Fox  Point,  N.  H.,  destroyed,  iii.  1.50. 
Fronlcnac,  (iov.,  and  White-John,  i.  18. 
FuxiE  murdered,  iv.  130. 

G. 

Gallop,  J.,  oxooiiles  Pequols,  ii.  IOC. 

Gamble,  Col.,  of  Florida,  iv.  IS'k 

Gansevoort,  Col.,  v.  8.3. 

Gary,  Maj.,  the  mad  prnnk  of,  v.  188. 

(lendal,  ('apt.,  seizes  Moci«,  iii.  100. 

Gentry,  Col.,  killed,  iv.  Ik3. 

GEoiuiE,  Capt.,  dies,  v.  177. 

Georgia. — See  ('lierokees. 

Gill,  Col.,  in  the  Florida  war,  iv.  135 

Gilmer,  Gov.,  iv.  103,  113. 

Girty,  Simon,  the  miscreant,  v.  186. 

Good  Pktkk,  v.  lOfi. 

Goodwin,  Col.,  iv    131. 

Graham,  Hon.  J.  A.,  v.  169. 

Gray,  Mr.,  faiTiily  murdered,  iv.  148. 

(jreen.  Col.,  exploit  of,  iv.  1.52. 

Greenville,  Sir  Richard,  iv.  7. 

Groton,  destrnction  of,  iii.  148. 

Gyles,  John,  iii.  107  j  killed,  14S, 

H. 

IIalec-majo  parleys  with  Jesup,  iv.  146. 

llALEC-TUSTENUnf.K,  iv.  152,  154. 

Hanson,  ('ol.,  iv.  153,  154. 

IlAKDiuaK,  David,  surprised,  iv.  96. 

Hardin,  Col.,  under  Harmer,  v.  189. 

Harjo,  ernhassv  to  Florida,  iv.  137. 

Harlan,  Maj.,  killed,  v.  188. 

Harmer,  Gen.,  v.  73  ;  disastrous  expedition  of, 
189. 

Harney,  Col.,  disaster  at  Synebal,  iv.  149, 
155;  ainnnji  the  F.verglades,  155. 

Hartshorn,  Capt.,  v.  190;  killed,  193. 

llalche  laiste,  bailh;  ot,  iv.  138. 

Heads,  smile  of  the  English,  sent  to  the  Nip- 
nmks,  iii.  I'9  ;  of  Maloonas  and  Philip,  ^ib- 
beteil,  43,  80;  of  Pequots,  set  on  Say- 
brook  Fort,  ii.  '0.5. 

Heaid,  ('■■ipl.,  killed,  at  Chicago,  v.  134. 

Heillmnn,  Maj.,  death  of,  iv.  131. 

Hernandez,  (Jeii.,  iv.  138,  141,  142. 

H'^gins,  Panl,  a  captive,  iii.  156. 

ilislorv,  true,  liiile  rend,  iii.  115. 

Hix.JoHN,  iv.  123,  141. 

Hoglown,  nnirder  ai,  iv.  74,  130. 

llol.ATOOCHKK,  iv.  1,54,  139 

HoPEHool),  iii.  1.50,  151. 

How(-ll,  Mr.,  (ainilv  destroyed,  iv.  1.53, 

Hnlburt,  1,leut..  killed,  iv.  149. 

Humphreys,  Col.,  iv.  122. 


Indians,  origin  of  their  name,  i  3 ;  gome  have 
no  tradition  of  their  origin,  7 ;  render  good 
for  evil,  18;  management  of  wives,  20; 
tolerant  in  religion,  ib. ;  first  seen  in  Eng- 
iai.'d,  France,  Spain,  ii.  4  ;  cannibals,  4,  G5, 
86.  V.  72;  first  seen  by  the  Pilgrims,  ii. 
11;  attack  them,  12;  dance  when  visited 
by  strangers,  15;  great  sickness  or  plag^iie 
among  the  New  England,  16.  17,  20,  75; 
"  so  many  (lod  cannot  kill  them,"  16  ;  never 
forget  injuries,  21;  their  beds,  25;  some 
whipped  at  Boston,  41;  ravages  of  the 
small-pox  among,  ii.  47;  v.  liH  ;  much 
addicted  to  gaming,  ii.  25  ;  will  play  away 
the  skins  from  their  wives'  backs,  31  ;  em- 
ploy games  as  stral.igems,  v.  52;  exact  in 
the  bounds  of  their  lands,  ii.  56,  60;  abuse 
suuaw  captives,  ii.  81  ;  but  never  insult 
white  s(|uaws,  iii.  45,  &.c. ;  nevei  abandon 
thoir  slam  but  to  save  their  own  lives,  23; 
sag-icily  in  following  a  track,  40;  many 
soliJ  into  slavery,  ii.  8,  M)7;  iii.  40,  104; 
dress  of  the  Now  England,  ii.  22;  iii.  56; 
natural  swimmers,  102;  first  employed  in 
the  revolution,  136,  156;  maiiiicr  of  flat- 
tening heads,  iv.  25;  not  without  beard,  v. 
92  ;  no  not  v  ant  for  natural  aflection. — See 
I'oCAHoNT  .s,  r>!)uquct's  Expedition,  &c. 

Indian  Billy  killed,  iv.  135. 

Indian  Key      -issacrc  at,  iv,  1.53. 

Indian  Lai.  '■    ge, — See  Language. 

Indian  Laws,  ii.  .56,  60. 

Irving,  Washington,  visits  B.  Hawk,  v.  136. 

Izard,  Lieut.,  killed,  iv.  89. 

J. 

Jackson,  Gen.,  iv.  102,  103,  106,  109. 

Jackson,  Serj,,  devotion  of,  iv.  152. 

Jacobs,  Capt.,  killed,  v.  38. 

Jamks-thk-printer,  iii.  147. 

Jefferson,  T.,  on  Indian  rights,  iv.  109. 

Jennings,  Lieut.,  killed,  iv.  144. 

Jcsiip,  Gen.,  iv.  95,  96,  135;  at  the  Wahoo, 
137;  surprises  Cooper,  138  ;  captures  eight 
chiefs,  141;  wounded,  145;  recommends 
giving  up  the  war,  146;  seizes  another 
parly,  147  ;  leaves  Florida,  ib. 

Jim  Fiov,  iv.  96,  134;  fights  for  the  whiles  in 
Florida,  iv. 

Job,  Col,,  insolent  at  a  treaty,  iii.  1.52. 

Johns,  Mr,,  barbarously  ki!le(l,  iv.  133. 

Jiidd,  Lieut.,  ambushed,  iv.  1.5,5. 

Jiiet,  R.,  Journal  of  Hud.son's  voyage,  ii.  4. 

JuMrER,  iv.  9.3,  124,  138, 139;  death  of,  147. 

K. 

Kellog's  Grove,  fight  at,  v.  1.52. 
Kelly,  Mr.,  devotedness  of,  iv.  134. 
Kennebiink,  attack  upon,  iii,  151. 
Kenton,  Simon,  v,  '15  ;  dies.  176. 
Keokuk,  v.  172, 17,3, 175  ;  visits  Boston,  178. 
Kikapons,  some  sent  to  Florida,  iv,  1 10. 
Kilburn,  John,  defends  Walpole,  iii.  154. 

L. 

Lake  Monroe,  battle  of,  iv.  139. 
Lamb,  Mr,,  family  destroyed,  iv.  152, 
Lane,  fob,  iv,  134;  death  of,  1,3,5, 
Lane,  John,  Penobscot  agent,  iii.  1j6. 


M', 
Ml 


Na 

N,i 
Np 
Nc 


Os 

Oi 
Oi 


INDEX   TO   THE    ADDITIONS    AND    CORRECTIONS. 


15 


Language,  Indian,  ii.  23, 26 ;  iii.  99;  i. }  viii. ; 

iii.  134,  137 
Leiincr,  Dr.,  killed,  iv.  114. 
Letters  from  Indians,  iii.  37,  83,  147. 
Levcrett,  Gov.,  iii.  22,  %,  147. 
Lindsay,  Col.,  in  Florida,  iv.  131. 
Little  Cloud,  iv.  77,  139,  141,  143. 
Little  Turtle,  at  Fori  Recovery,  v.  193. 
Logan,  Col.,  expedition  of,  v.  189. 
LoRKTTE  (Grand  Louis),  death  of,  v.  177. 
LouoN,  embassy  to  Boston,  iii.  149. 

M. 

Macomb,  Gen.,  iv.  148 ;  his  treaty,  149. 
Madokawanuo  atGroton,  iii.  147,  M8. 
Man  does  not  degenerate  here,  i.  12  ;  iii.  71. 
Manners  and  ('usloms. — See  Indians. 
Marshall,  Judge,  iv.  111. 
Martin,  Lieut.,  cut  otr,  iv.  152. 
Mason,  Capt.,  killed,  iv   152. 
Massachusetts,  name  of,  ii.  17,  42. 
Massasoit,  chief  of  thirty-  tribes,  ii.  24. 
Meganumba  at  Eoston,  iii.  149. 
Mellon,  Capt.,  killed,  iv.  139. 
Mem  ECHO,  Geo.,  iii.  29,  30. 
Mikasaukies,  iv.  93,  128,  139. 
MiCANoPY,  iv.  123,  129,  154. 
M'Kee,  Capt.,  v.  193. 

M'Intosh,  Gf.n.  iv.  27,  107.    Chilly,  125. 
M'Lane,  Mr.,  family  cut  oH",  iv.  152. 
M'Mahon's  defeat  and  death,  v.  192. 
M'Neal,  Lieut.,  killed,  iv.  141. 

MONAKATOOCHA,  V.  3.),  183. 

MoNiAc,  Ma.i.,  killed  at  Wahoo,  iv.  13G. 
Money  of  the  Indians,  iii.  141. 
Monroe  (Lake),  battle  of,  iv.  139. 
Monroe,  Pres.,  iv.  Ill,  112;  v.  I(j5. 
Montgomery,  Mrs.,  killed,  iv.  15G. 
Moore,  Col.,  i.  25. 

Moses,  Capt.,  mischiefs  of,  iii.  153. 
Motte,  Mr.,  killed,  iv.  31. 
Mounds,  traditions  concerning,  i.  14  ;  v.  108. 
Mount  Hope,  description  of,  li.  18,  19. 
Moxus  destroys  Pcmmacjiiid,  iii.  148. 
M'Rea,  Rev.  Mr.,  killed,  iv.  151. 
MUSHALATUBEE  dies,  iv.  148. 

N. 

Nanuntenoo,  iii.  146. 

Natanis,  an  Abenaki,  iii.  \bCi, 

Nebine,  an  .Abenaki,  iii.  149. 

Nelson,  Gen.,  i v.  143,  141-. 

Nepankt  Tom.  ainhassailor,  iii.  14fi,  147. 

New  Echola,  treaty  of,  iv.  102. 

o. 

OnnF.RUSsiN  visits  Boston,  v.  181. 

Okechobe  (Lake),  battle  of,  iv.  143. 

Gnu X,  wife  of  (ininnapin,  iii.  56. 

OiioNo  visits  Caml)ri(lgt',  iii.  155,  6. 

Osceola  kills  a  chief  iv.  125;  insulted,  1.30  ; 
an  escape,  I.i2  ;  aiuillier,  l.i.') ;  visited  by  a 
Creek  deputation,  l.'i?  ;  coiirii'^i'  questioned, 
139;  visits  the  whites.  HO;  imi>risonment 
and  death,  142 — .5. 

Osuchee  (Cooper)  surprised  and  killed,  iv. 
138. 

OrACiTE,  biography  of,  iv.  3?. 

Oijchef,  Billy, — Hee  Uchee  Billy. 

Oyster  River,  iii.  119,  120;  iv.  152. 


P. 


Paddy  Carr  in  Florida,  iv.  134,  139. 
Paine,  Mr.  J.  H.,  Georgia  insults,  iv.  119. 
Pai.vEjKi.vg.— See  King  Paine,  iv.CG,l'24. 

Paine's  Landing,  treaty  of,  iv.  123. 
Palmes  (should  lie  Palmer),  iii.  49. 
Paksheparho  at  Boston,  v.  174. 
Path  Killei.  and  Gen.  Jackson,  iv.  106. 
Peak,  Mr.,  killed  at  VValpole,  iii.  155. 
Pemmaquid,  destruction  of,  iii.  148. 
Pequots,  some   executeil   and   cast  into  the 

sea,  ii.  lot) ;  many  made  slaves,  107 ;  war 

with,  104—106. 
Perkins,  John,  of  Agawam,  ii,  46, 
Perrine,  Dr.  H,,  ma.isacred,  iv,  153. 
Peyton,  Lieut.,  exploit  of,  iv.  141. 
Philip  defeated  at  VValpole,  iii.  15,. 
Philip  of  Topkoliky,  iv.  141,  147. 
Philosophical  Transactions,  iii.  L"J. 
Pierce,  Maj.,  in  Florida,  iv.  132,  136. 
PioMiNGo  (Colburt),  iv.  61,  62;  v.  193. 
Pipe,  Capt.,  taken  captive,  v.  200. 
Pollard,  Capt.,  visited  by  B,  Hawk,  v.  171. 
Post,  Frederick,  mis.sion  west,  v.  39. 
Powell,  Lieut.,  delea'.ed,  iv.  141. 
Purchase,  T.,  house  robbed,  iii.  1 16. 
Pushmataha,  death  of,  62, 63. 

R. 

Rains,  Capt.,  defeated,  iv.  152. 

Randolph,  John,  dies,  iv.  19. 

Recovery  (Fori),  v.  75,  80;  battle  of,  191, 

Red  Hawk,  the  Snawane,  v,  49,  199,  tOO. 

Removal,  the  policy  of,  examined,  iv.  136. 

Rhode  Island,  purchase  of,  ii.  60. 

RiDfiK,  Maj.,  iv.  100.  108;  murdered,  120. 

Riley,  ('ol.,  his  exploit,  iv.  152. 

Ross,  John,  iv.  5,5,  100,  107,  108,  118,  141. 

Rowell,  Capt.,  ilefealed,  iv.  148. 

Russell,  Capt.,  ambushed,  iv,  148. 

S. 

Sabatis,  fate  of,  iii.  154. 
Sac  and  Fox,  and  Sioux  war,  v.  177. 
Saouaakam. — See  I.,oK(>N,iii.  149. 
Sam  Jones  (Apiaca),  iv.  139,  141,  143. 
Sanderson,  Ll.,  defeat  and  death  of,  iv.  15%. 
San  Felasco,  battle  of,  iv,  133, 
Saunders,  Capt.,  disaster  of,  iii.  149. 
Saunders,  Lieut.,  his  barbarity,  iv.  154. 
SAquAREXis,  a  hostage,  iii.  149. 
Savage,  Ensijjn,  wounded,  Iii.  25. 
Scakoyada.— See  Monocatoucha. 
Schermerhorn,  Rev.  J.  F.,  iv.  101. 
Scolt,  Gen.,  sent  to  reduce  Cherokees,iv,  103. 
Searl,  Capt.,  kill.id,  iv.  KW. 
Semimles,  iv.  121,  128,  132,  140. 
Sherwood,  Lieut  ,  killed,  iv.  156. 
Shrimpton,  S.,  ii.  71  ;  iii,  144, 
Sioitr,  some  at  Hoslon,  v.  178. 
Soulhworth,  Lieut.  N  ,  grave  of,  iii.  146. 
Spkcki.ed-snakk,  speech  of,  iv.  110. 
Stanley's  plniilniuin  attacked,  iv.  152, 
Slanwlx  (Fort),  v,  .36,  83,  III,  115. 
.Stark,  John,  iii,  I.W;  caplivily  of,  153. 
Stevens,  (J'lpt.  Phiiielias,  iii,  I'SS 
Slinson,  David,  killed,  iii,  153. 
Si.  Johns  (Fort)  taken,  iii,  149. 
SwAsiiAN,  nolo(|  chief,  iii.  1.56. 
Svnebal,  massacre  at,  Iv,  149. 


1« 


INDEX   TO   THE   ADDITIONS   AND   CO^iRECTIONS. 


T. 

Taunton  attacked  by  Philip,  iii.  99. 
Tkoarisorens. — see  Dekanisora,  v.  9. 
Thompson,  Co!.,  killed  at  Okechobe,  iv.  143. 
Thompson,  Gen.,  agent,  iv.  124. 
Thompson,  J.  W.  B.,  iv.  131. 
TioER-TAiL,  a  talk  wiih,  iv.  149, 154. 
Tilly,  John,  murdered  by  Pequots,  ii.  105. 
Todfd,  Col.,  killed  at  the  Blue  Licks,  v.  188. 
Tom,  Capt.,  escapes  Col.  Church,  iii.  150. 
ToMOKA  John  taken,  iv.  141. 
TosKEOEE  deHeats   Lieut.  Powell,  iv.   144, 

145  j  talks  with  Gen.  Jesup,  I'Ui ;  escapes, 

148,  149. 
Toxus. — See  Moxcs,  iii.  107,  &c. 
Trigg,  Col.,  killed  at  the  Blue  Licks,  v.  188. 

u. 

UcHKE  Billy  wounded,  iv.  91 )  killed,  141. 
Underwood,  Capt.,  killed,  v.  191. 
UrsAWAH  (an  Abenaki),  iii.  114. 

V. 

Van  Buren,  Martin,  iv.  127. 
Vane,  Sir  Henry,  ii.  107. 
Vann,  David,  arrested,  iv.  115. 
Vanswearingen,  Capt.,  killed,  iv.  143. 
Voltaire,  errors  of,  i.  12 ;  v.  92. 


W. 

Wahoo  Swamp,  battle  of,  iv.  136. 
Wahwa,  murderous  exploit  of,  iii. 
Walcotl,  Serj.,  killed,  iv.  155. 
Walpole,  N.  H.,  siege  of,  iii.  154. 
Vl^ampum,  iii.  144. — See  Money 


160. 


Wapella  visits  Boston,  v.  178. 

Ward's  Simple  Cobbler  of  Agawam,  i.  9. 

Waucoshaushe  killed,  v.  177,  178. 

Warren,  Col.,  iv.  133. 

Weathersfield  people  killed,  ii.  78,  105. 

Welike,  battle  of,  IV.  131. 

Wells,  Mr.,  killed  at  Cherry  Valley,  v.  90. 

Wells,  Capt.,  killed,  v.  134. 

Wenamovet,  an  A'  ensJci,  iii.  148. 

Wheelock,  Lieut.,  death  of,  iv.  131. 

Wheelwright's  Pond,  battle  of,  iii.  161. 

Whcdan,  Lieut.,  killed,  iv.  161. 

Wildcat    (Coacoochee),  iv.  152;   attacks 

some  players,  153;  bold  exploit,  154, 156. 
Williamson,  Col.,  expedition  of,  v.  69. 
Williams,  Maj.,  killed,  iv.  132. 
Winder,  Capt.,  exploit  of,  iv.  144. 
Winthrop,  John.  Jr.,  ii.  96. 
Wirt,  William,  IV.  99:  dies,  100. 
Wiswall,  Capt.,  killecl,  iii.  151. 
Willier's  Chronicles,  valuable,  v.  49,  69. 
\yorceslcr.  Rev.  Mr.,  imprisoned,  iv.  114— 

117. 
Wormwood,  Lieut.,  killed,  v.  86. 
Wyllys,  Maj.,  killed  at  Miami,  v.  190. 

X. 

Xavier,  Francis  (Abenaki),  iii.  149. 
Y. 

Yaholoochie  (Little  Cloud),  iv.  77, 139. 
Yeardly,  Sir  George,  iv.  20. 

Z. 

Zeigler,  Serj.,  fight,  iv,  153. 


THE  WHOLE  NUMBER  OF  PAGES  IN  THE  WORK. 

Book    I.  (including  Preface,  &c.,) €0 

"      n 120 

'<    III 156 

"    IV 156 

"     V.  (including  Index,) .216 

Total 708 


THE    END. 


/    . 


,  i.  9. 

05. 
v.  90. 

51. 

:  attacks 
154, 155. 
69. 


9,69. 
iv.  114— 


90. 


149. 


77,139. 


.60 
120 
156 
156 
216 

708 


